adds markdown files

60 files changed, 1728 insertions, 119 deletions

diff --git a/contents/article/1900-testing/en.bib b/contents/article/1900-testing/en.bib
index 97713f4..8ec2ac7 100644
--- a/contents/article/1900-testing/en.bib
+++ b/contents/article/1900-testing/en.bib
@@ -1,10 +1,12 @@
-@ARTICLE{Illich-1900-testing-en,
+@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1900-testing-en,
   author = {Ivan Illich and Barbara Duden},
   title = {Just the title},
   year = {1900},
   date = {1900},
   origdate = {1900},
   language = {en},
+  origlanguage = {en},
   translator = {},
-  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1900-testing:index}
+  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1900-testing:index},
+  urldate = {2024-03-21}
 }
diff --git a/contents/article/1900-testing/en.md b/contents/article/1900-testing/en.md
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..afc3621
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/article/1900-testing/en.md
@@ -0,0 +1,13 @@
+---
+  title: "A non procesed title"
+  author: "**Barbara Duden"
+  date: "1900"
+  lang: "en"
+  documentclass: article
+  geometry: margin=1.75in
+  fontsize: 12pt
+  fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths
+  colorlinks: true
+  linkcolor: RoyalBlue
+  urlcolor: RoyalBlue
+---
diff --git a/contents/article/1900-testing/es.bib b/contents/article/1900-testing/es.bib
index fe3964f..a71e30b 100644
--- a/contents/article/1900-testing/es.bib
+++ b/contents/article/1900-testing/es.bib
@@ -1,10 +1,12 @@
-@ARTICLE{Illich-1900-testing-es,
+@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1900-testing-es,
   author = {Ivan Illich and Barbara Duden},
   title = {Un titulo},
   year = {1900},
   date = {1900},
   origdate = {1900},
   language = {es},
-  translator = {Margarita Padilla and Vicente Ruiz and Franco Augusto},
-  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/article/1900-testing:index}
+  origlanguage = {en},
+  translator = {},
+  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/article/1900-testing:index},
+  urldate = {2024-03-21}
 }
diff --git a/contents/article/1900-testing/es.md b/contents/article/1900-testing/es.md
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..f6c4f7c
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/article/1900-testing/es.md
@@ -0,0 +1,13 @@
+---
+  title: "Un titulo"
+  author: "**Barbara Duden"
+  date: "1900"
+  lang: "es"
+  documentclass: article
+  geometry: margin=1.75in
+  fontsize: 12pt
+  fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths
+  colorlinks: true
+  linkcolor: RoyalBlue
+  urlcolor: RoyalBlue
+---
diff --git a/contents/article/1955-book_review_of_i_want_to_see_god_and_i_am_daughter_of_the_church/en.bib b/contents/article/1955-book_review_of_i_want_to_see_god_and_i_am_daughter_of_the_church/en.bib
index dd0bcee..9ff86ef 100644
--- a/contents/article/1955-book_review_of_i_want_to_see_god_and_i_am_daughter_of_the_church/en.bib
+++ b/contents/article/1955-book_review_of_i_want_to_see_god_and_i_am_daughter_of_the_church/en.bib
@@ -1,10 +1,12 @@
-@ARTICLE{Illich-1955-book_review_of_i_want_to_see_god_and_i_am_daughter_of_the_church-en,
+@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1955-book_review_of_i_want_to_see_god_and_i_am_daughter_of_the_church-en,
   author = {Ivan Illich},
   title = {Book review of "I Want to See God" and "I am Daughter of the Church"},
   year = {1955},
   date = {1955},
   origdate = {1955},
   language = {en},
+  origlanguage = {en},
   translator = {},
-  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1955-book_review_of_i_want_to_see_god_and_i_am_daughter_of_the_church:index}
+  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1955-book_review_of_i_want_to_see_god_and_i_am_daughter_of_the_church:index},
+  urldate = {2024-03-21}
 }
diff --git a/contents/article/1955-book_review_of_i_want_to_see_god_and_i_am_daughter_of_the_church/en.md b/contents/article/1955-book_review_of_i_want_to_see_god_and_i_am_daughter_of_the_church/en.md
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..67faa36
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/article/1955-book_review_of_i_want_to_see_god_and_i_am_daughter_of_the_church/en.md
@@ -0,0 +1,37 @@
+---
+  title: "Book review of 'I Want to See God' and 'I am Daughter of the Church'"
+  author: "Ivan Illich"
+  date: "1955"
+  lang: "en"
+  documentclass: article
+  geometry: margin=1.75in
+  fontsize: 12pt
+  fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths
+  colorlinks: true
+  linkcolor: RoyalBlue
+  urlcolor: RoyalBlue
+---
+
+Book reviews of the books by Father Marie-Eugene, O.C.D., Fides Publishers
+
+For many souls these two volumes should prove an instrument for progress in prayer hitherto unavailable—if for no other reason than that they make the authentic experience, common sense and theology of the Carmelite tradition easily available to spiritual directors.
+
+The author is a Frenchman, a Carmelite, now one of the major superiors of the Order. During the last war he was called to active military duty and he held a regular commission as a naval commander. When he finally returned to monastic life a group of lay people asked him to give them a course on prayer. The lectures he prepared for them are published in these two volumes.
+
+His intent is to teach the art and science of prayer to those who are thirsty for God but who find it difficult to grasp the language of the Masters of the Carmelite Reform, and furthermore are frightened away from their original writings by the glorious hodgepodge in many pages of St. Theresa and St. John's theological mole. For these souls Father Eugene-Marie wishes to be a source and a guide to the originals, himself trying to be “as unobtrusive as possible in order to let the Masters themselves speak, gathering their teachings exclusively, clarifying them by parallel passages and arranging them in a synthesis which would still be theirs.” He does all this by incasing some of the most significant passages of the Masters (and he is not afraid of repeating the same text over and over again) in a text which is clear, well-organized, the fruit of sound modern theological thought, formed on the background of the spiritual experience of the last centuries which have made us understand better much of the writing of the Sixteenth Century.
+
+The general outline of the two volumes follows the plan of St. Theresa’s _Book of the Mansions_, but as far as possible organizes the material around practical topics: the devil, spiritual reading, spiritual direction, friendship, Our Lady as Mediatrix, etc. This attempt to tidy things up makes the book even more useful for spiritual reading and meditation on a particular topic. It also helps to a certain—although imperfect—degree to dispel the temptation to see in the succession of the “mansions” a rigid plan which would be almost binding on God. Any strict adherence to the plan outlined by St. Theresa in the _Interior Castle_ tends to neglect a bit the reality that in some souls—perhaps
+particularly in souls who live in the world without the external order
+of a rule and a cell—God seems inclined to anticipate some of the
+intimacies and darkness which the _Castle_ assigns to later stages, thus
+telescoping the journey in a strange way.
+
+The last chapter of the second volume, on the saint in the Whole Christ, is a treatise on the role of prayer in the apostolate and seems to point out that if the Reformers of Carmel had nothing to do with any new method of the apostolate, they nevertheless formed a method
+and science of the formation of apostles.
+
+This work is a thorough, theological, rather complete treatise on prayer in the Carmelite (strictly speaking, Theresian) tradition without the usual polemics on predestination and infused contemplation which seem to be standard part of other works with the same purpose. This makes the book unique and enjoyable as well for the layman who would be annoyed by such theoretical polemics as for the priest who has been put off by the dryness and learned bickering in the usual handbook of ascetical and mystical theology.
+
+The book tends to form and to foster in the soul a spirit for prayer in the atmosphere of Carmel. It is not only an exposition but a continuous invitation, and the translation conserves very well the quality of persuasion of the spoken word. Again and again the reader cannot
+help stopping and praying: “Oh let me come that close to You.”
+
+Peter Canon
diff --git a/contents/article/1955-can_a_catholic_get_a_divorce/en.bib b/contents/article/1955-can_a_catholic_get_a_divorce/en.bib
index c4826db..520a380 100644
--- a/contents/article/1955-can_a_catholic_get_a_divorce/en.bib
+++ b/contents/article/1955-can_a_catholic_get_a_divorce/en.bib
@@ -1,10 +1,12 @@
-@ARTICLE{Illich-1955-can_a_catholic_get_a_divorce-en,
+@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1955-can_a_catholic_get_a_divorce-en,
   author = {Ivan Illich},
   title = {Can a Catholic Get a Divorce?},
   year = {1955},
   date = {1955},
   origdate = {1955},
   language = {en},
+  origlanguage = {en},
   translator = {},
-  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1955-can_a_catholic_get_a_divorce:index}
+  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1955-can_a_catholic_get_a_divorce:index},
+  urldate = {2024-03-21}
 }
diff --git a/contents/article/1955-can_a_catholic_get_a_divorce/en.md b/contents/article/1955-can_a_catholic_get_a_divorce/en.md
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..72d3e06
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/article/1955-can_a_catholic_get_a_divorce/en.md
@@ -0,0 +1,13 @@
+---
+  title: "Can a Catholic Get a Divorce?"
+  author: "Ivan Illich"
+  date: "1955"
+  lang: "en"
+  documentclass: article
+  geometry: margin=1.75in
+  fontsize: 12pt
+  fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths
+  colorlinks: true
+  linkcolor: RoyalBlue
+  urlcolor: RoyalBlue
+---
diff --git a/contents/article/1955-sacred_virginity/en.bib b/contents/article/1955-sacred_virginity/en.bib
index 85ecf10..6fdb6bd 100644
--- a/contents/article/1955-sacred_virginity/en.bib
+++ b/contents/article/1955-sacred_virginity/en.bib
@@ -1,10 +1,12 @@
-@ARTICLE{Illich-1955-sacred_virginity-en,
+@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1955-sacred_virginity-en,
   author = {Ivan Illich},
   title = {Sacred Virginity},
   year = {1955},
   date = {1955},
   origdate = {1955},
   language = {en},
+  origlanguage = {en},
   translator = {},
-  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1955-sacred_virginity:index}
+  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1955-sacred_virginity:index},
+  urldate = {2024-03-21}
 }
diff --git a/contents/article/1955-sacred_virginity/en.md b/contents/article/1955-sacred_virginity/en.md
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..816db6e
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/article/1955-sacred_virginity/en.md
@@ -0,0 +1,13 @@
+---
+  title: "Sacred Virginity"
+  author: "Ivan Illich"
+  date: "1955"
+  lang: "en"
+  documentclass: article
+  geometry: margin=1.75in
+  fontsize: 12pt
+  fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths
+  colorlinks: true
+  linkcolor: RoyalBlue
+  urlcolor: RoyalBlue
+---
diff --git a/contents/article/1955-spiritual_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants/en.bib b/contents/article/1955-spiritual_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants/en.bib
index 207a7cd..a5934c0 100644
--- a/contents/article/1955-spiritual_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants/en.bib
+++ b/contents/article/1955-spiritual_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants/en.bib
@@ -1,10 +1,12 @@
-@ARTICLE{Illich-1955-spiritual_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants-en,
+@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1955-spiritual_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants-en,
   author = {Ivan Illich},
   title = {Spiritual care of Puerto Rican migrants: report on the first conferen},
   year = {1955},
   date = {1955},
   origdate = {1955},
   language = {en},
+  origlanguage = {en},
   translator = {},
-  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1955-spiritual_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants:index}
+  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1955-spiritual_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants:index},
+  urldate = {2024-03-21}
 }
diff --git a/contents/article/1955-spiritual_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants/en.md b/contents/article/1955-spiritual_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants/en.md
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..817a177
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/article/1955-spiritual_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants/en.md
@@ -0,0 +1,13 @@
+---
+  title: "Spiritual care of Puerto Rican migrants: report on the first conference"
+  author: "Ivan Illich"
+  date: "1955"
+  lang: "en"
+  documentclass: article
+  geometry: margin=1.75in
+  fontsize: 12pt
+  fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths
+  colorlinks: true
+  linkcolor: RoyalBlue
+  urlcolor: RoyalBlue
+---
diff --git a/contents/article/1955-the_american_parish/en.bib b/contents/article/1955-the_american_parish/en.bib
index 0e4d581..1cc9cda 100644
--- a/contents/article/1955-the_american_parish/en.bib
+++ b/contents/article/1955-the_american_parish/en.bib
@@ -1,10 +1,12 @@
-@ARTICLE{Illich-1955-the_american_parish-en,
-  author = {Ivan Illich},
+@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1955-the_american_parish-en,
+  author = {Ivan Illich and Barrie Sanders},
   title = {The American Parish},
   year = {1955},
   date = {1955},
   origdate = {1955},
   language = {en},
+  origlanguage = {en},
   translator = {},
-  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1955-the_american_parish:index}
+  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1955-the_american_parish:index},
+  urldate = {2024-03-21}
 }
diff --git a/contents/article/1955-the_american_parish/en.md b/contents/article/1955-the_american_parish/en.md
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..b82d07b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/article/1955-the_american_parish/en.md
@@ -0,0 +1,421 @@
+---
+  title: "The American Parish"
+  author: "Ivan Illich; Barrie Sanders"
+  date: "1955"
+  lang: "en"
+  documentclass: article
+  geometry: margin=1.75in
+  fontsize: 12pt
+  fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths
+  colorlinks: true
+  linkcolor: RoyalBlue
+  urlcolor: RoyalBlue
+---
+
+In a modern city parish many people do not find what they are looking
+for. Many of those who are dissatisfied never voice their disappointment;
+many do not even realize they are disappointed. Some put the blame
+for their dissatisfaction on the pastor, the bishop or the trustee of the
+Church. The pastor again and his assistants, if ever they become conscious of their people’s criticism, put the blame on their parishioners’
+unreasonable requests or ungenerous help.
+
+Do people look to their parish for things the parish could not offer or
+does the modern city parish fundamentally not offer what it should?
+More practical inquiries might be directed toward the study of methods. Here we ask the more fundamental “what” should be offered and
+leave the “how” to other articles.
+
+Take Jose, I met him one Sunday when, during the eleven o’clock
+high Mass, I went out through the main door of our Church. There I saw
+him among five darkaired and bronzekinned people. From far away
+you could have guessed their origin, the origin of 37% of the baptized
+Catholics in New York City, Puerto Rico. Why had they come to Church
+and then remained outside? Had they gone in or were they waiting for
+the next Mass? They were all standing in a little group and talking lethargically. I went up to them and said “que tal” which means “Hi,” and slowly
+they turned around, looking at me. After a few more words their eyes
+began to sparkle. Before they had been completely unrelated to the surroundings: their dresses were almost imperceptibly differently cut from
+those of the other parishioners, their language was different and while
+the others were in Church they were outside. Now suddenly, through
+a few Spanish words they seemed related to their surroundings. They
+started to speak: they all came from Moca, a little place in the hills of that
+beautiful island; they had arrived here in New York just a few weeks ago.
+They had found out where the Church was, and when they looked at it
+they would not believe that it was a Catholic Church: a Church had to
+be in the middle of a plaza, in the middle of the village, the center of a
+community. Here they had found a building with some strange pointed
+arches in the middle of two tall houses right on a booming street.
+The Church inside was dark, with light strangely colored from
+stainedlass windows, instead of the simple, whitewashed structure—
+with wide openings for windows to let in as much air as possible—that
+they were used to. But they had recognized this as a Catholic church,
+because, upon an inspection, they had found the picture of Our Lady
+of Perpetual Help on one of the altars; and that much they knew, where
+that picture was, there had to be Our Lord. They had discovered the
+picture on a weekday evening, and now on Sunday they had come back
+to the Church, they had wanted to go to Mass. Now why did they not go
+in and follow Mass? I asked them, and got an answer which baffled me.
+They said, because of the ushers. They had never been accompanied to
+a pew by an usher. Oftentimes they had no pews in Church. Here they
+saw parishioners paying their way into Church. They didn’t realize that
+these people—or their parents—had built this church by themselves, that
+they now felt responsible for its support and maintenance, that it was
+not like Puerto Rico where the government had built churches until the
+Americans arrived. So they had turned away from Church because of the
+ushers, as one of them said; because Mass starts so much on time, the
+other said, Our Lady was there, they said—but the warmth and the life
+of the people seemed lacking.
+
+I could not help thinking back to Puerto Rico; my first Sunday there
+in a big parish, in the mountains. On Saturday the pastor asked me say
+Mass the next day in the mountains, in three different mission chapels
+(he had twelve altogether), since he would have to say the Masses in the
+main village. If there was a priest around to help out, every four weeks
+Mass was said on Sunday in every chapel. The first Mass I said at about
+six in the morning, after I had slept all night on the altar steps of the
+chapel, then I travelled on, by horseback, to the next chapel. I heard
+confessions, said Mass, baptized, married . . . and off I went to the third
+chapel, on horseback still, where I arrived after noon. People were sitting
+around in Church eating their bananas and chewing cane, and on the
+Church steps they had lighted a little fire to cook something. They continued their conversation in Church while I heard confessions; for Mass
+everybody was silent and most of them knelt on the crude floor while two
+lonely dogs ran around among them, and when I started to baptize the
+conversation resumed. In the evening, I was amazed at the answer I got
+from the pastor, a Puerto Rican trained in a United States seminary, to my
+question as to whether he thought this behavior slightly disrespectful:
+Our people believe that God is their Father, and they want to behave in
+Church as they behave in their Father’s house. There are no ushers in
+Jose’s Father’s house. Dinner does not start on time, probably he has no
+watch, he goes to Church when everybody else goes to Church. Mass is an
+important happening in the family’s life—a happening which brings him
+together with all his neighbors. The Church is the center of his village
+even if he seldom goes into it. The rare Sunday when the priest comes to
+his chapel, the Mass is a big event, even if he does not attend. He knows
+almost everybody whom he meets at Mass. Mass is easily understood as
+a family dinner—as the “communion” of the community.
+
+# Another World
+
+No wonder that he is confused at this big, clean, Gothic building where
+an usher assigns him his place next to some unknown lady, where he
+is allowed to go into Church only five minutes before Mass starts, and
+has to leave as soon as Mass is over—where hardly anybody is standing
+outside the Church after Mass since there is no plaza—and where there
+are so many Masses that you cannot see Mass as a family dinner, a house
+built around you, to suit you.
+
+Standing there on that cold winter morning during the eleven o’clock
+high Mass, I realized how hard it will be to explain to Jose and his friends
+that this is the same Church which, under another climate, appears so
+very different from at home. It will be hard for Jose to understand that
+he will be known to God alone in Church and hardly anybody else will
+recognize him. It will be hard for him to understand that you can go to
+Holy Communion every day in a Church where there are several Masses
+every day, and hard, too, to understand the English Gospel the priest
+reads, but even more difficult than to understand will it be for him to
+feel at home in English. I might be able to make him understand some
+of the features of parish life—but to understand a world is far from being
+at home in it. And how strange that a man should not feel at home in
+the house of his Father. How strange to each other two Catholic worlds
+can be. It is not always easy to see how beautiful it is that the universal
+Church can look so different in different cultures.
+
+Or think of Maria, Jose’s sister: she came with him to Mass, and with
+him was frightened away from the Church. Now she cannot believe that
+this is the communion mass of the Children of Mary. Where are their
+white veils? Why do they not sing, does nobody here know the song of
+Our Lady of Guadalupe? And why do people now start to come out of
+Church, and without talking to each other go straight across the busy,
+dirty street headed for home? Why do they not hang around and talk to
+each other? Jose and his friends cannot well avoid being bewildered.
+
+# Dissatisfied Children
+
+This is but one of the many instances into which you run continually, as
+a parish priest, of people who do not find in their parish what they came
+to look for. Jose’s problem is not from this point of view different from the
+bewilderment of the convert, who during instructions has found faith in
+the reality of the Mystical Body visible in Christ’s Church—and then finds
+himself socially isolated among faithful churchgoers. And it is not different from the problem of the mature layman exposed to years of sermons
+taken from Father Murphy’s Three Homilies for Every Sunday Gospel—or of
+the young couple recently moved into a new apartment, who had hoped to
+find in the parish an atmosphere in which spiritual friendship is fostered,
+and found perfect distribution of sacraments, ritual and Catholic school
+education, but not the spirit they had hoped for.
+
+To all these this parish does not give what they expect: to Jose it
+does not give the atmosphere of his home, to the convert it does not
+give the new human community he thought would be a consequence of
+spiritual communion, to the man yearning to grow it does not give the
+adult education program he hoped for, but only an endless repetition of
+what he has become insensible to through yearly recital in grade school
+catechism. It forces the young couple to make their own home a shelter
+for friendship without adequate help from the pastor from whom they
+expect it.
+
+All these people come to the parish because there they find what
+seems to them most important: Mass, the confessional, and catechism
+for their children. Objections are directed not against the things they get,
+but rather against the frame within which they get them: Mass remains
+the sacrifice even if it is said quickly and adorned with a hasty sermon.
+Your sins are forgiven even if the priest is too rushed to give advice—and
+most people are so used to a silent confessor that they might be surprised
+at an instruction. Catechism remains true even if Sister has sixty children
+in her parochial school class. Marriage remains valid even if all the bride
+remembers of prenuptial instruction is that an overburdened priest, in
+ten minutes, asked her under oath a few strange questions, such as: had
+she ever been to a psychiatrist, would she be faithful to her husband,
+would she promise to avoid contraception, while at the same time he had
+to answer the phone on a sick call and take care of a staggering visitor at
+the door.
+
+Is there something which could be interpreted as a criticism of the
+whole system underlying all these objectionable details? Criticism of
+detail is directed mostly against the officiating priest, not against the
+parish as such, and therefore is not pertinent to this discussion.
+
+# Criteria for Criticism
+
+Could it be that there is something fundamentally wrong with the parish
+in modern America? And if that be so, may Christians, especially laymen,
+criticize their Church, of which the unit most real to them is the parish?
+Many are afraid to do so out of a double misunderstanding: they do not
+distinguish between criticism and blame—and they do not distinguish
+the human from the divine element in the Church.
+
+We cannot remain forever small children and take our parents for
+granted; only after the teens can a mature love for a parent develop. It’s
+the same with Mother Church: an understanding of her humanity in
+her human weakness will only strengthen, not diminish our love. Those
+who blame the Church mostly shrink from the personal responsibility
+which grows out of the realization that we are members of the Church.
+Blame is a fruit of laziness and perpetuates what is deplorable. Criticism
+brings about change, either in him who criticizes or in the Church criticized. It is always the fruit of hard work and prayer. A critical attitude
+toward the parish is just one of the areas in which Christian love for the
+Church can develop. But since criticism is always an implicit invitation
+to change, we have to pass to the second point and see to what degree the
+Church, or, concretely, the parish, is subject to change. And there are two
+attitudes toward change, equally unChristian, among Christians. One
+is the refusal of any development. This has its roots in a deep mistrust
+of human nature, as if God had not entrusted men with the power to
+make His institutions practicable, as if the mandate given to the apostles
+had been withdrawn. This mistrust lies in this error: necessary historical
+developments are taken for divine institutions. Manade frames are
+taken for divine works of art. This attitude can be remedied by the study
+of theology and history. Theology will show us the seed of divine revelation and will teach us what God has done Himself; history will show us
+what men have done under God.
+
+Opposed to the refusal of any development is the attitude of those
+who always want to change, who are like children who do not want to live
+in the dusty home their family built over centuries, and prefer to live in a
+quickly built shack on the edges of the property. If this attitude does not
+have its root in the unstable character of its proponents, it is based on an
+over estimation of human inventiveness within God’s supernatural plan.
+The remedy to this inclination toward inorganic and sudden changes lies
+in an education toward humility. Custom always offers an assumption
+for wisdom, at least practical wisdom. Criticism of the modern parish
+therefore presupposes some knowledge of theology and of history, which
+often becomes visible in custom.
+
+# Follow the Man to His House . . . to the Upper Room
+
+Unless we know how a country grew, we do not know what it really is
+like. Unless we know what the parish was meant to be by God, and what
+it looked like when men first made God’s idea visible, we will not have
+the basis to judge the parish we have today. How did the parish start?
+Certainly not with the apostles.
+
+Christ did not make the parish. He made priests, and He needed a
+roof over His cenacle. (The priesthood is instituted by Christ, not the
+boundaries to His priesthood, expressed in modern parish limits.) For
+centuries, the Church was expanding—conscious that the end of the
+world was nigh. Every bishop grazed his flock, and whenever possible
+had a flock small enough that he himself could say Mass for them. The
+imagery for pastoral care as well as the relationship between pastor
+(the bishop was the only pastor) and his faithful was taken from the
+vocabulary of shepherds, Mediterranean shepherds, who have no fixed
+home and wander with their sheep from pasture to pasture—from earth
+to heaven. Christians considered themselves as strangers in a strange
+world, children banned from their country. The word “parish” came from
+a Greek verb meaning: to live like a foreigner—to be without a home.
+
+# The Cenacle Among Nonhristians
+
+The twelve apostles found it necessary to ordain one man in every community to the fullness of the priesthood. This man, the bishop of the city,
+made the rounds and celebrated the sacred mysteries in the houses of
+different Christians. In the Stationhurches of Rome we have a remnant
+of this usage: the oldest among them carry the names of private families,
+and their name expresses nothing but the address at which the Christians
+would meet for Mass. In these homes Mass would be said regularly, and
+often the room in which Mass was said slowly developed into a chapel—
+the family ceased to use it as a dining room and the cenacle grew into a
+Church. The number of Christians too, continually was growing. Soon
+one pastor, the bishop, was not enough for the community, and so we see
+several popes ordaining priests—priests who would say Mass where the
+bishop could not go and who would preach whenever the bishop would
+not find the time to do so. Often these priests attended one particular
+Church in preference to others, but we cannot yet say that they were
+pastors. The bishop still was the only pastor in the city, and these priests
+were his assistants. Pope Innocent I in 417 tells us that he was in the
+habit of breaking his host, when saying Mass, into small fragments and
+sending one of these fragments to every priest celebrating in the city of
+Rome, that he might let it fall into his chalice and might realize that it
+is really one Mass said throughout the city, the Mass of the bishop. The
+breaking of the host into three parts today is a remnant of that custom.
+
+# The Parish as the Heart of the City
+
+From the beginning, Christianity developed faster in the cities than in
+the country. But by the end of the 5th century Christianity had expanded
+into new mission territories, and the last strongholds of paganism in the
+rural areas of southern Europe were falling by the 7th century. Always
+more and more bishops asked their priests to take over independently
+the exercise of their ministry. No more was the bishop the only father
+and the priest nothing but his helpers; the priests themselves had to take
+over under their bishops all three realms of pastoral duties: the administration of the sacraments, the teaching of the Gospel and the guidance
+of the people.
+
+Of old when every city where Christians lived had its own bishop (or
+“angel” as St. John calls him in his seven letters to the seven “Churches”
+in Asia Minor), dioceses had been multiplied easily and eagerly. This is
+the reason why there are so many of them in the countries which came
+to the faith before the 6th century. Now the bishop made every one of his
+priests responsible for a welletermined part of his people and slowly,
+clearly assigned the limits to the territory for which a priest was responsible—boundaries which often on one side remained open toward the
+virgin soil never yet touched by Christian preaching.
+
+The parish as a living cell of the diocese had been brought into existence by the Church. Christ had instituted His priesthood for His people.
+In apostolic times the Church found it necessary to assign a given part of
+her Mystical Body to a given bishop. He alone is priest in the full sense of
+the word, he alone belongs to the teaching Church, he alone is a successor
+of the apostles, he alone wears the wedding ring to show that he is married to the Church. And later on the Church found it necessary to allow
+the bishop to subdivide his territory and to make his representatives,
+other priests, fully responsible for a parish.
+This is how the territorial parish was born, to which belong all those
+who live in a given territory, and for whom the pastor assumes responsibility: to feed, teach and guide those who are in the Church and to
+convert those who are outside. It went so far that in Europe the word
+“parish” became the word for “village.”
+
+Human factors contributed not less than supernatural faith to make
+the parish the heart of the community in Catholic countries. The priest
+quite often was the most educated person in the village, custom and folklore centered in the Church and civil life was regulated by the progress
+of the liturgical year as the life of every individual was deeply connected
+with the Church in the middle of the village. Often also—sometimes
+unfortunately—the church became a center for political action. Later
+a breakdown in these human factors threatened to remove the parish
+from its central position in the hearts of the people. And then came the
+Reformation, and with it the Catholic community of Europe was broken
+down. From then on we can hardly speak of a common development of
+the parish in different countries. We cannot make it our objective here
+to study the reasons which brought about the “loss of the masses” in
+France, or the motives which made the German parish so susceptible to
+the “liturgical movement,” or the final juridical organization that Pius X
+(the first pastor in a long time to become pope) brought about in 1917.
+Our objective is to understand historically only those elements common
+to the American parish—and not those minor elements, as important
+as they might be, which shaped the characteristic face of this or that
+national parish. After all, we are in search of the common denominator—
+if there is one—of most criticism voiced by Catholics against the Church
+in this country.
+
+# The Protective Parish
+
+The American parish—if we can speak about such a thing—was always
+established as a center around which a minority rallied: people who used
+the parish to defend what they had. The Church always had reasons to
+be concerned for the protection, not only of the faith of her children,
+but also of their old Christian customs with their strong symbolic power
+to evoke occasions for the profession of faith. The Church always had
+been made into a bulwark of tradition and continuity. At the moment
+of the big migration of Catholics to this country, the Church had reason
+to be overoncerned. Poor migrants who left their country to find a
+living came into a highly competitive society, heavily influenced by the
+Calvinistic faith that the good succeed, and in the joy of its newound
+independence, somewhat set against the newcomers. They brought their
+priests with them, pastors of a migrating flock, rather than missioners
+to a civilization in need. They were more concerned to conserve the
+faith of their people than to convert a new nation. Heavy stress was laid
+on meetings among “our own,” associations which would foster marriages among Catholics, and education which would equip the child to
+remain a Catholic. The Church became a tremendous bulwark for the
+Catholic. Never before had the Church had to perform this task, or at
+least never before had it succeeded. Small numbers of missioners had
+converted whole countries. Some Catholic minorities had withstood the
+Reformation—and tiny little groups of Catholics had been able, along
+with the language of their homeland, to conserve the faith in the interior of the Balkans and the Middle East. But never before had a group
+of immigrants changed their national allegiance and remained faithful
+to the Church. And they did it through their schools and parochial societies: which willyilly constituted another chance for Catholics to feel
+themselves a minority in an alien culture. Repeated insistence that you
+can be a good American and at the same time a good Catholic only contributed toward this feeling.
+
+# The Budding Parish
+
+Catholics may belong to a minority, but the Church cannot be a minority.
+She is always the leaven: a minority lives in an enclave—the leaven penetrates. To separate the leaven from the flour means uselessness for both.
+If Catholics ever lose their concern for those who do not have God, they
+lose also their charity. Many a contemporary parish has contributed
+towards this separation by preserving an atmosphere which was once
+necessary but is no longer so.
+In the sheltered atmosphere of a Church which continues the traditions of a geographically isolated Catholic community within a
+nonatholic society, the parish has developed into a most efficient center
+for the administration of the sacraments and the imparting of religious
+instructions. In fact, never has there been a period in Church history
+that saw such a high percentage of baptized Catholics so well instructed
+and living such an intense sacramental life. Without a knowledge of the
+historical background of today’s parish it would be impossible to account
+for the one surprising shortcoming of this Church in America: the lack of
+influence of Catholics among nonatholics, or, to say it in other words,
+their lack of missionary spirit. Only by realizing that this lack is a characteristic left over from a struggle for survival do we understand that it
+is not a direct refusal of responsibility—but rather a sign of immaturity.
+A century ago, a newly arrived immigrant was often socially confined to his own national group—without denying his background, he
+could not associate with “the old American.” That was the time when the
+Church had to protect him from contact with nonatholics in fear that
+through his “otherness” he might lose his faith; and the immigrant in
+turn could not feel responsible for neighbors he did not know. Today it
+is rare for a Catholic not to be accepted because of his background. Many
+Protestants have become his neighbors, associates and friends. It is often
+under the influence of a long past competition that today the Catholic
+fails to meet the new missionary challenge.
+
+It is as if God had allowed a strong seed to mature in the earth during
+the winter and now the time has come for it to bud: wellrained Catholics
+all over this country are willing to risk responsibility for those outside
+and are waiting for specific preparation in their parish. The word “parishioner” should not refer only to the Catholic. The parish must become
+and is becoming in the consciousness of the Catholic the spiritual home
+of all who live within its boundaries—even if many do not know where
+their home is. This is happening all over. The Legion of Mary is growing;
+these are laymen who consecrate two evenings a week to the conversion
+of their neighbor. The Christian Family Movement, Cana Conferences,
+the changing of oldype Church societies, and the lifeong struggle of
+many a priest prepare the spirit into which converts, the fruit of various campaigns, can be welcomed. Even the Catholic outsider like Jose
+is meeting with a reception on which former Catholic newcomers could
+never count.
+
+Years ago the challenge of a new mass migration of Catholics would
+have been met with the establishment of national parishes. The average
+American parish had not yet started to be either American or missionary.
+Today, very slowly, the way is opening for a newcomer to be a Catholic
+in his own way without having to insist on it, without having to “protect”
+his human background in order to save his faith.
+Special Mass with Spanish Sermon?
+
+That Sunday when I met Jose and his friends at eleven o’clock on the
+Church steps I could not help asking: should we have a special Mass
+for him with a Spanish sermon? Might not such a Mass develop into
+a Jim Crow meeting? Should we introduce Spanish devotions? Special
+Spanish social groups? Should we allow his sister’s friends to wear their
+white veils or should we prudently introduce the traditional sign of the
+Children of Mary into our established congregation? Or should we hope
+that a national church be established for him in our neighborhood with
+the danger that his children will reject their faith with their inevitable
+rejection of Spanish culture?
+
+# Understanding and the Future
+
+These questions about Jose, and many more about others who do not
+find in our parishes what they seek, must be answered with some background of history and theology, and with a prudence which judges the
+unique living situation. These questions must be asked courageously
+and answered always anew. Criticism of the parish will thus become an
+examination of conscience for everybody who engages in it: layman,
+priest and outsider alike. And if it is not criticism of the clergy or the laity,
+but of the institution itself, it will mostly revolve around the idea that the
+protective parish is a thing of the past almost everywhere in this country.
+During the winter it was good that the seed remained hidden in the
+earth, but in spring, if it does not bud it rots.
diff --git a/contents/article/1955-the_american_parish/en.notes b/contents/article/1955-the_american_parish/en.notes
index e69de29..3bda87d 100644
--- a/contents/article/1955-the_american_parish/en.notes
+++ b/contents/article/1955-the_american_parish/en.notes
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+  * This is an English comment
diff --git a/contents/article/1955-the_american_parish/es.notes b/contents/article/1955-the_american_parish/es.notes
index d8e9458..8f02e86 100644
--- a/contents/article/1955-the_american_parish/es.notes
+++ b/contents/article/1955-the_american_parish/es.notes
@@ -1,2 +1,2 @@
-* Esto es una nota solo para lectores de español
+  * Esto es una nota solo para lectores de español
 
diff --git a/contents/article/1955-the_american_parish/index b/contents/article/1955-the_american_parish/index
index 8642d47..adbd2a3 100644
--- a/contents/article/1955-the_american_parish/index
+++ b/contents/article/1955-the_american_parish/index
@@ -2,6 +2,7 @@
 * **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _The American Parish_
 * **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@#
 * **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** *YEAR*
+* **#@LANG_authors@#**: Ivan Illich; Barrie Sanders
 * **#@LANG_versions@#:**
   * Peter Canon, “The American Parish,” Integrity, June 1955, 5–16.
   * "The Powerless Church and Other Selected Writings, 1955–1985", Penn State University Press, 2019
diff --git a/contents/article/1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york/en.bib b/contents/article/1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york/en.bib
index 3ffdfa3..7a2fca8 100644
--- a/contents/article/1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york/en.bib
+++ b/contents/article/1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york/en.bib
@@ -1,10 +1,12 @@
-@ARTICLE{Illich-1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york-en,
+@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york-en,
   author = {Ivan Illich},
   title = {Puerto Ricans in New York},
   year = {1956},
   date = {1956},
   origdate = {1956},
   language = {en},
+  origlanguage = {en},
   translator = {},
-  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york:index}
+  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york:index},
+  urldate = {2024-03-21}
 }
diff --git a/contents/article/1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york/en.md b/contents/article/1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york/en.md
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..03ea6b0
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/article/1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york/en.md
@@ -0,0 +1,15 @@
+---
+  title: "Puerto Ricans in New York"
+  author: "Ivan Illich"
+  date: "1956"
+  lang: "en"
+  documentclass: article
+  geometry: margin=1.75in
+  fontsize: 12pt
+  fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths
+  colorlinks: true
+  linkcolor: RoyalBlue
+  urlcolor: RoyalBlue
+---
+
+Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! 
diff --git a/contents/article/1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york/en.txt b/contents/article/1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york/en.txt
index a5680cc..514b78c 100644
--- a/contents/article/1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york/en.txt
+++ b/contents/article/1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york/en.txt
@@ -1 +1,3 @@
 # Puerto Ricans in New York
+
+Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! 
diff --git a/contents/article/1956-rehearsal_for_death/en.bib b/contents/article/1956-rehearsal_for_death/en.bib
index d5da036..5df3f0c 100644
--- a/contents/article/1956-rehearsal_for_death/en.bib
+++ b/contents/article/1956-rehearsal_for_death/en.bib
@@ -1,10 +1,12 @@
-@ARTICLE{Illich-1956-rehearsal_for_death-en,
+@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1956-rehearsal_for_death-en,
   author = {Ivan Illich},
   title = {Rehearsal for Death},
   year = {1956},
   date = {1956},
   origdate = {1956},
   language = {en},
+  origlanguage = {en},
   translator = {},
-  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1956-rehearsal_for_death:index}
+  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1956-rehearsal_for_death:index},
+  urldate = {2024-03-21}
 }
diff --git a/contents/article/1956-rehearsal_for_death/en.md b/contents/article/1956-rehearsal_for_death/en.md
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..201d88e
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/article/1956-rehearsal_for_death/en.md
@@ -0,0 +1,13 @@
+---
+  title: "Rehearsal for Death"
+  author: "Ivan Illich"
+  date: "1956"
+  lang: "en"
+  documentclass: article
+  geometry: margin=1.75in
+  fontsize: 12pt
+  fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths
+  colorlinks: true
+  linkcolor: RoyalBlue
+  urlcolor: RoyalBlue
+---
diff --git a/contents/article/1958-missionary_poverty/en.bib b/contents/article/1958-missionary_poverty/en.bib
index 7159dbb..2800f4f 100644
--- a/contents/article/1958-missionary_poverty/en.bib
+++ b/contents/article/1958-missionary_poverty/en.bib
@@ -1,10 +1,12 @@
-@ARTICLE{Illich-1958-missionary_poverty-en,
+@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1958-missionary_poverty-en,
   author = {Ivan Illich},
   title = {Missionary Poverty: basic policies for courses of missionary formation},
   year = {1958},
   date = {1958},
   origdate = {1958},
   language = {en},
+  origlanguage = {en},
   translator = {},
-  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1958-missionary_poverty:index}
+  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1958-missionary_poverty:index},
+  urldate = {2024-03-21}
 }
diff --git a/contents/article/1958-missionary_poverty/en.md b/contents/article/1958-missionary_poverty/en.md
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..7a24087
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/article/1958-missionary_poverty/en.md
@@ -0,0 +1,13 @@
+---
+  title: "Missionary Poverty: basic policies for courses of missionary formation"
+  author: "Ivan Illich"
+  date: "1958"
+  lang: "en"
+  documentclass: article
+  geometry: margin=1.75in
+  fontsize: 12pt
+  fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths
+  colorlinks: true
+  linkcolor: RoyalBlue
+  urlcolor: RoyalBlue
+---
diff --git a/contents/article/1958-the_end_of_human_life/en.bib b/contents/article/1958-the_end_of_human_life/en.bib
index 641e862..94c7341 100644
--- a/contents/article/1958-the_end_of_human_life/en.bib
+++ b/contents/article/1958-the_end_of_human_life/en.bib
@@ -1,10 +1,12 @@
-@ARTICLE{Illich-1958-the_end_of_human_life-en,
+@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1958-the_end_of_human_life-en,
   author = {Ivan Illich},
   title = {The End of Human Life},
   year = {1958},
   date = {1958},
   origdate = {1958},
   language = {en},
+  origlanguage = {en},
   translator = {},
-  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1958-the_end_of_human_life:index}
+  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1958-the_end_of_human_life:index},
+  urldate = {2024-03-21}
 }
diff --git a/contents/article/1958-the_end_of_human_life/en.md b/contents/article/1958-the_end_of_human_life/en.md
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..7d7541d
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/article/1958-the_end_of_human_life/en.md
@@ -0,0 +1,13 @@
+---
+  title: "The End of Human Life"
+  author: "Ivan Illich"
+  date: "1958"
+  lang: "en"
+  documentclass: article
+  geometry: margin=1.75in
+  fontsize: 12pt
+  fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths
+  colorlinks: true
+  linkcolor: RoyalBlue
+  urlcolor: RoyalBlue
+---
diff --git a/contents/article/1958-the_pastoral_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants_in_new_york/en.bib b/contents/article/1958-the_pastoral_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants_in_new_york/en.bib
index 4f94db6..3c69f13 100644
--- a/contents/article/1958-the_pastoral_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants_in_new_york/en.bib
+++ b/contents/article/1958-the_pastoral_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants_in_new_york/en.bib
@@ -1,10 +1,12 @@
-@ARTICLE{Illich-1958-the_pastoral_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants_in_new_york-en,
+@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1958-the_pastoral_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants_in_new_york-en,
   author = {Ivan Illich},
   title = {The Pastoral Care of Puerto Rican Migrants in New York},
   year = {1958},
   date = {1958},
   origdate = {1958},
   language = {en},
+  origlanguage = {en},
   translator = {},
-  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1958-the_pastoral_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants_in_new_york:index}
+  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1958-the_pastoral_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants_in_new_york:index},
+  urldate = {2024-03-21}
 }
diff --git a/contents/article/1958-the_pastoral_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants_in_new_york/en.md b/contents/article/1958-the_pastoral_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants_in_new_york/en.md
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..cc2c595
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/article/1958-the_pastoral_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants_in_new_york/en.md
@@ -0,0 +1,13 @@
+---
+  title: "The Pastoral Care of Puerto Rican Migrants in New York"
+  author: "Ivan Illich"
+  date: "1958"
+  lang: "en"
+  documentclass: article
+  geometry: margin=1.75in
+  fontsize: 12pt
+  fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths
+  colorlinks: true
+  linkcolor: RoyalBlue
+  urlcolor: RoyalBlue
+---
diff --git a/contents/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/en.bib b/contents/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/en.bib
index 55a7cb2..835c97f 100644
--- a/contents/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/en.bib
+++ b/contents/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/en.bib
@@ -1,10 +1,12 @@
-@ARTICLE{Illich-1959-discurso_de_graduacion-en,
+@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1959-discurso_de_graduacion-en,
   author = {Ivan Illich},
   title = {Graduation Speech at the Colegio de Agricultura y Artes Mecénucas},
   year = {1959},
   date = {1959},
   origdate = {1959},
   language = {en},
+  origlanguage = {es},
   translator = {},
-  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion:index}
+  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion:index},
+  urldate = {2024-03-21}
 }
diff --git a/contents/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/en.md b/contents/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/en.md
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..addbdb5
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/en.md
@@ -0,0 +1,13 @@
+---
+  title: "Graduation Speech at the Colegio de Agricultura y Artes Mecénucas"
+  author: "Ivan Illich"
+  date: "1959"
+  lang: "en"
+  documentclass: article
+  geometry: margin=1.75in
+  fontsize: 12pt
+  fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths
+  colorlinks: true
+  linkcolor: RoyalBlue
+  urlcolor: RoyalBlue
+---
diff --git a/contents/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/es.bib b/contents/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/es.bib
index f3ceb38..0033555 100644
--- a/contents/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/es.bib
+++ b/contents/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/es.bib
@@ -1,10 +1,12 @@
-@ARTICLE{Illich-1959-discurso_de_graduacion-es,
+@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1959-discurso_de_graduacion-es,
   author = {Ivan Illich},
   title = {Discurso de Graduación en el Colegio de Agricultura y Artes Mecénucas},
   year = {1959},
   date = {1959},
   origdate = {1959},
   language = {es},
+  origlanguage = {es},
   translator = {},
-  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion:index}
+  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion:index},
+  urldate = {2024-03-21}
 }
diff --git a/contents/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/es.md b/contents/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/es.md
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..6d45de8
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/es.md
@@ -0,0 +1,13 @@
+---
+  title: "Discurso de Graduación en el Colegio de Agricultura y Artes Mecénucas"
+  author: "Ivan Illich"
+  date: "1959"
+  lang: "es"
+  documentclass: article
+  geometry: margin=1.75in
+  fontsize: 12pt
+  fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths
+  colorlinks: true
+  linkcolor: RoyalBlue
+  urlcolor: RoyalBlue
+---
diff --git a/contents/article/1961-missionary_poverty/en.bib b/contents/article/1961-missionary_poverty/en.bib
index 55666b3..cb0f5dc 100644
--- a/contents/article/1961-missionary_poverty/en.bib
+++ b/contents/article/1961-missionary_poverty/en.bib
@@ -1,10 +1,12 @@
-@ARTICLE{Illich-1961-missionary_poverty-en,
+@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1961-missionary_poverty-en,
   author = {Ivan Illich},
   title = {Missionary Poverty},
   year = {1961},
   date = {1961},
   origdate = {1961},
   language = {en},
+  origlanguage = {en},
   translator = {},
-  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1961-missionary_poverty:index}
+  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1961-missionary_poverty:index},
+  urldate = {2024-03-21}
 }
diff --git a/contents/article/1961-missionary_poverty/en.md b/contents/article/1961-missionary_poverty/en.md
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..b5213f5
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/article/1961-missionary_poverty/en.md
@@ -0,0 +1,72 @@
+---
+  title: "Missionary Poverty"
+  author: "Ivan Illich"
+  date: "1961"
+  lang: "en"
+  documentclass: article
+  geometry: margin=1.75in
+  fontsize: 12pt
+  fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths
+  colorlinks: true
+  linkcolor: RoyalBlue
+  urlcolor: RoyalBlue
+---
+
+As intensified search for methods of missionary education now parallels the heavy demand for missionaries. However, before one can attempt to decide what should be the nature of a missionary training program one must determine what are the specific qualities which distinguish the missionary.
+
+The simplest way of exploring these qualities is to study what the missionary has in common with the non-missionary, and to decide what is proper to him alone. It seems absurd to search for a specific difference in depth of generosity or competence or sanctity between the priest or the sister or the doctor or the layman who considers himself a missioner, and the person who does not. Evidently the missioner is intended to be a fully dedicated human being, but is not complete dedication equally characteristic of any man or woman totally given to God in any circumstances?
+ 
+The difference between the missioner and the non-missioner is, therefore, not one of degrees. Neither is it, as we shall see, a difference in the field of action chosen. For to distinguish the missionary by his field of action is at best misleading. To say, for example, that the missioner is he who preaches the gospel to the infidel or the heathen would exclude the MaryKnoller in Peru and the Jesuit in the Philippines from that vocation. And to say that a missioner is a person who leaves his country would imply that the home missioner in the South of the United States or the priests of the Mission de France have no right to be included in the missionary category.
+ 
+Our search for the common denominator of every missionary vocation (specifically if for this article we exclude “missioners” who conduct parish revivals) does not lead us toward a common field of action or geographic location; a missioner and a non-missioner can work side by side in a parish doing the same job. On the contrary, the one common denominator of all missioners is that they are men who have left their own milieu to preach the Gospel in an area not their own from birth. The difference is one of the relation between the man and the field, not one in the man himself or the field.
+
+Since this is so, the formation of a missioner will be centered on the development of a capacity to leave his home at least spiritually and to talk to strangers. It is this he has to learn in a course aimed at missionary formation. Our purpose here will be to analyze the way in which all spiritual, intellectual and practical training of the missioner has to be organized around the development of the beatitude which makes the transition from a familiar to a foreign way of life easy and practical: spiritual poverty in imitation of a specific aspect of the Incarnation.
+
+In the beginning was the Word and the Word was with God: the perfect communication of god eternally consubstantial with Himself. To communicate Himself perfectly to man God had to assume a nature which was not His, without ceasing to be what He was. Under this light the Incarnation is the infinite prototype of missionary activity, the communication of the gospel to those who are “other,” through Him who entered a World by nature not His own. 
+
+The closer the pattern of a human life approximates this aspect of the “Kenosis” of the Word the more can that vocation be called a missionary one. It does not matter if the missioner is the Irishman among the Zulus or the bourgeois among the totally different culture of the French proletariat, or the urban northerner in the rural South, or the New York “boy” in a Puerto Rican neighborhood.[^n01]
+
+Just as the Word without ceasing to be what He is became man, Jew, Roman subject, member of a culture at a given moment in history, so any one of these missionaries, without ever ceasing to be what he is, enters and becomes part of a “foreign” culture at the present moment in a given place.
+ 
+The missioner is he who leaves his own to bring the Gospel of those who are not his own, thus becoming one of them while continuing to remain what he is. Only great love can motivate a man to do this, a deep knowledge is required which love wishes to communicate.
+
+To make intercultural communication of the faith possible, the missionary must acquire special skills and special attitudes through specific missionary training. The urgency of the need for missionaries, the limited supply of willing persons, and the rapidly changing pattern of culture make it ever more necessary to attempt a planned and intelligent formation in those skills and attitudes which the missionary requires for his apostolate. An intensive training program can accelerate the process of cultural adaptation which previously was often left to casual osmosis in the mission field itself. Intensive formation can mean an economy in manpower by shortening the time to make a man fully effective.
+
+Very often the missioner has to learn a new language; always a new lingo. Modern linguistics have greatly shortened the time this takes. The missioner must also learn to understand hitherto unknown social, economic and geo-physical forces. This is often easy on the surface but it is difficult for the missionary to accept the consequences these forces will have on his own life: the weather might frustrate him with tiredness; his social position put him into a goldfish bowl, and poverty force him to unaccustomed discomfort.
+
+Most important of all, the missioner has to face a new culture.  He has to learn to distinguish between that which is morally good everywhere and this which is socially acceptable for a particular ethnic group. He will have to know which of his habits among “his new people” are socially unacceptable, though they may be morally good and he may be used to them, and he might have to become willing joyfully to accept the cultural taboos of his own home as everyday patterns in his new surroundings. This emotional and intellectual willingness to accept a new culture which does not come naturally can be greatly enhanced by a theoretical understanding of culture and a guided research of a local milieu.
+ 
+However, the learning of a language, the acceptance in toto of a special “human climate”, and especially the willingness to become part of a new culture present much more than purely intellectual problems for the missioner. For him language, techniques and culture are not academic ends but first of all means to a practical purpose; communication of the Gospel. The missioner becomes part of his new surroundings to become able to speak, not just to survive. He is the man who is willing to witness with his life to a foreign people the relativity of human convictions in front of the unique and absolute meaning of the Revelation. He often is the man through whom the Incarnation of the Word becomes real in cultures other than that of the ancient Jews. (Is it for that reason that we have missioners to all nations but He has reserved for Himself the mission to the Jews?)
+
+Sometimes the “missioner” lives among people who to him are foreigners but who have received the Gospel before through priests form one culture and for a historical accident now that receive their priest coming from another. This is the case for instance in many parts of Latin America. In such situations the word “missioner” assumes a very special meaning. The priest from abroad remains “missioner” in the sense that he communicates the Gospel to those who are not of his own. The people among whom he lives might have received and absorbed the faith centuries before any of the missioner’s ancestors entered the Church of the Church had any influence on the culture of the missioner’s home. In such a situation the missioner’s task is even more delicate than in a situation of first evangelization: many of the traits of the culture the missioner finds to be different from his own deserve respect not only because they are an intimate property of a people but also because they were developed in centuries under the influence of the Catholic Church.
+ 
+The full realization of such cultural relativity, especially in matters which are intimately connected with the unchangeable structure of the Church, requires great detachment. We all love to give absolute value to the things we have learned to love. We must, because to love the immediate is human and therefore necessary. But we usually forget to ask ourselves if the values we treasure are absolute in relation only to ourselves or to everyone. The man who is willing to be “sent” away from his home as a “missioner” will have to subject his values to a careful scrutiny to determine their “catholicity.” Just as he has to become indifferent (in the sense of Loyola) to possessions and physical comfort, just as he has to become indifferent to being or not being with his family and his people, so he has to become indifferent to the cultural values of his home. This mans that he has to become very poor in a very deep sense.
+ 
+For what else is spiritual poverty but indifference, willingness to be without what we like? AS spiritual poverty implies not the absence of likes but freedom from them, so the attitude of the missioner carries with him not to the denial of his background but to communication with another, and this is a difficult goal to achieve. If it is difficult to become indifferent, detaches, from all exterior comforts, and if it is even more difficult to become indifferent to more intimate gifts such a physical integrity or the presence of those we love, or our reputation or our success, how much more difficult is it to become detached from convictions deeply rooted in us since childhood about what is and is not done.
+ 
+Yet it is this last detachment which the missioner will have to achieve if he wants to be truly an instrument of the Incarnation rather than an agent of his own culture. No missioner has the right to insist, in the name of the gospel, on acceptance of his own human background, and thus to make Baptism or full Church membership dependent on a degree of spiritual poverty in the convert which he himself is not willing to practice.
+ 
+The realization of the necessity of this deep poverty in him who stands at the frontier of the Church as incarnate in a culture and a culture which has not yet fully accepted the Church (or perhaps fallen away from Her) is equally important for the priest abroad as for the priest from the United States eastern seaboard who belongs to a Catholic subculture when presenting the Church to members of a traditionally Protestant group, or the French missioner to the proletariat. What else, in fact, is the purpose of Church history but a continuous meeting of the Church as it has already become a reality in a culture with a new world which now becomes Christian or now returns to Christ? The “new world” contributes to the body of the Church a new human richness and accepts for itself not only the faith but participation in purely human values of century-old tradition. This meeting is accomplished through the missioner. Through him not only will the faith be accepted, but the new convert will enter the mainstream of “Catholic culture” (a term which seems to imply a contradiction because “catholic” means “universal” and “culture” as we use it, says “the way of life of some”).  The missioner’s detachment, indifference, and spiritual poverty toward the values of his own particular culture, far from hindering him from transmitting his own background, will help him to give out of the treasures of his own history what is needed by the convert, and not just what he feels strongly about.
+ 
+Without an understanding of this distinction between impossible and absorption of cultural patterns, neither the Catholic missions nor the concept of Catholic culture can be understood. Each people, just as every individual, has the right upon coming into the Church to absorb with the faith certain effects of the atmosphere in which the faith has grown for centuries, and thus to become in a fully human fashion part of a “Catholic world.” On the other hand, certain human cultural traits, such as the law of Rome or the logic of medieval Paris, and the dress of the late Empire, have become the fashion in which the Incarnate Word appears to the convert and which he has to accept just as much as “kenosis” of the Word of God as he accepts Him as Jew. Unless the missioner is very detached from his own tiny world and reads absolute “Catholic” meaning into local and time-tied customs, he will not be able to think Catholic when asked for a divine faith and the development of a human tradition by his covert.
+ 
+This growth in spiritual poverty must continue during the whole life of a missioner, but its first conscious development is of decisive importance and should be at the center of specialized missionary training.
+
+The first learning of a language must be more than the attempt at the acquisition of a skill, even more than the capacity to communicate which we referred to above. It can easily become a symbol of a man’s willingness to become profoundly poor, to relinquish his own world of thoughts and associations and expressions “as the best there is,” as the standard measure of fully developed thought. The acceptance of a local history and climate and socio-economic structure can be more than the expression of a generosity which embraces physical discomfort for the sake of Christ. It is rather the expression of an eager willingness to become one with the missioner’s new people. The acquiescence to foreign culture norms or behavior and taboos, besides being a necessary and utilitarian accommodation and a mark of delicacy and charitable toleration, can become an imitation of the Incarnation in a unique and typically missionary way.
+ 
+Such a course of action, which goes against the grain of everything that has become part of our personality from earliest childhood and which symbolizes for us all that is humanly precious and lovable, is not only difficult but extremely painful.
+ 
+To study, for example, a language or a set of customs as a spiritual exercise rather than simply as a technical effort requires not only deep love but great insight. Since this insight is itself a painful experience, the human tendency is to obscure it, to keep it from view.  One cannot make the effort at missionary poverty in order to avoid pain.
+ 
+Many dangers threaten to hinder the missionary from seeking poverty at this intimate level. And most of them stem from the insecurity which breeds fear. If material things and friends and health are crutches against the threat of the unknown, how much more does the set of values and customs with which each one was brought up serve this protective purpose, and how much more, therefore, is each one anxious to defend his culture as inalienable, absolute and worthy of being imposed on others. If we don’t want to let go of a thing we think we need we always find a reason for defending our right to keep it, and the more intimate the things is to us, the more unknowingly we protect ourselves from the suspicion that we might have to give it up. Since there is hardly anything more intimate to us than our culture, there will be nothing we will stick to more obstinately and against our best intentions than the ways we were taught “things have to be done”. No wonder the young missioner will discover in himself every day new tricks his nature plays to avoid his detachment form his whole past. He will find himself constructing philosophical arguments pointing to “human nature” which is “the same everywhere” to justify the singing of “Silent Night” at Christmas in preference to traditional celebrations, or to defend the free choice of a mate as called for by the Gospel because he protests the choice by his mother of a wife for his brother in Boston. A more subtle trap in which the bright man might find himself is learning so much about his mission field as to become an anthropologist in order not to have to accept this one people as his by becoming a part of them. The difficulty of self-illusion will have to be taken carefully into account in a delicate process of integrated personality development as missionary formation should be.
+ 
+Individual direction of the young missioner will be just as necessary as free-flowing group discussion to make rationalizations and subterfuges conscious and allow curricular training to become a channel of spiritual growth. Otherwise contact with the “foreign” becomes an opportunity for the development of detachment, and personal freedom could easily become either a force which throws a frightened man back upon himself anxiously grabbing for past symbols of security, or for the imprudent but enthusiastic, a temptation to deny the values of his own background, thus remaining suspended in a dangerous vacuum seemingly between cultures.
+ 
+The development of a missionary spirit will have to start from an analysis of the concept of spiritual poverty, or Ignatian indifference or detachment. Man can become detached form visible things which he can use with his body and the integrity of his body itself. Man can go further and become detached from the respect, the affection and opportunities for self expression his fellow-men can give him. The missioner must go even further into an area of detachment from himself which we call “missionary poverty,” an intimate mystical imitation of Christ on His Incarnation.
+ 
+From its organization around the acquisition of this special aspect of the beatitude of poverty corresponding to the task of the missioner every attempt at missionary formation will receive unity and deep meaning. Intellectual formation in the social sciences and linguistic studies for the missioner must be seen as a means for the development of a specific form of spiritual detachment corresponding to his very personal vocation.
+A curriculum of special courses given to the “missioner-to-be” thus can become a potent instrument for the realization of a deeply realize catholicity in imitation of the Word which by becoming son of a carpenter in Galilee, became MAN.
+ 
+
+[^n01]: The paragraph “The closer the pattern... Puerto Rican neighborhood” was added to substantially the same article when it was republished as “Missionary Poverty,” in The Church, Change, and Development, ed. Fred Eychaner (Chicago: Urban Training Center Press, 1970), 113.—Ed.
+
diff --git a/contents/article/1967-a_call_to_celebration/.en.txt.kate-swp b/contents/article/1967-a_call_to_celebration/.en.txt.kate-swp
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..e56ebb1
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/article/1967-a_call_to_celebration/.en.txt.kate-swp
diff --git a/contents/article/1967-a_call_to_celebration/en.txt b/contents/article/1967-a_call_to_celebration/en.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..73cd0ae
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/article/1967-a_call_to_celebration/en.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,37 @@
+# A Call to Celebration
+
+> This “call to celebration” was a manifesto jointly enunciated by and reflecting the mood of a group of friends in 1967, among them Robert Fox and Robert Theobald. It was written at the time of the March on the Pentagon. This call to face facts, rather than deal in illusions—to live change, rather than rely on engineering-is an attempt to re-introduce the word “celebration” into ordinary English.
+
+I and many others, known and unknown to me, call upon you:
+
+— to celebrate our joint power to provide all human beings with the food, clothing, and shelter they need to delight in living;
+
+— to discover, together with us, what we must do to use mankind’s power to create the humanity, the dignity, and the joyfulness of each one of us;
+
+— to be responsibly aware of your personal ability to express your true feelings and to gather us together in their expression.
+
+We can only live these changes: we cannot think our way to humanity. Every one of us, and every group with which we live and work, must become the model of the era which we desire to create. The many models which will develop should give each one of us an environment in which we can celebrate our potential—and discover the way into a more humane world.
+
+We are challenged to break the obsolete social and economic systems which divide our world between the overprivileged and the underprivileged. All of us, whether governmental leader or protester, businessman or worker, professor or student share a common guilt. We have failed to discover how the necessary changes in our ideals and our social structures can be made. Each of us, therefore, through our ineffectiveness and our lack of responsible awareness, causes the suffering around the world.
+
+All of us are crippled—some physically, some mentally, some emotionally. We must therefore strive cooperatively to create the new world. There is no time left for destruction, for hatred, for anger. We must build, in hope and joy and celebration. Let us meet the new era of abundance with self-chosen work and freedom to follow the drum of one’s own heart. Let us recognize that a striving for self-realization, for poetry and play, is basic to man once his needs for food, clothing, and shelter have been met—that we will choose those areas of activity which will contribute to our own development and will be meaningful to our society.
+
+But we must also recognize that our thrust toward self-realization is profoundly hampered by outmoded, industrial age structures. We are presently constrained and driven by the impact of man’s ever growing powers. Our existing systems force us to develop and accept any weaponry system which may be technologically possible; our present systems force us to develop and accept any improvement in machinery, equipment, materials, and supplies which will increase production and lower costs; our present systems force us to develop and accept advertising and consumer seduction.
+
+In order to persuade the citizen that he controls his destiny, that morality informs decisions, and that technology is the servant rather than the driving force, it is necessary today to distort information. The ideal of informing the public has given way to trying to convince the public that forced actions are actually desirable actions.
+
+Miscalculations in these increasingly complex rationalizations and consequent scandal, account for the increasing preoccupation with the honesty of both private and public decision makers. It is therefore tempting to attack those holding roles such as national leader, administrator, manager, executive, labor leader, professor, student, parent. But such attacks on individuals often disguise the real nature of the crisis we confront: the demonic nature of present systems which force man to consent to his own deepening self-destruction.
+
+We can escape from these dehumanizing systems. The way ahead will be found by those who are unwilling to be constrained by the apparently all-determining forces and structures of the industrial age. Our freedom and power are determined by our willingness to accept responsibility for the future.
+
+Indeed the future has already broken into the present. We each live in many times. The present of one is the past of another, and the future of yet another. We are called to live, knowing and showing that the future exists and that each one of us can call it in, when we are willing, to redress the balance of the past.
+
+In the future we must end the use of coercive power and authority: the ability to demand action on the basis of one’s hierarchical position. If any one phrase can sum up the nature of the new era, it is _the end of privilege and license._
+
+We must abandon our attempt to solve our problems through shifting power balances or attempting to create more efficient bureaucratic machines.
+
+We call you to join man’s race to maturity, to work with us in inventing the future. We believe that a human adventure is just beginning: that mankind has so far been restricted in developing its innovative and creative powers because it was overwhelmed by toil. Now we are free to be as human as we will.
+
+The celebration of man’s humanity through joining together in the healing expression of one’s relationships with others, and one’s growing acceptance of one’s own nature and needs, will clearly create major confrontations with existing values and systems. The expanding dignity of each man and each human relationship must necessarily challenge existing systems.
+
+The call is to live the future. Let us join together joyfully to celebrate our awareness that we can make our life today the shape of tomorrow’s future.
diff --git a/contents/article/1967-a_call_to_celebration/index b/contents/article/1967-a_call_to_celebration/index
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..2d81ea3
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/article/1967-a_call_to_celebration/index
@@ -0,0 +1,7 @@
+* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]]
+* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _A Call to Celebration_
+* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@#
+* **#@LANG_authors@#:** Robert Fox; Robert Theobald
+* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** *YEAR*
+* **#@LANG_versions@#:**
+  * "A Call to Celebration", Celebration of Awareness, 1971
diff --git a/contents/article/1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks/en.bib b/contents/article/1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks/en.bib
index 2f53d40..8c24a42 100644
--- a/contents/article/1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks/en.bib
+++ b/contents/article/1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks/en.bib
@@ -1,10 +1,12 @@
-@ARTICLE{Illich-1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks-en,
+@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks-en,
   author = {Ivan Illich},
   title = {The Redistribution of Educational Tasks between Schools and Other Organs of Society},
   year = {1968},
   date = {1968},
   origdate = {1968},
   language = {en},
+  origlanguage = {en},
   translator = {},
-  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks:index}
+  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks:index},
+  urldate = {2024-03-21}
 }
diff --git a/contents/article/1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks/en.md b/contents/article/1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks/en.md
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..63d8f54
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/article/1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks/en.md
@@ -0,0 +1,96 @@
+---
+  title: "The Redistribution of Educational Tasks between Schools and Other Organs of Society"
+  author: "Ivan Illich"
+  date: "1968"
+  lang: "en"
+  documentclass: article
+  geometry: margin=1.75in
+  fontsize: 12pt
+  fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths
+  colorlinks: true
+  linkcolor: RoyalBlue
+  urlcolor: RoyalBlue
+---
+
+The purpose of this paper is not to stimulate discussion on internal change within school systems. I would l1ke to raise a different question: can the purpose of a school system established by any given society be continually and effectively renewed? If so, what are the necessary cond1t1ons for constant renewal?
+
+Only a limited  portion of the total educational process in any given nation is organized under formal bureaucratic control. The remainder is usually left to institutions over which the planner and programmer have little influence. If we look only at that part of the educational process under formal control, we discover that only a part of it is actually performed by institutions which society considers "schools." The rest is left to programs which are not thought of as formal "schooling." This would include everything from in-service training to driver's education or sex education.
+
+At this moment we are beginning to analyze society's ability to reapportion education and to influence the growth and orientation of "non-school" education. In this discussion I would like to set aside the concrete mechanics of renewal in the schooling process in order to examine the conditions necessary for a constant renewal of the school's goals.
+
+First, I will identify the school system which I have observed, and with which I am the most familiar. Then I will list a series of conditions which I consider necessary in order for any school system to continually renew itself and by renewal I mean: allowing new levels of humanism in teaching to be reached, revising educational technology, and eventually abandoning previous tasks to "non-schools" so that the "schools" can assume new tasks.
+
+
+# Catholic schools in Latin America
+
+During the last few years I have spent a great deal of time analyzing the effect of private schools on the over-all educational process in each of the Latin American nations. And in Latin America "private school" means Catholic school. The latter have a double, stated purpose: they were established to inculcate an ideology which is often taken to be the Catholic Faith, and to offer educational services (i.e. alternate schooling, usually custodial child-care) for those whose parents or sponsors are of the moneyed classes.
+
+The impact of the private school on the over-all scholastic picture in a developing nation can be viewed from several angles.
+
+1) Private education in Latin America can be understood as an economic contribution to development. Tuition to these schools can be viewed as a self-imposed additional tax by a minority group which frees regular tax funds by relieving the government of the cost of educating from five to 20 per cent of the school age population and this five to 20 percent is by no means chosen at random. Private schooling provides instruction for children whose parents or sponsors would otherwise have the power to demand above average outlays of government funds for the education of their children. It is also interesting to note that these private schools for the already-privileged in Latin America attract voluntary foreign aid in money and manpower which, since 1960, amounts to more than 20 million dollars per year.
+
+2) The effect of private education on development can also be viewed from a socio-political angle. The private school system is a broad, systematic device which allows the privileged sector to grow at a rate far beyond its natural growth-rate. At the same time, the private school system allows the privileged sector to acquire a new, flexible internal cohesiveness while still maintaining its very obvious aloofness.
+
+a. Private schools give a modern rationale both to the existence of a new elite, its identification with the old elite and the exclusion of those rejected by both. Superior, separate and ideologically differentiated private schooling in Latin America is thus important for the rich, and those favored by the rich. Private schools often act as social elevators for a special type of individual from the lower classes. It would be most interesting to determine who these people are, since the achievement-oriented character of their parents might prove to be the most important factor in deciding who will receive scholarships to private schools.
+
+b. It might turn out that in the long run private schools in Latin America are more important as sieves which allow a certain character type from the lower socio-economic groups to join the elite, than as opportunity for the especially imaginative or intelligent student.
+
+
+# The planning of private Schools
+
+Private schools could be understood as a challenge to public education. They might provide means to develop and test new educational models, an important factor in educational planning and policy-making. This is a point which has been frequently neglected in the past. Educational planning bodies concerned with facilities and, more importantly with policies in Latin America have yet to propose effective and racional penalties and incentives to include private school initiatives in efforts to achieve overall educational goals. To date effective planning of private schools in Latin America has been politically tabu.
+
+At present traditional (Church) and new (private enterprise) ideologies keep private schools beyond the reach of the educational planners. Yet we can forecast a strong trend in the opposite direction: namely, that specialized instruction will be industrialized, and that public agencies will both license and contract the services of institutions dedicated to such instruction.
+
+
+# The disestablishment of a school System
+
+Finally, we can consider the Catholic school system in Latin America as a model for the study of the dynamics of other school systems. We have pursued this line of research in Cuernavaca for the past six years. We have been privileged to act as self-appointed observers and promoters of the only case known to us of the disestablishment of an entire school system. Some of our observations might be relevant for other school systems and their eventual, partial disestablishment.
+
+Church schools are by no means a negligible factor in Latin America. The Church spends from 60 to 80 per cent of her total budget in any country (except Cuba) for the building and maintenance of schools. From five to 20 per cent of the school-age population in any Latin American nation is studying in Catholic-controlled schools. The total enrollment in Latin American Catholic schools is greater than the total public school enrollment in all but three of the Latin American countries. Yet if present trends continue this percentage will have shrunk to almost nothing by 1980.
+
+These trends are caused by factors beyond the control of Church administrators and constituencies: ever-rising costs, manpower crises, socio—political variables. And just as important in this trend toward the dis-establishment of the Church from schooling is the conviction of a number of key church-men that Catholic schools constitute the major obstacle to the socio-educational relevance of the Church on this continent.
+
+This surprising process (which I foresee) is of paradigmatic value of an often neglected relationship; namely, the relationship between education al intent and the choice of schools for the implementation of that intent. Since the Conquest the primary social function of the Latin American Church has been education. But now the Church finds herself entangled in her own school system and is trying to remove herself from school administration altogether. This trend will become surprisingly obvious by 1970. But if recognized now, policies can be created which will allow teachers to eventually accept the rethinking of education, the radical re-apportionment of educational functions or the charismatic renewal an already functioning educational system.
+
+
+# Major points
+
+1) Mechanism can be built into school systems which accelerate their innovative capacity, but pressure for the renewal of a school system will usually come from outside that system. The preceding statement is a corollary of the knowledge that good schools are "teacher proof." That is, we have evidence that teachers advocate more reform of their milieu than almost any other professional group, yet they are the least effective when it comes to actually effecting that reform. This is due to the fact that the teacher's main task is to formulate questions never asked, or even accepted, outside of the classroom. At the same time, he must preside over an academic life which is accepted outside the school only if it carries the academic "label." Indeed, the better a school can function despite its "subversive" teachers who formulate questions not acceptable to non-academic society, the better teachers that school can afford to hire. The exercise of academic freedom can never be the source of the systematic improvement of the system itself. Indeed, the teacher's very job greatly dilutes his ability to change the educational system from within. His ideas will be generally ignored when he voices them beyond the walls of academia.
+
+2) The school planner is the last person who can make fundamental innovations in the system. His employer has already told him exactly what special educational task the school must perform, and the school planner simply arranges the allocation of resources to accomplish that task. As soon as the school planner raises the question of a totally different apportionment of the task itself he moves out of his limited area of money allocation, and into the broadest type of social planning.
+
+3) The definition of the school planner's task is ultimately based on
+a clear separation of: a) the school system, and b) overall educational planning.
+
+The planner of the overall educational process, as opposed to the school planner, must decide which specific social tasks should be pe{formed by formal schooling, as differentiated from educational tasks which must be left to the responsibility of others—from mothers in a community to driving instructors. Only if this decision is made outside of the_school system, will the latter avoid becoming a "state within a state" (like the Medieval Church), or a political football. If the school planner would attempt to formulate overall educational policies, he would reduce all education and instruction demanded by clients, economic planners or politicians to a form of formal schooling. On the other hand, if the overall educational planner cannot treat the school system as a service agency to which specific tasks may be assigned, he will never be able to demand effectiveness and efficiency from that system.
+
+4) The demand for renewal will either take the form of a request to
+serve new clients, or will be a reaction to a model tried and proved
+successful elsewhere. The clients of a school system may demand that their system produce new results in a new manner which has proved successful elsewhere. '"Schools should produce..." "Schools should serve..." --it is doubtful that such demands will be effective, since good school systems are not only "teacher proof," but they are also vaccinated by constant disillusionment against utopian ideas coming from outside the system itself. Therefore, effective demands for renewal will usually take the form of a request that the system incorporate competitors. "If the teachers there can do it, why can't our teachers do it? If another system can produce these results, why can't ours?"
+
+5) A model is usually the agent utilized to effect change in a system. Politics aimed at polarizing power for change in educational systems consistently utilize models to create issues. An effective educational model or experiment must have four facets. The model must prove the following:
+
+a. That something new is now possible, that the present behavior of another can determine our own future. I would expand a bit on Jerome Bruner and say: '"Personal creativity produces an effective surprise concerning a present possibility." ("They did it!")
+
+b. Something previously untried has proved itself effective, that it has produced education outside of the current school system. An effective educational result has, for the first time, been defined as a scholastic need. This need is a possible result of systematic teaching, and should now be adopted here. ("Our school should do it.")
+
+c. The experiment raises a question. Can the educational system effectively allow the model to be reproduced? Must the reproduction of the model remain outside of the system? ("Should we do it? Is our system that 'teacher-proof:? Let 'them' organize it. It's none of our business.")
+
+d. Is the present system willing to pay the price of.adapting to the new process? Can the present system insure the continuation of the model through its institutionalization? ("Maybe we had better let them continue to try it.")
+
+6) The last characteristic (d) puts the educational experiment into a class by itself. A school system cannot produce teachers, contrary to popular opinion. It can only create more or less ideal situations for teaching. In the strict sense, educational invention is personal and inimitable. Ideally, the individual teacher is a creator with a personal style which cannot be imitated by another. Individual teaching is the "celebration" of an intimate experience which has no precedent: The charismatic and prophetic quality of a new style of teaching distinguishes it from invention of educational technology.
+
+Since most teachers are uninventive, dull, or worse, the school system tends to make the teacher a part of the program itself in order to guarantee that his presence in the system be worthwhile. He must "follow the teaching program” laid down by his superiors. This kind of thinking should be avoided. New teaching should not be a model for a process which will eventually be institutionalized. On the contrary, it is concrete proof of a possibility which might lead to the adoption and development of a methodological model within a school system.”
+
+# Summary
+
+This Principle could very well be restated in a paradox: Nobody should be paid for the privilege of teaching. But effective and efficient instructors should be so well paid that they can have the privilege of becoming true teachers.
+
+The effectiveness of planned change in a school system depends largely on the rational selection of scholastic goals within the overall educational process, formal and informal, which a society has defined for itself.
+
+The Latin American public school systems are irrational, comprehensive, ecclectic combinations of educational goals which have sedimented over a period of 150 years and are glued together by an intensely formalized ideology. The levels and branches of these systems, even if they are somewhat updated, are still historical relics which have ceased to be self-contained sub-systems or "careers." Now education is measured by the number of years one has "passed" on successive levels of the "educational supermarket." The student moves from the First Grade "supermarket" to the Second Grade "supermarket," and eventually may move through 15 or 20 different "supermarkets" and receive a university degree. This system will probably have to be replaced by measurement through statistically described sets of typical educational processes resulting from parallel educational services. In each of these processes almost any individual may obtain a qualitatively, narrowly defined "schooling" at almost any moment in his life.
+
+I propose that for the intent of the present discussion, the suggestions made here be seen against the background of history; in fact I believe that only through the study of history we will be able to gain the sufficient freedom of imagination to envisage radically new re-distribution of educational tasks between formal schooling and other forms of education or celebration.
+
+For this purpose, I suggest that we analyze the history of religious institutions throughout the centuries. They are the only major formally educational bodies who, in the past, had to grapple with the issues now faced by major school systems.
diff --git a/contents/article/1972-gradual_change_or_violent_revolution_in_latin_america/en.bib b/contents/article/1972-gradual_change_or_violent_revolution_in_latin_america/en.bib
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--- a/contents/article/1972-gradual_change_or_violent_revolution_in_latin_america/en.bib
+++ b/contents/article/1972-gradual_change_or_violent_revolution_in_latin_america/en.bib
@@ -1,10 +1,12 @@
-@ARTICLE{Illich-1972-gradual_change_or_violent_revolution_in_latin_america-en,
+@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1972-gradual_change_or_violent_revolution_in_latin_america-en,
   author = {Ivan Illich},
   title = {Gradual Change or Violent Revolution in Latin America?},
   year = {1972},
   date = {1972},
   origdate = {1972},
   language = {en},
+  origlanguage = {en},
   translator = {},
-  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1972-gradual_change_or_violent_revolution_in_latin_america:index}
+  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1972-gradual_change_or_violent_revolution_in_latin_america:index},
+  urldate = {2024-03-21}
 }
diff --git a/contents/article/1972-gradual_change_or_violent_revolution_in_latin_america/en.md b/contents/article/1972-gradual_change_or_violent_revolution_in_latin_america/en.md
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+---
+  title: "Gradual Change or Violent Revolution in Latin America?"
+  author: "Ivan Illich"
+  date: "1972"
+  lang: "en"
+  documentclass: article
+  geometry: margin=1.75in
+  fontsize: 12pt
+  fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths
+  colorlinks: true
+  linkcolor: RoyalBlue
+  urlcolor: RoyalBlue
+---
+
+Violence belongs to the world of feeling just as the experience of peace does. Gradualness indicates the speed at which structures change. A mood and a speed are not commensurate, nor can they be substituted and interchanged. But gradual change of structure can go hand in hand with a violent expression of the experience of newness. Both creation and destruction are explosive when they are rooted deeply in life and must overcome a barrier. Spring, too, can "break out"’!
+
+Can gradual change be an alternative to violent revolution? Those who ask this question are convinced that change is necessary, unavoidable. They want to understand violence so that they may propose alternatives to it. My task here is to highlight how difficult this understanding is. The other man’s violence always threatens. My violence soothes me. This ambiguity makes it difficult to understand the other man’s anger in the other man’s terms. I know no more peaceful men than Dom Helder Camara (Archbishop of Recife, Brazil) or Francisco Juliao (exiled Brazilian labor leader), but since they speak with strong feelings, they are both called violent men.
+
+When interests are involved, objectivity is actually more difficult for the doctor than it is for the priest. So let us act, for the time being, neither as patient nor as doctor in international affairs, but as students. We know that a patient’s primary feelings might contain a far better diagnosis than a doctor’s reasoned conclusion. We want to prepare ourselves to register the signals on which such feelings are transmitted.
+
+# Which Way Violence?
+
+On the one hand, the disciplined and purposeful planning of a counter-insurgency school in Panama might be an initial symptom of a mortal disease: of a Vietnam to the South, an incubating demon of a "Viet Lat" in the seventies. On the other hand, outbreaks by undisciplined guerrillas in the Peruvian Andes might be an advanced symptom of incipient health, an outcry of budding awareness. Which way lies violence?
+
+It is obviously far more pleasant to consider and advocate "gradual change" and its sister notion, "constructive alternatives to violence"’, than it is to develop discriminating empathy with a foreign, changing texture of life. Let us make this "academic" effort. This empathy with social process beyond the barrier of culture should be a major goal for education, especially in the political sciences.
+
+As students of change, it is important and significant for us to feel what urbanization means — deep down — to the man who arrives in industrial Sao Paulo after a month’s trip from Belem at the mouth of the Amazon. We must consider how urbanization affects his character, his self-image. Our co-living with him seems more important than the development of new instruments to plot the directions of his surface responses or economic behavior. We are committed to share in our guts the anxiety and bewilderment of a man from the fields suddenly taken into a factory. Only slowly, and with tenderness, may we sense the pain of another when his old world dims, when new stars bewilder him; when words lose their traditional meaning, and new words that he does not grasp sparkle, seduce, and betray. I believe that only the man who knows himself as being constantly subject to this experience can share in this experience of others.
+
+Everyone knows that some words upset and others soothe. But not everyone remembers that there are some words which may have either effect, depending on the social context, the semantic ghetto in which they rally a group. "Violence" is one of these, and on this I guess we agree. I also believe that, since 1965, in the United States and Latin America, "gradual methods" has been another such expression. I want to call your attention to this especially.
+
+I remember well a night with a group of students at the central university in a Latin American country. Their commitment to the word "violencia" was so strong that those who did not feel swept away by it were considered unreal, outsiders. Earlier that same day, I had spent an hour with a key man in the country’s industrial renewal, one of the great men in the Council for Latin America. As I listened to him, I sensed his fear of violence, his reasoned and intelligent commitment to gradual methods of societal change. More than that: I had heard him detail the need for arming private goon squads, composed preferably of reliable Catholics, who would insure the time needed for this gradual change. Again, which way lies violence?
+
+On the same day, then, I had shared in both poles of the same social mood. It is obvious that violence and gradual change meant very different things for the patient and the doctor on the same day in the same city.
+
+# Semantic Ghettoes Coexist
+
+Within one semantic ghetto — one conception universe — reasonable discourse is possible. Supposed agreement can be questioned, and one’s opponents can make their points. But what happens between two semantic ghettoes? Between distinct semantic ghettoes, only diplomatic notes can be exchanged, or shouts can clash. Finally, narcissistic coexistence of two sick units can be imagined. Let us study how men can be trained so that in their hearts the words from two ghettoes can meet.
+
+Peru, for example, is an infinite distance from the ghetto of meaning which is a U.S. university. The latter is a strange ghetto and utterly removed from that of Peru. It is a ghetto where the problem of "unbalanced diet" and "death from over-nutrition" has been substituted for the world problem of hunger. But in the Andes of Peru, thousands still die of plain hunger.
+
+The United States is a land so rich that it can consider with some comfort the proposal to tax the rich so as to guarantee an annual $4,000 income to all those who do not produce. Off there, is the rest of the world: the world of those destined, at best, merely to survive.
+
+With a guaranteed income, we could push Watts beyond our borders and surround the North Atlantic with a "World Harlem". Would this cure the basic sickness of our society? At this moment we are becoming aware of the common roots of slums and underdevelopment. The events of 1966 made public opinion aware that, for reasons much deeper than had been assumed, Harlem and Fifth Avenue cannot mingle. First of all, words in the two ghettoes _cannot_ mean the same things. Now we learn to see further implications: _gradualness_ of change just cannot be experienced the same way in the first year of settlement in a neo-colony as it can in the twentieth year of a bull market in megapolis. And yet we must relate them. We cannot afford to coexist, we must live together. The bridge of words is not sufficient if it is not paralleled by a bridge of feeling.
+
+It takes time to acquire empathy with the growing pains of a foreign society, to train oneself to academic contemplation as opposed to operation research, to commit oneself to real observation which does not exclude the heart. Such growth is difficult because it takes much time and peace for the student, and because it is frowned upon as innocent dreaming by most people. The high concentration on operation-oriented research in foreign relations is certainly not a result of the CIA, but it is a sad indicator of the decline of institutional commitment to deep insight in our universities. Our task should be assistance to men preparing themselves for disinterested awareness across cultural lines, service to men seeking to become capable of non-condescending respect for the alternatives actually open to growing societies.
+
+# Contrasting Views of Violence
+
+Violence, or the social expression of nonrational aggression, has a different meaning for the holdup man, the cashier in the bank, and the bystander. What does gradualness or violence mean for different men in Bogota? For Camilo Torres, violence is one thing. For the clergy of Bogota, it is another. And finally, violence means something else again for a planner in the Colombian Ministry of Education. Camilo believes himself an educator and tries to teach that gradual improvement, even if it were possible under the present structure, could not bring any meaningful change. The Cardinal of Bogota believes that he is charged with, and is a guardian of, peace. Of course, the Cardinal believes in change — as long as it fits into the established order. (For the man in power, violent protest cannot mean "education".) The third man, the bureaucrat who is trying to multiply little red schoolhouses, feels threatened by the clash of the first two men, because it calls his attention to something which does not fit into his professional schemes. He thinks to himself: "Could it be that Camilo’s type of adult education — adult education through testimony — must come first? Must it come before our kind of schooling in little red schoolhouses can be of any value at all?" Must perhaps Camilo precede the bureaucrat and the multiplication of little red schoolhouses?
+
+It makes little sense to build schools in Latin America before we have really begun to engage in adult education. And this, I believe, we cannot do without uncorking violence.
+
+Let me illustrate what I mean. It was in a shed in Aracaju, in Northeast Brazil, December 1964. Twenty men were assembled around a slide projector. A picture of a man with a pick and a pile of stones was projected onto a sheet of brown paper. With it were four syllables: _"ter-ra"_, _"ho-mem"_. Then, another word was added: _"nossa"_. "Land", "man", and finally, "ours". The men around the projector had the skin of hunger, the ashen quality almost unknown in the United States. They were undernourished by custom and heredity, unable to know what a healthy appetite means. You could sense their lacks which had not yet developed into needs. You could see how unaware they were of crying injustice. These laborers were learning to recognize some written words — words which they themselves had picked as the most meaningful to them that year in that village: terra, homem. Suddenly one man got up. Trembling, he stammered: "Last night I could not sleep, because yesterday I wrote my name. I saw my name written on paper. _Entendi que eu sou eu_ — I understood that I am I." Surely, this is anguish — the anguish of birth. There is nothing gradual about that awakening. He said, _"Eu sou eu, e por isso somos responsdveis"_ (I am I, and therefore, we are responsible).
+
+Certainly, this is what we want to happen in development, and I hope that we want it to happen at all cost. The cost of such awakening is high. Awakening of this kind does not fit men into the slots available. Education of this kind is more than instruction. It is silly to propose some training for gradual change to people who have seen such dramatic instances of awakening awareness.
+
+The above case occurred in 1964. The first thing the Brazilian military government did in 1965 was to suppress this type of education, or at least to control it. No government at present can afford indiscriminate and free _concientizagao para a politizacao_ (mobilization of consciousness for political purposes). Not Cuba. Not Accién Popular in Peru.
+
+Even in the United States, discussions about the nonpermissible forms of slum education within the poverty program during the past year have made us humbler. The poverty program has opened the eyes of politicians to the ambiguities that Latin American politicos face in grass-roots movements. It is easier now to speak about this delicate subject in the United States.
+
+# Social Structures or Creativity?
+
+No government wants to educate, unless it is moderately certain that its system will be accepted by those educated. We all prefer to trust our social structures rather than bubbling creativity.
+
+In Latin America, relatively small capital investment would be needed to create widespread expansion of truly adult education: education which transforms unconscious lack into conscious needs; education which mobilizes creative imagination, At present we may advocate such education but we cannot obtain the funds for it. We are faced with a continental political commitment to gradual change. We are faced with paternal governments who want to prepare the structures before people become aware that they need them. Within the context of gradual change, the type of education I described cannot but be called "subversion". Within the political context to which our nations are subject, you may not awaken creative needs you cannot satisfy.
+
+If gradualness in change, at all cost, is the main criterion for development, then the very first thing a government must do is this: impose strict controls on adult education. You may put any amount into little red schoolhouses, into trade schools and universities. _Socialization_ through schooling will be called a most significant and productive investment. But beware of truly adult education! Beware of the power you unleash! Commitment to gradualness, at least in education, means a lack of confidence in our generation of living men. Gradualness, at least in education, means the decision of those in power today to make their children feel as our system requires them to.
+
+Perhaps this provides a first reason why today it is difficult in Latin America to understand U.S. public concern for "gradualness" in change. The inhabitants of U.S. slums, perhaps, find gradualness just as hard to swallow.
+
+# Uncle Sam and Social Change
+
+Another peculiar phenomenon makes it difficult to discuss change in Latin America without emotion: namely, continued implication of the United States when change is discussed. At the Center of Intercultural Documentation in Cuernavaca, we have under study some twenty public controversies which took place in Latin America in the last few years. They were chosen at random. On each controversy we collected hundreds of editorials and analyzed their "ideological" content. We set out to understand what arguments are used, what symbols manipulated, what feelings triggered, when people take sides on public issues. We wanted to see how people explain their options, how they justify their preferences, and how they extrapolate the consequences of decisions they hope, or they fear, will be taken. Now we have found that whenever structural change is the issue of a controversy, "Tio Sam" is always dragged in. It matters not whether the subject is Petrobras, a new university, educational reform, a new press law, or a violent death. This is a fact. I do not intend to explain it. I simply indicate this insistent reference to the United States as one factor which complicates any study of change in Latin America. All reference to change, to its speed or its meaning today in Latin America, implies a statement on foreign policy. This reference to the United States is, of course, ever present when one discusses Latin American events in English. Recently, it has assumed a new dimension, because the U.S. intellectual community is discovering the parallels between hurdles the poverty program meets and those implicit in foreign assistance. Both are upsetting.
+
+# Underdevelopment and the Poverty Program
+
+In December 1966 we at Cuernavaca had a striking example of the deep meaning this parallel has for North Americans today. Some sixty people involved in poverty programs in U.S. slums met for consultation at our Center. The theme was an analysis of poverty as alienation and experience. We asked the participants to formulate the true aims of their programs. Our staff studied the sixty responses. They compared the attitudes the poverty workers held toward the poor, with the clichés well known from foreign assistance programs of AID, CARE, mission societies. They found many coincidences. and Poverty workers, just like missioners, seemed obsessed with the desire to "share" their blessings. The desire to incorporate the slum poor into an "achieving society" parallels the U.S. manifest destiny to extend the benefits of the "great society" beyond its borders.
+
+"Expand and protect the great society" seems to be the almost religious banner which gives respectability to any decision made in the United States affecting investments, services (many of them gratuitous and social), establishments (not a few, paramilitary), and sales in Latin America. A decision-making process affecting Latin America which is dispersed through thousands of centers in the United States is given some kind of rationale by means of this consenting rationalization. For many observers in Latin America, the U.S. desire to share the "great society" lingers behind any discussion of change. Expansion and/or defense of the "great society" lies behind any discussion on the proper speed of social change in Latin America. The almost compulsive repetition that change in Latin America must happen "gradually though rapidly" is interpreted in Latin America as a fear of any form of development that might lead the southern continent out of U.S. hands and outside the U.S. market.
+
+There cannot be any doubt that the gradual, orderly, and controlled increase of the gross national product is a major criterion for policy. How primary this criterion is, I do not want to say. Many critics, from Francois Peroux to Eduardo Frei, insist that this particular measuring stick is given too much importance.
+
+Making the growth rate of per capita income the most signifcant indicator for growth can lead to a planned division of our societies into two sectors. In one sector you find the growing minority whose income increases at a rate superior to the gross national product. But the majority are aggregated in the other sector. And they are on the way to relative impoverishment, even though their purchasing power — in absolute terms — might increase.
+
+Politicians argue that this arrangement insures stability. Indeed it does insure the established system. All those who "fit" and grow into the new society are also favored by it and are, therefore, purchased for its maintenance: they can only lose by revolution.
+
+Perhaps this argument puts the cart before the horse: it measures social goals in terms of a method chosen a priori. The argument is also indicative of an emotional attitude which must be taken seriously. And today, this is our task: to elicit respect for emotions — even if they do not fit our scheme.
+
+# Gradualism Reinterpreted
+
+All over Latin America one can now hear a new type of interpretation of U.S. concern for gradualism. It is an attitude more difficult to put into a few words without repeating expressions which smack of demagoguery. This interpretation focuses on the increase of U.S. federal agencies — especially dependencies of the Department of Defense — in Latin America. The question raised by this increasing apparatus is whether, consciously or unconsciously, the United States is preparing the groundwork for a "Viet Lat". The impression given is that a continent-wide system of counter-insurgency is growing. The inter-American police force to control guerrillas is seen in the same perspective as that in which the increase of state police is seen by the southern Negro. Those people in South America who use this argument see orderly and gradual change as a strategic attempt designed to gain time to establish an airtight network of repression.
+
+In this war-focused context, resistance to U.S.-induced development is advocated as an improved alternative to the preparation for war in the seventies. The argument runs along the following lines: it would be a better thing to prevent lethal establishments of U.S. para-military agencies than to have to abort them later; but given that it is too late now for that kind of contraception, it is better that violence abort any further development of them than to collaborate in the incubation of the "demons of Viet Lat".
+
+These feelings might shock, they might stem from bad dreams, but they are real. And they are now beginning to be understood in the United States. I attended a recent meeting of a group of graduate students and professors at an Ivy League college — serious men who have organized to systematically document U.S. activities in Latin America. It is their particular aim to ferret out blatant abuses of confidence, to unmask the establishments which pretend to serve development but in reality are instruments to draw Latin America into a global military strategy corresponding to somebody’s view of the U.S. national interest. I was deeply touched when I saw that these men seemed willing to organize a USS. citizens’ group for nonviolent protest to U.S. exploitation in Latin America. The ghost of "Viet Lat" is uglier, but nowhere less real, than the equally ghostly Alliance for Progress.
+
+# Qualitative Changes in Life Experience
+
+We have had to go into some detail to establish how touchy it is, given the screens of a semantic ghetto, to discuss the desirable speed of change. I repeat: If we were interested only in plotting and planning economic rates, abstracting from human experience, all this effort could be foregone. But we believe that qualitative changes in life experience are much more important for development than economic indicators and cement. Let me illustrate one scheme which we can follow to analyze this experience. It is a scheme which the members of our continuing faculty seminar in Cuernavaca have adopted, and we are indebted for its development to men like Fromm, Maccoby, Erikson, Helio la Suaribe, and many others. We have set out to understand social change as an interrelated transformation of (1) institutional structure, (2) formulated values or ideologies, and (3) social character. Our principal concern is that of understanding how the human heart reacts to this three-pronged change.
+
+We try to focus on institutional structure and ask: By what law or assumptions or persuasions are these held in place? By what appeals to abstract value systems can the Mexican revolution promote private schools for the rich or the Brazilian revolution its new press laws?
+
+But we will not be content to analyze this relationship between structure and rationale, we will not just seek to understand what persuasion a given functional mechanism exudes. We will try to understand what personality characteristics it favors. With concern we will watch the survival and renewal of that authentic mass outbreak of joy which is the carnival in Rio. Finally, we want to know something about the relationship between character and ideology. What kind of personality finds most strength and support and consolation in a given type of faith? Who are those drawn to the Macumba, to the sects, to the guerrillas, or to achievement in well-organized business? Who are those people in Chile who can — and want to — recognize themselves in the ads in LIFE _en Español_? Who can be motivated by the picture of a portly middle-aged executive from Minnesota to change his way of life by foregoing immediate gratification to save for later, more conspicuous consumption?
+
+# Violence, A Response to Experience
+
+This is an ambitious program, we admit. We want to try the impossible in order to come closer to grasping the mysterious workings of drastic social change. Of course, if we engage in this type of analysis, gradualness and violence assume a new meaning. Violence is not the measure of the speed with which one of these three variables changes. Violence is not a measure of structural reorganization. It is not a measure of change in persuasion. And it is not the measure of a new social type. Violence is rather a response of experience, of feeling, to the tensions created among these three.
+
+It would be fascinating for me to heap example upon example. But for the time being, we want only to understand the impact which the U.S. presence in Latin America has on the quality of change there. I only want to indicate a model for analysis which may make the mode of U.S. impact on Latin American change a bit more amenable to discussion. Let me exemplify, separately, the impact of U.S. technical assistance on each of the three factors mentioned: institution, persuasion, personality. In other words: structure, ideology, and character; mechanisms, conceptual systems, and the character of those who fit them. Allow me to play with oversimplification and caricature to make my point and elicit needed discussion.
+
+# U.S. College Board Exams for Latin America
+
+First, an example: an attempt is now being made to persuade Latin American universities to adopt the U.S. College Board Entrance Examinations. Considerable amounts of U.S. money have been spent on their development, particularly in Puerto Rico, and they are now available in Spanish. These tests are generally, though perhaps grudgingly, accepted in Puerto Rico. At first sight, their export — free of charge, since a foundation picks up the tab — may be seen as the simple concession of a benefit of our college machinery to others who are in need of it. Looking more carefully, we see that their adoption in other countries will ultimately have an important impact on those universities which do accept this testing tool. The acceptance of an admission test alters the social function of a university system. To be more explicit: This test is a filter designed to eliminate from further study those whose character or ability does not favor their academic achievement in a U.S. university. Those screened out are not considered proper material for U.S. higher education, because achievement at a university is interpreted as a forecast of achievement or leadership in later life. But leadership or achievement _where_? Success as it is defined and made necessary by an achievement-oriented society as we now know it in the United States. The adoption of this test, therefore, represents a decisive, profound, and covert long-range manipulation of the quality of life in a whole country. The adoption of the U.S. College Board examinations by a Latin American university contributes to making that university a far more important tool for the expansion of the basic mood of the "great society" than any direct changes in curriculum schedule, teaching method, or faculty training. The transfer of a small device from one culture to another can ultimately affect the face of a whole society: with the adoption of this device one type of character is preferred over others, and what is perhaps more significant, a certain type of self-image, copied from that of the United States, is subtly made into the standard of success in Sao Paulo.
+
+To elaborate further — not on a fact, but on a certain danger. The U.S. college entrance exam is one small but effective contribution to the development of an overseas "white America" (to use the U.S. jargon of 1966). _Gradually_ and _without violence_ those who fit and aspire to a new societal pattern proposed to them from the outside are selected to manage it. The protests from Harlem are now getting a hearing. It is time to attune our ears to the same protest reaching us in foreign idioms.
+
+# Implications of Exporting Ideas
+
+Discussion in depth is needed on this question: May we export the _motivational structure_ which corresponds to our _cherished_ persuasions (in other words, to the American way of life) if this implies also the reverse — the export of Watts and Harlem and Selma on a gigantic scale? This question, if properly understood, is so disturbing and discouraging to me that I formulate it with fear — particularly the fear that it be understood as an expression of despair, while in truth it is meant as an enormous challenge. We must not be lazy. Thomas Aquinas says that laziness is the worst of sins: the deadly inactivity of a man who has given up living because he has become aware of how hard it is to live.
+
+The highly ambiguous assistance of the United States in Latin America represents an inevitable involvement. The involvement is inevitable because it meets the objective demands of international political and economic fact, and because it satisfies deeprooted needs which stem from the prevalent U.S. self-image: the US. tenet of "secular religion" (to speak with Bellah) that every American at any moment can, must, and may share the blessings of his country with those less fortunate than he. The radical’s demand that the United States "drop out of international relations because it cannot but do damage" is on the opposite pole from the new isolationist’s aggressiveness; but both attitudes are marginal and but a frame which highlights the commitment of the majority here to the utopia of a worldwide "great society".
+
+Concern with the world beyond national borders is a deeprooted part of U.S. ethics. There is no other country in which the ethos of international help has marked with equal depth the basic creed of a nation. There is no other people which could produce as a trademark — alongside Uncle Sam and the big stick — the image of the Quaker missioner. There has never been another government which has set up the like of its worldspanning institutional network for assistance: social, economic, military, and religious.
+
+The U.S. enveloping involvement in Latin America, therefore, is both socio-politically and psychologically inevitable. Discussion of this involvement has afforded me the opportunity to demonstrate the difficulties which threaten misunderstanding of the relationship, as well as to point to the challenge that these same difficulties present — the striving toward an understanding that will lead us to greater human depths.
+
+The obstacle on which I have focused is operational and concerns those in the United States who want to deal with Latin America. This obstacle is the tendency to underestimate how difficult it is even for the highly educated North American to reach a deep, a realistic, a humble awareness of the ambiguity implicit in his participation in the development process outside the "great society". This difficulty will increase for every North American in Latin America. The ability to let himself be adopted into the feeling of authentically rooted Latin American groups or crowds is not acquired in libraries. Neither is it achieved simply by participating in action programs. This ability is rather a measure of the personal maturity and the personal commitment of the individual North American to utter simplicity and openness of heart — two phrases not too current in our academic circles. Therefore, this ability is restricted to exceptional men and women, and will remain so. It should be our stated task to seek them out and to encourage them to commit themselves generously and without reserve to voluntary immigration into Latin America.
+
+After the obstacle, I focused on a value — a value which I consider the critical element in development, the element which will decide if economic growth and technological abundance will meet real needs or only create new awareness of deficiencies. This element, this value — if present — will condition human freedom. Its absence will result in deadly coexistence of men and groups without a future. Drastic change, as we have seen, can leave in its wake either violently bewildered wrecks or men who experience new dimensions of personal freedom and creativity bursting open. Will drastic change rest in men who experience their awareness and feelings, or will it make men less poets, make men into just more effective and productive manpower?
+
+The ability to experience change seems to be the decisive indicator of the value of change. Change which cannot be lived is deadly. Change which diminishes the ability of a man to feel related and a participant cannot be going in the right direction. 
+
+At a recent course in our Center in Cuernavaca, a participant (a cattle breeder bent for the altiplano) told me: "I get it! You don’t grow people. If they are men, they each grow. And each better know that he himself is responsible for this growth. You don’t develop people and societies. They do."
+
+The ultimate criterion for the planner of social change cannot be the mode of its production or the technical structure to which it leads, but rather the quality of leisure, of creativity, of celebration it makes possible.
diff --git a/contents/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/en.bib b/contents/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/en.bib
index 652268c..9cfac56 100644
--- a/contents/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/en.bib
+++ b/contents/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/en.bib
@@ -1,10 +1,12 @@
-@ARTICLE{Illich-1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut-en,
+@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut-en,
   author = {Ivan Illich},
   title = {The Message of Bapu’s Hut},
   year = {1978},
   date = {1978},
   origdate = {1978},
   language = {en},
+  origlanguage = {en},
   translator = {},
-  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut:index}
+  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut:index},
+  urldate = {2024-03-21}
 }
diff --git a/contents/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/en.md b/contents/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/en.md
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..21480ee
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/en.md
@@ -0,0 +1,31 @@
+---
+  title: "The Message of Bapu’s Hut"
+  author: "Ivan Illich"
+  date: "1978"
+  lang: "en"
+  documentclass: article
+  geometry: margin=1.75in
+  fontsize: 12pt
+  fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths
+  colorlinks: true
+  linkcolor: RoyalBlue
+  urlcolor: RoyalBlue
+---
+
+This morning, while I was sitting in this hut where Mahatma Gandhi lived, I was trying to absorb the spirit of its concept and imbibe in me its message. There are two things about the hut which have impressed me greatly. One is its spiritual aspect and the other is the aspect of its amenities. I was trying to understand Gandhi’s point of view in regard to making the hut. I very much liked its simplicity, beauty and neatness. The hut proclaims the principle of love and equality with everybody. Since the house which has been provided for me in Mexico is in many ways like this hut, I could understand its spirit. Here I found that the hut has seven kinds of place. As you enter, there is a place where you put down your shoes and prepare yourself physically and mentally to go into the hut. Then comes the central room which is big enough to accommodate a large family. Today, at four in the morning, when I was sitting there for prayer, four people sat along with me, by supporting themselves on one wall, and on the other side there was also enough room for as many people again, if they sat close together. This room is where everybody can go and join others. The third space is where Gandhi himself sat and worked. There are two more rooms — one for the guests and the other for the sick. There is an open verandah and also a commodious bathroom. All of these places have a very organic relationship.
+
+I feel that if rich people come to this hut, they might be making fun of it. But from the point of view of a simple Indian, I do not see why there should be a house bigger than this. This house is made of wood and mud. In its making, it is not the machine, but the hands of man which have worked. I call it a hut, but it is really a home. There is a difference between a house and a home. A house is where man keeps his luggage and furniture. It is meant more for the security and convenience of the furniture than of the man himself. In Delhi, where I had been put up, is a house where there are many conveniences. The building is constructed from the point of view of these conveniences. It is made of cement and bricks and is like a box where the furniture and other conveniences can fit in well.
+
+We must understand that all furniture and other articles that we go on collecting in our lives will never give us inner strength. These are, so to say, the crutches of a cripple. The more of such conveniences we have, the more our dependence on them increases and our life gets restricted. On the contrary, the kind of furniture I find in Gandhi’s hut is of a different order, and there is very little cause for being dependent on it. A house fitted with all kinds of conveniences shows that we have become weak. The more we lose the power to live, the greater we depend upon the goods we acquire. It is like our depending upon hospitals for the health of people and upon schools for the education of our children. Unfortunately, both hospitals and schools are not an index of the health or the intelligence of a nation. Actually, the number of hospitals is indicative of the ill health of people and schools of their ignorance. Similarly, the multiplicity of facilities in living minimizes the expression of creativity in human life.
+
+Unfortunately, the paradox of the situation is that those who have more such conveniences are regarded as superior. Is it not an immoral society where illness is accorded high status and ignorance more consideration? While sitting in Gandhi’s hut I was grieved to ponder over this perversity. I have come to the conclusion that it is wrong to think of industrial civilization as a road leading toward the development of man. It has been proved that for our economic development, greater and bigger machines of production and larger and larger numbers of engineers, doctors and professors are literally supernumery.
+
+Those who would want to have a place bigger than this hut where Gandhi lived are poor in mind, body and life style. I pity them. They have surrendered themselves and their animate selves to an inanimate structure. In the process they have lost the elasticity of their body and the vitality of their life. They have little relationship with nature and closeness with their fellowmen.
+
+When I ask the planners of the day why they do not understand the simple approach Gandhi taught us, they say that Gandhi’s way is very difficult, and that people will not be able to follow it. But the reality of the situation is that since Gandhi’s principles do not tolerate the presence of any middleman or that of a centralized system, the planners and managers and politicians feel left out. How is it that such a simple principle of truth and non-violence is not being understood? Is it because people feel that untruth and violence will take them to the desired objective? No. This is not so. The common man fully understands that right means will take him to the right end. It is only the people who have some vested interest who refuse to understand it. The rich do not want to understand. By ‘rich’ I mean those who have conveniences of life which are not available to everybody in common. There are the ‘rich’ in living, eating, and getting about; and their modes of consumption are such that they have been blinded to truth. It is to the blind that Gandhi becomes a difficult proposition to understand and assimilate. They are the ones to whom simplicity does not make any sense. Their circumstances unfortunately do not allow them to see the truth. Their lives have become too complicated to enable them to get out of the trap they are in. Fortunately, for the largest number of people, there is neither so much of wealth that they become immune to the truth of simplicity, nor are they in such penury that they lack the capacity to understand. Even if the rich see the truth they refuse to abide by it. It is because they have lost contact with the soul of this country.
+
+It should be very clear that the dignity of man is possible only in a self-sufficient society and that it suffers as one moves toward progressive industrialization. This hut connotes the pleasures that are possible through being at par with society. Here, self-sufficiency is the keynote. We must understand that the unnecessary articles and goods which a man possesses reduce his power to imbibe happiness from the surroundings. Therefore, Gandhi repeatedly said that productivity should be kept within the limits of wants. Today’s mode of production is such that it finds no limit and goes on increasing, uninhibited. All these we have been tolerating so far, but the time has come when man must understand that by depending more and more on machines he is moving toward his own destruction.
+
+The civilized world, whether it is China or America, has begun to understand that if we want to progress, this is not the way. Man should realize that for the good of the individual as well as of society, it is best that people keep for themselves only as much as is sufficient for their immediate needs. We have to find a method by which this thinking finds expression in changing the values of today’s world. This change cannot be brought about by the pressure of governments or through centralized institutions. A climate of public opinion has to be created to make people understand that which constitutes the basic society. Today the man with a motor car thinks himself superior to the man with a bicycle, though when we look at it from the point of view of the common norm, it is the bicycle which is the vehicle of the masses. The cycle, therefore, must be given the prime importance and all the planning in roads and transport should be done on the basis of the bicycle, whereas the motor car should get secondary place. 
+
+The situation, however, is the reverse and all plans are made for the benefit of the motor car giving second place to the bicycle. Common man’s requirements are thus disregarded in comparison with those of the higher-ups. This hut of Gandhi’s demonstrates to the world how the dignity of the common man can be brought up. It is also a symbol of the happiness that we can derive from practising the principles of simplicity, service and truthfulness. I hope that in the conference that you are going to hold on Techniques for the Third World Poor, you will try to keep this message before you.
diff --git a/contents/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/es.bib b/contents/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/es.bib
index f915e57..5ef9ce0 100644
--- a/contents/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/es.bib
+++ b/contents/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/es.bib
@@ -1,10 +1,12 @@
-@ARTICLE{Illich-1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut-es,
+@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut-es,
   author = {Ivan Illich},
   title = {El mensaje de la choza de Gandhi},
   year = {1978},
   date = {1978},
   origdate = {1978},
   language = {es},
+  origlanguage = {en},
   translator = {},
-  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut:index}
+  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut:index},
+  urldate = {2024-03-21}
 }
diff --git a/contents/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/es.md b/contents/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/es.md
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..2032832
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/es.md
@@ -0,0 +1,39 @@
+---
+  title: "El mensaje de la choza de Gandhi"
+  author: "Ivan Illich"
+  date: "1978"
+  lang: "es"
+  documentclass: article
+  geometry: margin=1.75in
+  fontsize: 12pt
+  fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths
+  colorlinks: true
+  linkcolor: RoyalBlue
+  urlcolor: RoyalBlue
+---
+
+Esta mañana, al estar en la choza donde vivió Mahatma Gandhi, traté de absorber el espíritu que presidió su concepción y empaparme de su mensaje. Hay dos cosas de este lugar que me impresionaron profundamente. Una es de orden espiritual y otra la que se refiere a sus enseres[^nota1]. Trataba de comprender el punto de vista de Gandhi cuando hizo la choza. Me gustaron muchísimo su sencillez, belleza y orden. La choza proclama el mensaje de amor e igualdad entre todos los seres. Como la casa en la que vivo en México se asemeja en muchas formas a esta choza, pude comprender su espíritu. Encontré que la choza tiene siete tipos de lugares. Al entrar hay uno en el que se colocan los zapatos y se prepara uno, física y mentalmente, para entrar en ella. Luego viene el cuarto central que es lo suficientemente amplio para alojar a una familia numerosa. Hoy, a las 4 de la mañana, mientras rezaba, había cuatro personas sentadas a mi lado, recargadas en una pared y, del otro lado, había suficiente espacio para otras cinco sentadas muy juntas. Éste es el cuarto al que todos pueden acudir para reunirse con los demás. El tercer espacio es donde Gandhi estaba y trabajaba. Hay otros dos cuartos, uno para visitas y el otro para enfermos. Hay una veranda abierta y también un espacioso baño. Todos estos espacios tienen entre ellos una relación intensamente orgánica.
+
+Siento que, si viniera gente rica a la choza, se burlaría de ella. Cuando veo las cosas desde el punto de vista de un indio común, no veo por qué una casa debería ser más grande que ésta. Está hecha de madera y de adobe. En su construcción no fue la máquina la que trabajó, sino las manos del hombre. La llamo “choza”, pero en realidad es un hogar. Hay una diferencia entre casa y hogar. La casa es donde un hombre guarda equipajes y mobiliarios. Se concibe para la seguridad y la conveniencia de los muebles más que para las del hombre mismo. En Delhi la casa donde me alojé tiene lo que se llama comodidad. El edificio está construido desde el punto de vista de lo que se requiere para alojar esos objetos cómodos. Está hecho de cemento y ladrillo y es como una caja en donde caben bien muebles y otros mobiliarios.
+
+Debemos entender que todos lo muebles y demás artículos que colectamos a lo largo de nuestras vidas nunca nos darán una fortaleza interior. Son, por decirlo así, como muletas. Mientras más objetos cómodos tengamos, mayor será nuestra dependencia de ellos y más restringida será nuestra vida. Por el contrario, el tipo de mobiliario que encontré en la choza de Gandhi es de un orden distinto y hay pocas razones para depender de ellos. Una casa instalada con todo tipo de objetos muestra que nuestro vigor nos abandona. En la medida en que perdemos la capacidad de vivir, dependemos más de los bienes que adquirimos. De la misma forma dependemos de los hospitales para conservar nuestra salud y de las escuelas para la educación de nuestros hijos. Desafortunadamente, tanto los hospitales como las escuelas no son un índice para medir el grado de salud ni la inteligencia de una nación. De hecho, el número de hospitales indica la mala salud de la gente y las escuelas hablan de su ignorancia. En forma similar, la multiplicidad de instalaciones de servicio para vivir reduce al mínimo la expresión de la creatividad de la vida del hombre.
+
+La triste paradoja de esta situación es que a los que tienen más comodidades se les considera como superiores. ¿No es inmoral la sociedad en la que la enfermedad tiene un estatuto eminente y donde se tiene en alto aprecio la ignorancia? Al estar en la choza de Gandhi sentí tristeza al ponderar esta perversión. He llegado a la conclusión de que nos equivocamos al pensar que la civilización industrial es el camino que conduce a la plenitud del hombre. Se ha demostrado que para el desarrollo económico no es necesario tener más y mayores herramientas para la producción ni tampoco más ingenieros, médicos y profesores; literalmente están en demasía.
+
+Estoy convencido de que son pobres de mente, cuerpo, estilo de vida los seres que desean un espacio más grande que esta choza en la que Gandhi vivió, y siento lástima por ellos. Se rindieron ellos mismos y su yo animado a una estructura inanimada. En el proceso perdieron la elasticidad de su cuerpo y la vitalidad de su existencia. Tienen escasa relación con la naturaleza y escasa cercanía con sus congéneres.
+
+Al preguntar a los planificadores de hoy por qué no comprenden el sencillo enfoque que nos enseñó Gandhi, dicen que su camino es muy difícil y que la gente no sería capaz de seguirlo. Pero la realidad es que, en virtud de que los principios de Gandhi no admiten la presencia de ningún intermediario o de un sistema centralizado, los planificadores, los gerentes y los políticos se sienten excluidos. ¿Cómo es que no se entiende ese principio tan sencillo de la verdad y de la no violencia? ¿Es porque la gente siente que la no verdad y la violencia los llevará al objetivo deseado? No, no es así. El hombre común comprende plenamente que los medios correctos lo llevarán al fin correcto. Únicamente quienes tienen intereses creados rehúsan comprenderlo. Es el caso de los ricos. Cuando digo “ricos” me refiero a todos los que tienen “artículos domésticos” en su comunidad, que no son accesibles a todos. Esos son “ricos” por su estilo de vida, su alimentación, sus desplazamientos; su modo de consumo es tal que están ciegos ante la verdad. Para estos ciegos, la enseñanza de Gandhi es una cuestión difícil de entender y de asimilar. La sencillez no tiene sentido alguno para ellos. Su condición no les permite ver la verdad. Sus vidas han llegado a ser demasiado complicadas para permitirse salir de la trampa en la que cayeron. Afortunadamente, la gran mayoría de la gente no tiene una situación tal de fortuna que los haga inmunes a la verdad de la sencillez, ni viven en tal penuria que carezcan de la capacidad de entender. Incluso cuando algunos ricos ven la verdad se niegan a plegarse a ella. Es porque perdieron el contacto con el espíritu de ese país.
+
+Sin embargo, es muy claro que la dignidad del hombre sólo es posible en una sociedad autosuficiente y que sufre ataques cuando se orienta hacia una industrialización progresiva. Esta choza encarna el gozo que es posible cuando se está a la par con la sociedad. Aquí la autosuficiencia es la regla del juego. Debemos captar que los productos de consumo y los bienes superfluos que posee un ser humano reducen su capacidad de sacar gozo de su entorno. Gandhi dijo en repetidas ocasiones que la productividad debe mantenerse en los límites de las necesidades. El modo de producción en la actualidad es tal que no tiene límites, y continúa aumentando sin freno. Todo esto ha sido tolerado hasta ahora, pero ha llegado el momento en que el hombre debe comprender que al depender más y más de las máquinas está avanzando hacia su propia destrucción.
+
+El mundo civilizado, en China o en México, ha empezado a comprender que, si queremos progresar, debemos actuar de otra manera. Los hombres deben captar que, para su bien personal y de la sociedad, es mejor que la gente conserve para sí sólo lo que es suficiente para sus necesidades inmediatas. Tenemos que encontrar un método en que este pensamiento pueda expresarse cambiando los valores del mundo actual. Este cambio no podrá producirse por los gobiernos o a través de instituciones centralizadas. Tiene que crearse una atmósfera de opinión pública que permita a la gente comprender aquello que constituye la sociedad de base. Hoy, el hombre que tiene un automóvil se considera superior al que tiene una bicicleta, pero cuando vemos esto desde el punto de vista de la norma común, la bicicleta es el vehículo de las masas. Por lo tanto, debe considerarse de primordial importancia que toda la planeación de carreteras y de transporte debiera hacerse con base en la bicicleta, mientras que el automóvil debiera ocupar un lugar secundario.
+
+No obstante, la situación es exactamente la inversa: todos los planes se hacen para beneficio de los automóviles y relegan a la bicicleta a un segundo plano. En esta forma se ignoran los requerimientos del hombre común en comparación con los de las clases superiores. Esta choza de Gandhi muestra al mundo cómo se puede elevar la dignidad del hombre común. También es un símbolo de la felicidad que nos llega cuando aplicamos los principios de sencillez, disponibilidad y autenticidad. Espero que en la conferencia que tendrán sobre las Técnicas para los pobres del Tercer Mundo ustedes conserven en mente este mensaje.
+
+
+----
+
+
+
+[^nota1]: Iván Illich emplea en este texto la palabra _amenities_ para referirse a lo que encontró dentro de la choza de Gandhi y _conveniences_ para aludir a los objetos que habitualmente se encuentran en las casas. No hay traducción del vocablo _amenities_ en este contexto. Hemos empleado _enseres_ por la resonancia de la palabra: es la realidad en la que el ser se objetiva, es una prolongación y expresión del ser, aunque conocemos que el término también está siendo usado para referirse a los “artículos para el hogar” industrialmente producidos. _Conveniences_ , que se refiere precisamente a ese tipo de objetos, ha sido traducido como “artículos domésticos”, con la idea de que la palabra “artículo” corresponde a un producto industrial y “doméstico” que alude a su uso en la “casa” y que Illich distingue del “hogar”. En la misma línea de pensamiento tradujimos _facilities_ como _instalaciones de servicio_ , para aludir a todas las construcciones que supuestamente “facilitan” la vida. (T.)
+
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-
----
-title: "The Message of Bapu’s Hut"
-author: "Ivan Illich"
-abstract: "https://illich.test/en:article:1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut:text?rev=1633605519"
-date: "**1978"
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-titlepage: true
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----
-  
diff --git a/contents/article/1986-disvalue/en.bib b/contents/article/1986-disvalue/en.bib
index 9efdf66..77b0c9e 100644
--- a/contents/article/1986-disvalue/en.bib
+++ b/contents/article/1986-disvalue/en.bib
@@ -1,10 +1,12 @@
-@ARTICLE{Illich-1986-disvalue-en,
+@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1986-disvalue-en,
   author = {Ivan Illich},
   title = {Disvalue},
   year = {1986},
   date = {1986},
   origdate = {1986},
   language = {en},
+  origlanguage = {en},
   translator = {},
-  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1986-disvalue:index}
+  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1986-disvalue:index},
+  urldate = {2024-03-21}
 }
diff --git a/contents/article/1986-disvalue/en.md b/contents/article/1986-disvalue/en.md
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..ec52f92
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/article/1986-disvalue/en.md
@@ -0,0 +1,93 @@
+---
+  title: "Disvalue"
+  author: "Ivan Illich"
+  date: "1986"
+  lang: "en"
+  documentclass: article
+  geometry: margin=1.75in
+  fontsize: 12pt
+  fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths
+  colorlinks: true
+  linkcolor: RoyalBlue
+  urlcolor: RoyalBlue
+---
+
+# Professor Tamanoy’s Forum
+
+This first public meeting of the Japanese Entropy Society provides us with an occasion to commemorate Professor Joshiro Tamanoy. Most of us knew him as friends and as pupils. The questions he asked bring together today 600 physicists and biologists, economists and green activists.
+
+While a Professor of Economics at Tokyo University, he translated Karl Polanyi into Japanese. But in his own teaching and writing he brought a uniquely Japanese flavor to ecological research by relating cultural to physical dimensions. He did so by focusing on the interaction between an epoch’s economic ideology and the corresponding soil-water matrix of social life. He was an active environmental politician and a master teacher. And no one who experienced his friendship will ever forget its delicacy.
+
+# How to name an evil
+
+He had few illusions. Courageously he reflected on the causes of modern war, modern ugliness and modern social inequity to the point of facing almost unbearable horror. But no one will forget Tamanoy-sensei’s balance. He never lost his compassion and subtle humor. He introduced me to the world of those who survived with the marks of the Hiroshima bomb, the _hibakusha._ And I think of him as a spiritual _hibakusha._ He lived the ‘examined life’ in the shadow of Hiroshima and Minamata. Under this cloud he forged a terminology to relate historical spaces to physical place. To this purpose he used ‘entropy’ as a _semeion,_ a signal for the impending threat to an exquisitely Japanese perception of locality referred to with terms which seem to have no comparable Western equivalent, like __ _fûdô._ __ And entropy was central to our conversations. In this lecture I want to explore the limits within which the notion of entropy can be usefully applied to social phenomena by comparing it to the notion of waste. I will then propose the notion of ‘disvalue’ in the hope that through it entropy, when used outside of physics and information theory, will be more clearly understood.
+
+Clausius, a German physicist, first introduced the word. In 1850 he studied the ratio between the heat content and the absolute pressure in a closed system and felt the need for a word to name this function. He was an amateur classicist and picked the Greek word _entropy_ in 1865. Since then it is used for the algorithm that describes a previously unrecognized phenomenon. By choosing _this_ word, Clausius did us a favor. _Entrópeo_ __ in classical Greek means to turn, to twist, to pervert or to humiliate. More than a century after its introduction in physics, the Greek word still seems able to bespeak a previously unknown frustrating twist that perverts our best social energies and moral intentions.
+
+In a few years the word has become a catchall for a variety of paradoxical twists which have two things in common. They are so new that everyday language has no traditional defined meaning for them and are so maddening that people are happy to avoid mentioning them. To taboo their own implication in non-sustainable consumption of goods and services, people grab at the non-word ‘entropy’ to make social degradation appear as just another instance of a general natural law.
+
+When people discuss the cultural impoverishment that appears in stupefying schooling, sickening medicine and time-killing acceleration, they are talking about perversions of good intentions, not about instances of energy or information flow. They mean the evil effects of untoward social goals that have none of the innocence of the inexorable determinism we associate with entropy in physics. The degradation of cultural variety through transnational organization of money flow is a result of greed, not a law of nature. The disappearance of subsistence cultures tied to local soils is a historical and dramatic part of the human condition _only_ in recent times. The disappearance of ‘ideologies’ that favor the water-soil matrix is due to human enterprise and endeavor. What late twentieth-century people take for granted is not something which has always been.
+
+Tamanoy made me understand that it is possible to include soil, water and sun in philosophical anthropology, to speak of a ‘philosophy of soil.’ After my conversations with him I rediscovered Paracelsus, who calls for the same approach. A philosophy of soil starts from the certainty that reason is worthless without a reciprocal shaping of norms and tangible reality; _seeing_ the culturally shaped body cum ‘environment’ as it is in a concrete place and time. And this interaction is formed by esthetic and moral style as much as by the ‘spirits’ which ritual and art evoke from the earthly matrix of a place. The disappearance of corresponding matrices of soil and society is an issue which we cannot examine deeply enough. And for this, comparison between the _wasting_ of cultural variety and the cosmic degradation of energy can be useful, but only under one condition: that we clearly understand the limits within which science can still generate metaphors. As a metaphor, entropy can be an eye opener. As an explanatory analog it cannot but mystify.
+
+# Entropy as a metaphor versus entropy as a reductive analog
+
+My last conversation with Dr Tamanoy took place after a long tour of his native island. He took me around Okinawa to meet with his friends, to battlefields, cave-refuges and refineries. From a curve on a mountain road we looked at the Japanese oil reserves and the bay which now lay waste. The shellfish, gardens and village life were gone. Our conversation turned to the danger of extrapolating from a dying tree to global pollution. No doubt, the latter evil is world-wide. But such world-wide despoliation and its tangible evidence ought never to distract us from sadness about this tree, this landscape, this man’s clam bed. Expert talk can easily deaden our speechless anger over _known_ wetlands that have turned into concrete or asphalt. To speak about the destruction of beauty as an instance of entropy is difficult. The metaphor tends to hide the sordid wickedness which we would otherwise deplore, and in which each one who drives or flies is involved. Words made out of technical terms are notoriously unfit for metaphorical use. When technical terms are ferried into an ethical discourse, they almost inevitably extinguish its moral meaning.
+
+Real _words_ have a nimbus. In contrast, _terms_ are shorn of connotations. A nimbus of connotation surrounds words like a wind chime moved by the voice. Entropy is not such a word, although many try to use it as one. When it is so used, it is delimited in two ways: it both loses the sharp edge it had as a term and it never acquires the overtones of a strong word. In a poem it is a stone and in a political discourse a cudgel.
+
+The words people use when they want to say something of importance are neither arbitrarily picked from a dead language — like ancient Greek — nor given their meaning only through definition. Each genuine word has its native place; it is rooted like a plant in a meadow. Some words spread like creepers, others are like hardwood. But what they do is under the control of the speaker. Each speaker tries to make his words mean what he wants to say. But there is no clear meaning in entropy when it is not used as the name of a cypher. No one can tell the person who utters this word with his mouth that he uses it wrongly. There is no right way to use a technical term in ordinary conversation.
+
+When ‘entropy’ is used as part of ordinary speech, it loses the power to name a formula: it fits neither sentence nor system. But it also lacks the kind of connotation that strong words have. The term gives off a halo of evocation that, unlike the meanings of sound words, is vague and arbitrary. When ‘entropy’ appears in a political statement the usage gives the impression of being scientific while in fact it is probably meaningless. If it convinces, it does so not by its own strength but by irrational seduction. It veils a moral perversion from which the speaker would otherwise recoil because it gives the impression that something weighty and scientific is being said.
+
+What I see, what I cry over, what deeply disturbs me on that degraded island of Okinawa is the result of presumption, aggression and human greed. Entropy powerfully suggests a strict analogy between the realm of human dignity and freedom and cosmic laws. By speaking about aggression, greed and despair within the context of entropy, I excuse crime and carelessness by evoking cosmic necessity. Instead of confessing that I advance an evil through my own lifestyle, I suggest that the elimination of beauty and variety is the unavoidable way of, equally, nature and culture. This is the issue about which Tamanoy spoke out. He defined the ideologically shaped local interaction of man and earth as the center of the cosmos.
+
+Yet in spite of this ambiguity, entropy remains a valuable word. When used as a suggestive, ever-limping metaphor, rather than as a reductive analogy, it serves to alert some to social degradation, the loss of beauty and variety, growing triviality and squalor. It helps us to recognize random noise; the senseless and meaningless waves that bombard all our inner and outer senses. If I could be sure that its limitations were kept in mind, I would not want to lose it.
+
+# Disvalue versus entropy
+
+When taken literally, metaphors produce absurdities. To insist that my child’s brain is a computer expresses nothing more than a trendy paternal vanity. Yet much of a metaphor’s effectiveness comes from the shock evoked in the hearer by an intentional misuse of language. And metaphor works only when the two realms between which this metaferry plies are shores within the reach of the hearer. Now, there could hardly be more distant and obscure realms than those which entropy as metaphor seeks to connect. For the typical listener, the world of science is formidable — by definition, its mathematical language is foreign to the man on the street. On the other hand, the realm in which the metaphor of entropy is supposed to act as a guide — the universe of monitored pollution, apocalyptic security, programmed education, medicalized sickness, computer-managed death and other forms of institutionalized nonsense — is so frightening that I can only face it with the respect due the devil; a constant fear of losing my heart’s sensitivity by becoming accustomed to evil.
+
+This is the danger associated with using the term ‘entropy’, for the frustrating and pervasive socio-economic twist that morally perverts almost every aspect of postmodern life. And yet the word did us a favor. It forced us to recognize that we are speechless in the face of a social evolution which (falsely) gives the impression of being as natural as the hypothetical chaos resulting from the irreversable run of the universe.
+
+The word that names this twist ought to be one that includes the historical and moral nature of our sadness, the perfidy and depravity that cause the loss of beauty, of autonomy and of that dignity which makes human labor worthy. Entropy implies that despoliation is a cosmic law, which started with the Big Bang. The social degradation that must be named is not co-equal with the universe, but something which had a beginning in mankind’s history and which, for this reason, might be brought to an end.
+
+I propose ‘disvalue’ as the appropriate word. Disvalue can be related to the degradation of value as entropy has been related to the degradation of energy. Entropy is a measure of the transformation of energy into a form that can no longer be converted into physical ‘work’. ‘Disvalue’ is a term that bespeaks the wasting of commons and culture with the result that traditional labor is voided of its power to generate subsistence. On this point the analogy between the two concepts is close enough to justify the metaphorical jump from astronomy to modern lifestyles and back.
+
+I know well that the word ‘disvalue’ is not in the dictionaries. You can devalue something which was formerly held to be precious: stocks can lose their value; old coins can rise in value; critical sociology can take a value-neutral stance; feigned love can be valueless. In all these applications of value the speaker takes ‘value’ for granted. In current usage, then, value can stand for almost anything. Indeed, it can be used to replace the good. It is born from the same mind set which in the third quarter of the last century also brought forth ‘labor force’, ‘waste’, ‘energy’ and ‘entropy’.
+
+By coining the concept of disvalue both the homologies and the contradictions that exist between social and physical degradation can be shown. While physical ‘work’ tends to increase entropy, the economic productivity of work is based on the previous dis-valuation of cultural labor. Waste and degradation are usually considered as side effects in the production of values. I suggest precisely the opposite. I argue that economic value accumulates only as the result of the previous wasting of culture, which can also be considered as the creation of disvalue.
+
+# The parable of Mexico’s ‘waste’
+
+Mexico City presents the world with a new plague. In this place salmonella and amoebas are now routinely transmitted through the respiratory tract. When you first arrive in the valley of Technochtitlán, surrounded by mountains and 8,000 feet above sea level, you inevitably struggle to breathe the thin air. Half a century ago it was crisp, clean air. What you now draw into your lungs is an atmosphere heavily polluted by a smog containing a high density of solid particles, many of which are pathogenic agents. A specific set of social conditions incubates and disperses the city’s bacteria. Some of these illustrate how cultural breakdown, ideology and university-bred prejudice combine to create disvalue. The evolution of Mexico City during the last three decades is a cautionary tale describing the highly productive manufacture of disvalue.
+
+In the last four decades, the city grew from one to over twenty million persons. The single experience which most newcomers share before their arrival is nearly unlimited open space. Pre-Columbian agriculture did not use large domestic animals. Cow, horse and donkey were imports from Europe. Animal droppings were at a premium. The dispersal of human excrements was the rule. Most of the recent immigrants come from rural areas. They do not possess inbred toilet habits appropriate for a densely populated habitat. And Mexican notions of defecation have never been shaped by the attention paid to these matters by Hindu, Muslim or Confucian disciplines. No wonder that in Mexico City today between four and five million people lack any proper place to deposit their stool, urine and blood. The ideology of the W.C. paralyzes the cultural urbanization of patterns native to the immigrants.
+
+Elitist blindness to the cultural nature of excrements, when these are produced in a modern city, is compounded by highly specialized fantasies implanted in the minds of Mexican bureaucrats by international schools of hygiene. The Anglo-Saxon prejudice that physiologically blocks bowel movements unless one sits over water with a roll of paper at hand has become endemic among the Mexican governing élite. As a result, the Mexican leadership is singularly blind to the real issue at hand. Further, this élite was stimulated to megalomanic planning during the oil boom of the early seventies. At that time, huge public works were undertaken which were never completed, and the ruins of unfinished projects are taken as symbols of development which will soon restart. While many of the poor move on, recognizing that the end of development is at hand, the government continues to speak of a temporary economic crisis that has momentarily throttled the flow of dollars and water. Toilet training, combined with the illusion of living in a short-term crisis, blinds the planners and sanitation experts to the evidence that the body excrements of their four million toilet-less neighbors will only continue to remain, rot and atomize in the thin air of the high plateau.
+
+# The Mexican earthquake
+
+Then, in September, 1985, an earthquake shook not only the capital but also the complacency of some professionals. Engineers and health planners in countries like Mexico almost inevitably belong to the class who, by definition, use the W.C. But in 1985 many of these had no water at home or at work for several weeks. For the first time, some editorial writers began to question whether hygiene inevitably means the dilution of feces and the generation of black water. What should have been obvious long ago suddenly became evident conclusions for a few: it is beyond the economic power of Mexico to provide water for several million additional toilets. Further, even if there were enough money and stringent rules applied on the use of flush, the generalization of the W.C. would be a serious and disastrous aggression against rural Mexico. The attempt to pump the necessary millions of gallons would devastate the semi-arid farm communities within a radius of more than a hundred miles. It would thus force new millions into the city. Then thousands of acres of fragile soil on the terraces, some built before the Spaniards, if left untended, would wash away. The center of the Meso-American plateau would become a permanent desert. All this loss would be the result of an ideology that treats humans as natural waste producers. Thinking differently, a new political opposition arose and picked up the slogan of composting units for rich and poor.
+
+It was interesting to observe how this small but potentially influential group reacted in the absence of the toilet ideology. The ideal of _la_ _normalidad,_ which in Spanish means perpendicularity, went to pieces for them. These people, including some professionals but most quite poor, prisoners of the world’s greatest megacity, rejected the symbols of urban life, such as skyscrapers, deep tunnels and monster markets. The ruins of the inner city became for them a sign of hope. Hitherto unexamined certainties about water and excrement became the source of laughter. Economic development became the butt of jokes in the _pulquerias_. Obviously it did not lead to the distribution of accumulated value, but to the generation of a huge turd composed of cement and plastic needing to be tended by professional services. Sewers became the symbol for remedies required in a city set up for the economic toilet training of _homo_ _œ_ _conomicus._
+
+# The history of waste
+
+The social definition of excrements, which in the opinion of those who generate them cannot be turned into compost, has become a cypher for the junking of people. The latter learn that they depend on services even when they act under the urge of the most elementary needs. In this perspective, the W.C. is a device to instill the habit of self-junking or self-disvaluation, which prepares one for dependence on scarce services in other spheres. It brings into existence the body percept of _homo_ the generator of waste. When people grasp that several times a day their physical needs for evacuation produce a degradation of the environment, it is easy to convince them that by their very existence they cannot but contribute to ‘entropy’.
+
+Waste is not the natural consequence of human existence. Professor Ludolf Kuchenbuch, who is working on a history of waste, has gathered the evidence. A concept that we take for granted does not appear before 1830. Before that date ‘waste’, as a verb and as a noun, is related to devastation, destruction, desertification, degradation. It is not something that can be removed. Professors Tamanoy and Murata have built their theory on a similar assumption: if a culture steadily enhances the interaction of sun, soil and water, its net contribution to the cosmos is positive. Human societies that create waste are those which destroy the soil-water matrix of their locality and become expansive centers for the devastation of those around them. Entropy appears as a result of the destruction of cultures and their commons.
+
+It is therefore unwarranted to attribute waste management to all cultures. Miasma and taboo are in no way ancestors of modern pollution. They are the symbolic rules that enhance integration and protect subsistence cultures. So-called development is a programmed disvaluation of these protections.
+
+# Disvalue versus waste
+
+Disvalue remains invisible as long as two conditions obtain. The first of these consists in the widespread belief that economic categories, whose task it is to measure ‘values’, can be used in statements about communities whose ‘business’ is not values but _the_ _good._ The good is part of a local ‘ideology’ related to the mixture of elements native to a specific place — to speak with Paracelsus or Tamanoy — while values are a measure which fits the abstract ideology of science. The second source of blindness to disvalue is an obsessive certainty about the feasibility of progress. This reduction of conviviality to primitive economics and the abhorrence of tradition, masked as a commitment to the progress of others, together foster the myopic destruction of the past. Tradition comes to be seen as a historical expression of waste, to be discarded with the trash of the past.
+
+Only a decade ago it still seemed possible to speak of twentieth-century progress with assurance. The economy appeared to be a machine that increases the flow of money. Energy, information and money all seemed to follow the same rules — the laws of entropy were equally applicable to each. The development of productive capacity, multiplication of trained workers and rise in savings were seen as parts of ‘growth’ which, sooner or later, would bring more money to more people. In spite of wider social disintegration due to the increase of money flow, ever more money was proposed as the fundamental requirement to satisfy the basic needs of more people! Entropy then seemed a tempting analog for the social degradation resulting from the pervasive flow.
+
+In the meantime, a new and radical questioning of economic verities began. As recently as twenty years ago, it was not yet ridiculous to look for a world community based on equal dignity and fairness that could be planned on the thermodynamic model of value flows. This is no longer so in the mid-eighties. Not only the promise of human equality, but even the provision of an equal chance for survival, sounds hollow. On a world scale it is obvious that growth has concentrated economic benefits, simultaneously disvaluing people and places, in such a way that survival has become impossible outside the money economy. More people are more destitute and helpless than ever before. Further, those privileges which only higher income can buy are increasingly valued primarily as an escape from the disvalue which affects the lives of all.
+
+The ideology of economic progress throws a shadow of disvalue on almost all activities that are culturally shaped outside of money flow. People like the immigrants to Mexico City, and beliefs such as those in local health rules, are de-valued long before effective toilets can be provided. People are forced into a new mental topology in which locations for bowel movements are scarce, even though resources to create these places are beyond the reasonable reach of the new economy in which they find themselves. The ideology of production and consumption under the implied condition of ‘natural’ scarcity takes hold of their minds while neither paid jobs nor money are attainable for them. Self-degradation, self-junking, self-wasting are different ways to name this creation of the necessary conditions for the legitimate growth of a money economy.
+
+This is where Joshiro Tamanoy comes in. He not only translated but he taught Karl Polanyi. He picked up the distinction between formal and substantive economies that goes back to Polanyi. Forty years after Polanyi, Tamanoy — whom I know only from conversation, since most of his writings are in a language of which I am ignorant — brought this distinction into modern Japan. It can be used to sum up our argument. Entropy is probably an effective metaphor to stress de-valuation in the formal economy. The flow of money or information can in some way be compared to the flow of heat. But it is now obvious that macro-economics tells us nothing about what people consider _good._ Therefore, entropy cannot be relevant to explain the devastation of substantive cultural patterns by which people act outside the formal money economy. This is true because the ‘exchange’ of gifts or movements of goods in the substantive economy are, by their very nature, heterogeneous to the flow-model of values postulated by a formal economy. And, as the thermodynamic flow model spreads, it extinguishes a way of life to which entropy will forever be foreign.
diff --git a/contents/article/1986-disvalue/es.bib b/contents/article/1986-disvalue/es.bib
index 36fb914..d3e24d7 100644
--- a/contents/article/1986-disvalue/es.bib
+++ b/contents/article/1986-disvalue/es.bib
@@ -1,10 +1,12 @@
-@ARTICLE{Illich-1986-disvalue-es,
+@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1986-disvalue-es,
   author = {Ivan Illich},
   title = {Desvalor},
   year = {1986},
   date = {1986},
   origdate = {1986},
   language = {es},
+  origlanguage = {en},
   translator = {},
-  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/article/1986-disvalue:index}
+  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/article/1986-disvalue:index},
+  urldate = {2024-03-21}
 }
diff --git a/contents/article/1986-disvalue/es.md b/contents/article/1986-disvalue/es.md
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..c4a5abf
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/article/1986-disvalue/es.md
@@ -0,0 +1,102 @@
+---
+  title: "Desvalor"
+  author: "Ivan Illich"
+  date: "1986"
+  lang: "es"
+  documentclass: article
+  geometry: margin=1.75in
+  fontsize: 12pt
+  fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths
+  colorlinks: true
+  linkcolor: RoyalBlue
+  urlcolor: RoyalBlue
+---
+
+# El foro del profesor Tamanoi
+
+Esta primera reunión pública de la Entropy Society japonesa nos permite conmemorar al profesor Joshiro Tamanoi. La mayoría de nosotros fuimos sus amigos o sus alumnos. Las cuestiones que suscitó son las que congregan aquí a 600 participantes, físicos y biólogos, economistas y ecologistas.
+
+Cuando enseñaba economía en la universidad de Tokio, el profesor Tamanoi tradujo a Karl Polanyi en japonés. A través de su enseñanza y sus obras, le dio un sabor japonés único a la investigación ecológica uniendo dimensiones culturales y dimensiones físicas. Logró esto concentrándose en la interacción entre la ideología económica de una época y la matriz tierra-agua que corresponde a la vida social. Fue un militante activo de una política del medio ambiente y un maestro fuera de serie. Los que fueron sus amigos nunca olvidarán su delicadeza.
+
+# Designar un mal
+
+Casi no mantenía ilusiones. Con valentía, reflexionaba sobre la guerra moderna, la fealdad moderna y la injusticia social moderna, incluso confrontado a un horror casi insoportable. Pero nadie olvidará el equilibrio de Tamanoi-sensei. Su compasión, su humor sutil que nunca lo abandonaban. Me hizo conocer el mundo de los que sobrevivieron con las cicatrices de la bomba de Hiroshima, los _hibakusha_. Y en él veo a un _hibakusha_ mental. Vivió la “experiencia interior” bajo la sombra de Hiroshima y Minamata. Bajo esta nube forjó una terminología para vincular espacios históricos con lugares materiales. Para ello usaba la “entropía” como un _semeion_ , una señal de la amenaza inminente contra una percepción exquisitamente japonesa de la localidad que aparentemente no tiene un equivalente occidental, como por ejemplo el _fudo_. La entropía ocupaba el centro de nuestras conversaciones. En esta conferencia me propongo explorar los límites en los que la noción de entropía puede aplicarse con utilidad a fenómenos sociales comparándola con la noción de desecho. Sugeriré entonces la noción de “desvalor” que espero nos permita aprehender con mayor claridad el término “entropía” cuando se usa fuera de la física o de la teoría de la información.
+
+El término “entropía” se debe al físico alemán Clausius. En 1850, al estudiar la relación entre el calor y la presión en un sistema cerrado, buscó una palabra para designar esta función. Helenista aficionado, tomó del griego el término “entropía” en 1865. Desde entonces esta palabra designa el algoritmo que define un fenómeno que anteriormente no se había notado. Al elegir precisamente esta palabra, Clausius nos prestó un servicio. En griego clásico, _entrópeo_ significa ‘girar’, ‘torcer’, ‘pervertir” o ‘humillar’. Después de un siglo de su introducción en la física, el término griego sigue siendo capaz de traducir una desviación frustrante que anteriormente se desconocía, que pervierte nuestras mejores energías sociales e intenciones morales.
+
+En algunos años, esta palabra se volvió una llave maestra para designar una variedad de desviaciones paradójicas que tienen dos cosas en común: son tan nuevas que el lenguaje cotidiano no tiene un sentido tradicional preciso que darles, y tan exasperantes que la gente prefiere evitar mencionarlas. Para tabuizar su propia implicación en un consumo furioso de bienes y servicios, la gente se apropia de la no palabra “entropía” con el fin de que la degradación social aparezca como un caso, entre otros, de una ley natural general.
+
+Cuando la gente evoca el empobrecimiento cultural que se revela en la escuela embrutecedora, en la medicina iatrógena y en la aceleración devoradora de tiempo, habla de la perversión de las buenas intenciones, no de los flujos de energía o de información. A lo que apuntan es a los efectos nefastos de la búsqueda de metas sociales inapropiadas que no tienen nada de la inocencia del determinismo inexorable que asociamos en física con la entropía. La degradación de la diversidad cultural por la organización transnacional de los flujos monetarios no es una ley natural, sino el resultado de la codicia. La desaparición de las culturas de subsistencia ligadas con terruños es un aspecto histórico y dramático de la condición humana, _pero es reciente_. La desaparición de las “ideologías” que privilegian la matriz tierra-agua es el hecho de las empresas y de los esfuerzos del hombre. Lo que nos parece natural en este final del siglo XX no ha existido todo el tiempo.
+
+Tamanoi me hizo captar que es posible englobar el suelo, el agua y el sol en una antropología filosófica, hablar de una “filosofía de la tierra”. Después de nuestras conversaciones, redescubrí a Paracelso, que proponía el mismo enfoque. Una filosofía de la tierra parte de la certeza de que la razón es vana sin una elaboración recíproca de las normas y de la realidad tangible; que hay que _ver_ la entidad culturalmente elaborada al mismo tiempo que su “entorno”, tal y como se presenta en un tiempo y en un lugar concretos. Esta interacción procede tanto del modo moral y estético como de los “espíritus” que elaboran los rituales y las artes a partir de la matriz terrestre de un lugar. La desaparición de las matrices correspondientes de la tierra y de la sociedad es una cuestión que no podríamos explorar con demasiada atención. A este respecto, la comparación entre la devastación de la diversidad cultural y la degradación cósmica puede ser útil, pero sólo a condición de que entendamos claramente los límites en los que la ciencia todavía es susceptible de engendrar metáforas. En cuanto metáfora, la entropía puede ser reveladora. Pero, en cuanto análogo, sólo puede ser engañosa.
+
+# La entropía como metáfora en oposición a la entropía como análogo reductor
+
+La última plática que nos reunió al profesor Tamanoi y a mí tuvo lugar después de un recorrido por su isla natal de Okinawa. Me hizo visitar a sus amigos, campos de batalla, grutas refugio, refinerías. Desde un recodo sobre un camino de montaña contemplamos los equipos petroleros y la bahía actualmente abandonada. Las conchas, los jardines y la vida aldeana habían desaparecido. Nuestra conversación versó sobre el peligro de pasar, intelectualmente, de un árbol muerto a la contaminación del planeta. Ciertamente, la contaminación es un mal a escala mundial. Pero esta devastación y sus efectos tangibles nunca deben desviarnos de la tristeza que nos causa este árbol muerto, este paisaje, el parque de almejas, vacío, de este hombre. El lenguaje de los especialistas puede con facilidad debilitar nuestra muda cólera en relación con los pantanos que _conocimos_ y que desde hace poco están cubiertos con chapopote o con asfalto. Evocar la destrucción de la belleza como un ejemplo de entropía es difícil. La metáfora tiende a enmascarar la vil malignidad que, normalmente, deploraríamos, y en la que participa cualquier persona que conduce un automóvil o viaja en avión. Las palabras creadas a partir de nociones técnicas son notablemente impropias para un uso metafórico. Cuando los términos técnicos pasan a un discurso ético, eclipsan casi inevitablemente el significado moral.
+
+Las _palabras_ auténticas tienen un nimbo. Por el contrario, los _términos_ no tienen connotaciones. Un nimbo de connotaciones rodea las palabras, como la imagen del carillón de viento que la voz pone en movimiento. La “entropía” no está entre estas palabras, aunque muchos traten de usarla así. En este último caso, está limitada de dos maneras: pierde lo tajante que tenía en cuanto término, y nunca adquiere las armonías de una palabra fuerte. En un poema es una piedra, y en el discurso político, un garrote.
+
+Las palabras que la gente usa cuando quiere decir algo importante no se sacan arbitrariamente de una lengua muerta —por ejemplo, el griego antiguo— ni se cargan de sentido únicamente por su definición. Cualquier palabra auténtica tiene su cuna natal; está arraigada allí como una planta en una pradera. Algunos términos se despliegan como plantas rampantes, otros tienen la densidad del roble. Sin embargo, su efecto está bajo el control del locutor. Quien habla se esfuerza por hacer que sus palabras signifiquen lo que quiere decir. Pero ninguna definición clara se le da a la entropía cuando tiene otra acepción que no es la técnica. Nadie puede decir a la persona que pronuncia esta palabra que la maneja mal. No hay una manera justa de usar un término técnico en la conversación ordinaria.
+
+Cuando “entropía” se usa en el lenguaje corriente, pierde su poder de designar una fórmula; no encaja ni en la frase ni en el sistema. Pero también pierde el género de connotación que poseen las palabras fuertes. Desprende un halo evocador que, al contrario del sentido de las palabras fuertes, es vago y arbitrario. Cuando el término “entropía” aparece en una declaración política, falazmente toma un giro científico, mientras que de hecho probablemente no tiene sentido. Si convence, no es en virtud de su fuerza, sino de una seducción irracional. Enmascara una perversión moral que, de otra manera, descompondría al locutor, pues da la impresión de que lo que formula es científico y está cargado de sentido.
+
+Lo que veo, y me desconsuela y me turba en relación con esta isla degradada de Okinawa, es el resultado de la presunción, de la agresión y de la avidez de los seres humanos. La entropía evoca con fuerza una analogía estricta entre el reino de la dignidad y de la libertad humanas y las leyes del cosmos. Al hablar de agresión, de avidez y de desesperanza en este contexto de la entropía, disculpo el crimen y la despreocupación al invocar la necesidad cósmica. En lugar de confesar que, por mi modo de vida, promuevo un mal, sugiero que la eliminación de la belleza y de la diversidad es el trayecto ineluctable de la cultura y de la naturaleza. Ésta es la cuestión que ha tratado Tamanoi. Él definía la interacción local del hombre y de la tierra, moldeada ideológicamente, como el centro del cosmos.
+
+A pesar de esta ambigüedad, la “entropía” sigue siendo un término precioso. Usado como una metáfora evocadora y flexible, y no como un análogo reductor, sirve para alertar a algunos ante la degradación social, la pérdida de la belleza y la diversidad, la trivialidad y la sordidez crecientes. Nos ayuda a reconocer los ruidos parásitos, las ondas ineptas y desprovistas de significado que bombardean nuestros sentidos internos y externos. Si estuviera seguro que se conservan en la mente estas limitaciones, no quisiera renunciar a él.
+
+# El desvalor por oposición a la entropía
+
+Tomadas al pie de la letra, las metáforas son generadoras de absurdidades. Decir que el cerebro de mi hijo es una computadora expresa sólo la vanidad de un padre que pretende ser moderno. Sin embargo, la eficacia de una metáfora procede sobre todo del choque que provoca en el oyente una impropiedad intencional del lenguaje. La metáfora no opera más que cuando los dos terrenos entre los que navega esta metáfora son orillas accesibles al entendimiento del oyente. Ahora bien, cuando se usa el término “entropía” en un sentido metafórico se trata de ligar terrenos particularmente oscuros y alejados uno de otro. Para el oyente medio, el mundo de la ciencia es impresionante —por definición, su lenguaje matemático es ajeno al hombre de la calle—. Por otra parte, el terreno en el que la metáfora de la entropía se supone que sirve de guía —el universo de la contaminación organizada, de la seguridad apocalíptica, de la educación programada, de la enfermedad medicalizada, de la muerte informatizada y otras formas de sinsentido institucionales— es tan aterrador que sólo puedo considerarlo con el respeto que se debe al diablo; con el temor constante de perder la sensibilidad de mi corazón acostumbrándome al mal.
+
+Ahí está el peligro asociado con el término “entropía”, a causa de la desviación socioeconómica generalizada que pervierte moralmente casi la totalidad de los aspectos de la existencia posmoderna. Sin embargo, este término nos fue útil. Nos forzó a darnos cuenta de que nos quedamos sin voz ante una evolución social que da la impresión (falaz) de ser tan natural como el caos hipotético que resulta del curso irreversible del universo.
+
+El término que denomina esta desviación debería ser tal que denotara la naturaleza histórica y moral de nuestra tristeza, la perfidia y la depravación que causan la pérdida de la belleza, de la autonomía y de esta dignidad que da su valor al trabajo del hombre. La entropía implica que la devastación es una ley cósmica, que comenzó con el Big-Bang. Ahora bien, la degradación social que hay que designar no coexiste con el universo; es algo que, en la historia de la humanidad, tiene un inicio, y a la que entonces se le podría poner un fin.
+
+Propongo designar este fenómeno como “desvalor”. Puede ponerse en relación con la degradación del valor, así como la entropía se puso en relación con la degradación de la energía. La entropía es una medida de la transformación de la energía en una forma que ya no puede convertirse en “trabajo” físico. “Desvalor” es un término que traduce la destrucción de los ámbitos de comunidad y de las culturas, y que da como resultado que el trabajo tradicional se despoja de su capacidad de engendrar la subsistencia. En este punto, la analogía entre los dos conceptos es bastante cercana para justificar el salto metafórico que une la astronomía con los modos de vida modernos (e inversamente).
+
+La palabra “desvalor” no aparece en los diccionarios. Por su parte, al “valor” tenemos muchas ocasiones de encontrarlo. Algo puede ser devaluado o sobrevaluado; las acciones pierden valor; las monedas antiguas ganan en valor; el amor fingido no tiene valor. En todos estos usos, el “valor” se considera como algo evidente. En el lenguaje cotidiano, puede significar cualquier cosa o casi… De hecho, con frecuencia se usa para significar el bien. Procede de la disposición mental que, a mediados del siglo pasado, produjo igualmente “fuerza de trabajo”, “desecho”, “energía” y “entropía”.
+
+El concepto de desvalor permite mostrar las homologías y las contradicciones que existen entre la degradación social y la degradación física. Mientras que el “trabajo” físico tiende a aumentar la entropía, la productividad económica del trabajo descansa sobre la desvalorización anterior de las actividades tradicionales en el seno de una cultura. El desecho y la degradación se consideran habitualmente como efectos secundarios de la producción de valores. Precisamente la idea que avanzo es la idea inversa. Sostengo que el valor económico sólo se acumula a causa de la devastación anterior de la cultura, que también puede considerarse como una creación de desvalor.
+
+# La parábola de los desechos de méxico
+
+México ofrece al mundo un nuevo azote. Hoy es un lugar en el que las salmonelas y las amibas se transmiten normalmente por las vías respiratorias. Quien llegue al valle de Tenochtitlán, situado a 2 250 metros de altura y ceñido de montañas, busca su aliento en la atmósfera enrarecida. Hace medio siglo, en la ciudad de México el aire era vivo y puro. Actualmente, los pulmones sirven de depósito de un aire muy contaminado por un _smog_ que contiene una alta densidad de partículas sólidas, de las cuales muchas son agentes patógenos. Un conjunto particular de condiciones sociales incuba y dispersa las bacterias de la ciudad. Algunos ilustran la manera en que el derrumbe cultural, la ideología y los preconceptos tecnocráticos se conjugan para crear el desvalor. La evolución de la ciudad de México desde hace 30 años es un cuento moral que describe la sobreproducción del desvalor.
+
+En 40 años, la ciudad pasó de un millón de habitantes a más de 20 millones. La única experiencia que tienen en común, antes de su llegada, los que van ahí a aglomerarse, es el gozo de un espacio casi ilimitado. La agricultura precolombina no conocía el gran ganado doméstico. El buey, el caballo y el asno se trajeron de Europa. Las evacuaciones animales se apreciaban. El esparcimiento de los excrementos humanos era algo usual. Los recientes inmigrantes de la ciudad generalmente vienen de las zonas rurales. No tienen hábitos de higiene apropiados a una gran densidad de población. Y las nociones mexicanas relativas a la defecación jamás fueron modeladas por una atención comparable a la que presta a estas cuestiones el pensamiento hindú, musulmán o confuciano. No es entonces sorprendente que hoy, en la ciudad de México, entre cuatro y cinco millones de personas no tengan un lugar específico para depositar sus heces, su orina, su sangre. La ideología de los WC paraliza la urbanización cultural de las costumbres nativas de los inmigrantes.
+
+La ceguera elitista ante la naturaleza cultural de los excrementos, cuando éstos se producen en una ciudad moderna, se conjuga con las visiones extremadamente especializadas que las escuelas de pensamiento higienista internacionales implantaron en la mente de los burócratas mexicanos. El prejuicio anglosajón que bloquea fisiológicamente los movimientos peristálticos salvo si uno está sentado en el excusado, con el papel de baño a la mano, se volvió endémico en la élite gobernante de México. De ahí resulta que es singularmente ciega al verdadero problema que se plantea. Además, durante el _boom_ petrolero de inicios de los años setenta, esta élite se entusiasmó con proyectos megalómanos. Se emprendieron inmensos trabajos públicos que nunca terminaron, y las ruinas de los proyectos inacabados se consideran como símbolos de un desarrollo que arrancará muy pronto. Mientras que en las capas pobres de la población se las arreglan como pueden sabiendo que el final del desarrollo está ahí, el gobierno sigue hablando de una crisis económica temporal que momentáneamente detuvo el flujo de dólares y de agua. Su uso cotidiano de excusados, conjugado con la ilusión de atravesar una crisis de corta duración, vuelve ciegos a los planificadores y a los expertos en técnicas sanitarias frente a la evidencia de que los excrementos de sus cuatro millones de conciudadanos sin excusados seguirán expandiéndose, descomponiéndose y atomizándose en el aire rarificado de la alta planicie.
+
+# El terremoto de la ciudad de méxico
+
+Además, en septiembre de 1985, un sismo sacudió no sólo la capital del país, sino también la suficiencia de algunos profesionales. En países como México, los ingenieros y responsables de servicios de higiene forzosamente pertenecen a la clase que, por definición, usa excusados. Pero, en 1985, muchos de ellos se vieron privados de agua en su domicilio y en su trabajo durante varias semanas. Por primera vez en la prensa, editorialistas se preguntaron si la higiene significa inevitablemente la dilución de las heces y la producción de agua fangosa. Lo que debería haberse constatado desde hace largo tiempo se volvió bruscamente una evidencia para algunos: México no tiene la capacidad económica de proveer agua para varios millones de excusados suplementarios. Además, si hubiera incluso bastante dinero y si el uso de la caja de agua estuviera estrictamente reglamentado, la generalización de los excusados constituiría una seria y desastrosa agresión contra el México rural. El bombeo de millones de litros de agua necesarios devastaría a las comunidades agrícolas semiáridas en un radio de cerca de 200 kilómetros. Lo que forzaría a emigrar a la ciudad de México a millones suplementarios de individuos. Abandonadas, millones de hectáreas de suelos frágiles de las terrazas, de las cuales algunas se remontan más allá de la llegada de los españoles, serían barridas por los vientos y las lluvias. El centro de la meseta mesoamericana se volvería definitivamente desértico. Habría ahí un enorme desperdicio suscitado por una ideología que trata a los seres humanos como productores naturales de desechos. Animados con ideas diferentes, una nueva oposición política se constituyó, que eligió promover unidades de composta tanto para los ricos como para los pobres.
+
+Es interesante observar de qué manera un grupo restringido, pero potencialmente influyente, reaccionó sin retomar por su cuenta la ideología de los excusados. Para esos ciudadanos, el ideal de la _normalidad_,[^n01] que en español significa la perpendicularidad, voló en pedazos. Esta gente, que, aparte de algunos profesionales, forma parte de una capa muy pobre, prisionera de una de las más grandes megalópolis del mundo, rechazó los símbolos de la vida urbana, los rascacielos, las profundas vías subterráneas, los mercados gigantescos. Para ellas, el corazón de la ciudad de México en ruinas se volvió un signo de esperanza. Certidumbres en cuanto al agua y a los excrementos, hasta ese momento admitidas sin examen, se volvieron objeto de chistes. En las _pulquerías_,[^n02] volaban las bromas sobre el desarrollo. De forma manifiesta, el desarrollo no había llevado a una redistribución del valor acumulado, sino a la creación de un gigantesco mojón compuesto de cemento y plástico y que necesita mantenimiento por parte de servicios profesionales. Los desagües se volvieron el símbolo de los remedios requeridos en una ciudad erigida para el entrenamiento del _homo œconomicus_ en el uso de los excusados.
+
+# La historia del desecho
+
+La definición social de los excrementos, que en la mente de quienes los producen no pueden transformarse en composta, se volvió simbólica de la “depreciación” de la gente. La gente aprende que es tributaria de servicios incluso cuando actúa bajo la incitación de las necesidades más elementales. En esta óptica, el excusado es una máquina para instalar la costumbre de agacharse, de depreciarse, que prepara al ciudadano a depender de servicios escasos en otros terrenos. Hace nacer la percepción corporal del _homo_ generador de desecho. Cuando la gente capta que, varias veces al día, sus necesidades físicas de evacuación engendran una degradación del medio ambiente, es fácil convencerla de que, simplemente al existir, no puede dejar de contribuir a la “entropía”.
+
+El desecho no es una consecuencia natural de la existencia humana. El profesor Ludolf Kuchenbuch, que trabaja en una historia del desecho, reunió ampliamente las pruebas. El concepto que sin discusión tomamos por nuestra cuenta apareció sólo hacia 1830. Antes de esta fecha, el término inglés _waste_ [en español desecho, desperdicio], verbo y sustantivo, estaba ligado con la devastación, la destrucción, la desertificación, la degradación. Algo que no puede evacuarse. Los profesores Tamanoi y Murata construyeron su teoría sobre un presupuesto similar: si una cultura refuerza regularmente la interacción del sol, de la tierra y del agua, su contribución al cosmos es positiva. Las sociedades humanas que crean desechos son las que destruyen la matriz tierra-agua de su medio y se vuelven centros de expansión de la devastación de las sociedades que las rodean. La entropía constituye un resultado de la destrucción de las culturas y de sus ámbitos de comunidad.
+
+Es entonces injustificado atribuir a cualquier cultura la producción de desechos. Los miasmas y los tabúes no deben en absoluto considerarse como iguales a los contaminantes modernos: fundan reglas simbólicas que refuerzan la integración y protegen las culturas de subsistencia. El pretendido desarrollo es una desvalorización programada de estas protecciones.
+
+# El desvalor en oposición al desecho
+
+El desvalor permanece invisible mientras prevalecen dos condiciones. La primera reside en la creencia general de que las categorías económicas, cuya tarea es medir “valores”, pueden usarse en formulaciones en relación con comunidades cuyo “asunto” no es el valor, sino el bien. El bien forma parte de una “ideología” local ligada con una mezcla de elementos inherentes a un lugar específico —para hablar como Paracelso o como Tamanoi—, mientras que el valor es una medida que conviene a la ideología abstracta de la ciencia. La segunda fuente de ceguera ante el desvalor es la certeza obsesiva de la plausibilidad del progreso. Esta propensión a reducir la convivencialidad a la economía primitiva, junto a un horror de la tradición disfrazada como voluntad de contribuir al progreso de los otros, engendra la destrucción inconsiderada del pasado. Se llega a mirar a la tradición como una expresión histórica del desecho, de la que hay que deshacerse al mismo tiempo que de las inmundicias del pasado.
+
+Hace solamente 10 años todavía parecía posible hablar con seguridad del progreso del siglo XX. La economía se presentaba como una máquina que acrecienta el flujo monetario. La economía, la información y el dinero parecían obedecer a las mismas reglas —las leyes de la entropía se aplicaban por igual—. El desarrollo de la capacidad de producción, la multiplicación de trabajadores calificados y el aumento del ahorro se veían como elementos constitutivos del “crecimiento” que, tarde o temprano, repartiría más dinero a más gente. A pesar de una mayor desintegración social debida al crecimiento del flujo monetario, lo que se presentaba como la exigencia primera para satisfacer las necesidades fundamentales de más gente ¡era siempre más dinero! La entropía parecía entonces un análogo pertinente de la degradación social que resultaba de la circulación general del dinero.
+
+Mientras tanto, se anunciaba una cuestión nueva y radical de las verdades económicas. Hace sólo 20 años todavía no era ridículo imaginar una comunidad mundial fundada sobre una dignidad y una justicia iguales, que podría proyectarse siguiendo el modelo de los flujos de valor derivados de la termodinámica. Desde entonces no sólo la promesa de igualdad entre los hombres sino incluso la posibilidad de una oportunidad igual de sobrevivencia suenan vacías. A escala mundial es evidente que el crecimiento concentró los provechos económicos, desvalorizando simultáneamente a los seres y los lugares de manera tal que la sobrevivencia se volvió imposible fuera de la economía monetaria. Más gente está más desprovista e impotente como nunca en el pasado. Además, los privilegios que sólo pueden adquirir los que gozan de grandes percepciones son cada vez más apreciados, principalmente como un medio de escapar al desvalor que afecta la vida de todos.
+
+La ideología del progreso económico extiende una sombra de desvalor sobre casi todas las actividades modeladas culturalmente de manera separada del flujo monetario. Gente como los inmigrantes rurales de la ciudad de México, y nociones como las reglas de salud locales se devalúan mucho antes de que se les puedan dar excusados eficientes. La gente está obligada a entrar en una nueva topología mental en donde los lugares destinados a los movimientos peristálticos son escasos, al mismo tiempo que los recursos para crear estos lugares están fuera del alcance de la nueva economía en la que se encuentran. La ideología de la producción y del consumo en condiciones implícitas de escasez “natural” se apodera de su mente mientras que el dinero o el empleo remunerado están fuera de su alcance. La autodegradación, el autorrebajamiento, el autofracaso caracterizan la creación de las condiciones necesarias para el crecimiento legítimo de una economía monetaria.
+
+Aquí es donde Joshiro Tamanoi entra en escena. No sólo tradujo a Karl Polanyi, sino que también enseñó sus ideas. Retomó la distinción entre economía monetaria y economía de subsistencia que se remonta a Polanyi. Cuarenta años después de él, Tamanoi —de quien sólo conozco el pensamiento por nuestras conversaciones, pues sus obras están en japonés, lengua que ignoro— introdujo esta distinción en el Japón moderno. Puede usarse para resumir la tesis que expongo. La entropía es probablemente una metáfora eficaz para subrayar la depreciación en la economía monetaria. El flujo de la moneda o de la información puede, de cierta manera, compararse con el flujo del calor. Pero es evidente que la macroeconomía no nos dice nada de lo que la gente considera como bueno. La entropía no es pertinente para explicar la devastación de los contextos culturales de subsistencia gracias a los cuales la gente actúa fuera de la economía monetaria. En efecto, el “intercambio” de dones o las transacciones de bienes en la economía de subsistencia son, por su misma naturaleza, heterogéneos al modelo del flujo de valor postulado por la economía monetaria. Y, mientras que el modelo termodinámico del flujo se extiende, borra un modo de vida del que la entropía será para siempre ajena.
+
+-----
+
+Conferencia pronunciada durante la primera reunión pública de la Entropy Society, Keyo University, Tokio, 9 de noviembre de 1986.
+
+[^n01]: En español en el original. (T.)
+
+[^n02]: En español en el original. (T.)
+
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   author = {Ivan Illich},
   title = {Foreword to "Deschooling Our Lives"},
   year = {1995},
   date = {1995},
   origdate = {1995},
   language = {en},
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-  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives:index}
+  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives:index},
+  urldate = {2024-03-21}
 }
diff --git a/contents/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/en.md b/contents/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/en.md
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+  title: "Foreword to 'Deschooling Our Lives'"
+  author: "Ivan Illich"
+  date: "1995"
+  lang: "en"
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+
+Leafing through the pages of _Deschooling Our Lives_ transports me back to the year 1970 when, together with Everett Reimer at the Center for Intercultural Documentation (CIDOC) in Cuernavaca, I gathered together some of the more thoughtful critics of education (Paulo Freire, John Holt, Paul Goodman, Jonathan Kozol, Joel Spring, George Dennison, and others) to address the futility of schooling — not only in Latin America, which was already obvious — but also in the so-called developed, industrialized world.
+
+On Wednesday mornings during the spring and summer of that year, I distributed drafts of essays that eventually became chapters of my book, _Deschooling Society_. Looking back over a quarter century, many of the views and criticisms that seemed so radical back in 1970 today seem rather naive. While my criticisms of schooling in that book may have helped some people reflect on the unwanted social side effects of that institution — and perhaps pursue meaningful alternatives to it — I now realize that I was largely barking up the wrong tree. To understand why I feel this way and to get a glimpse of where I am today, I invite readers to accompany me on the journey I took after _Deschooling Society_.
+
+My travelogue begins twenty-five years ago, when _Deschooling Society_ was about to appear. During the nine months the manuscript was at the publishers, I grew more and more dissatisfied with the text, which, by the way, did not argue for the elimination of schools. This misapprehension I owe to Cass Canfield Sr., Harper’s president, who named the book and in so doing misrepresented my thoughts. The book advocates the disestablishment of schools, in the sense in which the Church has been disestablished in the United States. By disestablishment, I meant, first, not paying public monies and, second, not granting any special social privileges to either church- or school-goers. (I even suggested that instead of financing schools, we should go further than we went with religion and have schools pay taxes, so that schooling would become a luxury object and be recognized as such.)
+
+I called for the disestablishment of schools for the sake of improving education and here, I noticed, lay my mistake. Much more important than the disestablishment of schools, I began to see, was the reversal of those trends that make of education a pressing need rather than a gift of gratuitous leisure. I began to fear that the disestablishment of the educational church would lead to a fanatical revival of many forms of degraded, all-encompassing education, making the world into a universal classrcom, a global schoolhouse. The more important question became, "Why do so many people—even ardent critics of schooling—become addicted to education, as to a drug?"
+
+Norman Cousins published my own recantation in the Saturday Review during the very week Deschooling Society came out. In it I argued that the alternative to schooling was not some other type of educational agency, or the design of educational opportunities in every aspect of life, but a society which fosters a different attitude of people toward tools.
+
+I expanded and generalized this argument in my next book, _Tools for Conviviality_.
+
+Largely through the help of my friend and colleague Wolfgang Sachs, I came to see that the educational function was already emigrating from the schools and that, increasingly, other forms of compulsory learning would be instituted in modern society. It would become compulsory not by law, but by other tricks, such as making people believe that they are learning something from TV, or compelling people to attend in-service training, or getting people to pay huge amounts of money in order to be taught how to have better sex, how to be more sensitive, how to know more about the vitamins they need, how to play games, and so on. This talk of "lifelong learning" and "learning needs" has thoroughly polluted society, and not just schools, with the stench of education.
+
+Then came the third stage, in the late seventies and early eighties, when my curiosity and reflections focused on the historical circumstances under which the very idea of educational needs can arise. When I wrote _Deschooling Society_, the social effects, and not the historical substance of education, were still at the core of my interest. I had questioned schooling as a desirable means, but I had not questioned education as a desirable end. I still accepted that, fundamentally, educational needs of some kind were an historical given of human nature. I no longer accept this today.
+
+As I refocused my attention from schooling to education, from the process toward its orientation, I came to understand education as learning when it takes place under the assumption of scarcity in the means which produce it. The "need" for education from this perspective appears as a result of societal beliefs and arrangements which make the means for so-called socialization scarce. And, from this same perspective, I began to notice that educational rituals reflected, reinforced, and actually created belief in the value of learning pursued under conditions of scarcity. Such beliefs, arrangements, and rituals, I came to see, could easily survive and thrive under the rubrics of deschooling, free schooling, or homeschooling (which, for the most part, are limited to the commendable rejection of authoritarian methods).
+
+What does scarcity have to do with education? If the means for learning (in general) are abundant, rather than scarce, then education never arises — one does not need to make special arrangements for "learning". If, on the other hand, the means for learning are in scarce supply, or are assumed to be scarce, then educational arrangements crop up to "ensure" that certain, important knowledge, ideas, skills, attitudes, etc., are "transmitted". Education then becomes an economic commodity, which one consumes, or, to use common language, which one "gets". Scarcity emerges both from our perceptions, which are massaged by education professionaals who are in the business of imputing educational needs, and from actual societal arrangements that make access to tools and to skilled, knowledgeable people hard to come by — that is, scarce.
+
+If there were one thing I could wish for the readers (and some of the writers) of _Deschooling Our Lives_, it would be this: If people are seriously to think about deschooling their lives, and not just escape from the corrosive effects of compulsory schooling, they could do no better than to develop the habit of setting a mental question mark beside all discourse on young people’s “educational needs” or “learning needs,” or about their need for a “preparation for life” I would like them to reflect on the historicity of these very ideas. Such reflection would take the new crop of deschoolers a step further from where the younger and somewhat naive Ivan was situated, back when talk of “deschooling” was born.
+
+
+Bremen, Germany - Summer 1995
diff --git a/contents/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/es.bib b/contents/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/es.bib
index d6bcb84..ab93863 100644
--- a/contents/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/es.bib
+++ b/contents/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/es.bib
@@ -1,10 +1,12 @@
-@ARTICLE{Illich-1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives-es,
+@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives-es,
   author = {Ivan Illich},
   title = {Prólogo de "Desescolarizando nuestras vidas"},
   year = {1995},
   date = {1995},
   origdate = {1995},
   language = {es},
+  origlanguage = {en},
   translator = {},
-  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives:index}
+  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives:index},
+  urldate = {2024-03-21}
 }
diff --git a/contents/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/es.md b/contents/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/es.md
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..81a3b87
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/es.md
@@ -0,0 +1,42 @@
+---
+  title: "Prólogo de 'Desescolarizando nuestras vidas'"
+  author: "Ivan Illich"
+  date: "1995"
+  lang: "es"
+  documentclass: article
+  geometry: margin=1.75in
+  fontsize: 12pt
+  fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths
+  colorlinks: true
+  linkcolor: RoyalBlue
+  urlcolor: RoyalBlue
+---
+
+Hojear las páginas de _Desescolarizar nuestras vidas_ me transporta al año 1970, cuando, junto con Everett Reimer en el Centro de Documentación Intercultural (CIDOC) de Cuernavaca, reuní a algunos de los más sesudos críticos de la educación (Paulo Freire, John Holt, Paul Goodman, Jonathan Kozol, Joel Spring, George Dennison y otros) para abordar la inutilidad de la escolarización -no sólo en América Latina, que ya era evidente- sino también en el llamado mundo desarrollado e industrializado.
+
+Los miércoles por la mañana, durante la primavera y el verano de ese año, distribuí borradores de ensayos que acabaron convirtiéndose en capítulos de mi libro, _La sociedad desescolarizada_. Mirando hacia atrás un cuarto de siglo, muchas de las opiniones y críticas que parecían tan radicales en 1970 parecen hoy bastante ingenuas. Aunque mis críticas a la escolarización en ese libro pueden haber ayudado a algunas personas a reflexionar sobre los efectos sociales secundarios no deseados de esa institución -y quizás a buscar alternativas significativas a la misma-, ahora me doy cuenta de que en gran medida estaba ladrando al árbol equivocado. Para entender por qué me siento así y tener una idea de dónde me encuentro hoy, invito a los lectores a acompañarme en el viaje que hice después de _La sociedad desescolarizada_.
+
+Mi cuaderno de viaje comienza hace veinticinco años, cuando _La sociedad desescolarizada_ estaba a punto de aparecer. Durante los nueve meses que el manuscrito estuvo en la editorial, cada vez estaba más insatisfecho con el texto, que, por cierto, no defendía la eliminación de las escuelas. Este malentendido se lo debo a Cass Canfield Sr., presidente de Harper's, que dio nombre al libro y con ello tergiversó mi pensamiento. El libro aboga por el desestablecimiento de las escuelas, en el sentido en que la Iglesia ha sido desestablecida en los Estados Unidos. Por desestructuración me refería, en primer lugar, a no pagar con dinero público y, en segundo lugar, a no conceder ningún privilegio social especial ni a los que van a la iglesia ni a los que van a la escuela. (Incluso sugerí que, en lugar de financiar las escuelas, deberíamos ir más allá de lo que hicimos con la religión y hacer que las escuelas pagaran impuestos, de modo que la escolarización se convirtiera en un objeto de lujo y fuera reconocida como tal).
+
+Pedí la desestructuración de las escuelas en aras de mejorar la educación y aquí, me di cuenta, radicó mi error. Mucho más importante que la disolución de las escuelas, empecé a ver, era la inversión de esas tendencias que hacen de la educación una necesidad apremiante en lugar de un regalo de ocio gratuito. Empecé a temer que la desestructuración de la iglesia educativa condujera a un renacimiento fanático de muchas formas de educación degradada y omnipresente, convirtiendo el mundo en una clase universal, una escuela global. La pregunta más importante se convirtió en: "¿Por qué tantas personas -incluso ardientes críticos de la escolarización- se vuelven adictas a la educación, como a una droga?"
+
+Norman Cousins publicó mi propia retractación en la Saturday Review durante la misma semana en que salió a la luz _La sociedad desescolarizada_. En ella argumentaba que la alternativa a la escolarización no era otro tipo de organismo educativo, ni el diseño de oportunidades educativas en todos los aspectos de la vida, sino una sociedad que fomente una actitud diferente de las personas hacia las herramientas.
+
+Amplié y generalicé este argumento en mi siguiente libro, _Herramientas para la convivencia_.
+
+En gran parte gracias a la ayuda de mi amigo y colega Wolfgang Sachs, llegué a ver que la función educativa ya estaba emigrando de las escuelas y que, cada vez más, se instituirían otras formas de aprendizaje obligatorio en la sociedad moderna. Se convertiría en obligatoria no por ley, sino por otros trucos, como hacer creer a la gente que aprende algo de la televisión, u obligar a la gente a asistir a cursos de formación continua, o conseguir que la gente pague enormes cantidades de dinero para que le enseñen a tener mejor sexo, a ser más sensible, a saber más sobre las vitaminas que necesita, a jugar, etc. Este discurso de "aprendizaje permanente" y "necesidades de aprendizaje" ha contaminado completamente la sociedad, y no sólo las escuelas, con el hedor de la educación.
+
+Luego vino la tercera etapa, a finales de los setenta y principios de los ochenta, en la que mi curiosidad y mis reflexiones se centraron en las circunstancias históricas en las que puede surgir la propia idea de las necesidades educativas. Cuando escribí _La sociedad desescolarizada_, los efectos sociales, y no la sustancia histórica de la educación, seguían siendo el centro de mi interés. Había cuestionado la escolarización como medio deseable, pero no había cuestionado la educación como fin deseable. Seguía aceptando que, fundamentalmente, las necesidades educativas de algún tipo eran un hecho histórico de la naturaleza humana. Hoy ya no lo acepto.
+
+Al reenfocar mi atención desde la escolarización hacia la educación, desde el proceso hacia su orientación, llegué a entender la educación como aprendizaje cuando tiene lugar bajo el supuesto de escasez en los medios que lo producen. La "necesidad" de la educación, desde esta perspectiva, aparece como resultado de las creencias y disposiciones sociales que hacen escasos los medios para la llamada socialización. Y, desde esta misma perspectiva, empecé a notar que los rituales educativos reflejaban, reforzaban y de hecho creaban la creencia en el valor del aprendizaje perseguido en condiciones de escasez. Llegué a ver que tales creencias, disposiciones y rituales podían sobrevivir y prosperar fácilmente bajo las rúbricas de desescolarización, escolarización libre o educación en casa (que, en su mayor parte, se limitan al encomiable rechazo de los métodos autoritarios).
+
+¿Qué tiene que ver la escasez con la educación? Si los medios para el aprendizaje (en general) son abundantes, en lugar de escasos, entonces la educación nunca surge -no es necesario hacer arreglos especiales para "aprender". Si, por el contrario, los medios para aprender son escasos, o se supone que son escasos, entonces surgen disposiciones educativas para "garantizar" que se "transmitan" ciertos conocimientos, ideas, habilidades, actitudes, etc., importantes. La educación se convierte entonces en una mercancía económica que se consume o, para usar el lenguaje común, que se "obtiene". La escasez surge tanto de nuestras percepciones, que son manipuladas por los profesionales de la educación que se dedican a imputar necesidades educativas, como de los acuerdos sociales reales que hacen que el acceso a las herramientas y a las personas cualificadas y con conocimientos sea difícil de conseguir, es decir, escaso.
+
+Si hubiera algo que pudiera desear a los lectores (y a algunos de los escritores) de _Desescolarizar nuestras vidas_, sería esto: Si la gente quiere pensar seriamente en desescolarizar sus vidas, y no sólo escapar de los efectos corrosivos de la escolarización obligatoria, no podría hacer nada mejor que desarrollar el hábito de poner un signo de interrogación mental al lado de todo el discurso sobre las "necesidades educativas" o "necesidades de aprendizaje" de los jóvenes, o sobre su necesidad de una "preparación para la vida". Me gustaría que reflexionaran sobre la historicidad de estas mismas ideas. Esta reflexión llevaría a la nueva cosecha de desescolarizadores un paso más allá de donde se encontraba el joven y algo ingenuo Iván, cuando nació el discurso de la "desescolarización".
+
+
+Bremen, Alemania - Verano de 1995
+
+----
+
+Este artículo se incluyó originalmente como prólogo del libro _Desescolarizar nuestras vidas_ (1995) y también se incluyó en "Everywhere All the Time: A New Deschooling Reader" (2008).
diff --git a/contents/article/1998-conspiracy/en.bib b/contents/article/1998-conspiracy/en.bib
index a1c81fb..fcd8a87 100644
--- a/contents/article/1998-conspiracy/en.bib
+++ b/contents/article/1998-conspiracy/en.bib
@@ -1,10 +1,12 @@
-@ARTICLE{Illich-1998-conspiracy-en,
+@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1998-conspiracy-en,
   author = {Ivan Illich},
   title = {The Cultivation of Conspiracy},
   year = {1998},
   date = {1998},
   origdate = {1998},
   language = {en},
+  origlanguage = {en},
   translator = {},
-  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1998-conspiracy:index}
+  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1998-conspiracy:index},
+  urldate = {2024-03-21}
 }
diff --git a/contents/article/1998-conspiracy/en.md b/contents/article/1998-conspiracy/en.md
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..90d1241
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/article/1998-conspiracy/en.md
@@ -0,0 +1,96 @@
+---
+  title: "The Cultivation of Conspiracy"
+  author: "Ivan Illich"
+  date: "1998"
+  lang: "en"
+  documentclass: article
+  geometry: margin=1.75in
+  fontsize: 12pt
+  fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths
+  colorlinks: true
+  linkcolor: RoyalBlue
+  urlcolor: RoyalBlue
+---
+
+On November 16, 1996, I arrived at the library auditorium of Bremen University just in time for my afternoon lecture. For five years now I had commented old texts to trace the long history of western philia, of friendship. This semester's theme was the loss of the common sense for proportionality during the lifetimes of Locke, Leibniz and Johann Sebastian Bach. On that day I wanted to address "common sense" as the sense-organ believed to recognize "the good", the "fit" and the "fifth". But even before I could start I had to stop: the roughly two hundred auditors had planned a party instead of a lecture. Two months after the actual day, they had decided to celebrate my seventieth birthday, so we feasted and laughed and danced until midnight.
+
+Speeches launched the affair. I was seated behind a bouquet, in the first row, and listened to seventeen talks. As a sign of recognition, I presented a flower to each encomiast. Most speakers were over fifty, friends I had made on four continents, a few with reminiscences reaching back to the 1950s in New York. Others were acquaintances made while teaching in Kassel, Berlin, Marburg, Oldenburg and, since 1991, in Bremen. As I grappled for the expression of gratitude fitting each speaker, I felt like Hugh of St. Victor, my teacher. This twelfth-century monk in a letter compares himself to a basket-bearing donkey: not weighed down but lifted by the burden of friendships gathered on life's pilgrimage.
+
+From the laudationes at the library we moved across the plaza to the liberal arts building, whose bleak cement hallways I habitually avoid. A metamorphosis had occurred in its atmosphere. We found ourselves in a quaint café: some five dozen small tables, each with a lighted candle on a colored napkin. For the occasion, the university's department of domestic science had squeezed a pot into the semester's budget, a pot large enough to cook potato soup for a company. The chancellor, absent on business in Beijing, had hired a Klezmer ensemble. Ludolf Kuchenbuch, dean of historians at a nearby university and a saxophonist, took charge of the jazz. A couple of clowns performing on a bicycle entertained us with their parody of my 1972 book, Energy and Equity.
+
+The mayor-governor of the city state, Bremen, had picked a very old Burgundy from the treasures of the Ratskeller. The lanky and towering official handed me the precious gift and expressed his pleasure "that Illich at seventy, in his own words, had found in Bremen 'einen Zipfel Heimat'," something like "the tail end of an abode." On the lips of the Bürgermeister, my expression seemed grotesque, but still true. I began to reflect: How could I have been induced to connect the notion of home with the long dark winters of continual rain, where I walk through the pastures along the Wümme that are flooded twice a day by the tide from the North Atlantic? I who, as a boy, had felt exiled in Vienna, because all my senses were longingly attached to the South, to the blue Adriatic, to the limestone mountains in the Dalmatia of my early childhood.
+
+Today's ceremony, however, is even more startling than last year's revelry, because your award makes me feel welcomed by the citizenry rather than just by a city father. Villa Ichon is a manifestation of Bremen's civility: neither private charity nor public agency. You, who are my hosts in this place, define yourselves as Hanseatic merchant citizens. On the day Villa Ichon was solemnly opened, you pointedly refused to let a city official touch the keys to this house, this "houseboat for the uninsured and vulnerable among us" as Klaus Hübotter has called it. By insisting on your autonomy you stressed the respectful distance of civil society from the city's government. I am touched that this annual award, meant to honor a Bremen citizen, should today go to an errant pilgrim, but to one who knows how to appreciate it. As the eldest son of a merchant family in a free port city - one that was caught between the contesting powers of Byzantium and Venice - I was born into a tradition which, in the meantime, has petered out, but not without leaving me sensitive to the flavor of the Hanseatic hospitality you offer today.
+
+I first heard of Bremen when I was six, in the stories told me by my drawing teacher, who came from  one of your patrician families, and in Vienna was homesick for the North. I adopted the tiny, black-dressed lady as Mamma Pfeiffer-Kulenkampf. One summer she came along with us to Dalmatia, to paint. Her watercolors still grace my brothers study. From her I learned how to mix different pigments for the contrasting atmospheres of a Mediterranean and an Atlantic shore.
+
+Now, a long lifetime later, I am at home in her salty gray climate. And not just at home: I now fancy that my presence has added something to the atmosphere of Bremen university. When Dean Johannes Beck led me from the aula through the rainy plaza into the makeshift cafe he made a remark that I accepted as a gift. "Ivan," he said "this feels like an overflow of Barbara Duden's house." Dean Beck put into words the accomplishment of something I had aimed at for decades -- the plethora of the dining-room conviviality inspiring the University Aula; The aura of our hospitality in the Kreftingstrasse, felt well beyond its threshold.
+
+Even before my first Bremen semester could start, Barbara Duden got a house in the Ostertor Viertel, beyond the old moat, just down from the drug-corner, the farmers market and the Turkish quarter. There Barbara created an ambiance of austere playfulness. The house became a place that at the drop of a hat accommodates our guests. If -- after my lecture on Fridays -- the spaghetti bowl must feed more than the two dozen who fit around the table made from flooring timber, guests squat on Mexican blankets in the next room.
+
+Over the years our "Kreftingstraße" has fostered privileged closeness in respectful, disciplined, critical intercourse: friendships between old acquaintances who drop in from far away, and new ones, three, even four decades younger than my oldest companion Ceslaus Hoinacki, who shares his room with our Encyclopedias. Friendship makes ties unique, but some more than others bear the burden of the host. Kassandra who lives elsewhere, has a key to the house and brings the flowers and Matthias, the virtuoso drummer who stays downstairs, in the room that opens on the tiny garden, belong to the dozen who can equally welcome the newcomer at the threshold, stir the soup, orient conversation, do the dishes and  ... correct my manuscripts as well as those of each other.
+
+Learned and leisurely hospitality is the only antidote to the stance of deadly cleverness that is acquired in the professional pursuit of objectively secured knowledge. I remain certain that the quest for truth cannot thrive outside the nourishment of mutual trust flowering into a commitment to friendship. Therefore I have tried to identify the climate that fosters and the "conditioned air" that hinders the growth of friendship.
+
+Of course I can remember the taste of strong atmospheres from other epochs in my life: I have never doubted that -- today, more than ever -- a "monastic" ambience is the prerequisite to the independence needed for a historically based indictment of society. Only the gratuitous commitment of friends can enable me to practice the ascetisme required for modern near-paradoxes: as that of renouncing systems analysis while typing on my Toshiba.
+
+My early suspicion that atmosphere was a prerequisite for the kind of studium to which I had dedicated myself became a conviction through my contact with post-Sputnik American universities. After just one year as vice-chancellor of a university in Puerto Rico, in 1957 I and a few others wanted to question the development ideology to which Kennedy no less than Castro subscribed. I put all the money I had - today the equivalent of the prize you just gave me - into the purchase of a one- room wooden shack in the mountains that overlook the Caribbean. With three friends I wanted a place of study in which every use of the personal pronoun "nos-otros" would truthfully refer back to the four of "us", and be accessible to our guests as well; I wanted to practice the rigor that would keep us far from the "we" that invokes the security found in the shadow of an academic discipline: we as "sociologists", "economists" and so forth. As one of us, Charlie Rosario, put it: "All departments smell - of disinfectants, at their best; and poisoned sterilized aura." The "casita" on the route to Adjuntas soon became so obnoxious that I had to leave the Island.
+
+This freed me to start a "thinkery" in Mexico that five years later turned into CIDOC. In his introductory talk for today's celebration congressman Freimut Duve told you about it. In those distant years Duve was editor at Rowohlt, took care of my German books and several times spent time with me there, in Cuernavaca. He told you about the spirit prevailing in that place: a climate of mutually tempered forbearance. It was this aura, this quality or air, through which this ephemeral venture could become a world crossroads, a meeting place for those who, long before this had
+become fashionable, questioned the innocence of "development." Only the mood that Duve hinted at can explain the disproportionate influence that this small place exerted in challenging the goods of socio-economic development.
+
+CIDOC was closed by common accord on April first, ten years to the day after its foundation. With Mexican music and dancing we celebrated its closing. Duve told you about her, who did it, Valentina Borremans: she had directed and organized CIDOC from its inception, and he told you about his admiration for the style in which she closed it by mutual consent of its 63 collaborators. She knew that the soul of this free, independent and powerless "thinkery" would have been squashed soon by its rising influence.
+
+CIDOC shut its doors in the face of criticism by its most serious friends, people too earnest to grasp the paradox of atmosphere. These were mainly persons for whom the hospitable atmosphere of CIDOC had provided a unique forum. They thrived in the aura of CIDOC, and outright rejected our certainty that atmosphere invites institutionalization by which it will be corrupted. You never know what will nurture the spirit of a philia, while you can be certain what will stifle it. Spirit emerges by surprise, and it's a miracle when it abides; it is stifled by every attempt to secure it; it's debauched when you try to use it.
+
+Few understood this. With Valentina I opened the mayor's bottle of Burgundy in Mexico to celebrate one of them. We drank the wine to the memory of Alejandro Del Corro, a now deceased Argentine Jesuit who lived and worked with me since the early sixties. With his Laica he traveled around South America, collaborating with guerrilleros to save their archives for history. Alejandro was a master at moderating aura. Wen he presided, his delicate attention to each guest: guerrillero, US civil servant, trash collector or professor felt at home with each other around the CIDOC table. Alejandro knew that you cannot lay a claim on aura, he knew about the evanescence of atmosphere.
+
+I speak of atmosphere, faute de mieux. In Greek, the word is used for the emanation of a star, or for the constellation that governs a place; alchemists adopted it to speak of the layers around our planet. Maurice Blondel reflects its much later French usage for bouquet des ésprits, the scent those present contribute to a meeting. I use the word for something frail and often discounted, the air that weaves and wafts and evokes memories, like those attached to the Burgundy long after the bottle has been emptied.
+
+To sense an aura, you need a nose. The nose, framed by the eyes, runs below the brain. What the nose inhales ends in the guts; every yogi and hesichast knows this. The nose curves down in the middle of the face. Pious Jews are conscious of the image because what Christians call "walking in the sight of God" the Hebrew expresses as "ambling under God's nose and breath." To savor the feel of a place, you trust your nose; to trust another, you must first smell him.
+
+In its beginnings, western civic culture wavered between cultivated distrust and sympathetic trust. Plato believed it would be upsetting for Athenian citizens to allow their bowels to be affected by the passion of actors in the theater; he wanted the audience to go no further than reflecting on the words. Aristotle respectfully modified his teacher's opinion. In the Poetics, he asks the spectators to let gesture and mimicry, the rhythm and melody of breath, reach their very innards. Citizens should attend the theater, not just to understand, but to be affected by each other. For Aristotle, there could be no transformation, no purifying catharsis, without such gripping mimesis. Without gut level experience of the other, without sharing his aura, you can't be saved from yourself.
+
+Some of that sense of mimesis comes out in an old German adage, "Ich kann Dich gut riechen" (I can smell you well), which is still used and understood. But it's something you don't say to just anyone; it's an expression that is permissible only when you feel close, count on trust, and are willing to be hurt. It presupposes the truth of another German saying, "Ich kann Dich gut leiden" (I can suffer [put up with] you [well]). You can see that nose words have not altogether disappeared from ordinary speech, even in the age of daily showers.
+
+I remember my embarrassment when, after years of ascetical discipline, I realized that I still had not made the connection between nose and heart, smell and affection. I was in Peru in the mid- fifties, on my way to meet Jaime, who welcomed me to his modest hut for the third time. But to get to the shack, I had to cross the Rimac, the open cloaca of Lima. The thought of sleeping for a week in this miasma almost made me retch. That evening, for some reason I suddenly understood with a shock what Carlos had been telling me all along, "Ivan, don't kid yourself; don't imagine you can be friends with people you can't smell." That one jolt unplugged my nose; it enabled me to dip into the aura of Carlos's house, and allowed me to merge the atmosphere I brought along into the ambience of his home.
+
+This discovery of my nose for the scent of the spirit occurred forty years ago, in the time of the DC-4, belief in development programs, and the apparently benign Peace Corps. It was the time when DDT was still too expensive for Latin American slum dwellers, when most people had to put up with fleas and lice on their skins, as they put up with the old, the crippled and idiots in their homes. It was the time before Xerox, fax and e-mail. But it was also a time before smog and AIDS. I was then considered a crank because I foresaw the unwanted side effects of development, because I spoke to unions on technogenic unemployment, and to leftists on the growing polarization between rich and poor in the wake of expanding commodity dependence. What seemed hysteria then has now hardened into well documented facts; some of these facts are too horrible to face. They must be exorcised: bowdlerizing them by research, assigning their management to specialized agencies, and conjuring them by prevention programs. But while the depletion of life forms, the growing immunity of pathogens, climate changes, the disappearance of the job culture, and uncontrollable violence now make up the admitted side effects of economic growth, the menace of modern life for the survival of atmospheres is hardly recognized as a terrible threat.
+
+This is the reason I dare to annoy you with the memory of that walk in the dusk with my nose full of the urine and feces emanating from the Rimac. That landscape no longer exists; cars now fill a highway hiding the sewage. The skin and scalp of Indians is no longer the habitat of lice; now the allergies produced by industrial chemicals cause the itch. Makeshift shanties have been replaced by public housing; each apartment has its plumbing and each family member a separate bed - the guest knows that he imposes an inconvenience. The miasma of the Rimac has become a memory in a city asfixiated by industrial smog. I juxtapose then and now because this allows me to argue that the impending loss of spirit, of soul, of what I call atmosphere, could go unnoticed.
+
+Only persons who face one another in trust can allow its emergence. The bouquet of friendship varies with each breath, but when it is there it needs no name. For a long time I believed that there was no one noun for it, and no verb for its creation. Each time I tried one, I was discouraged; all the synonyms for it were shanghaied by its synthetic counterfeits: mass-produced fashions and cleverly marketed moods, chic feelings, swank highs and trendy tastes. Starting in the seventies, group dynamics  retreats and psychic training, all to generate "atmosphere," became major businesses. Discreet silence about the issue I am raising seemed preferable to creating a misunderstanding.
+
+Then, thirty years after that evening above the Rimac, I suddenly realized that there is indeed a very simple word that says what I cherished and tried to nourish, and that word is peace. Peace, however, not in any of the many ways its cognates are used all over the world, but peace in its post- classical, European meaning. Peace, in this sense, is the one strong word with which the atmosphere of friendship created among equals has been appropriately named. But to embrace this, one has to come to understand the origin of this peace in the conspiratio, a curious ritual behavior almost forgotten today.
+
+This is how I chanced upon this insight. In 1986, a few dozen peace research centers in Africa and Asia were planning to open a common resource center. The founding assembly was held in Japan, and the leaders were looking for a Third World speaker. However, for reasons of delicacy, they wanted a person who was neither Asian nor African, and took me for a Latin American; then they pressured me to come. So I packed my guayabera shirt and departed for the Orient.
+
+In Yokohama I addressed the group, speaking as a historian. I wanted first to dismantle any universal notion of peace; I wanted to stress the claim of each ethnos to its own peace, the right of each community to be left in its peace. It seemed important to make clear that peace is not an abstract condition, but a very specific spirit to be relished in its particular, incommunicable uniqueness by each community.
+
+However, my aim in Yokohama was twofold: I wanted to examine not only the meaning but also the history and perversion of peace in that appendix to Asia and Africa we call Europe. After all, most of the world in the twentieth century is suffering from the enthusiastic acceptance of European ideas, including the European concept of peace. The assembly in Japan gave me a chance to contrast the unique spirit of peace that was born in Christian Europe with its perversion and counterfeit when, in international political parlance, an ideological link is created between economic development and peace. I argued that only by de-linking pax (peace) from development could the heretofore unsuspected glory hidden in pax be revealed. But to achieve this before a Japanese audience was difficult.
+
+The Japanese have an iconogram that stands for something we do not have or say or feel: foodó. My teacher, Professor Tamanoy, explained foodó to me as, "the inimitable freshness that arises from the commingling of a particular soil with the appropriate waters." Trusting my learned pacifist guide, since deceased, I started from the notion of foodó. It was easy to explain that both Athenian philia and Pax Romana, as different as they are from each other, are incomparable to foodó. Athenian philia bespeaks the friendship among the free men of a city, and Roman pax bespeaks the administrative status of a region dominated by the Legion that had planted its insignia into that soil. Thanks to Professor Tamanoy's assistance, it was easy to elaborate on the contradictions and differences between these two notions, and get the audience to comment on similar heteronomies in the cultural meaning of peace within India or between neighboring groups in Tanzania. The kaleidoscopic incarnations of peace all referred to a particular, highly desirable atmosphere. So far the conversation was easy.
+
+However, speaking about pax in the proto-Christan epoch turned out to be a delicate matter, because around the year 300 pax became a key word in the Christian liturgy. It became the euphemism for a mouth-to-mouth kiss among the faithful attending services; pax became the camouflage for the osculum (from os, mouth), or the conspiratio, a commingling of breaths. My friend felt I was not just courting misunderstanding, but perhaps giving offense, by mentioning such body-to-body contact in public. The gesture, up to this day, is repugnant to Japanese.
+
+The Latin osculum is neither very old nor frequent. It is one of three words that can be translated by the English, "kiss." In comparison with the affectionate basium and the lascivious suavium, osculum was a latecomer into classical Latin, and was used in only one circumstance as a ritual gesture: In the second century, it became the sign given by a departing soldier to a woman, thereby recognizing her expected child as his offspring.
+
+In the Christian liturgy of the first century, the osculum assumed a new function. It became one of two high points in the celebration of the Eucharist. Conspiratio, the mount-to-mouth kiss, became the solemn liturgical gesture by which participants in the cult-action shared their breath or spirit with one another. It came to signify their union in one Holy Spirit, the community that takes shape in God's breath. The ecclesia came to be through a public ritual action, the liturgy, and the soul of this liturgy was the conspiratio. Explicitly, corporeally, the central Christian celebration was understood as a co-breathing, a con-spiracy, the bringing about of a common atmosphere, a divine milieu.
+
+The other eminent moment of the celebration was, of course, the comestio, the communion in the flesh, the incorporation of the believer in the body of the Incarnate Word, but communio was theologically linked to the preceding con-spiratio. Conspiratio became the strongest, clearest and most unambiguously somatic expression for the entirely non-hierarchical creation of a fraternal spirit in preparation for the unifying meal. Through the act of eating, the fellow conspirators were transformed into a "we," a gathering which in Greek means ecclesia. Further, they believed that the "we" is also somebody's "I"; they were nourished by shading into the "I" of the Incarnate Word. The words and actions of the liturgy are not just mundane words and actions, but events occurring after the Word, that is, after the Incarnation. Peace as the commingling of soil and waters sounds cute to my ears; but peace as the result of conspiratio exacts a demanding, today almost unimaginable intimacy.
+
+The practice of the osculum did not go unchallenged; documents reveal that the conspiratio created scandal early on. The rigorist African Church Father, Tertullian, felt that a decent matron should not be subjected to possible embarrassment by this rite. The practice continued, but not its name; the ceremony required a euphemism. From the later third century on, the osculum pacis was referred to simply as pax, and the gesture was often watered down to some slight touch to signify the mutual spiritual union of the persons present through the creation of a fraternal atmosphere. Today, the pax before communion, called "the kiss of peace," is still integral to the Roman, Slavonic, Greek and Syrian Mass, although it is often reduced to a perfunctory handshake.
+
+I could no more avoid telling the story in Yokohama than today in Bremen. Why? Because the very idea of peace understood as a hospitality that reaches out to the stranger, and of a free assembly that arises in the practice of hospitality cannot be understood without reference to the Christian liturgy in which the community comes into being by the mouth-to-mouth kiss.
+
+However, jusyt as the antecedents of peace among us cannot be understood without reference to conspiration, the historical uniqueness of a city's climate, atmosphere or spirit calls for this reference. The European idea of peace that is synonymous with the somatic incorporation of equals into a community has no analogue elsewhere. Community in our European tradition is not the outcome of an act of authoritative foundation, nor a gift from nature or its gods, nor the result of management, planning and design, but the consequence of a conspiracy, a deliberate, mutual, somatic and gratuitous gift to each other. The prototype of that conspiracy lies in the celebration of the early Christian liturgy in which, no matter their origin, men and women, Greeks and Jews, slaves and citizens, engender a physical reality that transcends them. The shared breath, the con-spiratio are the "peace" understood as the community that arises from it.
+
+Historians have often pointed out that the idea of a social contract, which dominates political thinking in Europe since the 14th century, has its concrete origins in the way founders of medieval towns conceived urbane civilities. I fully agree with this. However, by focusing on the contractual aspect of this incorporation attention is distracted from the good that such contracts were meant to protect, namely, peace resulting from a conspiratio. One can fail to perceive the pretentious absurdity of attempting a contractual insurance of an atmosphere as fleeting and alive, as tender and robust, as pax.
+
+The medieval merchants and craftsmen who settled at the foot of a lord's castle felt the need to make the conspiracy that united them into a secure and lasting association. To provide for their general surety, they had recourse to a device, the conjuratio, a mutual promise confirmed by an oath that uses God as a witness. Most societies know the oath, but the use of God's name to make it stick first appears as a legal device in the codification of roman law made by the Christian emperor Theodosius. "Conjuration" or the swearing together by a common oath confirmed by the invocation of God, just like the liturgical osculum is of Christian origin. Conjuratio which uses God as epoxy for the social bond presumably assures stability and durability to the atmosphere engendered by the conspiratio of the citizens. In this linkage between conspiratio and conjuratio, two equally unique concepts inherited from the first millennium of Christian history are intertwined, but the latter, the contractual form soon overshadowed the spiritual substance.
+
+The medieval town of central Europe thus was indeed a profoundly new historical gestalt: the conjuratio conspirativa, which makes European urbanity distinct from urban modes elsewhere. It implies a peculiar dynamic strain between the atmosphere of conspiratio and its legal, contractual constitution. Ideally, the spiritual climate is the source of the city's life that flower into a hierarchy, like a shell or frame, to protect its order. Insofar as the city is understood to originate in a conspiratio, it owes its social existence to the pax the breath, shared equally among all.
+
+This long reflection on the historical precedence to the cultivation of atmosphere in late twentieth century Bremen seemed necessary to me to defend its intrinsically conspiratorial nature. It seems necessary to understand why, arguably, independent criticism of the established order of modern, technogene, information-centered society can grow only out of a milieu of intense hospitality.
+
+As a scholar I have been shaped by a monastic traditions and by the interpretation of medieval texts. Early on I took it for granted that the principal condition for an atmosphere that is propitious to independent thought is the hospitality cultivated by the host: a hospitality that excludes condescension as scrupulously as seduction; a hospitality that by its simplicity defeats the fear of plagiarism as much as that of clientage; a hospitality that by its openness dissolves intimidation as studiously as servility; a hospitality that exacts from the guests as much generosity as it imposes on the host. I have been blessed with a large portion of it, with the taste of a relaxed, humorous, sometimes grotesque fit among mostly ordinary but sometimes outlandish companions who are patient with one another. More so in Bremen than anywhere else.
diff --git a/contents/article/1998-conspiracy/es.bib b/contents/article/1998-conspiracy/es.bib
index 92d6bb7..ae6ac9d 100644
--- a/contents/article/1998-conspiracy/es.bib
+++ b/contents/article/1998-conspiracy/es.bib
@@ -1,10 +1,12 @@
-@ARTICLE{Illich-1998-conspiracy-es,
+@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1998-conspiracy-es,
   author = {Ivan Illich},
   title = {El cultivo de la conspiración},
   year = {1998},
   date = {1998},
   origdate = {1998},
   language = {es},
+  origlanguage = {en},
   translator = {},
-  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/article/1998-conspiracy:index}
+  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/article/1998-conspiracy:index},
+  urldate = {2024-03-21}
 }
diff --git a/contents/article/1998-conspiracy/es.md b/contents/article/1998-conspiracy/es.md
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..f808571
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/article/1998-conspiracy/es.md
@@ -0,0 +1,115 @@
+---
+  title: "El cultivo de la conspiración"
+  author: "Ivan Illich"
+  date: "1998"
+  lang: "es"
+  documentclass: article
+  geometry: margin=1.75in
+  fontsize: 12pt
+  fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths
+  colorlinks: true
+  linkcolor: RoyalBlue
+  urlcolor: RoyalBlue
+---
+
+El 16 de noviembre de 1996, llegué al auditorio de la biblioteca de la Universidad de Bremen justo a tiempo para mi conferencia de la tarde. Durante cinco años, me había ocupado de comentar textos antiguos para trazar la larga historia de la _philia_ occidental, de la amistad. El tema de este semestre era la pérdida del sentido común, la pérdida de la proporcionalidad, el cambio decisivo en la proporción sensorial durante las vidas de John Locke, Gottfried Leibniz y Johann Sebastian Bach. Ese día me preparé para abordar el tema del sentido común como el órgano sensorial que se cree que reconoce lo «bueno», lo «adecuado» y lo «quinto» (desde la escala diatónica hasta las proporciones humanas). Lo contrastaba con el ideal emergente de la objetividad en la ciencia, en particular el paso de una objetividad perspectiva a una objetividad a-perspectiva; de la búsqueda de la verdad a la exigencia de la verificación y la prueba. Pero incluso antes de que pudiera empezar, tuve que parar: los doscientos auditores habían planeado celebrar una fiesta en lugar de una conferencia. Dos meses después de la fecha real, habían decidido celebrar mi septuagésimo cumpleaños, así que festejamos, reímos y bailamos hasta la medianoche.
+
+Los discursos inauguraron el asunto. Yo estaba sentado detrás de un ramo de flores, en primera fila, y escuché diecisiete intervenciones. Como prueba de reconocimiento, regalé una flor a cada uno de los panegiristas. La mayoría de los oradores eran mayores de cincuenta años, amigos que había hecho en cuatro continentes, algunos de los cuales aún guardaban recuerdos que se remontaban a la década de 1950 en Nueva York. Otros eran conocidos más recientes, gente que había conocido en los tiempos en que enseñaba en Kassel, Berlín, Marburgo, Oldemburgo y, desde 1991, en Bremen. Esforzándome por expresar mi gratitud adecuada a cada orador, me sentía como Hugo de San Víctor, mi amigo y maestro de París. En una carta, este monje del siglo XII se compara con un burro de carga: no se siente aplastado, sino elevado por el peso de las amistades reunidas durante el peregrinaje de la vida.
+
+Después de las _lauda_ _t_ _iones_ , cruzamos la plaza hasta el edificio de artes liberales, cuyos lúgubres pasillos de cemento tengo el hábito de evitar. Una metamorfosis se había producido en su atmósfera. Nos acomodamos en un café pintoresco con cerca de cinco docenas de mesas pequeñas, cada una con una vela encendida sobre una servilleta de color. Para la ocasión, el departamento de artes domésticas de la universidad había incluido en el presupuesto del semestre una olla lo suficientemente grande como para cocinar sopa de papa para toda una compañía. El canciller, ausente en ese momento por atender cuestiones oficiales en Pekín, había contratado un conjunto de klezmer. El profesor Ludolf Kuchenbuch, decano de los historiadores de una universidad cercana y saxofonista, se hizo cargo del jazz. Además, un par de payasos que actuaban en bicicleta nos entretuvieron con su parodia de mi libro _Energía y equidad_ de 1972.
+
+El alcalde-gobernador de la «ciudad-Estado» libre de Bremen había escogido una botella de Borgoña muy antiguo de los tesoros del _Rathskeller_. El alto y delgado funcionario me entregó el precioso regalo y expresó su placer «de que Illich a los setenta años —en sus propias palabras— hubiera encontrado en Bremen _einen Zipfel Heimat_ », algo así como «un rincón de hogar». De la boca del _Bürgermeister_ , la frase que yo mismo había usado me cautivó; ahora me parecía grotesca, pero aun así verdadera. Empecé a reflexionar: ¿qué podría haberme inducido a asociar la noción de hogar con los largos y oscuros inviernos con lluvia continua, donde camino a través de los pastos a lo largo del Wümme que son inundados dos veces al día por la marea del Atlántico Norte? Yo que, de niño, me había sentido exiliado en Viena, porque todos mis sentidos estaban ligados con nostalgia al sur, al azul del Adriático, a las montañas de piedra caliza de la Dalmacia de mi primera infancia.
+
+La ceremonia de hoy, sin embargo, es aún más sorprendente que las palabras del alcalde en las festividades del año anterior, porque su premio me hace sentir bienvenido por la ciudadanía y no sólo por las autoridades de la ciudad, dicho esto con el debido respeto a mi amigo el alcalde. La Villa Ichon es un testimonio de la civilidad de Bremen: un testimonio que no es ni de caridad privada ni de financiación pública. Ustedes, que son mis anfitriones en este lugar, se definen como ciudadanos comerciantes hanseáticos. El día de la solemne inauguración de la Villa Ichon, se negaron rotundamente a que un funcionario de la ciudad tocara las llaves de esta casa. Esto fue para subrayar la autonomía de la sociedad civil, basada en una respetuosa distancia con el gobierno de la ciudad, por más ejemplar que sea. Klaus Hübotter, quien inspiró la remodelación de esta casa del siglo XIX, se refiere a ella como una «casa flotante para los desamparados y los vulnerables entre nosotros». Me conmueve profundamente que su premio anual, destinado a honrar a un ciudadano de Bremen, se conceda hoy a un peregrino errante, pero que sabe apreciarlo. Como hijo mayor de una familia de comerciantes de una ciudad portuaria libre —atrapada entre las potencias adriáticas de Bizancio y Venecia—, nací en una tradición que, mientras tanto, se ha marchitado, pero no sin dejarme con una singular habilidad para saborear la hospitalidad hanseática que hoy recibo.
+
+La primera vez que oí hablar de Bremen fue a la edad de seis años, en las historias que me contaba mi profesora de dibujo, que venía de una de sus familias patricias y en Viena sentía nostalgia del norte. Adopté a la pequeña dama vestida de negro como Mama Pfeiffer-Kulenkampf. Un verano vino con nosotros a Dalmacia, a pintar; sus acuarelas todavía adornan el estudio de mi hermano, en Long Island. De ella aprendí a mezclar diferentes pigmentos para las atmósferas contrastantes de la costa mediterránea y la atlántica.
+
+Ahora, una larga vida después, me siento en casa en su clima gris salado. Y no sólo en casa; me imagino que mi presencia aquí ha añadido algo a la atmósfera de la Universidad de Bremen. Cuando el decano Johannes Beck me llevó desde la sala de conferencias a través de la plaza empapada de lluvia hasta el improvisado café, hizo un comentario que acepté como un regalo. «Ivan», dijo, «esto se siente como un desbordamiento de la casa de Barbara Duden». El decano Beck puso con éxito en palabras algo que había intentado decir por décadas: que la plétora de nuestra convivialidad en el comedor inspirara a un aula universitaria; el aura de hospitalidad en nuestra casa de la calle de Kreftingstraße se sentía más allá de su umbral.
+
+En 1991 Christian Marzahn, entonces vicerrector, vino a México para invitarme a la Universidad de Bremen. Antes de que empezara el semestre, Barbara Duden consiguió una casa en el barrio de Ostertor, más allá del viejo foso, justo al lado de la esquina de los drogadictos, el mercado de granjeros y el zoco turco. Con su alegre austeridad lo hizo hospitalario; todos nos maravillamos de la facilidad con la que, bajo su liderazgo, los jóvenes amigos, ya sea que se queden o estén de paso, se sienten como en casa y alimentan la conversación. Si, después de mi conferencia de los viernes, el tazón de espaguetis debe alimentar a más de las dos docenas que caben alrededor de la mesa hecha con parqués de madera, los invitados se ponen en cuclillas sobre los petates en la habitación de al lado.
+
+A lo largo de los años, Kreftingstraße ha fomentado una cercanía privilegiada en un trato respetuoso, disciplinado y crítico: amistades entre viejos conocidos que llegan de lejos y otros nuevos (tres o incluso cuatro décadas más jóvenes que mi compañero más viejo, Lee Hoinacki, que comparte su habitación con nuestras enciclopedias). La amistad hace que los vínculos sean únicos, pero algunos más que otros soportan la carga del anfitrión: Kassandra, que vive en otro lugar, con una llave de la casa, trae flores, y Matthias, el virtuoso baterista que vive abajo en una habitación con una puerta que se abre hacia el pequeño jardín. Ambos pertenecen a la docena de personas que graciosamente reciben al recién llegado en el umbral, agitan la sopa, orientan la conversación, lavan los platos y… corrigen mis manuscritos así como los de los demás.
+
+Considero que este obvio pero intangible clima civil es un regalo del _spiritus loci_ de Bremen, para el cual Barbara Duden ha creado el lugar apropiado. Veo esto como una oportunidad para reflexionar sobre la atmósfera y la cultura en la era de la Red y los teléfonos móviles. La hospitalidad aprendida y sosegada es el único antídoto para la postura de ingenio corrosivo que se adquiere en la búsqueda profesional de conocimiento objetivamente asegurado. Estoy seguro de que la búsqueda de la verdad no puede prosperar si no se alimenta de una atmósfera de confianza mutua, que sin este compromiso de amistad no se puede hacer la distinción misma entre búsqueda de la verdad y obtención o producción de un conocimiento objetivo. Por lo tanto, he tratado de identificar el ambiente que fomenta —pero también el aire «acondicionado» que impide— el aura de la amistad.
+
+Por supuesto que puedo recordar el sabor de las atmósferas fuertes de otras épocas de mi vida. En lugares tan distantes como Cuernavaca y State College, hemos cultivado la hospitalidad intelectual en nuestro círculo de amigos a través del respeto al Lugar, evitando el diagnóstico mutuo y tolerando las voces discordantes. Nunca he dudado —y es aún más cierto hoy en día— que un ambiente «monástico» es el prerrequisito para la independencia necesaria para un enjuiciamiento histórico de la sociedad. Sólo el compromiso gratuito de los amigos puede permitirme practicar el ascetismo necesario para enfrentar las cuasiparadojas modernas, como renunciar al análisis de sistemas mientras escribo en mi Toshiba.
+
+Mi temprana sospecha de que era necesaria una cierta atmósfera para el tipo de _studium_ al que me había dedicado se convirtió en una convicción a través de mi contacto con las universidades estadounidenses del periodo post-Sputnik. Después de sólo un año como vicerrector de una universidad en Puerto Rico, yo y algunos otros quisimos cuestionar la ideología del desarrollo a la que tanto Kennedy como Castro suscribieron. Puse todo el dinero que tenía —hoy el equivalente al premio que me acaban de dar— en la compra de una cabaña de madera de una habitación en las montañas que dan al Caribe. Con tres amigos, quería un lugar de estudio en el que cada uso del pronombre personal «nos-otros» se refiriera sinceramente a nosotros cuatro, y fuera accesible también a nuestros huéspedes; quería practicar el rigor que nos alejara del «nosotros» que invoca la seguridad que se encuentra a la sombra de una disciplina académica: nosotros como sociólogos, economistas, etc. Como dijo uno de nosotros, Charlie Rosario: «Todos los departamentos huelen a desinfectantes, en el mejor de los casos… y los venenos esterilizan el aura». La casita en el camino a las montañas de Adjuntas pronto se volvió tan desagradable que tuve que dejar la isla.
+
+Esto me liberó para iniciar un «pensatorio» en México, que cinco años más tarde se convirtió en el Centro Intercultural de Documentación o CIDOC. En su discurso inaugural para la celebración de hoy, el parlamentario del Bunderstag Freimut Duve les habló de ello. En aquellos lejanos años, Duve era editor en la editorial Rowohlt, se ocupaba de la publicación de mis libros en alemán y me visitó varias veces en Cuernavaca. Les habló del espíritu que prevalecía en ese lugar: un clima de tolerancia mutuamente atemperada. Fue esta aura, esta cualidad o aire, a través de la cual esta efímera aventura podía convertirse en una encrucijada mundial, un lugar de encuentro para aquellos que, mucho antes de que se pusiera de moda, cuestionaban la inocencia del «desarrollo». Sólo el estado de ánimo que Duve insinuó puede explicar la influencia desproporcionada que este pequeño centro ejerció al desafiar los beneficios del desarrollo socioeconómico.
+
+El CIDOC fue cerrado de común acuerdo el 1 de abril de 1976, diez años después del día de su fundación. Con música y bailes mexicanos celebramos su clausura. Duve les habló de Valentina Borremans, que había organizado y dirigido el CIDOC desde su fundación. Luego habló de su admiración por el estilo con el que ella terminó su trabajo con el consentimiento mutuo de sus sesenta y tres colaboradores. Se dio cuenta de que el alma de este pensatorio libre, independiente y ajeno al poder sería aplastado pronto por su creciente influencia.
+
+El CIDOC cerró sus puertas ante las críticas de sus amigos más serios, gente demasiado seria para comprender la paradoja de la atmósfera. Éstas eran principalmente personas para las que el clima hospitalario del CIDOC había proporcionado un foro único. Prosperaron en el aura del CIDOC, y rechazaron totalmente nuestra certeza de que la atmósfera invita a la institucionalización que terminará corrompiéndola. Nunca se sabe qué es lo que nutrirá y fortalecerá el espíritu de la _philia_ , pero pueden estar seguros de qué es lo que lo asfixiará. El espíritu emerge por sorpresa, y es un milagro cuando permanece; es asfixiado por cada intento de asegurarlo; es pervertido cuando se intenta aprovecharlo para obtener riquezas, poder o influencia.
+
+Pocos entienden esto. En México, recientemente abrí la botella de Borgoña del alcalde con Valentina para brindar por uno de ellos. Bebimos el vino en memoria de Alejandro del Corro, un jesuita argentino fallecido que vivió y trabajó conmigo a principios de la década de 1960. Con su Leica viajó por toda América del Sur, colaborando con los guerrilleros para salvar sus archivos para la posteridad. Alejandro era un maestro en la moderación del aura. Cuando presidía, su cuidadosa atención —ya fuera hacia un funcionario estadounidense, un recolector de basura, un guerrillero o un profesor— ayudaba a que cada uno se sintiera en casa con el otro alrededor de la mesa del CIDOC. Alejandro sabía que no se puede poseer el aura; sabía de la evanescencia, de la vulnerabilidad de la atmósfera.
+
+Hablo de una hospitalidad sencilla y generosa, sin nada fabricado ni moralizante. Pero sólo aquí en Bremen, en el curso de estos cuarenta años, el aura de la mesa del desayuno se ha extendido a la sala de la biblioteca donde, los viernes por la tarde, tengo el privilegio de hablar. Sólo aquí en Bremen se ha desarrollado una atmósfera en la que un puñado de hombres y mujeres de la mitad de mi edad se han embarcado en una investigación disciplinada sobre la historia de la proporcionalidad, una empresa que he comenzado, pero que nunca podré concluir, a pesar de las promesas que le hice a usted, Wolfgang Beck, cuando tomó la iniciativa de reeditar mis libros. En cierto modo, el _genius loci_ de Bremen me permitió verificar una vieja intuición: hoy más que nunca, el renacimiento de una búsqueda iluminada de la verdad se nutre de una amistad austera más que de sistemas.
+
+Tengo la intención de usar el dinero que acompaña al premio que se me ha concedido para hacer que nuestras discusiones sean más conviviales. Esto permitirá a una de nuestras estudiantes residentes, Silja Samerski, someter las actas y notas de nuestras reuniones a las críticas de los amigos ausentes.
+
+Hablo de atmósfera, _faute de mieux_. En griego, la palabra se usa para referirse a la emanación de una estrella, o la constelación que gobierna un lugar; los alquimistas la adoptaron para hablar de las capas que rodean nuestro planeta. Maurice Blondel refleja su uso francés mucho más tardío para _bouquet des esprits_ , el perfume que los presentes traen a una reunión. Utilizo la palabra para algo frágil y a menudo desestimado, el aire que teje, ondea y evoca recuerdos, como los que están unidos a esta botella de Borgoña mucho tiempo después de haber sido vaciada.
+
+Para percibir un aura, se necesita una nariz. La nariz, enmarcada por los ojos, se extiende debajo del cerebro. Lo que la nariz inhala termina en las entrañas; todo yogui y hesicasta lo sabe. La nariz desciende en una curva en medio de la cara. Todo judío piadoso es consciente de la imagen, ya que cuando los cristianos dicen «caminar ante los ojos de Dios», en hebreo se habla de «pasear bajo la nariz y el aliento de Dios». Para saborear la atmósfera de un lugar, uno debe confiar en su nariz; para confiar en otro, uno debe primero olerlo.
+
+En sus inicios, la cultura cívica occidental oscilaba entre la desconfianza cultivada y la confianza simpatética. Platón creía que sería peligroso para los ciudadanos atenienses dejar que sus entrañas se vieran afectadas por la pasión de los actores en el teatro; quería que la audiencia no fuera más allá de una reflexión sobre las palabras. Aristóteles modificó respetuosamente la opinión de su maestro. En la _Poética_ , pide a los espectadores que dejen que los gestos y la mímica, el ritmo y la melodía de la respiración, lleguen a sus entrañas. Los ciudadanos deben asistir al teatro, no sólo para entender, sino para ser afectados por los demás. Según Aristóteles, no puede haber ninguna transformación, ninguna catarsis purificadora, sin esa apasionante mímesis. Sin la experiencia visceral del otro, sin compartir su aura, uno no puede salvarse a sí mismo.
+
+Algo de ese sentido de mímesis aparece en un viejo adagio alemán: _Ich kann dich gut riechen_ , «puedo olerte bien». Es una expresión que todavía se usa y se entiende. Pero no es algo que se diga a cualquiera; es una expresión que sólo se permite cuando uno se siente cercano, cuenta con la confianza y está dispuesto a ser herido. Supone la verdad de otro dicho alemán: _Ich kann dich gut leiden_ , «puedo sufrirte bien». Aquí se puede ver que las palabras relacionadas con la nariz no han desaparecido por completo del habla coloquial, incluso en la era de los regaderazos diarios.
+
+Recuerdo mi vergüenza cuando, después de años de disciplina ascética, me di cuenta de que todavía no había establecido la conexión entre la nariz y el corazón, el olor y el afecto. Estaba en Perú a mediados de la década de 1950, camino de encontrarme con Carlos, que me acogió en su modesta cabaña por tercera vez. Pero para llegar a la cabaña, tuve que cruzar el río Rímac, la cloaca abierta de Lima. La idea de dormir durante una semana en este miasma me daba náuseas. Esa noche, con un shock, comprendí de repente lo que Carlos me había estado diciendo todo el tiempo: «Ivan, no te engañes; no te imagines que puedes ser amigo de gente a la que no puedes oler». Esa sacudida me descongestionó la nariz; me permitió sumergirme en el aura de la casa de Carlos y mezclar la atmósfera que llevaba conmigo en el ambiente de su casa.
+
+Este descubrimiento a través de mi nariz del aroma del espíritu ocurrió hace cuarenta años, en la época del DC-4, la creencia en los programas de desarrollo y el aparentemente benigno Cuerpo de Paz. Era la época en que el DDT era todavía demasiado caro para los habitantes de los barrios bajos de América Latina, cuando la mayoría de la gente tenía que aguantar las pulgas y los piojos en la piel, así como a los ancianos, los lisiados y los idiotas en sus casas. Esto fue antes de los días de las Xerox, el fax y el correo electrónico. Pero también fue antes del smog y el sida. En ese momento se me consideraba un derrotista o un excéntrico porque preveía los efectos secundarios no deseados del desarrollo, porque hablaba con los sindicatos sobre el desempleo tecnogénico y con los izquierdistas sobre la polarización creciente entre ricos y pobres a raíz de la expansión de la dependencia de las mercancías. Lo que parecía ser histeria ha sido confirmado desde entonces en forma de hechos bien documentados. Algunos de estos hechos son demasiado terribles para afrontarlos. Es necesario exorcizarlos, expurgarlos a través de la investigación, asignar su gestión a agencias especializadas y conjurarlos a través de programas de prevención. Pero mientras que el agotamiento de las formas de vida, la creciente inmunidad de los patógenos, los cambios climáticos, la desaparición de la cultura del trabajo y la violencia incontrolable constituyen ahora los efectos secundarios admitidos del crecimiento económico, la terrible amenaza que la vida moderna supone para la supervivencia de las atmósferas es apenas perceptible.
+
+Ésta es la razón por la que me atrevo a molestarlos con el recuerdo de ese paseo al atardecer con la nariz saturada de los olores de la orina y las heces que emanan del Rímac. Ese paisaje ya no existe; los coches ahora llenan una autopista que esconde las aguas residuales. La piel y el cuero cabelludo de los indios ya no son nidos de piojos; ahora las alergias producidas por los productos químicos industriales causan la comezón. Las casuchas improvisadas han sido sustituidas por viviendas públicas; cada departamento tiene sus redes de tubería y cada miembro de la familia una cama separada: el huésped es consciente de las molestias que causa. El hedor del Rímac se ha convertido en un recuerdo en una ciudad asfixiada por el smog industrial. Yuxtapongo el entonces y el ahora porque esto me permite argumentar que la inminente pérdida del espíritu, del alma, de lo que llamo atmósfera, podría pasar desapercibida.
+
+Sólo las personas que se encaran en confianza pueden permitir su aparición. El buqué de la amistad varía con cada respiración, pero cuando está ahí no necesita ser nombrado. Durante mucho tiempo creí que no había un sustantivo para decirlo, ni un verbo para expresarlo. Cada vez que probaba una palabra, me desanimaba; todos los sinónimos fueron sustituidos por falsificaciones sintéticas: modas producidas en masa y estados de ánimo ingeniosamente comercializados, sentimientos chic, presunciones soberbias y gustos de moda. La industria proporciona a la vida diaria un aura, con cosas que están llenas de atmósfera sintética. Al igual que las vitaminas, los hormigueos emocionales se distribuyen de forma similar, con _styling_ , diseño, sugestiones subliminales. No sólo las cremas para la piel, los cigarros y los viajes, sino también los programas escolares y el baño emiten vapores sintéticos. A partir de la década de 1970, las dinámicas de grupo y toda la parafernalia que las acompaña, los retiros y el entrenamiento psíquico, diseñados para generar una «atmósfera», se convirtieron en un enorme negocio. El silencio discreto sobre el tema que estoy planteando parecía preferible a causar un malentendido.
+
+Entonces, treinta años después de aquella noche sobre el Rímac, me di cuenta repentinamente de que sí hay un palabra muy simple que dice lo que aprecio y trato de alimentar, y esa palabra es _paz_. La paz, sin embargo, no en los significados en los que se comercializa internacionalmente hoy en día, sino la paz en su peculiar significado posclásico, europeo. La paz, en este sentido, es la única palabra fuerte para nombrar apropiadamente la atmósfera de amistad creada entre iguales; y entonces «pacífico» significa mucho más que no-violento. Pero para abrazarla, uno tiene que llegar a entender el origen de esta paz en la _conspiratio_ , un curioso comportamiento ritual casi olvidado hoy en día.
+
+Así es como esta intuición llegó a mí. En 1986, unas pocas docenas de grupos de investigación sobre la paz en África y Asia se preparaban para abrir un centro de recursos comunes. La asamblea de fundación se iba a celebrar en Japón, y los líderes buscaban un orador del Tercer Mundo. Sin embargo, por razones de delicadeza, querían a alguien que no fuera ni asiático ni africano, y me tomaron por un latinoamericano; luego me presionaron para que fuera. Así que empaqué mi guayabera en mi maleta y me fui a Oriente.
+
+En Yokohama me dirigí al grupo hablando como historiador. Sobre todo, quería desmantelar cualquier concepto universal de paz; quería subrayar la reivindicación de cada _ethnos_ de su propia paz, el derecho de cada comunidad a ser dejada en su paz. Me pareció importante dejar claro que la paz no es una condición abstracta, sino un espíritu muy específico que debe ser disfrutado en su particular e incomunicable unicidad por cada comunidad.
+
+Mi objetivo en Yokohama era doble: quería examinar no sólo el significado sino también la historia y la perversión de la paz en ese apéndice de Asia y África que llamamos Europa. Después de todo, la mayor parte del mundo en el siglo XX sufre de la aceptación entusiasta de las ideas europeas, incluido el concepto europeo de paz. La asamblea en Japón me dio la oportunidad de contrastar el espíritu único de paz que nació en la Europa cristiana con su perversión y falsificación cuando, en la jerga de la política internacional, se crea un vínculo ideológico entre el desarrollo y la paz; cuando el crecimiento económico, la instrucción escolar, el diagnóstico médico y la gestión global erradican lo que una vez se entendió por paz en la tradición europea. Argumenté que sólo desvinculando la _pax_ (paz) del desarrollo podría revelarse la gloria hasta ahora insospechada que se oculta en esta _pax_. Pero lograr esto ante una audiencia japonesa era difícil.
+
+Los japoneses tienen un ideograma para algo que nosotros no tenemos, ni decimos, ni sentimos: _fūdo_. Mi anfitrión y maestro, el profesor Yoshiro Tamanoy, me lo describió así: «la frescura inimitable que surge de la mezcla de un suelo particular con las aguas apropiadas». Confiando en mi docto guía pacifista, ahora fallecido, empecé con el concepto de _fūdo_. No fue difícil explicar que tanto la _philia_ ateniense como la _pax romana_ , por muy diferentes que sean la una de la otra, son incomparables con el _fūdo_. La _philia_ ateniense habla de la amistad entre los hombres libres de una ciudad, y la _pax romana_ habla del estatuto administrativo de una región en cuyo suelo la Legión había plantado sus estandartes. Con la ayuda del profesor Tamanoy, fue fácil elaborar las contradicciones y las diferencias entre estas dos nociones, y conseguir que el público comentara las heterogeneidades similares en el significado cultural de la paz en la India o entre grupos vecinos de Tanzania. Todas las encarnaciones caleidoscópicas de la paz se referían a una atmósfera particular y altamente deseable. Hasta aquí la conversación resultó sencilla.
+
+Sin embargo, hablar de la _pax_ en la época protocristiana resultó ser un asunto delicado, porque alrededor del año 300 _pax_ se convirtió en una palabra clave en la liturgia cristiana. Se convirtió en el eufemismo para un beso de boca a boca entre los fieles que asistían a los servicios. La _pax_ se convirtió en el camuflaje para el _osculum_ (de la palabra _os_ , boca), para la _conspiratio_ , una mezcla de respiraciones. Mi amigo sintió que no sólo me estaba exponiendo a un malentendido, sino quizá ofendiendo, al evocar públicamente tal contacto cuerpo a cuerpo. El gesto sigue siendo repugnante para los japoneses hoy en día.
+
+En latín la palabra _osculum_ no es ni muy antigua ni muy frecuente. Es una de las tres palabras que pueden ser traducidas por el castellano «beso». En comparación con el tierno _basium_ y el lascivo _suavium_ , _osculum_ fue un término tardío en el latín clásico, y fue usado en una sola circunstancia como un gesto ritual. En el siglo II, se convirtió en la señal que un soldado a punto de marcharse daba a una mujer, una forma de reconocer al hijo esperado como su descendencia.
+
+En la liturgia cristiana del primer siglo, el _osculum_ asumió una nueva función. Se convirtió en uno de los dos puntos culminantes de la celebración de la Eucaristía. La _conspiratio_ , el beso en la boca, se convirtió en el solemne gesto litúrgico por el que los participantes en la acción de culto compartían su aliento o espíritu con los demás. Llegó a significar su unión en el Espíritu Santo, la comunidad que toma forma en el aliento de Dios. La _ecclesia_ surgió a través de una acción ritual pública, la liturgia y el alma de esta liturgia eran la _conspiratio_. Explícitamente, corporalmente, la celebración cristiana central se entendía como una co-respiración, una co-inspiración: la producción de una atmósfera común, un entorno divino.
+
+El otro momento eminente de la celebración fue, por supuesto, la _comestio_ , la comunión de la carne, la incorporación del creyente en el cuerpo del Verbo Encarnado, pero la _communio_ estaba teológicamente vinculada a la _con-spiratio_ precedente. La _con-spiratio_ se convirtió en la expresión somática más fuerte, clara e inequívoca para la creación totalmente no jerárquica de un espíritu fraternal en la preparación de la comida unificadora. A través del acto de comer, los compañeros conspiradores se transformaban en un «nosotros», una reunión que en griego significa _ecclesia_. Además, creían que el «nosotros» es también el «yo» de alguien; se nutrían de la sombra del «yo» del Verbo Encarnado. Las palabras y las acciones de la liturgia no son sólo palabras y acciones mundanas, sino acontecimientos que ocurren después del Verbo, es decir, después de la Encarnación. La paz como una mezcla del suelo y las aguas es una imagen que me parece agradable; pero la paz como resultado de la _conspiratio_ exige una intimidad demandante, hoy casi inimaginable.
+
+La práctica del _osculum_ no estuvo exenta de controversia. Los documentos muestran que la _conspiratio_ causó un escándalo desde el principio. Tertuliano el africano y rigorista Padre de la Iglesia, consideraba que una matrona decente no debía ser expuesta a ninguna posible vergüenza por este rito y quería eliminarlo de la Cena del Señor. La práctica continuó, pero no bajo el mismo nombre; la ceremonia requería un eufemismo. A partir de finales del siglo III, el _osculum pacis_ se denominaba simplemente _pax_ , y el gesto se suavizaba a menudo hasta el punto de ser reducido a un roce ligero para significar la mezcla espiritual de las entrañas que crea una atmósfera fraternal. Hoy en día, la _pax_ que precede a la comunión, llamada «el beso de la paz», sigue siendo una parte integrante de la misa en los rituales romanos, eslavos, griegos y sirios, aunque a menudo se reduce a un fugaz apretón de manos.
+
+Al igual que en Yokohama, no puedo evitar contar esta historia hoy en Bremen. ¿Por qué? Porque la idea misma de la paz entendida como hospitalidad que se extiende al extranjero, y de una asamblea libre que surge en la práctica de la hospitalidad, no puede ser entendida sin la referencia a la liturgia cristiana del beso en la boca, que da a la comunidad local un carácter «espiritual».
+
+Sin embargo, así como los antecedentes de la paz entre nosotros no pueden entenderse sin referencia a la _conspiratio_ , la unicidad histórica del clima, la atmósfera o el espíritu de una ciudad también requiere esta referencia. La idea europea de paz, que es sinónimo de la incorporación somática de los iguales en una comunidad, no tiene análogos en otros lugares. En nuestra tradición europea, la comunidad no es resultado de un acto de fundación autorizado, ni un regalo de la naturaleza o sus dioses, ni siquiera el resultado de la gestión, la planificación y el diseño, sino la consecuencia de una _conspiración_ , un regalo deliberado, mutuo, somático y gratuito de unos a otros. El prototipo de esa conspiración reside en la celebración de la liturgia de los primeros cristianos en la que, sin importar su origen, hombres y mujeres, griegos y judíos, esclavos y ciudadanos, todos engendran una realidad física que los trasciende, un espíritu de amistad. El aliento compartido, la _con-spiratio_ , es la paz, entendida como la comunidad que surge de ella.
+
+Los historiadores han señalado a menudo que la idea del contrato social, que domina el pensamiento político en Europa desde el siglo XIV, tiene sus orígenes concretos en la forma en que los fundadores de las ciudades medievales concebían las civilidades urbanas. Estoy totalmente de acuerdo con esto. Sin embargo, al centrar la atención en la sociedad medieval tardía entendida como una composición de corporaciones que resultan de un contrato social, puede distraerse la atención del bien que tales corporaciones debían proteger, a saber, la paz resultante de una _conspiratio_. Puede pasarse por alto el absurdo pretencioso de intentar asegurar contractualmente una atmósfera tan fugaz y viva, tan tierna y robusta, como la _pax_.
+
+Los comerciantes y artesanos medievales que se establecieron al pie del castillo de un señor feudal sintieron la necesidad de convertir la conspiración que los unía en una asociación segura y duradera. No estaban dispuestos a construir sobre la base de un espíritu eternamente tenue. ¿Cuánto tiempo duraría? Para garantizar su seguridad general, recurrieron a un dispositivo, la _conjuratio_ , una promesa mutua confirmada por un juramento que toma a Dios como testigo, una forma de asegurar la durabilidad y la estabilidad de la atmósfera creada por la conspiración. La mayoría de las sociedades conocen el juramento, pero el uso del nombre de Dios para hacerlo valer aparece primero como un dispositivo legal en la codificación del derecho romano hecha por el emperador cristiano Teodosio. La conjuración, la coincidencia en un juramento común confirmado por la invocación a Dios, justo como el _osculum_ litúrgico, es de origen cristiano. La _conjuratio_ que usa a Dios a modo de resina para el vínculo social asegura presumiblemente la estabilidad y la durabilidad de la atmósfera engendrada por la _conspiratio_ de los ciudadanos. En este nexo entre _conspiratio_ y _conjuratio_ , se entrelazan dos conceptos igualmente únicos heredados del primer milenio de la historia cristiana, pero la formalidad contractual pronto eclipsó la sustancia espiritual.
+
+Nuestro universo político occidental contemporáneo se basa en un llamado a la paz que está en la base de la forma histórica profundamente nueva de la ciudad medieval de la Europa central. La _conjuratio conspirativa_ , un solemne tratado _cum_ espíritu, hace que la urbanidad europea sea distinta de los modos urbanos de otros lugares. También implica una tensión dinámica singular entre la atmósfera de la _conspiratio_ y su constitución legal, contractual. Idealmente, el clima espiritual es la fuente de la vida de la ciudad, que florece en una jerarquía, como una concha o armazón, para proteger su orden.
+
+El vínculo entre un juramento ( _conjuratio_ ) y la _conspiratio_ debe verse a la luz de mil años de historia eclesiástica, en la que los dos componentes no pueden confundirse entre sí. En la medida en que se entiende que la ciudad se origina en una _conspiratio_ , debe su existencia social a la _pax_ , el aliento, compartido por igual entre todos. Esta génesis es incomparable con el nacimiento de los atenienses de la matriz bajo la Acrópolis, incomparable con la ciudad concebida como el regalo de un dios a los inmigrantes jonios, incomparable con la descendencia común de un antepasado mítico.
+
+El vínculo entre _conspiratio_ y _conjuratio_ reúne dos conceptos igualmente únicos heredados del primer milenio de la cristiandad. Aquí hay un olor a rata. Mi nariz me dice que «algo está podrido» en el estado de Occidente. En el segundo milenio, el uso de Dios como testigo para sacrificar el contrato social crea el marco dentro del cual es posible abusar de la _pax_ como un ideal que justifica la imposición de nuestro tipo de orden en el mundo entero.
+
+Otras fuentes de esta teoría y práctica son numerosas: una conciencia de sí mismo mejor definida, como ilustra la doctrina de Abelardo; una nueva confianza en los instrumentos como medios para alcanzar un fin, como lo demuestra la proliferación de molinos de viento y el aumento de la producción agrícola y textil; una novedosa concepción del matrimonio como una relación contractual en la que dos seres humanos, un hombre y una mujer, se comprometen libremente.
+
+La parábola de Klaus Hübotter de la Villa Ichon como una casa flotante me hizo pensar en la esencia de la atmósfera, y al hacerlo llegamos a esta larga historia del origen de la ciudad gracias a la «paz» entre los ciudadanos que son hospitalarios entre sí de una manera única. Y no sólo entre ellos… ¡Han invitado a este vagabundo a deambular por aquí! Esta larga reflexión sobre los precedentes históricos del cultivo de la atmósfera en el Bremen de finales del siglo XX me parecía necesaria para defender su naturaleza intrínsecamente conspirativa. Quería mostrar por qué la crítica independiente del orden establecido de nuestra sociedad moderna, tecnógena y centrada en la información, sólo puede surgir de un entorno de intensa hospitalidad: el arte de la hospitalidad y el arte de ser invitado.
+
+Como estudioso, he sido moldeado por las tradiciones monásticas y la interpretación de los textos medievales. Desde muy temprano concluí que la principal condición para una atmósfera propicia para el pensamiento independiente es la hospitalidad cultivada por el anfitrión: una hospitalidad que excluye la condescendencia tan escrupulosamente como la seducción; una hospitalidad que por su simplicidad vence el miedo al plagio tanto como el del clientelismo; una hospitalidad que por su apertura disuelve la intimidación tan cuidadosamente como el servilismo; una hospitalidad que exige de los huéspedes tanta generosidad como la que impone al anfitrión. He sido bendecido con una gran parte de ella, con el sabor de un ambiente relajado, humorístico y a veces grotesco, entre compañeros mayormente ordinarios pero a veces extraños, entre personas que son pacientes entre sí. Más en Bremen que en cualquier otro lugar.
+
+Bremen, Alemania y Ocotepec, México
+
+----
+
+Traducción: Miranda Martínez y Alan Cruz
+
+Discurso pronunciado en la Villa Ichon de Bremen, Alemania, cuando recibí el Premio de Cultura y Paz de la Ciudad de Bremen el 14 de marzo de 1998. Al preparar la versión inglesa, preparé y mejoré el original alemán. Los cambios que he realizado son esencialmente referencias al gran estudio de la historia del juramento de Paolo Prodi, que me permitió aclarar la oposición entre _conspiratio_ y _conjuratio_. ( _Cf_. Paolo Prodi, _Il sacramento del potere. Il giuramento politico nella storia costituzionale dell’Occidente_ , Bolonia, Il Mulino, 1992). 
+
+_N. de TT_.: La presente traducción retoma las diferentes versiones supervisadas por Illich: «Das Geschenk der _conspiratio_ », reedición ampliada de 2001, «The Cultivation of Conspiracy», en Lee Hoinacki y Carl Mitcham (eds.), _The Challenges of Ivan Illich_ , Nueva York, State University of New York Press, 2002, pp. 233-242; y «La culture de la conspiration», en Ivan Illich, _La perte des sens. Inédit_ , París, 2004, Fayard, pp. 337-352.
diff --git a/contents/article/index.en.bib b/contents/article/index.en.bib
index 017c5c2..857a199 100644
--- a/contents/article/index.en.bib
+++ b/contents/article/index.en.bib
@@ -1,209 +1,247 @@
-@ARTICLE{Illich-1900-testing-en,
+@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1900-testing-en,
   author = {Ivan Illich and Barbara Duden},
   title = {Just the title},
   year = {1900},
   date = {1900},
   origdate = {1900},
   language = {en},
+  origlanguage = {en},
   translator = {},
-  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1900-testing:index}
+  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1900-testing:index},
+  urldate = {2024-03-21}
 }
 
-@ARTICLE{Illich-1955-book_review_of_i_want_to_see_god_and_i_am_daughter_of_the_church-en,
+@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1955-book_review_of_i_want_to_see_god_and_i_am_daughter_of_the_church-en,
   author = {Ivan Illich},
   title = {Book review of "I Want to See God" and "I am Daughter of the Church"},
   year = {1955},
   date = {1955},
   origdate = {1955},
   language = {en},
+  origlanguage = {en},
   translator = {},
-  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1955-book_review_of_i_want_to_see_god_and_i_am_daughter_of_the_church:index}
+  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1955-book_review_of_i_want_to_see_god_and_i_am_daughter_of_the_church:index},
+  urldate = {2024-03-21}
 }
 
-@ARTICLE{Illich-1955-can_a_catholic_get_a_divorce-en,
+@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1955-can_a_catholic_get_a_divorce-en,
   author = {Ivan Illich},
   title = {Can a Catholic Get a Divorce?},
   year = {1955},
   date = {1955},
   origdate = {1955},
   language = {en},
+  origlanguage = {en},
   translator = {},
-  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1955-can_a_catholic_get_a_divorce:index}
+  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1955-can_a_catholic_get_a_divorce:index},
+  urldate = {2024-03-21}
 }
 
-@ARTICLE{Illich-1955-sacred_virginity-en,
+@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1955-sacred_virginity-en,
   author = {Ivan Illich},
   title = {Sacred Virginity},
   year = {1955},
   date = {1955},
   origdate = {1955},
   language = {en},
+  origlanguage = {en},
   translator = {},
-  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1955-sacred_virginity:index}
+  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1955-sacred_virginity:index},
+  urldate = {2024-03-21}
 }
 
-@ARTICLE{Illich-1955-spiritual_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants-en,
+@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1955-spiritual_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants-en,
   author = {Ivan Illich},
   title = {Spiritual care of Puerto Rican migrants: report on the first conferen},
   year = {1955},
   date = {1955},
   origdate = {1955},
   language = {en},
+  origlanguage = {en},
   translator = {},
-  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1955-spiritual_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants:index}
+  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1955-spiritual_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants:index},
+  urldate = {2024-03-21}
 }
 
-@ARTICLE{Illich-1955-the_american_parish-en,
-  author = {Ivan Illich},
+@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1955-the_american_parish-en,
+  author = {Ivan Illich and Barrie Sanders},
   title = {The American Parish},
   year = {1955},
   date = {1955},
   origdate = {1955},
   language = {en},
+  origlanguage = {en},
   translator = {},
-  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1955-the_american_parish:index}
+  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1955-the_american_parish:index},
+  urldate = {2024-03-21}
 }
 
-@ARTICLE{Illich-1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york-en,
+@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york-en,
   author = {Ivan Illich},
   title = {Puerto Ricans in New York},
   year = {1956},
   date = {1956},
   origdate = {1956},
   language = {en},
+  origlanguage = {en},
   translator = {},
-  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york:index}
+  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york:index},
+  urldate = {2024-03-21}
 }
 
-@ARTICLE{Illich-1956-rehearsal_for_death-en,
+@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1956-rehearsal_for_death-en,
   author = {Ivan Illich},
   title = {Rehearsal for Death},
   year = {1956},
   date = {1956},
   origdate = {1956},
   language = {en},
+  origlanguage = {en},
   translator = {},
-  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1956-rehearsal_for_death:index}
+  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1956-rehearsal_for_death:index},
+  urldate = {2024-03-21}
 }
 
-@ARTICLE{Illich-1958-missionary_poverty-en,
+@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1958-missionary_poverty-en,
   author = {Ivan Illich},
   title = {Missionary Poverty: basic policies for courses of missionary formation},
   year = {1958},
   date = {1958},
   origdate = {1958},
   language = {en},
+  origlanguage = {en},
   translator = {},
-  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1958-missionary_poverty:index}
+  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1958-missionary_poverty:index},
+  urldate = {2024-03-21}
 }
 
-@ARTICLE{Illich-1958-the_end_of_human_life-en,
+@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1958-the_end_of_human_life-en,
   author = {Ivan Illich},
   title = {The End of Human Life},
   year = {1958},
   date = {1958},
   origdate = {1958},
   language = {en},
+  origlanguage = {en},
   translator = {},
-  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1958-the_end_of_human_life:index}
+  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1958-the_end_of_human_life:index},
+  urldate = {2024-03-21}
 }
 
-@ARTICLE{Illich-1958-the_pastoral_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants_in_new_york-en,
+@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1958-the_pastoral_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants_in_new_york-en,
   author = {Ivan Illich},
   title = {The Pastoral Care of Puerto Rican Migrants in New York},
   year = {1958},
   date = {1958},
   origdate = {1958},
   language = {en},
+  origlanguage = {en},
   translator = {},
-  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1958-the_pastoral_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants_in_new_york:index}
+  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1958-the_pastoral_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants_in_new_york:index},
+  urldate = {2024-03-21}
 }
 
-@ARTICLE{Illich-1959-discurso_de_graduacion-en,
+@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1959-discurso_de_graduacion-en,
   author = {Ivan Illich},
   title = {Graduation Speech at the Colegio de Agricultura y Artes Mecénucas},
   year = {1959},
   date = {1959},
   origdate = {1959},
   language = {en},
+  origlanguage = {es},
   translator = {},
-  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion:index}
+  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion:index},
+  urldate = {2024-03-21}
 }
 
-@ARTICLE{Illich-1961-missionary_poverty-en,
+@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1961-missionary_poverty-en,
   author = {Ivan Illich},
   title = {Missionary Poverty},
   year = {1961},
   date = {1961},
   origdate = {1961},
   language = {en},
+  origlanguage = {en},
   translator = {},
-  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1961-missionary_poverty:index}
+  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1961-missionary_poverty:index},
+  urldate = {2024-03-21}
 }
 
-@ARTICLE{Illich-1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks-en,
+@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks-en,
   author = {Ivan Illich},
   title = {The Redistribution of Educational Tasks between Schools and Other Organs of Society},
   year = {1968},
   date = {1968},
   origdate = {1968},
   language = {en},
+  origlanguage = {en},
   translator = {},
-  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks:index}
+  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks:index},
+  urldate = {2024-03-21}
 }
 
-@ARTICLE{Illich-1972-gradual_change_or_violent_revolution_in_latin_america-en,
+@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1972-gradual_change_or_violent_revolution_in_latin_america-en,
   author = {Ivan Illich},
   title = {Gradual Change or Violent Revolution in Latin America?},
   year = {1972},
   date = {1972},
   origdate = {1972},
   language = {en},
+  origlanguage = {en},
   translator = {},
-  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1972-gradual_change_or_violent_revolution_in_latin_america:index}
+  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1972-gradual_change_or_violent_revolution_in_latin_america:index},
+  urldate = {2024-03-21}
 }
 
-@ARTICLE{Illich-1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut-en,
+@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut-en,
   author = {Ivan Illich},
   title = {The Message of Bapu’s Hut},
   year = {1978},
   date = {1978},
   origdate = {1978},
   language = {en},
+  origlanguage = {en},
   translator = {},
-  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut:index}
+  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut:index},
+  urldate = {2024-03-21}
 }
 
-@ARTICLE{Illich-1986-disvalue-en,
+@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1986-disvalue-en,
   author = {Ivan Illich},
   title = {Disvalue},
   year = {1986},
   date = {1986},
   origdate = {1986},
   language = {en},
+  origlanguage = {en},
   translator = {},
-  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1986-disvalue:index}
+  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1986-disvalue:index},
+  urldate = {2024-03-21}
 }
 
-@ARTICLE{Illich-1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives-en,
+@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives-en,
   author = {Ivan Illich},
   title = {Foreword to "Deschooling Our Lives"},
   year = {1995},
   date = {1995},
   origdate = {1995},
   language = {en},
+  origlanguage = {en},
   translator = {},
-  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives:index}
+  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives:index},
+  urldate = {2024-03-21}
 }
 
-@ARTICLE{Illich-1998-conspiracy-en,
+@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1998-conspiracy-en,
   author = {Ivan Illich},
   title = {The Cultivation of Conspiracy},
   year = {1998},
   date = {1998},
   origdate = {1998},
   language = {en},
+  origlanguage = {en},
   translator = {},
-  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1998-conspiracy:index}
+  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1998-conspiracy:index},
+  urldate = {2024-03-21}
 }
 
diff --git a/contents/article/index.es.bib b/contents/article/index.es.bib
index c756602..39a886f 100644
--- a/contents/article/index.es.bib
+++ b/contents/article/index.es.bib
@@ -1,66 +1,78 @@
-@ARTICLE{Illich-1900-testing-es,
+@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1900-testing-es,
   author = {Ivan Illich and Barbara Duden},
   title = {Un titulo},
   year = {1900},
   date = {1900},
   origdate = {1900},
   language = {es},
-  translator = {Margarita Padilla and Vicente Ruiz and Franco Augusto},
-  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/article/1900-testing:index}
+  origlanguage = {en},
+  translator = {},
+  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/article/1900-testing:index},
+  urldate = {2024-03-21}
 }
 
-@ARTICLE{Illich-1959-discurso_de_graduacion-es,
+@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1959-discurso_de_graduacion-es,
   author = {Ivan Illich},
   title = {Discurso de Graduación en el Colegio de Agricultura y Artes Mecénucas},
   year = {1959},
   date = {1959},
   origdate = {1959},
   language = {es},
+  origlanguage = {es},
   translator = {},
-  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion:index}
+  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion:index},
+  urldate = {2024-03-21}
 }
 
-@ARTICLE{Illich-1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut-es,
+@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut-es,
   author = {Ivan Illich},
   title = {El mensaje de la choza de Gandhi},
   year = {1978},
   date = {1978},
   origdate = {1978},
   language = {es},
+  origlanguage = {en},
   translator = {},
-  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut:index}
+  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut:index},
+  urldate = {2024-03-21}
 }
 
-@ARTICLE{Illich-1986-disvalue-es,
+@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1986-disvalue-es,
   author = {Ivan Illich},
   title = {Desvalor},
   year = {1986},
   date = {1986},
   origdate = {1986},
   language = {es},
+  origlanguage = {en},
   translator = {},
-  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/article/1986-disvalue:index}
+  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/article/1986-disvalue:index},
+  urldate = {2024-03-21}
 }
 
-@ARTICLE{Illich-1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives-es,
+@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives-es,
   author = {Ivan Illich},
   title = {Prólogo de "Desescolarizando nuestras vidas"},
   year = {1995},
   date = {1995},
   origdate = {1995},
   language = {es},
+  origlanguage = {en},
   translator = {},
-  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives:index}
+  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives:index},
+  urldate = {2024-03-21}
 }
 
-@ARTICLE{Illich-1998-conspiracy-es,
+@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1998-conspiracy-es,
   author = {Ivan Illich},
   title = {El cultivo de la conspiración},
   year = {1998},
   date = {1998},
   origdate = {1998},
   language = {es},
+  origlanguage = {en},
   translator = {},
-  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/article/1998-conspiracy:index}
+  url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/article/1998-conspiracy:index},
+  urldate = {2024-03-21}
 }