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892 files changed, 52957 insertions, 11073 deletions
@@ -1,3 +1,11 @@ +*.old +*.pdf +*.info + + data/cache/* +!data/cache/.gitkeep + data/log/* + data/tmp/* diff --git a/conf/local.php b/conf/local.php index 71ba94c..c92e41a 100644 --- a/conf/local.php +++ b/conf/local.php @@ -5,4 +5,8 @@ $conf['useacl'] = 1; $conf['superuser'] = '@admin'; +$conf['codename'] = 'illich'; $conf['title'] = 'Illich'; +$conf['author'] = 'Ivan Illich'; +$conf['copyright'] = 'Valentina Borremans'; +$conf['universe'] = 'acervus'; diff --git a/contents/article/1900-testing/en.bib b/contents/article/1900-testing/en.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..8ec2ac7 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1900-testing/en.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1900-testing-en, + author = {Ivan Illich and Barbara Duden}, + title = {Just the title}, + year = {1900}, + date = {1900}, + origdate = {1900}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1900-testing:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-21} +} diff --git a/contents/article/1900-testing/en.md b/contents/article/1900-testing/en.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..afc3621 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1900-testing/en.md @@ -0,0 +1,13 @@ +--- + title: "A non procesed title" + author: "**Barbara Duden" + date: "1900" + lang: "en" + documentclass: article + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue +--- diff --git a/contents/article/1900-testing/en.notes b/contents/article/1900-testing/en.notes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..de47c0c --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1900-testing/en.notes @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** + * This article was originally included as foreword of the book "Deschooling Our Lives" (1995) and was also included in "Everywhere All the Time: A New Deschooling Reader" (2008). diff --git a/contents/article/1900-testing/en.txt b/contents/article/1900-testing/en.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..882e7f5 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1900-testing/en.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +# Just the title diff --git a/contents/article/1900-testing/es.bib b/contents/article/1900-testing/es.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..a71e30b --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1900-testing/es.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1900-testing-es, + author = {Ivan Illich and Barbara Duden}, + title = {Un titulo}, + year = {1900}, + date = {1900}, + origdate = {1900}, + language = {es}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/article/1900-testing:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-21} +} diff --git a/contents/article/1900-testing/es.md b/contents/article/1900-testing/es.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..f6c4f7c --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1900-testing/es.md @@ -0,0 +1,13 @@ +--- + title: "Un titulo" + author: "**Barbara Duden" + date: "1900" + lang: "es" + documentclass: article + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue +--- diff --git a/contents/article/1900-testing/es.notes b/contents/article/1900-testing/es.notes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..0a2c7ab --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1900-testing/es.notes @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +* **#@LANG_translators@#:** Margarita Padilla; Vicente Ruiz; Franco Augusto +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** + * Este artículo se incluyó originalmente como prólogo del libro "Deschooling Our Lives" (1995) y también se incluyó en "Everywhere All the Time: A New Deschooling Reader" (2008). diff --git a/contents/article/1900-testing/es.txt b/contents/article/1900-testing/es.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..f6227b7 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1900-testing/es.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +# Un titulo diff --git a/contents/article/1900-testing/index b/contents/article/1900-testing/index new file mode 100644 index 0000000..e6bf391 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1900-testing/index @@ -0,0 +1,7 @@ +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _A non procesed title_ +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# +* **#@LANG_authors@#:** Barbara Duden +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** *YEAR* +* **#@LANG_versions@#:** + * Peter Canon, “The American Parish,” Integrity, June 1955, 5–16. diff --git a/contents/article/1955-book_review_of_i_want_to_see_god_and_i_am_daughter_of_the_church/en.bib b/contents/article/1955-book_review_of_i_want_to_see_god_and_i_am_daughter_of_the_church/en.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..9ff86ef --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1955-book_review_of_i_want_to_see_god_and_i_am_daughter_of_the_church/en.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1955-book_review_of_i_want_to_see_god_and_i_am_daughter_of_the_church-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Book review of "I Want to See God" and "I am Daughter of the Church"}, + year = {1955}, + date = {1955}, + origdate = {1955}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1955-book_review_of_i_want_to_see_god_and_i_am_daughter_of_the_church:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-21} +} diff --git a/contents/article/1955-book_review_of_i_want_to_see_god_and_i_am_daughter_of_the_church/en.md b/contents/article/1955-book_review_of_i_want_to_see_god_and_i_am_daughter_of_the_church/en.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..67faa36 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1955-book_review_of_i_want_to_see_god_and_i_am_daughter_of_the_church/en.md @@ -0,0 +1,37 @@ +--- + title: "Book review of 'I Want to See God' and 'I am Daughter of the Church'" + author: "Ivan Illich" + date: "1955" + lang: "en" + documentclass: article + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue +--- + +Book reviews of the books by Father Marie-Eugene, O.C.D., Fides Publishers + +For many souls these two volumes should prove an instrument for progress in prayer hitherto unavailable—if for no other reason than that they make the authentic experience, common sense and theology of the Carmelite tradition easily available to spiritual directors. + +The author is a Frenchman, a Carmelite, now one of the major superiors of the Order. During the last war he was called to active military duty and he held a regular commission as a naval commander. When he finally returned to monastic life a group of lay people asked him to give them a course on prayer. The lectures he prepared for them are published in these two volumes. + +His intent is to teach the art and science of prayer to those who are thirsty for God but who find it difficult to grasp the language of the Masters of the Carmelite Reform, and furthermore are frightened away from their original writings by the glorious hodgepodge in many pages of St. Theresa and St. John's theological mole. For these souls Father Eugene-Marie wishes to be a source and a guide to the originals, himself trying to be “as unobtrusive as possible in order to let the Masters themselves speak, gathering their teachings exclusively, clarifying them by parallel passages and arranging them in a synthesis which would still be theirs.” He does all this by incasing some of the most significant passages of the Masters (and he is not afraid of repeating the same text over and over again) in a text which is clear, well-organized, the fruit of sound modern theological thought, formed on the background of the spiritual experience of the last centuries which have made us understand better much of the writing of the Sixteenth Century. + +The general outline of the two volumes follows the plan of St. Theresa’s _Book of the Mansions_, but as far as possible organizes the material around practical topics: the devil, spiritual reading, spiritual direction, friendship, Our Lady as Mediatrix, etc. This attempt to tidy things up makes the book even more useful for spiritual reading and meditation on a particular topic. It also helps to a certain—although imperfect—degree to dispel the temptation to see in the succession of the “mansions” a rigid plan which would be almost binding on God. Any strict adherence to the plan outlined by St. Theresa in the _Interior Castle_ tends to neglect a bit the reality that in some souls—perhaps +particularly in souls who live in the world without the external order +of a rule and a cell—God seems inclined to anticipate some of the +intimacies and darkness which the _Castle_ assigns to later stages, thus +telescoping the journey in a strange way. + +The last chapter of the second volume, on the saint in the Whole Christ, is a treatise on the role of prayer in the apostolate and seems to point out that if the Reformers of Carmel had nothing to do with any new method of the apostolate, they nevertheless formed a method +and science of the formation of apostles. + +This work is a thorough, theological, rather complete treatise on prayer in the Carmelite (strictly speaking, Theresian) tradition without the usual polemics on predestination and infused contemplation which seem to be standard part of other works with the same purpose. This makes the book unique and enjoyable as well for the layman who would be annoyed by such theoretical polemics as for the priest who has been put off by the dryness and learned bickering in the usual handbook of ascetical and mystical theology. + +The book tends to form and to foster in the soul a spirit for prayer in the atmosphere of Carmel. It is not only an exposition but a continuous invitation, and the translation conserves very well the quality of persuasion of the spoken word. Again and again the reader cannot +help stopping and praying: “Oh let me come that close to You.” + +Peter Canon diff --git a/contents/article/1955-book_review_of_i_want_to_see_god_and_i_am_daughter_of_the_church/en.notes b/contents/article/1955-book_review_of_i_want_to_see_god_and_i_am_daughter_of_the_church/en.notes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..e26cae6 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1955-book_review_of_i_want_to_see_god_and_i_am_daughter_of_the_church/en.notes @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** + * Published under the alias of Peter Canon diff --git a/contents/article/1955-book_review_of_i_want_to_see_god_and_i_am_daughter_of_the_church/en.txt b/contents/article/1955-book_review_of_i_want_to_see_god_and_i_am_daughter_of_the_church/en.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..31e4ecf --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1955-book_review_of_i_want_to_see_god_and_i_am_daughter_of_the_church/en.txt @@ -0,0 +1,25 @@ +# Book review of "I Want to See God" and "I am Daughter of the Church" + +Book reviews of the books by Father Marie-Eugene, O.C.D., Fides Publishers + +For many souls these two volumes should prove an instrument for progress in prayer hitherto unavailable—if for no other reason than that they make the authentic experience, common sense and theology of the Carmelite tradition easily available to spiritual directors. + +The author is a Frenchman, a Carmelite, now one of the major superiors of the Order. During the last war he was called to active military duty and he held a regular commission as a naval commander. When he finally returned to monastic life a group of lay people asked him to give them a course on prayer. The lectures he prepared for them are published in these two volumes. + +His intent is to teach the art and science of prayer to those who are thirsty for God but who find it difficult to grasp the language of the Masters of the Carmelite Reform, and furthermore are frightened away from their original writings by the glorious hodgepodge in many pages of St. Theresa and St. John's theological mole. For these souls Father Eugene-Marie wishes to be a source and a guide to the originals, himself trying to be “as unobtrusive as possible in order to let the Masters themselves speak, gathering their teachings exclusively, clarifying them by parallel passages and arranging them in a synthesis which would still be theirs.” He does all this by incasing some of the most significant passages of the Masters (and he is not afraid of repeating the same text over and over again) in a text which is clear, well-organized, the fruit of sound modern theological thought, formed on the background of the spiritual experience of the last centuries which have made us understand better much of the writing of the Sixteenth Century. + +The general outline of the two volumes follows the plan of St. Theresa’s _Book of the Mansions_, but as far as possible organizes the material around practical topics: the devil, spiritual reading, spiritual direction, friendship, Our Lady as Mediatrix, etc. This attempt to tidy things up makes the book even more useful for spiritual reading and meditation on a particular topic. It also helps to a certain—although imperfect—degree to dispel the temptation to see in the succession of the “mansions” a rigid plan which would be almost binding on God. Any strict adherence to the plan outlined by St. Theresa in the _Interior Castle_ tends to neglect a bit the reality that in some souls—perhaps +particularly in souls who live in the world without the external order +of a rule and a cell—God seems inclined to anticipate some of the +intimacies and darkness which the _Castle_ assigns to later stages, thus +telescoping the journey in a strange way. + +The last chapter of the second volume, on the saint in the Whole Christ, is a treatise on the role of prayer in the apostolate and seems to point out that if the Reformers of Carmel had nothing to do with any new method of the apostolate, they nevertheless formed a method +and science of the formation of apostles. + +This work is a thorough, theological, rather complete treatise on prayer in the Carmelite (strictly speaking, Theresian) tradition without the usual polemics on predestination and infused contemplation which seem to be standard part of other works with the same purpose. This makes the book unique and enjoyable as well for the layman who would be annoyed by such theoretical polemics as for the priest who has been put off by the dryness and learned bickering in the usual handbook of ascetical and mystical theology. + +The book tends to form and to foster in the soul a spirit for prayer in the atmosphere of Carmel. It is not only an exposition but a continuous invitation, and the translation conserves very well the quality of persuasion of the spoken word. Again and again the reader cannot +help stopping and praying: “Oh let me come that close to You.” + +Peter Canon diff --git a/contents/article/1955-book_review_of_i_want_to_see_god_and_i_am_daughter_of_the_church/index b/contents/article/1955-book_review_of_i_want_to_see_god_and_i_am_daughter_of_the_church/index new file mode 100644 index 0000000..a6a1cc8 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1955-book_review_of_i_want_to_see_god_and_i_am_daughter_of_the_church/index @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Book review of "I Want to See God" and "I am Daughter of the Church"_ +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** *YEAR* +* **#@LANG_versions@#:** +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** diff --git a/contents/article/1955-can_a_catholic_get_a_divorce/en.bib b/contents/article/1955-can_a_catholic_get_a_divorce/en.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..520a380 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1955-can_a_catholic_get_a_divorce/en.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1955-can_a_catholic_get_a_divorce-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Can a Catholic Get a Divorce?}, + year = {1955}, + date = {1955}, + origdate = {1955}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1955-can_a_catholic_get_a_divorce:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-21} +} diff --git a/contents/article/1955-can_a_catholic_get_a_divorce/en.md b/contents/article/1955-can_a_catholic_get_a_divorce/en.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..72d3e06 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1955-can_a_catholic_get_a_divorce/en.md @@ -0,0 +1,13 @@ +--- + title: "Can a Catholic Get a Divorce?" + author: "Ivan Illich" + date: "1955" + lang: "en" + documentclass: article + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue +--- diff --git a/contents/article/1955-can_a_catholic_get_a_divorce/en.txt b/contents/article/1955-can_a_catholic_get_a_divorce/en.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..ea4867c --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1955-can_a_catholic_get_a_divorce/en.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +# Can a Catholic Get a Divorce? diff --git a/contents/article/1955-can_a_catholic_get_a_divorce/index b/contents/article/1955-can_a_catholic_get_a_divorce/index new file mode 100644 index 0000000..c56855c --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1955-can_a_catholic_get_a_divorce/index @@ -0,0 +1,8 @@ +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Can a Catholic Get a Divorce?_ +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** *YEAR* +* **#@LANG_versions@#:** + * Integrity, vol. 9, n. 7, aprile 1955, pp. 7-10; + * Opere complete. Scritti 1951-1971. 2019 +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** diff --git a/contents/article/1955-sacred_virginity/en.bib b/contents/article/1955-sacred_virginity/en.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6fdb6bd --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1955-sacred_virginity/en.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1955-sacred_virginity-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Sacred Virginity}, + year = {1955}, + date = {1955}, + origdate = {1955}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1955-sacred_virginity:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-21} +} diff --git a/contents/article/1955-sacred_virginity/en.md b/contents/article/1955-sacred_virginity/en.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..816db6e --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1955-sacred_virginity/en.md @@ -0,0 +1,13 @@ +--- + title: "Sacred Virginity" + author: "Ivan Illich" + date: "1955" + lang: "en" + documentclass: article + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue +--- diff --git a/contents/article/1955-sacred_virginity/en.txt b/contents/article/1955-sacred_virginity/en.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..25ecdec --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1955-sacred_virginity/en.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +# Sacred Virginity diff --git a/contents/article/1955-sacred_virginity/index b/contents/article/1955-sacred_virginity/index new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6012371 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1955-sacred_virginity/index @@ -0,0 +1,8 @@ +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Sacred Virginity_ +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** *YEAR* +* **#@LANG_versions@#:** + * Peter Canon, “Sacred Virginity,” Integrity, October 1955, 32–35. + * "The Powerless Church and Other Selected Writings, 1955–1985", Penn State University Press, 2019 +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** diff --git a/contents/article/1955-spiritual_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants/en.bib b/contents/article/1955-spiritual_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants/en.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..a5934c0 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1955-spiritual_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants/en.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1955-spiritual_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Spiritual care of Puerto Rican migrants: report on the first conferen}, + year = {1955}, + date = {1955}, + origdate = {1955}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1955-spiritual_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-21} +} diff --git a/contents/article/1955-spiritual_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants/en.md b/contents/article/1955-spiritual_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants/en.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..817a177 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1955-spiritual_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants/en.md @@ -0,0 +1,13 @@ +--- + title: "Spiritual care of Puerto Rican migrants: report on the first conference" + author: "Ivan Illich" + date: "1955" + lang: "en" + documentclass: article + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue +--- diff --git a/contents/article/1955-spiritual_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants/en.txt b/contents/article/1955-spiritual_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants/en.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..c4ee2ca --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1955-spiritual_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants/en.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +# Spiritual care of Puerto Rican migrants: report on the first conferen diff --git a/contents/article/1955-spiritual_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants/index b/contents/article/1955-spiritual_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants/index new file mode 100644 index 0000000..8fa70cd --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1955-spiritual_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants/index @@ -0,0 +1,8 @@ +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Spiritual care of Puerto Rican migrants: report on the first conference_ +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** *YEAR* +* **#@LANG_versions@#:** + * Spiritual Care of Puerto Rican Migrants (Hispanics in the United States Ser) + * CIDOC Sondeos 74 - Spiritual Care of Puerto Rican Migrants. Report on the First Conference, held in San Juan, Puerto Rico, April 11th to 16th 1955. Ferree, William, Illich, Ivan, Fitzpatrick, Joseph P. (Editors), Cuernavaca 1970 74) +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** diff --git a/contents/article/1955-the_american_parish/en.bib b/contents/article/1955-the_american_parish/en.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..1cc9cda --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1955-the_american_parish/en.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1955-the_american_parish-en, + author = {Ivan Illich and Barrie Sanders}, + title = {The American Parish}, + year = {1955}, + date = {1955}, + origdate = {1955}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1955-the_american_parish:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-21} +} diff --git a/contents/article/1955-the_american_parish/en.md b/contents/article/1955-the_american_parish/en.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..b82d07b --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1955-the_american_parish/en.md @@ -0,0 +1,421 @@ +--- + title: "The American Parish" + author: "Ivan Illich; Barrie Sanders" + date: "1955" + lang: "en" + documentclass: article + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue +--- + +In a modern city parish many people do not find what they are looking +for. Many of those who are dissatisfied never voice their disappointment; +many do not even realize they are disappointed. Some put the blame +for their dissatisfaction on the pastor, the bishop or the trustee of the +Church. The pastor again and his assistants, if ever they become conscious of their people’s criticism, put the blame on their parishioners’ +unreasonable requests or ungenerous help. + +Do people look to their parish for things the parish could not offer or +does the modern city parish fundamentally not offer what it should? +More practical inquiries might be directed toward the study of methods. Here we ask the more fundamental “what” should be offered and +leave the “how” to other articles. + +Take Jose, I met him one Sunday when, during the eleven o’clock +high Mass, I went out through the main door of our Church. There I saw +him among five darkaired and bronzekinned people. From far away +you could have guessed their origin, the origin of 37% of the baptized +Catholics in New York City, Puerto Rico. Why had they come to Church +and then remained outside? Had they gone in or were they waiting for +the next Mass? They were all standing in a little group and talking lethargically. I went up to them and said “que tal” which means “Hi,” and slowly +they turned around, looking at me. After a few more words their eyes +began to sparkle. Before they had been completely unrelated to the surroundings: their dresses were almost imperceptibly differently cut from +those of the other parishioners, their language was different and while +the others were in Church they were outside. Now suddenly, through +a few Spanish words they seemed related to their surroundings. They +started to speak: they all came from Moca, a little place in the hills of that +beautiful island; they had arrived here in New York just a few weeks ago. +They had found out where the Church was, and when they looked at it +they would not believe that it was a Catholic Church: a Church had to +be in the middle of a plaza, in the middle of the village, the center of a +community. Here they had found a building with some strange pointed +arches in the middle of two tall houses right on a booming street. +The Church inside was dark, with light strangely colored from +stainedlass windows, instead of the simple, whitewashed structure— +with wide openings for windows to let in as much air as possible—that +they were used to. But they had recognized this as a Catholic church, +because, upon an inspection, they had found the picture of Our Lady +of Perpetual Help on one of the altars; and that much they knew, where +that picture was, there had to be Our Lord. They had discovered the +picture on a weekday evening, and now on Sunday they had come back +to the Church, they had wanted to go to Mass. Now why did they not go +in and follow Mass? I asked them, and got an answer which baffled me. +They said, because of the ushers. They had never been accompanied to +a pew by an usher. Oftentimes they had no pews in Church. Here they +saw parishioners paying their way into Church. They didn’t realize that +these people—or their parents—had built this church by themselves, that +they now felt responsible for its support and maintenance, that it was +not like Puerto Rico where the government had built churches until the +Americans arrived. So they had turned away from Church because of the +ushers, as one of them said; because Mass starts so much on time, the +other said, Our Lady was there, they said—but the warmth and the life +of the people seemed lacking. + +I could not help thinking back to Puerto Rico; my first Sunday there +in a big parish, in the mountains. On Saturday the pastor asked me say +Mass the next day in the mountains, in three different mission chapels +(he had twelve altogether), since he would have to say the Masses in the +main village. If there was a priest around to help out, every four weeks +Mass was said on Sunday in every chapel. The first Mass I said at about +six in the morning, after I had slept all night on the altar steps of the +chapel, then I travelled on, by horseback, to the next chapel. I heard +confessions, said Mass, baptized, married . . . and off I went to the third +chapel, on horseback still, where I arrived after noon. People were sitting +around in Church eating their bananas and chewing cane, and on the +Church steps they had lighted a little fire to cook something. They continued their conversation in Church while I heard confessions; for Mass +everybody was silent and most of them knelt on the crude floor while two +lonely dogs ran around among them, and when I started to baptize the +conversation resumed. In the evening, I was amazed at the answer I got +from the pastor, a Puerto Rican trained in a United States seminary, to my +question as to whether he thought this behavior slightly disrespectful: +Our people believe that God is their Father, and they want to behave in +Church as they behave in their Father’s house. There are no ushers in +Jose’s Father’s house. Dinner does not start on time, probably he has no +watch, he goes to Church when everybody else goes to Church. Mass is an +important happening in the family’s life—a happening which brings him +together with all his neighbors. The Church is the center of his village +even if he seldom goes into it. The rare Sunday when the priest comes to +his chapel, the Mass is a big event, even if he does not attend. He knows +almost everybody whom he meets at Mass. Mass is easily understood as +a family dinner—as the “communion” of the community. + +# Another World + +No wonder that he is confused at this big, clean, Gothic building where +an usher assigns him his place next to some unknown lady, where he +is allowed to go into Church only five minutes before Mass starts, and +has to leave as soon as Mass is over—where hardly anybody is standing +outside the Church after Mass since there is no plaza—and where there +are so many Masses that you cannot see Mass as a family dinner, a house +built around you, to suit you. + +Standing there on that cold winter morning during the eleven o’clock +high Mass, I realized how hard it will be to explain to Jose and his friends +that this is the same Church which, under another climate, appears so +very different from at home. It will be hard for Jose to understand that +he will be known to God alone in Church and hardly anybody else will +recognize him. It will be hard for him to understand that you can go to +Holy Communion every day in a Church where there are several Masses +every day, and hard, too, to understand the English Gospel the priest +reads, but even more difficult than to understand will it be for him to +feel at home in English. I might be able to make him understand some +of the features of parish life—but to understand a world is far from being +at home in it. And how strange that a man should not feel at home in +the house of his Father. How strange to each other two Catholic worlds +can be. It is not always easy to see how beautiful it is that the universal +Church can look so different in different cultures. + +Or think of Maria, Jose’s sister: she came with him to Mass, and with +him was frightened away from the Church. Now she cannot believe that +this is the communion mass of the Children of Mary. Where are their +white veils? Why do they not sing, does nobody here know the song of +Our Lady of Guadalupe? And why do people now start to come out of +Church, and without talking to each other go straight across the busy, +dirty street headed for home? Why do they not hang around and talk to +each other? Jose and his friends cannot well avoid being bewildered. + +# Dissatisfied Children + +This is but one of the many instances into which you run continually, as +a parish priest, of people who do not find in their parish what they came +to look for. Jose’s problem is not from this point of view different from the +bewilderment of the convert, who during instructions has found faith in +the reality of the Mystical Body visible in Christ’s Church—and then finds +himself socially isolated among faithful churchgoers. And it is not different from the problem of the mature layman exposed to years of sermons +taken from Father Murphy’s Three Homilies for Every Sunday Gospel—or of +the young couple recently moved into a new apartment, who had hoped to +find in the parish an atmosphere in which spiritual friendship is fostered, +and found perfect distribution of sacraments, ritual and Catholic school +education, but not the spirit they had hoped for. + +To all these this parish does not give what they expect: to Jose it +does not give the atmosphere of his home, to the convert it does not +give the new human community he thought would be a consequence of +spiritual communion, to the man yearning to grow it does not give the +adult education program he hoped for, but only an endless repetition of +what he has become insensible to through yearly recital in grade school +catechism. It forces the young couple to make their own home a shelter +for friendship without adequate help from the pastor from whom they +expect it. + +All these people come to the parish because there they find what +seems to them most important: Mass, the confessional, and catechism +for their children. Objections are directed not against the things they get, +but rather against the frame within which they get them: Mass remains +the sacrifice even if it is said quickly and adorned with a hasty sermon. +Your sins are forgiven even if the priest is too rushed to give advice—and +most people are so used to a silent confessor that they might be surprised +at an instruction. Catechism remains true even if Sister has sixty children +in her parochial school class. Marriage remains valid even if all the bride +remembers of prenuptial instruction is that an overburdened priest, in +ten minutes, asked her under oath a few strange questions, such as: had +she ever been to a psychiatrist, would she be faithful to her husband, +would she promise to avoid contraception, while at the same time he had +to answer the phone on a sick call and take care of a staggering visitor at +the door. + +Is there something which could be interpreted as a criticism of the +whole system underlying all these objectionable details? Criticism of +detail is directed mostly against the officiating priest, not against the +parish as such, and therefore is not pertinent to this discussion. + +# Criteria for Criticism + +Could it be that there is something fundamentally wrong with the parish +in modern America? And if that be so, may Christians, especially laymen, +criticize their Church, of which the unit most real to them is the parish? +Many are afraid to do so out of a double misunderstanding: they do not +distinguish between criticism and blame—and they do not distinguish +the human from the divine element in the Church. + +We cannot remain forever small children and take our parents for +granted; only after the teens can a mature love for a parent develop. It’s +the same with Mother Church: an understanding of her humanity in +her human weakness will only strengthen, not diminish our love. Those +who blame the Church mostly shrink from the personal responsibility +which grows out of the realization that we are members of the Church. +Blame is a fruit of laziness and perpetuates what is deplorable. Criticism +brings about change, either in him who criticizes or in the Church criticized. It is always the fruit of hard work and prayer. A critical attitude +toward the parish is just one of the areas in which Christian love for the +Church can develop. But since criticism is always an implicit invitation +to change, we have to pass to the second point and see to what degree the +Church, or, concretely, the parish, is subject to change. And there are two +attitudes toward change, equally unChristian, among Christians. One +is the refusal of any development. This has its roots in a deep mistrust +of human nature, as if God had not entrusted men with the power to +make His institutions practicable, as if the mandate given to the apostles +had been withdrawn. This mistrust lies in this error: necessary historical +developments are taken for divine institutions. Manade frames are +taken for divine works of art. This attitude can be remedied by the study +of theology and history. Theology will show us the seed of divine revelation and will teach us what God has done Himself; history will show us +what men have done under God. + +Opposed to the refusal of any development is the attitude of those +who always want to change, who are like children who do not want to live +in the dusty home their family built over centuries, and prefer to live in a +quickly built shack on the edges of the property. If this attitude does not +have its root in the unstable character of its proponents, it is based on an +over estimation of human inventiveness within God’s supernatural plan. +The remedy to this inclination toward inorganic and sudden changes lies +in an education toward humility. Custom always offers an assumption +for wisdom, at least practical wisdom. Criticism of the modern parish +therefore presupposes some knowledge of theology and of history, which +often becomes visible in custom. + +# Follow the Man to His House . . . to the Upper Room + +Unless we know how a country grew, we do not know what it really is +like. Unless we know what the parish was meant to be by God, and what +it looked like when men first made God’s idea visible, we will not have +the basis to judge the parish we have today. How did the parish start? +Certainly not with the apostles. + +Christ did not make the parish. He made priests, and He needed a +roof over His cenacle. (The priesthood is instituted by Christ, not the +boundaries to His priesthood, expressed in modern parish limits.) For +centuries, the Church was expanding—conscious that the end of the +world was nigh. Every bishop grazed his flock, and whenever possible +had a flock small enough that he himself could say Mass for them. The +imagery for pastoral care as well as the relationship between pastor +(the bishop was the only pastor) and his faithful was taken from the +vocabulary of shepherds, Mediterranean shepherds, who have no fixed +home and wander with their sheep from pasture to pasture—from earth +to heaven. Christians considered themselves as strangers in a strange +world, children banned from their country. The word “parish” came from +a Greek verb meaning: to live like a foreigner—to be without a home. + +# The Cenacle Among Nonhristians + +The twelve apostles found it necessary to ordain one man in every community to the fullness of the priesthood. This man, the bishop of the city, +made the rounds and celebrated the sacred mysteries in the houses of +different Christians. In the Stationhurches of Rome we have a remnant +of this usage: the oldest among them carry the names of private families, +and their name expresses nothing but the address at which the Christians +would meet for Mass. In these homes Mass would be said regularly, and +often the room in which Mass was said slowly developed into a chapel— +the family ceased to use it as a dining room and the cenacle grew into a +Church. The number of Christians too, continually was growing. Soon +one pastor, the bishop, was not enough for the community, and so we see +several popes ordaining priests—priests who would say Mass where the +bishop could not go and who would preach whenever the bishop would +not find the time to do so. Often these priests attended one particular +Church in preference to others, but we cannot yet say that they were +pastors. The bishop still was the only pastor in the city, and these priests +were his assistants. Pope Innocent I in 417 tells us that he was in the +habit of breaking his host, when saying Mass, into small fragments and +sending one of these fragments to every priest celebrating in the city of +Rome, that he might let it fall into his chalice and might realize that it +is really one Mass said throughout the city, the Mass of the bishop. The +breaking of the host into three parts today is a remnant of that custom. + +# The Parish as the Heart of the City + +From the beginning, Christianity developed faster in the cities than in +the country. But by the end of the 5th century Christianity had expanded +into new mission territories, and the last strongholds of paganism in the +rural areas of southern Europe were falling by the 7th century. Always +more and more bishops asked their priests to take over independently +the exercise of their ministry. No more was the bishop the only father +and the priest nothing but his helpers; the priests themselves had to take +over under their bishops all three realms of pastoral duties: the administration of the sacraments, the teaching of the Gospel and the guidance +of the people. + +Of old when every city where Christians lived had its own bishop (or +“angel” as St. John calls him in his seven letters to the seven “Churches” +in Asia Minor), dioceses had been multiplied easily and eagerly. This is +the reason why there are so many of them in the countries which came +to the faith before the 6th century. Now the bishop made every one of his +priests responsible for a welletermined part of his people and slowly, +clearly assigned the limits to the territory for which a priest was responsible—boundaries which often on one side remained open toward the +virgin soil never yet touched by Christian preaching. + +The parish as a living cell of the diocese had been brought into existence by the Church. Christ had instituted His priesthood for His people. +In apostolic times the Church found it necessary to assign a given part of +her Mystical Body to a given bishop. He alone is priest in the full sense of +the word, he alone belongs to the teaching Church, he alone is a successor +of the apostles, he alone wears the wedding ring to show that he is married to the Church. And later on the Church found it necessary to allow +the bishop to subdivide his territory and to make his representatives, +other priests, fully responsible for a parish. +This is how the territorial parish was born, to which belong all those +who live in a given territory, and for whom the pastor assumes responsibility: to feed, teach and guide those who are in the Church and to +convert those who are outside. It went so far that in Europe the word +“parish” became the word for “village.” + +Human factors contributed not less than supernatural faith to make +the parish the heart of the community in Catholic countries. The priest +quite often was the most educated person in the village, custom and folklore centered in the Church and civil life was regulated by the progress +of the liturgical year as the life of every individual was deeply connected +with the Church in the middle of the village. Often also—sometimes +unfortunately—the church became a center for political action. Later +a breakdown in these human factors threatened to remove the parish +from its central position in the hearts of the people. And then came the +Reformation, and with it the Catholic community of Europe was broken +down. From then on we can hardly speak of a common development of +the parish in different countries. We cannot make it our objective here +to study the reasons which brought about the “loss of the masses” in +France, or the motives which made the German parish so susceptible to +the “liturgical movement,” or the final juridical organization that Pius X +(the first pastor in a long time to become pope) brought about in 1917. +Our objective is to understand historically only those elements common +to the American parish—and not those minor elements, as important +as they might be, which shaped the characteristic face of this or that +national parish. After all, we are in search of the common denominator— +if there is one—of most criticism voiced by Catholics against the Church +in this country. + +# The Protective Parish + +The American parish—if we can speak about such a thing—was always +established as a center around which a minority rallied: people who used +the parish to defend what they had. The Church always had reasons to +be concerned for the protection, not only of the faith of her children, +but also of their old Christian customs with their strong symbolic power +to evoke occasions for the profession of faith. The Church always had +been made into a bulwark of tradition and continuity. At the moment +of the big migration of Catholics to this country, the Church had reason +to be overoncerned. Poor migrants who left their country to find a +living came into a highly competitive society, heavily influenced by the +Calvinistic faith that the good succeed, and in the joy of its newound +independence, somewhat set against the newcomers. They brought their +priests with them, pastors of a migrating flock, rather than missioners +to a civilization in need. They were more concerned to conserve the +faith of their people than to convert a new nation. Heavy stress was laid +on meetings among “our own,” associations which would foster marriages among Catholics, and education which would equip the child to +remain a Catholic. The Church became a tremendous bulwark for the +Catholic. Never before had the Church had to perform this task, or at +least never before had it succeeded. Small numbers of missioners had +converted whole countries. Some Catholic minorities had withstood the +Reformation—and tiny little groups of Catholics had been able, along +with the language of their homeland, to conserve the faith in the interior of the Balkans and the Middle East. But never before had a group +of immigrants changed their national allegiance and remained faithful +to the Church. And they did it through their schools and parochial societies: which willyilly constituted another chance for Catholics to feel +themselves a minority in an alien culture. Repeated insistence that you +can be a good American and at the same time a good Catholic only contributed toward this feeling. + +# The Budding Parish + +Catholics may belong to a minority, but the Church cannot be a minority. +She is always the leaven: a minority lives in an enclave—the leaven penetrates. To separate the leaven from the flour means uselessness for both. +If Catholics ever lose their concern for those who do not have God, they +lose also their charity. Many a contemporary parish has contributed +towards this separation by preserving an atmosphere which was once +necessary but is no longer so. +In the sheltered atmosphere of a Church which continues the traditions of a geographically isolated Catholic community within a +nonatholic society, the parish has developed into a most efficient center +for the administration of the sacraments and the imparting of religious +instructions. In fact, never has there been a period in Church history +that saw such a high percentage of baptized Catholics so well instructed +and living such an intense sacramental life. Without a knowledge of the +historical background of today’s parish it would be impossible to account +for the one surprising shortcoming of this Church in America: the lack of +influence of Catholics among nonatholics, or, to say it in other words, +their lack of missionary spirit. Only by realizing that this lack is a characteristic left over from a struggle for survival do we understand that it +is not a direct refusal of responsibility—but rather a sign of immaturity. +A century ago, a newly arrived immigrant was often socially confined to his own national group—without denying his background, he +could not associate with “the old American.” That was the time when the +Church had to protect him from contact with nonatholics in fear that +through his “otherness” he might lose his faith; and the immigrant in +turn could not feel responsible for neighbors he did not know. Today it +is rare for a Catholic not to be accepted because of his background. Many +Protestants have become his neighbors, associates and friends. It is often +under the influence of a long past competition that today the Catholic +fails to meet the new missionary challenge. + +It is as if God had allowed a strong seed to mature in the earth during +the winter and now the time has come for it to bud: wellrained Catholics +all over this country are willing to risk responsibility for those outside +and are waiting for specific preparation in their parish. The word “parishioner” should not refer only to the Catholic. The parish must become +and is becoming in the consciousness of the Catholic the spiritual home +of all who live within its boundaries—even if many do not know where +their home is. This is happening all over. The Legion of Mary is growing; +these are laymen who consecrate two evenings a week to the conversion +of their neighbor. The Christian Family Movement, Cana Conferences, +the changing of oldype Church societies, and the lifeong struggle of +many a priest prepare the spirit into which converts, the fruit of various campaigns, can be welcomed. Even the Catholic outsider like Jose +is meeting with a reception on which former Catholic newcomers could +never count. + +Years ago the challenge of a new mass migration of Catholics would +have been met with the establishment of national parishes. The average +American parish had not yet started to be either American or missionary. +Today, very slowly, the way is opening for a newcomer to be a Catholic +in his own way without having to insist on it, without having to “protect” +his human background in order to save his faith. +Special Mass with Spanish Sermon? + +That Sunday when I met Jose and his friends at eleven o’clock on the +Church steps I could not help asking: should we have a special Mass +for him with a Spanish sermon? Might not such a Mass develop into +a Jim Crow meeting? Should we introduce Spanish devotions? Special +Spanish social groups? Should we allow his sister’s friends to wear their +white veils or should we prudently introduce the traditional sign of the +Children of Mary into our established congregation? Or should we hope +that a national church be established for him in our neighborhood with +the danger that his children will reject their faith with their inevitable +rejection of Spanish culture? + +# Understanding and the Future + +These questions about Jose, and many more about others who do not +find in our parishes what they seek, must be answered with some background of history and theology, and with a prudence which judges the +unique living situation. These questions must be asked courageously +and answered always anew. Criticism of the parish will thus become an +examination of conscience for everybody who engages in it: layman, +priest and outsider alike. And if it is not criticism of the clergy or the laity, +but of the institution itself, it will mostly revolve around the idea that the +protective parish is a thing of the past almost everywhere in this country. +During the winter it was good that the seed remained hidden in the +earth, but in spring, if it does not bud it rots. diff --git a/contents/article/1955-the_american_parish/en.notes b/contents/article/1955-the_american_parish/en.notes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..3bda87d --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1955-the_american_parish/en.notes @@ -0,0 +1 @@ + * This is an English comment diff --git a/contents/article/1955-the_american_parish/en.txt b/contents/article/1955-the_american_parish/en.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..b360b1d --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1955-the_american_parish/en.txt @@ -0,0 +1,409 @@ +# The American Parish + +In a modern city parish many people do not find what they are looking +for. Many of those who are dissatisfied never voice their disappointment; +many do not even realize they are disappointed. Some put the blame +for their dissatisfaction on the pastor, the bishop or the trustee of the +Church. The pastor again and his assistants, if ever they become conscious of their people’s criticism, put the blame on their parishioners’ +unreasonable requests or ungenerous help. + +Do people look to their parish for things the parish could not offer or +does the modern city parish fundamentally not offer what it should? +More practical inquiries might be directed toward the study of methods. Here we ask the more fundamental “what” should be offered and +leave the “how” to other articles. + +Take Jose, I met him one Sunday when, during the eleven o’clock +high Mass, I went out through the main door of our Church. There I saw +him among five darkaired and bronzekinned people. From far away +you could have guessed their origin, the origin of 37% of the baptized +Catholics in New York City, Puerto Rico. Why had they come to Church +and then remained outside? Had they gone in or were they waiting for +the next Mass? They were all standing in a little group and talking lethargically. I went up to them and said “que tal” which means “Hi,” and slowly +they turned around, looking at me. After a few more words their eyes +began to sparkle. Before they had been completely unrelated to the surroundings: their dresses were almost imperceptibly differently cut from +those of the other parishioners, their language was different and while +the others were in Church they were outside. Now suddenly, through +a few Spanish words they seemed related to their surroundings. They +started to speak: they all came from Moca, a little place in the hills of that +beautiful island; they had arrived here in New York just a few weeks ago. +They had found out where the Church was, and when they looked at it +they would not believe that it was a Catholic Church: a Church had to +be in the middle of a plaza, in the middle of the village, the center of a +community. Here they had found a building with some strange pointed +arches in the middle of two tall houses right on a booming street. +The Church inside was dark, with light strangely colored from +stainedlass windows, instead of the simple, whitewashed structure— +with wide openings for windows to let in as much air as possible—that +they were used to. But they had recognized this as a Catholic church, +because, upon an inspection, they had found the picture of Our Lady +of Perpetual Help on one of the altars; and that much they knew, where +that picture was, there had to be Our Lord. They had discovered the +picture on a weekday evening, and now on Sunday they had come back +to the Church, they had wanted to go to Mass. Now why did they not go +in and follow Mass? I asked them, and got an answer which baffled me. +They said, because of the ushers. They had never been accompanied to +a pew by an usher. Oftentimes they had no pews in Church. Here they +saw parishioners paying their way into Church. They didn’t realize that +these people—or their parents—had built this church by themselves, that +they now felt responsible for its support and maintenance, that it was +not like Puerto Rico where the government had built churches until the +Americans arrived. So they had turned away from Church because of the +ushers, as one of them said; because Mass starts so much on time, the +other said, Our Lady was there, they said—but the warmth and the life +of the people seemed lacking. + +I could not help thinking back to Puerto Rico; my first Sunday there +in a big parish, in the mountains. On Saturday the pastor asked me say +Mass the next day in the mountains, in three different mission chapels +(he had twelve altogether), since he would have to say the Masses in the +main village. If there was a priest around to help out, every four weeks +Mass was said on Sunday in every chapel. The first Mass I said at about +six in the morning, after I had slept all night on the altar steps of the +chapel, then I travelled on, by horseback, to the next chapel. I heard +confessions, said Mass, baptized, married . . . and off I went to the third +chapel, on horseback still, where I arrived after noon. People were sitting +around in Church eating their bananas and chewing cane, and on the +Church steps they had lighted a little fire to cook something. They continued their conversation in Church while I heard confessions; for Mass +everybody was silent and most of them knelt on the crude floor while two +lonely dogs ran around among them, and when I started to baptize the +conversation resumed. In the evening, I was amazed at the answer I got +from the pastor, a Puerto Rican trained in a United States seminary, to my +question as to whether he thought this behavior slightly disrespectful: +Our people believe that God is their Father, and they want to behave in +Church as they behave in their Father’s house. There are no ushers in +Jose’s Father’s house. Dinner does not start on time, probably he has no +watch, he goes to Church when everybody else goes to Church. Mass is an +important happening in the family’s life—a happening which brings him +together with all his neighbors. The Church is the center of his village +even if he seldom goes into it. The rare Sunday when the priest comes to +his chapel, the Mass is a big event, even if he does not attend. He knows +almost everybody whom he meets at Mass. Mass is easily understood as +a family dinner—as the “communion” of the community. + +## Another World + +No wonder that he is confused at this big, clean, Gothic building where +an usher assigns him his place next to some unknown lady, where he +is allowed to go into Church only five minutes before Mass starts, and +has to leave as soon as Mass is over—where hardly anybody is standing +outside the Church after Mass since there is no plaza—and where there +are so many Masses that you cannot see Mass as a family dinner, a house +built around you, to suit you. + +Standing there on that cold winter morning during the eleven o’clock +high Mass, I realized how hard it will be to explain to Jose and his friends +that this is the same Church which, under another climate, appears so +very different from at home. It will be hard for Jose to understand that +he will be known to God alone in Church and hardly anybody else will +recognize him. It will be hard for him to understand that you can go to +Holy Communion every day in a Church where there are several Masses +every day, and hard, too, to understand the English Gospel the priest +reads, but even more difficult than to understand will it be for him to +feel at home in English. I might be able to make him understand some +of the features of parish life—but to understand a world is far from being +at home in it. And how strange that a man should not feel at home in +the house of his Father. How strange to each other two Catholic worlds +can be. It is not always easy to see how beautiful it is that the universal +Church can look so different in different cultures. + +Or think of Maria, Jose’s sister: she came with him to Mass, and with +him was frightened away from the Church. Now she cannot believe that +this is the communion mass of the Children of Mary. Where are their +white veils? Why do they not sing, does nobody here know the song of +Our Lady of Guadalupe? And why do people now start to come out of +Church, and without talking to each other go straight across the busy, +dirty street headed for home? Why do they not hang around and talk to +each other? Jose and his friends cannot well avoid being bewildered. + +## Dissatisfied Children + +This is but one of the many instances into which you run continually, as +a parish priest, of people who do not find in their parish what they came +to look for. Jose’s problem is not from this point of view different from the +bewilderment of the convert, who during instructions has found faith in +the reality of the Mystical Body visible in Christ’s Church—and then finds +himself socially isolated among faithful churchgoers. And it is not different from the problem of the mature layman exposed to years of sermons +taken from Father Murphy’s Three Homilies for Every Sunday Gospel—or of +the young couple recently moved into a new apartment, who had hoped to +find in the parish an atmosphere in which spiritual friendship is fostered, +and found perfect distribution of sacraments, ritual and Catholic school +education, but not the spirit they had hoped for. + +To all these this parish does not give what they expect: to Jose it +does not give the atmosphere of his home, to the convert it does not +give the new human community he thought would be a consequence of +spiritual communion, to the man yearning to grow it does not give the +adult education program he hoped for, but only an endless repetition of +what he has become insensible to through yearly recital in grade school +catechism. It forces the young couple to make their own home a shelter +for friendship without adequate help from the pastor from whom they +expect it. + +All these people come to the parish because there they find what +seems to them most important: Mass, the confessional, and catechism +for their children. Objections are directed not against the things they get, +but rather against the frame within which they get them: Mass remains +the sacrifice even if it is said quickly and adorned with a hasty sermon. +Your sins are forgiven even if the priest is too rushed to give advice—and +most people are so used to a silent confessor that they might be surprised +at an instruction. Catechism remains true even if Sister has sixty children +in her parochial school class. Marriage remains valid even if all the bride +remembers of prenuptial instruction is that an overburdened priest, in +ten minutes, asked her under oath a few strange questions, such as: had +she ever been to a psychiatrist, would she be faithful to her husband, +would she promise to avoid contraception, while at the same time he had +to answer the phone on a sick call and take care of a staggering visitor at +the door. + +Is there something which could be interpreted as a criticism of the +whole system underlying all these objectionable details? Criticism of +detail is directed mostly against the officiating priest, not against the +parish as such, and therefore is not pertinent to this discussion. + +## Criteria for Criticism + +Could it be that there is something fundamentally wrong with the parish +in modern America? And if that be so, may Christians, especially laymen, +criticize their Church, of which the unit most real to them is the parish? +Many are afraid to do so out of a double misunderstanding: they do not +distinguish between criticism and blame—and they do not distinguish +the human from the divine element in the Church. + +We cannot remain forever small children and take our parents for +granted; only after the teens can a mature love for a parent develop. It’s +the same with Mother Church: an understanding of her humanity in +her human weakness will only strengthen, not diminish our love. Those +who blame the Church mostly shrink from the personal responsibility +which grows out of the realization that we are members of the Church. +Blame is a fruit of laziness and perpetuates what is deplorable. Criticism +brings about change, either in him who criticizes or in the Church criticized. It is always the fruit of hard work and prayer. A critical attitude +toward the parish is just one of the areas in which Christian love for the +Church can develop. But since criticism is always an implicit invitation +to change, we have to pass to the second point and see to what degree the +Church, or, concretely, the parish, is subject to change. And there are two +attitudes toward change, equally unChristian, among Christians. One +is the refusal of any development. This has its roots in a deep mistrust +of human nature, as if God had not entrusted men with the power to +make His institutions practicable, as if the mandate given to the apostles +had been withdrawn. This mistrust lies in this error: necessary historical +developments are taken for divine institutions. Manade frames are +taken for divine works of art. This attitude can be remedied by the study +of theology and history. Theology will show us the seed of divine revelation and will teach us what God has done Himself; history will show us +what men have done under God. + +Opposed to the refusal of any development is the attitude of those +who always want to change, who are like children who do not want to live +in the dusty home their family built over centuries, and prefer to live in a +quickly built shack on the edges of the property. If this attitude does not +have its root in the unstable character of its proponents, it is based on an +over estimation of human inventiveness within God’s supernatural plan. +The remedy to this inclination toward inorganic and sudden changes lies +in an education toward humility. Custom always offers an assumption +for wisdom, at least practical wisdom. Criticism of the modern parish +therefore presupposes some knowledge of theology and of history, which +often becomes visible in custom. + +## Follow the Man to His House . . . to the Upper Room + +Unless we know how a country grew, we do not know what it really is +like. Unless we know what the parish was meant to be by God, and what +it looked like when men first made God’s idea visible, we will not have +the basis to judge the parish we have today. How did the parish start? +Certainly not with the apostles. + +Christ did not make the parish. He made priests, and He needed a +roof over His cenacle. (The priesthood is instituted by Christ, not the +boundaries to His priesthood, expressed in modern parish limits.) For +centuries, the Church was expanding—conscious that the end of the +world was nigh. Every bishop grazed his flock, and whenever possible +had a flock small enough that he himself could say Mass for them. The +imagery for pastoral care as well as the relationship between pastor +(the bishop was the only pastor) and his faithful was taken from the +vocabulary of shepherds, Mediterranean shepherds, who have no fixed +home and wander with their sheep from pasture to pasture—from earth +to heaven. Christians considered themselves as strangers in a strange +world, children banned from their country. The word “parish” came from +a Greek verb meaning: to live like a foreigner—to be without a home. + +## The Cenacle Among Nonhristians + +The twelve apostles found it necessary to ordain one man in every community to the fullness of the priesthood. This man, the bishop of the city, +made the rounds and celebrated the sacred mysteries in the houses of +different Christians. In the Stationhurches of Rome we have a remnant +of this usage: the oldest among them carry the names of private families, +and their name expresses nothing but the address at which the Christians +would meet for Mass. In these homes Mass would be said regularly, and +often the room in which Mass was said slowly developed into a chapel— +the family ceased to use it as a dining room and the cenacle grew into a +Church. The number of Christians too, continually was growing. Soon +one pastor, the bishop, was not enough for the community, and so we see +several popes ordaining priests—priests who would say Mass where the +bishop could not go and who would preach whenever the bishop would +not find the time to do so. Often these priests attended one particular +Church in preference to others, but we cannot yet say that they were +pastors. The bishop still was the only pastor in the city, and these priests +were his assistants. Pope Innocent I in 417 tells us that he was in the +habit of breaking his host, when saying Mass, into small fragments and +sending one of these fragments to every priest celebrating in the city of +Rome, that he might let it fall into his chalice and might realize that it +is really one Mass said throughout the city, the Mass of the bishop. The +breaking of the host into three parts today is a remnant of that custom. + +## The Parish as the Heart of the City + +From the beginning, Christianity developed faster in the cities than in +the country. But by the end of the 5th century Christianity had expanded +into new mission territories, and the last strongholds of paganism in the +rural areas of southern Europe were falling by the 7th century. Always +more and more bishops asked their priests to take over independently +the exercise of their ministry. No more was the bishop the only father +and the priest nothing but his helpers; the priests themselves had to take +over under their bishops all three realms of pastoral duties: the administration of the sacraments, the teaching of the Gospel and the guidance +of the people. + +Of old when every city where Christians lived had its own bishop (or +“angel” as St. John calls him in his seven letters to the seven “Churches” +in Asia Minor), dioceses had been multiplied easily and eagerly. This is +the reason why there are so many of them in the countries which came +to the faith before the 6th century. Now the bishop made every one of his +priests responsible for a welletermined part of his people and slowly, +clearly assigned the limits to the territory for which a priest was responsible—boundaries which often on one side remained open toward the +virgin soil never yet touched by Christian preaching. + +The parish as a living cell of the diocese had been brought into existence by the Church. Christ had instituted His priesthood for His people. +In apostolic times the Church found it necessary to assign a given part of +her Mystical Body to a given bishop. He alone is priest in the full sense of +the word, he alone belongs to the teaching Church, he alone is a successor +of the apostles, he alone wears the wedding ring to show that he is married to the Church. And later on the Church found it necessary to allow +the bishop to subdivide his territory and to make his representatives, +other priests, fully responsible for a parish. +This is how the territorial parish was born, to which belong all those +who live in a given territory, and for whom the pastor assumes responsibility: to feed, teach and guide those who are in the Church and to +convert those who are outside. It went so far that in Europe the word +“parish” became the word for “village.” + +Human factors contributed not less than supernatural faith to make +the parish the heart of the community in Catholic countries. The priest +quite often was the most educated person in the village, custom and folklore centered in the Church and civil life was regulated by the progress +of the liturgical year as the life of every individual was deeply connected +with the Church in the middle of the village. Often also—sometimes +unfortunately—the church became a center for political action. Later +a breakdown in these human factors threatened to remove the parish +from its central position in the hearts of the people. And then came the +Reformation, and with it the Catholic community of Europe was broken +down. From then on we can hardly speak of a common development of +the parish in different countries. We cannot make it our objective here +to study the reasons which brought about the “loss of the masses” in +France, or the motives which made the German parish so susceptible to +the “liturgical movement,” or the final juridical organization that Pius X +(the first pastor in a long time to become pope) brought about in 1917. +Our objective is to understand historically only those elements common +to the American parish—and not those minor elements, as important +as they might be, which shaped the characteristic face of this or that +national parish. After all, we are in search of the common denominator— +if there is one—of most criticism voiced by Catholics against the Church +in this country. + +## The Protective Parish + +The American parish—if we can speak about such a thing—was always +established as a center around which a minority rallied: people who used +the parish to defend what they had. The Church always had reasons to +be concerned for the protection, not only of the faith of her children, +but also of their old Christian customs with their strong symbolic power +to evoke occasions for the profession of faith. The Church always had +been made into a bulwark of tradition and continuity. At the moment +of the big migration of Catholics to this country, the Church had reason +to be overoncerned. Poor migrants who left their country to find a +living came into a highly competitive society, heavily influenced by the +Calvinistic faith that the good succeed, and in the joy of its newound +independence, somewhat set against the newcomers. They brought their +priests with them, pastors of a migrating flock, rather than missioners +to a civilization in need. They were more concerned to conserve the +faith of their people than to convert a new nation. Heavy stress was laid +on meetings among “our own,” associations which would foster marriages among Catholics, and education which would equip the child to +remain a Catholic. The Church became a tremendous bulwark for the +Catholic. Never before had the Church had to perform this task, or at +least never before had it succeeded. Small numbers of missioners had +converted whole countries. Some Catholic minorities had withstood the +Reformation—and tiny little groups of Catholics had been able, along +with the language of their homeland, to conserve the faith in the interior of the Balkans and the Middle East. But never before had a group +of immigrants changed their national allegiance and remained faithful +to the Church. And they did it through their schools and parochial societies: which willyilly constituted another chance for Catholics to feel +themselves a minority in an alien culture. Repeated insistence that you +can be a good American and at the same time a good Catholic only contributed toward this feeling. + +## The Budding Parish + +Catholics may belong to a minority, but the Church cannot be a minority. +She is always the leaven: a minority lives in an enclave—the leaven penetrates. To separate the leaven from the flour means uselessness for both. +If Catholics ever lose their concern for those who do not have God, they +lose also their charity. Many a contemporary parish has contributed +towards this separation by preserving an atmosphere which was once +necessary but is no longer so. +In the sheltered atmosphere of a Church which continues the traditions of a geographically isolated Catholic community within a +nonatholic society, the parish has developed into a most efficient center +for the administration of the sacraments and the imparting of religious +instructions. In fact, never has there been a period in Church history +that saw such a high percentage of baptized Catholics so well instructed +and living such an intense sacramental life. Without a knowledge of the +historical background of today’s parish it would be impossible to account +for the one surprising shortcoming of this Church in America: the lack of +influence of Catholics among nonatholics, or, to say it in other words, +their lack of missionary spirit. Only by realizing that this lack is a characteristic left over from a struggle for survival do we understand that it +is not a direct refusal of responsibility—but rather a sign of immaturity. +A century ago, a newly arrived immigrant was often socially confined to his own national group—without denying his background, he +could not associate with “the old American.” That was the time when the +Church had to protect him from contact with nonatholics in fear that +through his “otherness” he might lose his faith; and the immigrant in +turn could not feel responsible for neighbors he did not know. Today it +is rare for a Catholic not to be accepted because of his background. Many +Protestants have become his neighbors, associates and friends. It is often +under the influence of a long past competition that today the Catholic +fails to meet the new missionary challenge. + +It is as if God had allowed a strong seed to mature in the earth during +the winter and now the time has come for it to bud: wellrained Catholics +all over this country are willing to risk responsibility for those outside +and are waiting for specific preparation in their parish. The word “parishioner” should not refer only to the Catholic. The parish must become +and is becoming in the consciousness of the Catholic the spiritual home +of all who live within its boundaries—even if many do not know where +their home is. This is happening all over. The Legion of Mary is growing; +these are laymen who consecrate two evenings a week to the conversion +of their neighbor. The Christian Family Movement, Cana Conferences, +the changing of oldype Church societies, and the lifeong struggle of +many a priest prepare the spirit into which converts, the fruit of various campaigns, can be welcomed. Even the Catholic outsider like Jose +is meeting with a reception on which former Catholic newcomers could +never count. + +Years ago the challenge of a new mass migration of Catholics would +have been met with the establishment of national parishes. The average +American parish had not yet started to be either American or missionary. +Today, very slowly, the way is opening for a newcomer to be a Catholic +in his own way without having to insist on it, without having to “protect” +his human background in order to save his faith. +Special Mass with Spanish Sermon? + +That Sunday when I met Jose and his friends at eleven o’clock on the +Church steps I could not help asking: should we have a special Mass +for him with a Spanish sermon? Might not such a Mass develop into +a Jim Crow meeting? Should we introduce Spanish devotions? Special +Spanish social groups? Should we allow his sister’s friends to wear their +white veils or should we prudently introduce the traditional sign of the +Children of Mary into our established congregation? Or should we hope +that a national church be established for him in our neighborhood with +the danger that his children will reject their faith with their inevitable +rejection of Spanish culture? + +## Understanding and the Future + +These questions about Jose, and many more about others who do not +find in our parishes what they seek, must be answered with some background of history and theology, and with a prudence which judges the +unique living situation. These questions must be asked courageously +and answered always anew. Criticism of the parish will thus become an +examination of conscience for everybody who engages in it: layman, +priest and outsider alike. And if it is not criticism of the clergy or the laity, +but of the institution itself, it will mostly revolve around the idea that the +protective parish is a thing of the past almost everywhere in this country. +During the winter it was good that the seed remained hidden in the +earth, but in spring, if it does not bud it rots. diff --git a/contents/article/1955-the_american_parish/es.notes b/contents/article/1955-the_american_parish/es.notes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..8f02e86 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1955-the_american_parish/es.notes @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ + * Esto es una nota solo para lectores de español + diff --git a/contents/article/1955-the_american_parish/index b/contents/article/1955-the_american_parish/index new file mode 100644 index 0000000..adbd2a3 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1955-the_american_parish/index @@ -0,0 +1,9 @@ +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _The American Parish_ +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** *YEAR* +* **#@LANG_authors@#**: Ivan Illich; Barrie Sanders +* **#@LANG_versions@#:** + * Peter Canon, “The American Parish,” Integrity, June 1955, 5–16. + * "The Powerless Church and Other Selected Writings, 1955–1985", Penn State University Press, 2019 +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** diff --git a/contents/article/1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york/en.bib b/contents/article/1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york/en.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..7a2fca8 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york/en.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Puerto Ricans in New York}, + year = {1956}, + date = {1956}, + origdate = {1956}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-21} +} diff --git a/contents/article/1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york/en.md b/contents/article/1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york/en.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..03ea6b0 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york/en.md @@ -0,0 +1,15 @@ +--- + title: "Puerto Ricans in New York" + author: "Ivan Illich" + date: "1956" + lang: "en" + documentclass: article + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue +--- + +Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! diff --git a/contents/article/1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york/en.txt b/contents/article/1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york/en.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..514b78c --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york/en.txt @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +# Puerto Ricans in New York + +Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! Content! diff --git a/contents/article/1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york/index b/contents/article/1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york/index new file mode 100644 index 0000000..7ec5113 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york/index @@ -0,0 +1,7 @@ +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Puerto Ricans in New York_ +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** *YEAR* +* **#@LANG_versions@#:** + * "Celebration of Awareness", 1970 +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** diff --git a/contents/article/1956-rehearsal_for_death/en.bib b/contents/article/1956-rehearsal_for_death/en.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..5df3f0c --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1956-rehearsal_for_death/en.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1956-rehearsal_for_death-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Rehearsal for Death}, + year = {1956}, + date = {1956}, + origdate = {1956}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1956-rehearsal_for_death:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-21} +} diff --git a/contents/article/1956-rehearsal_for_death/en.md b/contents/article/1956-rehearsal_for_death/en.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..201d88e --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1956-rehearsal_for_death/en.md @@ -0,0 +1,13 @@ +--- + title: "Rehearsal for Death" + author: "Ivan Illich" + date: "1956" + lang: "en" + documentclass: article + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue +--- diff --git a/contents/article/1956-rehearsal_for_death/en.txt b/contents/article/1956-rehearsal_for_death/en.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..f4a9803 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1956-rehearsal_for_death/en.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +# Rehearsal for Death diff --git a/contents/article/1956-rehearsal_for_death/index b/contents/article/1956-rehearsal_for_death/index new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6347e3e --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1956-rehearsal_for_death/index @@ -0,0 +1,8 @@ +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Rehearsal for Death_ +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** *YEAR* +* **#@LANG_versions@#:** + * Peter Canon, “Rehearsal for Death,” Integrity, March 1956, 4–10. + * "The Powerless Church and Other Selected Writings, 1955–1985", Penn State University Press, 2019 +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** diff --git a/contents/article/1958-missionary_poverty/en.bib b/contents/article/1958-missionary_poverty/en.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..2800f4f --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1958-missionary_poverty/en.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1958-missionary_poverty-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Missionary Poverty: basic policies for courses of missionary formation}, + year = {1958}, + date = {1958}, + origdate = {1958}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1958-missionary_poverty:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-21} +} diff --git a/contents/article/1958-missionary_poverty/en.md b/contents/article/1958-missionary_poverty/en.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..7a24087 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1958-missionary_poverty/en.md @@ -0,0 +1,13 @@ +--- + title: "Missionary Poverty: basic policies for courses of missionary formation" + author: "Ivan Illich" + date: "1958" + lang: "en" + documentclass: article + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue +--- diff --git a/contents/article/1958-missionary_poverty/en.notes b/contents/article/1958-missionary_poverty/en.notes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..c6992e5 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1958-missionary_poverty/en.notes @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +* There is anotes article with a similar title, from 1961, that is based on this text from 1958. The title [[..:1961-missionary_poverty:index|"Missionary Poverty" and also was published as "Spiritual Poverty and the Missionary Character"]]. diff --git a/contents/article/1958-missionary_poverty/en.txt b/contents/article/1958-missionary_poverty/en.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..552fa7d --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1958-missionary_poverty/en.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +# Missionary Poverty: basic policies for courses of missionary formation diff --git a/contents/article/1958-missionary_poverty/index b/contents/article/1958-missionary_poverty/index new file mode 100644 index 0000000..54fcf2e --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1958-missionary_poverty/index @@ -0,0 +1,7 @@ +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Missionary Poverty: basic policies for courses of missionary formation_ +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** *YEAR* +* **#@LANG_versions@#:** + * "Missionary Poverty: basic policies for courses of missionary formation", Horizontes, 2 (3) oct. 1958: 58-65. +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** diff --git a/contents/article/1958-the_end_of_human_life/en.bib b/contents/article/1958-the_end_of_human_life/en.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..94c7341 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1958-the_end_of_human_life/en.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1958-the_end_of_human_life-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {The End of Human Life}, + year = {1958}, + date = {1958}, + origdate = {1958}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1958-the_end_of_human_life:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-21} +} diff --git a/contents/article/1958-the_end_of_human_life/en.md b/contents/article/1958-the_end_of_human_life/en.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..7d7541d --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1958-the_end_of_human_life/en.md @@ -0,0 +1,13 @@ +--- + title: "The End of Human Life" + author: "Ivan Illich" + date: "1958" + lang: "en" + documentclass: article + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue +--- diff --git a/contents/article/1958-the_end_of_human_life/en.txt b/contents/article/1958-the_end_of_human_life/en.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..686d842 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1958-the_end_of_human_life/en.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +# The End of Human Life diff --git a/contents/article/1958-the_end_of_human_life/index b/contents/article/1958-the_end_of_human_life/index new file mode 100644 index 0000000..62449ba --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1958-the_end_of_human_life/index @@ -0,0 +1,8 @@ +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _The End of Human Life_ +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** *YEAR* +* **#@LANG_versions@#:** + * "The End of Human Life", Horizontes 1, no. 2 (1958): 54–68 + * "The Powerless Church and Other Selected Writings, 1955–1985", Penn State University Press, 2019 +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** diff --git a/contents/article/1958-the_pastoral_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants_in_new_york/en.bib b/contents/article/1958-the_pastoral_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants_in_new_york/en.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..3c69f13 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1958-the_pastoral_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants_in_new_york/en.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1958-the_pastoral_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants_in_new_york-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {The Pastoral Care of Puerto Rican Migrants in New York}, + year = {1958}, + date = {1958}, + origdate = {1958}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1958-the_pastoral_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants_in_new_york:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-21} +} diff --git a/contents/article/1958-the_pastoral_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants_in_new_york/en.md b/contents/article/1958-the_pastoral_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants_in_new_york/en.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..cc2c595 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1958-the_pastoral_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants_in_new_york/en.md @@ -0,0 +1,13 @@ +--- + title: "The Pastoral Care of Puerto Rican Migrants in New York" + author: "Ivan Illich" + date: "1958" + lang: "en" + documentclass: article + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue +--- diff --git a/contents/article/1958-the_pastoral_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants_in_new_york/en.txt b/contents/article/1958-the_pastoral_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants_in_new_york/en.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..819b3d7 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1958-the_pastoral_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants_in_new_york/en.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +# The Pastoral Care of Puerto Rican Migrants in New York diff --git a/contents/article/1958-the_pastoral_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants_in_new_york/index b/contents/article/1958-the_pastoral_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants_in_new_york/index new file mode 100644 index 0000000..1db8363 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1958-the_pastoral_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants_in_new_york/index @@ -0,0 +1,8 @@ +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _The Pastoral Care of Puerto Rican Migrants in New York_ +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** *YEAR* +* **#@LANG_versions@#:** + * Social Compass, vol. 5, nn. 5-6, marzo 1958, pp. 256-260. + * Opere complete. Scritti 1951-1971. 2019 +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** diff --git a/contents/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/en.bib b/contents/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/en.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..835c97f --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/en.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1959-discurso_de_graduacion-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Graduation Speech at the Colegio de Agricultura y Artes Mecénucas}, + year = {1959}, + date = {1959}, + origdate = {1959}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {es}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-21} +} diff --git a/contents/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/en.md b/contents/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/en.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..addbdb5 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/en.md @@ -0,0 +1,13 @@ +--- + title: "Graduation Speech at the Colegio de Agricultura y Artes Mecénucas" + author: "Ivan Illich" + date: "1959" + lang: "en" + documentclass: article + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue +--- diff --git a/contents/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/en.txt b/contents/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/en.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..c9720ae --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/en.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +# Graduation Speech at the Colegio de Agricultura y Artes Mecénucas diff --git a/contents/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/es.bib b/contents/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/es.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..0033555 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/es.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1959-discurso_de_graduacion-es, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Discurso de Graduación en el Colegio de Agricultura y Artes Mecénucas}, + year = {1959}, + date = {1959}, + origdate = {1959}, + language = {es}, + origlanguage = {es}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-21} +} diff --git a/contents/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/es.md b/contents/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/es.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6d45de8 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/es.md @@ -0,0 +1,13 @@ +--- + title: "Discurso de Graduación en el Colegio de Agricultura y Artes Mecénucas" + author: "Ivan Illich" + date: "1959" + lang: "es" + documentclass: article + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue +--- diff --git a/contents/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/es.txt b/contents/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/es.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..3c15bc9 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/es.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +# Discurso de Graduación en el Colegio de Agricultura y Artes Mecénucas diff --git a/contents/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/index b/contents/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/index new file mode 100644 index 0000000..0ff20e7 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/index @@ -0,0 +1,8 @@ +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Discurso de Graduación en el Colegio de Agricultura y Artes Mecénucas_ +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_es@# +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** *YEAR* +* **#@LANG_versions@#:** + * HORIZONTES; Revista de la Universidad soy ra de Puerto Rico, Ponce, 3(5):58-64, + * CIDOC Sondeos 77, Ensayos sobre la trascendencia +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** diff --git a/contents/article/1960-missionary_silence/index b/contents/article/1960-missionary_silence/index new file mode 100644 index 0000000..dcdc697 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1960-missionary_silence/index @@ -0,0 +1,9 @@ +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Missionary Silence_ +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** *YEAR* +* **#@LANG_versions@#:** + * Ivan Illich, “Missionary Silence”, typescript, 1960, + * In: "The Church, Change, and Development", ed. Fred Eychaner, Chicago: Urban Training Center Press, 1970, 120–25. + * "The Powerless Church and Other Selected Writings, 1955–1985", Penn State University Press, 2019 +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** diff --git a/contents/article/1961-missionary_poverty/en.bib b/contents/article/1961-missionary_poverty/en.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..cb0f5dc --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1961-missionary_poverty/en.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1961-missionary_poverty-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Missionary Poverty}, + year = {1961}, + date = {1961}, + origdate = {1961}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1961-missionary_poverty:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-21} +} diff --git a/contents/article/1961-missionary_poverty/en.md b/contents/article/1961-missionary_poverty/en.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..b5213f5 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1961-missionary_poverty/en.md @@ -0,0 +1,72 @@ +--- + title: "Missionary Poverty" + author: "Ivan Illich" + date: "1961" + lang: "en" + documentclass: article + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue +--- + +As intensified search for methods of missionary education now parallels the heavy demand for missionaries. However, before one can attempt to decide what should be the nature of a missionary training program one must determine what are the specific qualities which distinguish the missionary. + +The simplest way of exploring these qualities is to study what the missionary has in common with the non-missionary, and to decide what is proper to him alone. It seems absurd to search for a specific difference in depth of generosity or competence or sanctity between the priest or the sister or the doctor or the layman who considers himself a missioner, and the person who does not. Evidently the missioner is intended to be a fully dedicated human being, but is not complete dedication equally characteristic of any man or woman totally given to God in any circumstances? + +The difference between the missioner and the non-missioner is, therefore, not one of degrees. Neither is it, as we shall see, a difference in the field of action chosen. For to distinguish the missionary by his field of action is at best misleading. To say, for example, that the missioner is he who preaches the gospel to the infidel or the heathen would exclude the MaryKnoller in Peru and the Jesuit in the Philippines from that vocation. And to say that a missioner is a person who leaves his country would imply that the home missioner in the South of the United States or the priests of the Mission de France have no right to be included in the missionary category. + +Our search for the common denominator of every missionary vocation (specifically if for this article we exclude “missioners” who conduct parish revivals) does not lead us toward a common field of action or geographic location; a missioner and a non-missioner can work side by side in a parish doing the same job. On the contrary, the one common denominator of all missioners is that they are men who have left their own milieu to preach the Gospel in an area not their own from birth. The difference is one of the relation between the man and the field, not one in the man himself or the field. + +Since this is so, the formation of a missioner will be centered on the development of a capacity to leave his home at least spiritually and to talk to strangers. It is this he has to learn in a course aimed at missionary formation. Our purpose here will be to analyze the way in which all spiritual, intellectual and practical training of the missioner has to be organized around the development of the beatitude which makes the transition from a familiar to a foreign way of life easy and practical: spiritual poverty in imitation of a specific aspect of the Incarnation. + +In the beginning was the Word and the Word was with God: the perfect communication of god eternally consubstantial with Himself. To communicate Himself perfectly to man God had to assume a nature which was not His, without ceasing to be what He was. Under this light the Incarnation is the infinite prototype of missionary activity, the communication of the gospel to those who are “other,” through Him who entered a World by nature not His own. + +The closer the pattern of a human life approximates this aspect of the “Kenosis” of the Word the more can that vocation be called a missionary one. It does not matter if the missioner is the Irishman among the Zulus or the bourgeois among the totally different culture of the French proletariat, or the urban northerner in the rural South, or the New York “boy” in a Puerto Rican neighborhood.[^n01] + +Just as the Word without ceasing to be what He is became man, Jew, Roman subject, member of a culture at a given moment in history, so any one of these missionaries, without ever ceasing to be what he is, enters and becomes part of a “foreign” culture at the present moment in a given place. + +The missioner is he who leaves his own to bring the Gospel of those who are not his own, thus becoming one of them while continuing to remain what he is. Only great love can motivate a man to do this, a deep knowledge is required which love wishes to communicate. + +To make intercultural communication of the faith possible, the missionary must acquire special skills and special attitudes through specific missionary training. The urgency of the need for missionaries, the limited supply of willing persons, and the rapidly changing pattern of culture make it ever more necessary to attempt a planned and intelligent formation in those skills and attitudes which the missionary requires for his apostolate. An intensive training program can accelerate the process of cultural adaptation which previously was often left to casual osmosis in the mission field itself. Intensive formation can mean an economy in manpower by shortening the time to make a man fully effective. + +Very often the missioner has to learn a new language; always a new lingo. Modern linguistics have greatly shortened the time this takes. The missioner must also learn to understand hitherto unknown social, economic and geo-physical forces. This is often easy on the surface but it is difficult for the missionary to accept the consequences these forces will have on his own life: the weather might frustrate him with tiredness; his social position put him into a goldfish bowl, and poverty force him to unaccustomed discomfort. + +Most important of all, the missioner has to face a new culture. He has to learn to distinguish between that which is morally good everywhere and this which is socially acceptable for a particular ethnic group. He will have to know which of his habits among “his new people” are socially unacceptable, though they may be morally good and he may be used to them, and he might have to become willing joyfully to accept the cultural taboos of his own home as everyday patterns in his new surroundings. This emotional and intellectual willingness to accept a new culture which does not come naturally can be greatly enhanced by a theoretical understanding of culture and a guided research of a local milieu. + +However, the learning of a language, the acceptance in toto of a special “human climate”, and especially the willingness to become part of a new culture present much more than purely intellectual problems for the missioner. For him language, techniques and culture are not academic ends but first of all means to a practical purpose; communication of the Gospel. The missioner becomes part of his new surroundings to become able to speak, not just to survive. He is the man who is willing to witness with his life to a foreign people the relativity of human convictions in front of the unique and absolute meaning of the Revelation. He often is the man through whom the Incarnation of the Word becomes real in cultures other than that of the ancient Jews. (Is it for that reason that we have missioners to all nations but He has reserved for Himself the mission to the Jews?) + +Sometimes the “missioner” lives among people who to him are foreigners but who have received the Gospel before through priests form one culture and for a historical accident now that receive their priest coming from another. This is the case for instance in many parts of Latin America. In such situations the word “missioner” assumes a very special meaning. The priest from abroad remains “missioner” in the sense that he communicates the Gospel to those who are not of his own. The people among whom he lives might have received and absorbed the faith centuries before any of the missioner’s ancestors entered the Church of the Church had any influence on the culture of the missioner’s home. In such a situation the missioner’s task is even more delicate than in a situation of first evangelization: many of the traits of the culture the missioner finds to be different from his own deserve respect not only because they are an intimate property of a people but also because they were developed in centuries under the influence of the Catholic Church. + +The full realization of such cultural relativity, especially in matters which are intimately connected with the unchangeable structure of the Church, requires great detachment. We all love to give absolute value to the things we have learned to love. We must, because to love the immediate is human and therefore necessary. But we usually forget to ask ourselves if the values we treasure are absolute in relation only to ourselves or to everyone. The man who is willing to be “sent” away from his home as a “missioner” will have to subject his values to a careful scrutiny to determine their “catholicity.” Just as he has to become indifferent (in the sense of Loyola) to possessions and physical comfort, just as he has to become indifferent to being or not being with his family and his people, so he has to become indifferent to the cultural values of his home. This mans that he has to become very poor in a very deep sense. + +For what else is spiritual poverty but indifference, willingness to be without what we like? AS spiritual poverty implies not the absence of likes but freedom from them, so the attitude of the missioner carries with him not to the denial of his background but to communication with another, and this is a difficult goal to achieve. If it is difficult to become indifferent, detaches, from all exterior comforts, and if it is even more difficult to become indifferent to more intimate gifts such a physical integrity or the presence of those we love, or our reputation or our success, how much more difficult is it to become detached from convictions deeply rooted in us since childhood about what is and is not done. + +Yet it is this last detachment which the missioner will have to achieve if he wants to be truly an instrument of the Incarnation rather than an agent of his own culture. No missioner has the right to insist, in the name of the gospel, on acceptance of his own human background, and thus to make Baptism or full Church membership dependent on a degree of spiritual poverty in the convert which he himself is not willing to practice. + +The realization of the necessity of this deep poverty in him who stands at the frontier of the Church as incarnate in a culture and a culture which has not yet fully accepted the Church (or perhaps fallen away from Her) is equally important for the priest abroad as for the priest from the United States eastern seaboard who belongs to a Catholic subculture when presenting the Church to members of a traditionally Protestant group, or the French missioner to the proletariat. What else, in fact, is the purpose of Church history but a continuous meeting of the Church as it has already become a reality in a culture with a new world which now becomes Christian or now returns to Christ? The “new world” contributes to the body of the Church a new human richness and accepts for itself not only the faith but participation in purely human values of century-old tradition. This meeting is accomplished through the missioner. Through him not only will the faith be accepted, but the new convert will enter the mainstream of “Catholic culture” (a term which seems to imply a contradiction because “catholic” means “universal” and “culture” as we use it, says “the way of life of some”). The missioner’s detachment, indifference, and spiritual poverty toward the values of his own particular culture, far from hindering him from transmitting his own background, will help him to give out of the treasures of his own history what is needed by the convert, and not just what he feels strongly about. + +Without an understanding of this distinction between impossible and absorption of cultural patterns, neither the Catholic missions nor the concept of Catholic culture can be understood. Each people, just as every individual, has the right upon coming into the Church to absorb with the faith certain effects of the atmosphere in which the faith has grown for centuries, and thus to become in a fully human fashion part of a “Catholic world.” On the other hand, certain human cultural traits, such as the law of Rome or the logic of medieval Paris, and the dress of the late Empire, have become the fashion in which the Incarnate Word appears to the convert and which he has to accept just as much as “kenosis” of the Word of God as he accepts Him as Jew. Unless the missioner is very detached from his own tiny world and reads absolute “Catholic” meaning into local and time-tied customs, he will not be able to think Catholic when asked for a divine faith and the development of a human tradition by his covert. + +This growth in spiritual poverty must continue during the whole life of a missioner, but its first conscious development is of decisive importance and should be at the center of specialized missionary training. + +The first learning of a language must be more than the attempt at the acquisition of a skill, even more than the capacity to communicate which we referred to above. It can easily become a symbol of a man’s willingness to become profoundly poor, to relinquish his own world of thoughts and associations and expressions “as the best there is,” as the standard measure of fully developed thought. The acceptance of a local history and climate and socio-economic structure can be more than the expression of a generosity which embraces physical discomfort for the sake of Christ. It is rather the expression of an eager willingness to become one with the missioner’s new people. The acquiescence to foreign culture norms or behavior and taboos, besides being a necessary and utilitarian accommodation and a mark of delicacy and charitable toleration, can become an imitation of the Incarnation in a unique and typically missionary way. + +Such a course of action, which goes against the grain of everything that has become part of our personality from earliest childhood and which symbolizes for us all that is humanly precious and lovable, is not only difficult but extremely painful. + +To study, for example, a language or a set of customs as a spiritual exercise rather than simply as a technical effort requires not only deep love but great insight. Since this insight is itself a painful experience, the human tendency is to obscure it, to keep it from view. One cannot make the effort at missionary poverty in order to avoid pain. + +Many dangers threaten to hinder the missionary from seeking poverty at this intimate level. And most of them stem from the insecurity which breeds fear. If material things and friends and health are crutches against the threat of the unknown, how much more does the set of values and customs with which each one was brought up serve this protective purpose, and how much more, therefore, is each one anxious to defend his culture as inalienable, absolute and worthy of being imposed on others. If we don’t want to let go of a thing we think we need we always find a reason for defending our right to keep it, and the more intimate the things is to us, the more unknowingly we protect ourselves from the suspicion that we might have to give it up. Since there is hardly anything more intimate to us than our culture, there will be nothing we will stick to more obstinately and against our best intentions than the ways we were taught “things have to be done”. No wonder the young missioner will discover in himself every day new tricks his nature plays to avoid his detachment form his whole past. He will find himself constructing philosophical arguments pointing to “human nature” which is “the same everywhere” to justify the singing of “Silent Night” at Christmas in preference to traditional celebrations, or to defend the free choice of a mate as called for by the Gospel because he protests the choice by his mother of a wife for his brother in Boston. A more subtle trap in which the bright man might find himself is learning so much about his mission field as to become an anthropologist in order not to have to accept this one people as his by becoming a part of them. The difficulty of self-illusion will have to be taken carefully into account in a delicate process of integrated personality development as missionary formation should be. + +Individual direction of the young missioner will be just as necessary as free-flowing group discussion to make rationalizations and subterfuges conscious and allow curricular training to become a channel of spiritual growth. Otherwise contact with the “foreign” becomes an opportunity for the development of detachment, and personal freedom could easily become either a force which throws a frightened man back upon himself anxiously grabbing for past symbols of security, or for the imprudent but enthusiastic, a temptation to deny the values of his own background, thus remaining suspended in a dangerous vacuum seemingly between cultures. + +The development of a missionary spirit will have to start from an analysis of the concept of spiritual poverty, or Ignatian indifference or detachment. Man can become detached form visible things which he can use with his body and the integrity of his body itself. Man can go further and become detached from the respect, the affection and opportunities for self expression his fellow-men can give him. The missioner must go even further into an area of detachment from himself which we call “missionary poverty,” an intimate mystical imitation of Christ on His Incarnation. + +From its organization around the acquisition of this special aspect of the beatitude of poverty corresponding to the task of the missioner every attempt at missionary formation will receive unity and deep meaning. Intellectual formation in the social sciences and linguistic studies for the missioner must be seen as a means for the development of a specific form of spiritual detachment corresponding to his very personal vocation. +A curriculum of special courses given to the “missioner-to-be” thus can become a potent instrument for the realization of a deeply realize catholicity in imitation of the Word which by becoming son of a carpenter in Galilee, became MAN. + + +[^n01]: The paragraph “The closer the pattern... Puerto Rican neighborhood” was added to substantially the same article when it was republished as “Missionary Poverty,” in The Church, Change, and Development, ed. Fred Eychaner (Chicago: Urban Training Center Press, 1970), 113.—Ed. + diff --git a/contents/article/1961-missionary_poverty/en.notes b/contents/article/1961-missionary_poverty/en.notes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..e3c2433 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1961-missionary_poverty/en.notes @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +* Based on the previous text from 1958, entitled [[..:1958-missionary_poverty:index|"Missionary Poverty: basic policies for courses of missionary formation"]]. diff --git a/contents/article/1961-missionary_poverty/en.txt b/contents/article/1961-missionary_poverty/en.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..37b0264 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1961-missionary_poverty/en.txt @@ -0,0 +1,59 @@ +# Missionary Poverty + +As intensified search for methods of missionary education now parallels the heavy demand for missionaries. However, before one can attempt to decide what should be the nature of a missionary training program one must determine what are the specific qualities which distinguish the missionary. + +The simplest way of exploring these qualities is to study what the missionary has in common with the non-missionary, and to decide what is proper to him alone. It seems absurd to search for a specific difference in depth of generosity or competence or sanctity between the priest or the sister or the doctor or the layman who considers himself a missioner, and the person who does not. Evidently the missioner is intended to be a fully dedicated human being, but is not complete dedication equally characteristic of any man or woman totally given to God in any circumstances? + +The difference between the missioner and the non-missioner is, therefore, not one of degrees. Neither is it, as we shall see, a difference in the field of action chosen. For to distinguish the missionary by his field of action is at best misleading. To say, for example, that the missioner is he who preaches the gospel to the infidel or the heathen would exclude the MaryKnoller in Peru and the Jesuit in the Philippines from that vocation. And to say that a missioner is a person who leaves his country would imply that the home missioner in the South of the United States or the priests of the Mission de France have no right to be included in the missionary category. + +Our search for the common denominator of every missionary vocation (specifically if for this article we exclude “missioners” who conduct parish revivals) does not lead us toward a common field of action or geographic location; a missioner and a non-missioner can work side by side in a parish doing the same job. On the contrary, the one common denominator of all missioners is that they are men who have left their own milieu to preach the Gospel in an area not their own from birth. The difference is one of the relation between the man and the field, not one in the man himself or the field. + +Since this is so, the formation of a missioner will be centered on the development of a capacity to leave his home at least spiritually and to talk to strangers. It is this he has to learn in a course aimed at missionary formation. Our purpose here will be to analyze the way in which all spiritual, intellectual and practical training of the missioner has to be organized around the development of the beatitude which makes the transition from a familiar to a foreign way of life easy and practical: spiritual poverty in imitation of a specific aspect of the Incarnation. + +In the beginning was the Word and the Word was with God: the perfect communication of god eternally consubstantial with Himself. To communicate Himself perfectly to man God had to assume a nature which was not His, without ceasing to be what He was. Under this light the Incarnation is the infinite prototype of missionary activity, the communication of the gospel to those who are “other,” through Him who entered a World by nature not His own. + +The closer the pattern of a human life approximates this aspect of the “Kenosis” of the Word the more can that vocation be called a missionary one. It does not matter if the missioner is the Irishman among the Zulus or the bourgeois among the totally different culture of the French proletariat, or the urban northerner in the rural South, or the New York “boy” in a Puerto Rican neighborhood.[^n01] + +Just as the Word without ceasing to be what He is became man, Jew, Roman subject, member of a culture at a given moment in history, so any one of these missionaries, without ever ceasing to be what he is, enters and becomes part of a “foreign” culture at the present moment in a given place. + +The missioner is he who leaves his own to bring the Gospel of those who are not his own, thus becoming one of them while continuing to remain what he is. Only great love can motivate a man to do this, a deep knowledge is required which love wishes to communicate. + +To make intercultural communication of the faith possible, the missionary must acquire special skills and special attitudes through specific missionary training. The urgency of the need for missionaries, the limited supply of willing persons, and the rapidly changing pattern of culture make it ever more necessary to attempt a planned and intelligent formation in those skills and attitudes which the missionary requires for his apostolate. An intensive training program can accelerate the process of cultural adaptation which previously was often left to casual osmosis in the mission field itself. Intensive formation can mean an economy in manpower by shortening the time to make a man fully effective. + +Very often the missioner has to learn a new language; always a new lingo. Modern linguistics have greatly shortened the time this takes. The missioner must also learn to understand hitherto unknown social, economic and geo-physical forces. This is often easy on the surface but it is difficult for the missionary to accept the consequences these forces will have on his own life: the weather might frustrate him with tiredness; his social position put him into a goldfish bowl, and poverty force him to unaccustomed discomfort. + +Most important of all, the missioner has to face a new culture. He has to learn to distinguish between that which is morally good everywhere and this which is socially acceptable for a particular ethnic group. He will have to know which of his habits among “his new people” are socially unacceptable, though they may be morally good and he may be used to them, and he might have to become willing joyfully to accept the cultural taboos of his own home as everyday patterns in his new surroundings. This emotional and intellectual willingness to accept a new culture which does not come naturally can be greatly enhanced by a theoretical understanding of culture and a guided research of a local milieu. + +However, the learning of a language, the acceptance in toto of a special “human climate”, and especially the willingness to become part of a new culture present much more than purely intellectual problems for the missioner. For him language, techniques and culture are not academic ends but first of all means to a practical purpose; communication of the Gospel. The missioner becomes part of his new surroundings to become able to speak, not just to survive. He is the man who is willing to witness with his life to a foreign people the relativity of human convictions in front of the unique and absolute meaning of the Revelation. He often is the man through whom the Incarnation of the Word becomes real in cultures other than that of the ancient Jews. (Is it for that reason that we have missioners to all nations but He has reserved for Himself the mission to the Jews?) + +Sometimes the “missioner” lives among people who to him are foreigners but who have received the Gospel before through priests form one culture and for a historical accident now that receive their priest coming from another. This is the case for instance in many parts of Latin America. In such situations the word “missioner” assumes a very special meaning. The priest from abroad remains “missioner” in the sense that he communicates the Gospel to those who are not of his own. The people among whom he lives might have received and absorbed the faith centuries before any of the missioner’s ancestors entered the Church of the Church had any influence on the culture of the missioner’s home. In such a situation the missioner’s task is even more delicate than in a situation of first evangelization: many of the traits of the culture the missioner finds to be different from his own deserve respect not only because they are an intimate property of a people but also because they were developed in centuries under the influence of the Catholic Church. + +The full realization of such cultural relativity, especially in matters which are intimately connected with the unchangeable structure of the Church, requires great detachment. We all love to give absolute value to the things we have learned to love. We must, because to love the immediate is human and therefore necessary. But we usually forget to ask ourselves if the values we treasure are absolute in relation only to ourselves or to everyone. The man who is willing to be “sent” away from his home as a “missioner” will have to subject his values to a careful scrutiny to determine their “catholicity.” Just as he has to become indifferent (in the sense of Loyola) to possessions and physical comfort, just as he has to become indifferent to being or not being with his family and his people, so he has to become indifferent to the cultural values of his home. This mans that he has to become very poor in a very deep sense. + +For what else is spiritual poverty but indifference, willingness to be without what we like? AS spiritual poverty implies not the absence of likes but freedom from them, so the attitude of the missioner carries with him not to the denial of his background but to communication with another, and this is a difficult goal to achieve. If it is difficult to become indifferent, detaches, from all exterior comforts, and if it is even more difficult to become indifferent to more intimate gifts such a physical integrity or the presence of those we love, or our reputation or our success, how much more difficult is it to become detached from convictions deeply rooted in us since childhood about what is and is not done. + +Yet it is this last detachment which the missioner will have to achieve if he wants to be truly an instrument of the Incarnation rather than an agent of his own culture. No missioner has the right to insist, in the name of the gospel, on acceptance of his own human background, and thus to make Baptism or full Church membership dependent on a degree of spiritual poverty in the convert which he himself is not willing to practice. + +The realization of the necessity of this deep poverty in him who stands at the frontier of the Church as incarnate in a culture and a culture which has not yet fully accepted the Church (or perhaps fallen away from Her) is equally important for the priest abroad as for the priest from the United States eastern seaboard who belongs to a Catholic subculture when presenting the Church to members of a traditionally Protestant group, or the French missioner to the proletariat. What else, in fact, is the purpose of Church history but a continuous meeting of the Church as it has already become a reality in a culture with a new world which now becomes Christian or now returns to Christ? The “new world” contributes to the body of the Church a new human richness and accepts for itself not only the faith but participation in purely human values of century-old tradition. This meeting is accomplished through the missioner. Through him not only will the faith be accepted, but the new convert will enter the mainstream of “Catholic culture” (a term which seems to imply a contradiction because “catholic” means “universal” and “culture” as we use it, says “the way of life of some”). The missioner’s detachment, indifference, and spiritual poverty toward the values of his own particular culture, far from hindering him from transmitting his own background, will help him to give out of the treasures of his own history what is needed by the convert, and not just what he feels strongly about. + +Without an understanding of this distinction between impossible and absorption of cultural patterns, neither the Catholic missions nor the concept of Catholic culture can be understood. Each people, just as every individual, has the right upon coming into the Church to absorb with the faith certain effects of the atmosphere in which the faith has grown for centuries, and thus to become in a fully human fashion part of a “Catholic world.” On the other hand, certain human cultural traits, such as the law of Rome or the logic of medieval Paris, and the dress of the late Empire, have become the fashion in which the Incarnate Word appears to the convert and which he has to accept just as much as “kenosis” of the Word of God as he accepts Him as Jew. Unless the missioner is very detached from his own tiny world and reads absolute “Catholic” meaning into local and time-tied customs, he will not be able to think Catholic when asked for a divine faith and the development of a human tradition by his covert. + +This growth in spiritual poverty must continue during the whole life of a missioner, but its first conscious development is of decisive importance and should be at the center of specialized missionary training. + +The first learning of a language must be more than the attempt at the acquisition of a skill, even more than the capacity to communicate which we referred to above. It can easily become a symbol of a man’s willingness to become profoundly poor, to relinquish his own world of thoughts and associations and expressions “as the best there is,” as the standard measure of fully developed thought. The acceptance of a local history and climate and socio-economic structure can be more than the expression of a generosity which embraces physical discomfort for the sake of Christ. It is rather the expression of an eager willingness to become one with the missioner’s new people. The acquiescence to foreign culture norms or behavior and taboos, besides being a necessary and utilitarian accommodation and a mark of delicacy and charitable toleration, can become an imitation of the Incarnation in a unique and typically missionary way. + +Such a course of action, which goes against the grain of everything that has become part of our personality from earliest childhood and which symbolizes for us all that is humanly precious and lovable, is not only difficult but extremely painful. + +To study, for example, a language or a set of customs as a spiritual exercise rather than simply as a technical effort requires not only deep love but great insight. Since this insight is itself a painful experience, the human tendency is to obscure it, to keep it from view. One cannot make the effort at missionary poverty in order to avoid pain. + +Many dangers threaten to hinder the missionary from seeking poverty at this intimate level. And most of them stem from the insecurity which breeds fear. If material things and friends and health are crutches against the threat of the unknown, how much more does the set of values and customs with which each one was brought up serve this protective purpose, and how much more, therefore, is each one anxious to defend his culture as inalienable, absolute and worthy of being imposed on others. If we don’t want to let go of a thing we think we need we always find a reason for defending our right to keep it, and the more intimate the things is to us, the more unknowingly we protect ourselves from the suspicion that we might have to give it up. Since there is hardly anything more intimate to us than our culture, there will be nothing we will stick to more obstinately and against our best intentions than the ways we were taught “things have to be done”. No wonder the young missioner will discover in himself every day new tricks his nature plays to avoid his detachment form his whole past. He will find himself constructing philosophical arguments pointing to “human nature” which is “the same everywhere” to justify the singing of “Silent Night” at Christmas in preference to traditional celebrations, or to defend the free choice of a mate as called for by the Gospel because he protests the choice by his mother of a wife for his brother in Boston. A more subtle trap in which the bright man might find himself is learning so much about his mission field as to become an anthropologist in order not to have to accept this one people as his by becoming a part of them. The difficulty of self-illusion will have to be taken carefully into account in a delicate process of integrated personality development as missionary formation should be. + +Individual direction of the young missioner will be just as necessary as free-flowing group discussion to make rationalizations and subterfuges conscious and allow curricular training to become a channel of spiritual growth. Otherwise contact with the “foreign” becomes an opportunity for the development of detachment, and personal freedom could easily become either a force which throws a frightened man back upon himself anxiously grabbing for past symbols of security, or for the imprudent but enthusiastic, a temptation to deny the values of his own background, thus remaining suspended in a dangerous vacuum seemingly between cultures. + +The development of a missionary spirit will have to start from an analysis of the concept of spiritual poverty, or Ignatian indifference or detachment. Man can become detached form visible things which he can use with his body and the integrity of his body itself. Man can go further and become detached from the respect, the affection and opportunities for self expression his fellow-men can give him. The missioner must go even further into an area of detachment from himself which we call “missionary poverty,” an intimate mystical imitation of Christ on His Incarnation. + +From its organization around the acquisition of this special aspect of the beatitude of poverty corresponding to the task of the missioner every attempt at missionary formation will receive unity and deep meaning. Intellectual formation in the social sciences and linguistic studies for the missioner must be seen as a means for the development of a specific form of spiritual detachment corresponding to his very personal vocation. +A curriculum of special courses given to the “missioner-to-be” thus can become a potent instrument for the realization of a deeply realize catholicity in imitation of the Word which by becoming son of a carpenter in Galilee, became MAN. + + +[^n01:] The paragraph “The closer the pattern... Puerto Rican neighborhood” was added to substantially the same article when it was republished as “Missionary Poverty,” in The Church, Change, and Development, ed. Fred Eychaner (Chicago: Urban Training Center Press, 1970), 113.—Ed.] diff --git a/contents/article/1961-missionary_poverty/index b/contents/article/1961-missionary_poverty/index new file mode 100644 index 0000000..c2080c7 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1961-missionary_poverty/index @@ -0,0 +1,9 @@ +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Missionary Poverty_ +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** *YEAR* +* **#@LANG_versions@#:** + * "Missionary Poverty", The Catholic Messenger, October 19, 1961, 5–6. + * "The Church, Change, and Development", ed. Fred Eychaner, Chicago: Urban Training Center Press, 1970 + * "Spiritual Poverty and the Missionary Character" in the "The Powerless Church and Other Selected Writings, 1955–1985", Penn State University Press, 2019 +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** diff --git a/contents/article/1967-a_call_to_celebration/.en.txt.kate-swp b/contents/article/1967-a_call_to_celebration/.en.txt.kate-swp Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..e56ebb1 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1967-a_call_to_celebration/.en.txt.kate-swp diff --git a/contents/article/1967-a_call_to_celebration/en.txt b/contents/article/1967-a_call_to_celebration/en.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..73cd0ae --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1967-a_call_to_celebration/en.txt @@ -0,0 +1,37 @@ +# A Call to Celebration + +> This “call to celebration” was a manifesto jointly enunciated by and reflecting the mood of a group of friends in 1967, among them Robert Fox and Robert Theobald. It was written at the time of the March on the Pentagon. This call to face facts, rather than deal in illusions—to live change, rather than rely on engineering-is an attempt to re-introduce the word “celebration” into ordinary English. + +I and many others, known and unknown to me, call upon you: + +— to celebrate our joint power to provide all human beings with the food, clothing, and shelter they need to delight in living; + +— to discover, together with us, what we must do to use mankind’s power to create the humanity, the dignity, and the joyfulness of each one of us; + +— to be responsibly aware of your personal ability to express your true feelings and to gather us together in their expression. + +We can only live these changes: we cannot think our way to humanity. Every one of us, and every group with which we live and work, must become the model of the era which we desire to create. The many models which will develop should give each one of us an environment in which we can celebrate our potential—and discover the way into a more humane world. + +We are challenged to break the obsolete social and economic systems which divide our world between the overprivileged and the underprivileged. All of us, whether governmental leader or protester, businessman or worker, professor or student share a common guilt. We have failed to discover how the necessary changes in our ideals and our social structures can be made. Each of us, therefore, through our ineffectiveness and our lack of responsible awareness, causes the suffering around the world. + +All of us are crippled—some physically, some mentally, some emotionally. We must therefore strive cooperatively to create the new world. There is no time left for destruction, for hatred, for anger. We must build, in hope and joy and celebration. Let us meet the new era of abundance with self-chosen work and freedom to follow the drum of one’s own heart. Let us recognize that a striving for self-realization, for poetry and play, is basic to man once his needs for food, clothing, and shelter have been met—that we will choose those areas of activity which will contribute to our own development and will be meaningful to our society. + +But we must also recognize that our thrust toward self-realization is profoundly hampered by outmoded, industrial age structures. We are presently constrained and driven by the impact of man’s ever growing powers. Our existing systems force us to develop and accept any weaponry system which may be technologically possible; our present systems force us to develop and accept any improvement in machinery, equipment, materials, and supplies which will increase production and lower costs; our present systems force us to develop and accept advertising and consumer seduction. + +In order to persuade the citizen that he controls his destiny, that morality informs decisions, and that technology is the servant rather than the driving force, it is necessary today to distort information. The ideal of informing the public has given way to trying to convince the public that forced actions are actually desirable actions. + +Miscalculations in these increasingly complex rationalizations and consequent scandal, account for the increasing preoccupation with the honesty of both private and public decision makers. It is therefore tempting to attack those holding roles such as national leader, administrator, manager, executive, labor leader, professor, student, parent. But such attacks on individuals often disguise the real nature of the crisis we confront: the demonic nature of present systems which force man to consent to his own deepening self-destruction. + +We can escape from these dehumanizing systems. The way ahead will be found by those who are unwilling to be constrained by the apparently all-determining forces and structures of the industrial age. Our freedom and power are determined by our willingness to accept responsibility for the future. + +Indeed the future has already broken into the present. We each live in many times. The present of one is the past of another, and the future of yet another. We are called to live, knowing and showing that the future exists and that each one of us can call it in, when we are willing, to redress the balance of the past. + +In the future we must end the use of coercive power and authority: the ability to demand action on the basis of one’s hierarchical position. If any one phrase can sum up the nature of the new era, it is _the end of privilege and license._ + +We must abandon our attempt to solve our problems through shifting power balances or attempting to create more efficient bureaucratic machines. + +We call you to join man’s race to maturity, to work with us in inventing the future. We believe that a human adventure is just beginning: that mankind has so far been restricted in developing its innovative and creative powers because it was overwhelmed by toil. Now we are free to be as human as we will. + +The celebration of man’s humanity through joining together in the healing expression of one’s relationships with others, and one’s growing acceptance of one’s own nature and needs, will clearly create major confrontations with existing values and systems. The expanding dignity of each man and each human relationship must necessarily challenge existing systems. + +The call is to live the future. Let us join together joyfully to celebrate our awareness that we can make our life today the shape of tomorrow’s future. diff --git a/contents/article/1967-a_call_to_celebration/index b/contents/article/1967-a_call_to_celebration/index new file mode 100644 index 0000000..2d81ea3 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1967-a_call_to_celebration/index @@ -0,0 +1,7 @@ +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _A Call to Celebration_ +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# +* **#@LANG_authors@#:** Robert Fox; Robert Theobald +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** *YEAR* +* **#@LANG_versions@#:** + * "A Call to Celebration", Celebration of Awareness, 1971 diff --git a/contents/article/1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks/en.bib b/contents/article/1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks/en.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..8c24a42 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks/en.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {The Redistribution of Educational Tasks between Schools and Other Organs of Society}, + year = {1968}, + date = {1968}, + origdate = {1968}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-21} +} diff --git a/contents/article/1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks/en.md b/contents/article/1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks/en.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..63d8f54 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks/en.md @@ -0,0 +1,96 @@ +--- + title: "The Redistribution of Educational Tasks between Schools and Other Organs of Society" + author: "Ivan Illich" + date: "1968" + lang: "en" + documentclass: article + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue +--- + +The purpose of this paper is not to stimulate discussion on internal change within school systems. I would l1ke to raise a different question: can the purpose of a school system established by any given society be continually and effectively renewed? If so, what are the necessary cond1t1ons for constant renewal? + +Only a limited portion of the total educational process in any given nation is organized under formal bureaucratic control. The remainder is usually left to institutions over which the planner and programmer have little influence. If we look only at that part of the educational process under formal control, we discover that only a part of it is actually performed by institutions which society considers "schools." The rest is left to programs which are not thought of as formal "schooling." This would include everything from in-service training to driver's education or sex education. + +At this moment we are beginning to analyze society's ability to reapportion education and to influence the growth and orientation of "non-school" education. In this discussion I would like to set aside the concrete mechanics of renewal in the schooling process in order to examine the conditions necessary for a constant renewal of the school's goals. + +First, I will identify the school system which I have observed, and with which I am the most familiar. Then I will list a series of conditions which I consider necessary in order for any school system to continually renew itself and by renewal I mean: allowing new levels of humanism in teaching to be reached, revising educational technology, and eventually abandoning previous tasks to "non-schools" so that the "schools" can assume new tasks. + + +# Catholic schools in Latin America + +During the last few years I have spent a great deal of time analyzing the effect of private schools on the over-all educational process in each of the Latin American nations. And in Latin America "private school" means Catholic school. The latter have a double, stated purpose: they were established to inculcate an ideology which is often taken to be the Catholic Faith, and to offer educational services (i.e. alternate schooling, usually custodial child-care) for those whose parents or sponsors are of the moneyed classes. + +The impact of the private school on the over-all scholastic picture in a developing nation can be viewed from several angles. + +1) Private education in Latin America can be understood as an economic contribution to development. Tuition to these schools can be viewed as a self-imposed additional tax by a minority group which frees regular tax funds by relieving the government of the cost of educating from five to 20 per cent of the school age population and this five to 20 percent is by no means chosen at random. Private schooling provides instruction for children whose parents or sponsors would otherwise have the power to demand above average outlays of government funds for the education of their children. It is also interesting to note that these private schools for the already-privileged in Latin America attract voluntary foreign aid in money and manpower which, since 1960, amounts to more than 20 million dollars per year. + +2) The effect of private education on development can also be viewed from a socio-political angle. The private school system is a broad, systematic device which allows the privileged sector to grow at a rate far beyond its natural growth-rate. At the same time, the private school system allows the privileged sector to acquire a new, flexible internal cohesiveness while still maintaining its very obvious aloofness. + +a. Private schools give a modern rationale both to the existence of a new elite, its identification with the old elite and the exclusion of those rejected by both. Superior, separate and ideologically differentiated private schooling in Latin America is thus important for the rich, and those favored by the rich. Private schools often act as social elevators for a special type of individual from the lower classes. It would be most interesting to determine who these people are, since the achievement-oriented character of their parents might prove to be the most important factor in deciding who will receive scholarships to private schools. + +b. It might turn out that in the long run private schools in Latin America are more important as sieves which allow a certain character type from the lower socio-economic groups to join the elite, than as opportunity for the especially imaginative or intelligent student. + + +# The planning of private Schools + +Private schools could be understood as a challenge to public education. They might provide means to develop and test new educational models, an important factor in educational planning and policy-making. This is a point which has been frequently neglected in the past. Educational planning bodies concerned with facilities and, more importantly with policies in Latin America have yet to propose effective and racional penalties and incentives to include private school initiatives in efforts to achieve overall educational goals. To date effective planning of private schools in Latin America has been politically tabu. + +At present traditional (Church) and new (private enterprise) ideologies keep private schools beyond the reach of the educational planners. Yet we can forecast a strong trend in the opposite direction: namely, that specialized instruction will be industrialized, and that public agencies will both license and contract the services of institutions dedicated to such instruction. + + +# The disestablishment of a school System + +Finally, we can consider the Catholic school system in Latin America as a model for the study of the dynamics of other school systems. We have pursued this line of research in Cuernavaca for the past six years. We have been privileged to act as self-appointed observers and promoters of the only case known to us of the disestablishment of an entire school system. Some of our observations might be relevant for other school systems and their eventual, partial disestablishment. + +Church schools are by no means a negligible factor in Latin America. The Church spends from 60 to 80 per cent of her total budget in any country (except Cuba) for the building and maintenance of schools. From five to 20 per cent of the school-age population in any Latin American nation is studying in Catholic-controlled schools. The total enrollment in Latin American Catholic schools is greater than the total public school enrollment in all but three of the Latin American countries. Yet if present trends continue this percentage will have shrunk to almost nothing by 1980. + +These trends are caused by factors beyond the control of Church administrators and constituencies: ever-rising costs, manpower crises, socio—political variables. And just as important in this trend toward the dis-establishment of the Church from schooling is the conviction of a number of key church-men that Catholic schools constitute the major obstacle to the socio-educational relevance of the Church on this continent. + +This surprising process (which I foresee) is of paradigmatic value of an often neglected relationship; namely, the relationship between education al intent and the choice of schools for the implementation of that intent. Since the Conquest the primary social function of the Latin American Church has been education. But now the Church finds herself entangled in her own school system and is trying to remove herself from school administration altogether. This trend will become surprisingly obvious by 1970. But if recognized now, policies can be created which will allow teachers to eventually accept the rethinking of education, the radical re-apportionment of educational functions or the charismatic renewal an already functioning educational system. + + +# Major points + +1) Mechanism can be built into school systems which accelerate their innovative capacity, but pressure for the renewal of a school system will usually come from outside that system. The preceding statement is a corollary of the knowledge that good schools are "teacher proof." That is, we have evidence that teachers advocate more reform of their milieu than almost any other professional group, yet they are the least effective when it comes to actually effecting that reform. This is due to the fact that the teacher's main task is to formulate questions never asked, or even accepted, outside of the classroom. At the same time, he must preside over an academic life which is accepted outside the school only if it carries the academic "label." Indeed, the better a school can function despite its "subversive" teachers who formulate questions not acceptable to non-academic society, the better teachers that school can afford to hire. The exercise of academic freedom can never be the source of the systematic improvement of the system itself. Indeed, the teacher's very job greatly dilutes his ability to change the educational system from within. His ideas will be generally ignored when he voices them beyond the walls of academia. + +2) The school planner is the last person who can make fundamental innovations in the system. His employer has already told him exactly what special educational task the school must perform, and the school planner simply arranges the allocation of resources to accomplish that task. As soon as the school planner raises the question of a totally different apportionment of the task itself he moves out of his limited area of money allocation, and into the broadest type of social planning. + +3) The definition of the school planner's task is ultimately based on +a clear separation of: a) the school system, and b) overall educational planning. + +The planner of the overall educational process, as opposed to the school planner, must decide which specific social tasks should be pe{formed by formal schooling, as differentiated from educational tasks which must be left to the responsibility of others—from mothers in a community to driving instructors. Only if this decision is made outside of the_school system, will the latter avoid becoming a "state within a state" (like the Medieval Church), or a political football. If the school planner would attempt to formulate overall educational policies, he would reduce all education and instruction demanded by clients, economic planners or politicians to a form of formal schooling. On the other hand, if the overall educational planner cannot treat the school system as a service agency to which specific tasks may be assigned, he will never be able to demand effectiveness and efficiency from that system. + +4) The demand for renewal will either take the form of a request to +serve new clients, or will be a reaction to a model tried and proved +successful elsewhere. The clients of a school system may demand that their system produce new results in a new manner which has proved successful elsewhere. '"Schools should produce..." "Schools should serve..." --it is doubtful that such demands will be effective, since good school systems are not only "teacher proof," but they are also vaccinated by constant disillusionment against utopian ideas coming from outside the system itself. Therefore, effective demands for renewal will usually take the form of a request that the system incorporate competitors. "If the teachers there can do it, why can't our teachers do it? If another system can produce these results, why can't ours?" + +5) A model is usually the agent utilized to effect change in a system. Politics aimed at polarizing power for change in educational systems consistently utilize models to create issues. An effective educational model or experiment must have four facets. The model must prove the following: + +a. That something new is now possible, that the present behavior of another can determine our own future. I would expand a bit on Jerome Bruner and say: '"Personal creativity produces an effective surprise concerning a present possibility." ("They did it!") + +b. Something previously untried has proved itself effective, that it has produced education outside of the current school system. An effective educational result has, for the first time, been defined as a scholastic need. This need is a possible result of systematic teaching, and should now be adopted here. ("Our school should do it.") + +c. The experiment raises a question. Can the educational system effectively allow the model to be reproduced? Must the reproduction of the model remain outside of the system? ("Should we do it? Is our system that 'teacher-proof:? Let 'them' organize it. It's none of our business.") + +d. Is the present system willing to pay the price of.adapting to the new process? Can the present system insure the continuation of the model through its institutionalization? ("Maybe we had better let them continue to try it.") + +6) The last characteristic (d) puts the educational experiment into a class by itself. A school system cannot produce teachers, contrary to popular opinion. It can only create more or less ideal situations for teaching. In the strict sense, educational invention is personal and inimitable. Ideally, the individual teacher is a creator with a personal style which cannot be imitated by another. Individual teaching is the "celebration" of an intimate experience which has no precedent: The charismatic and prophetic quality of a new style of teaching distinguishes it from invention of educational technology. + +Since most teachers are uninventive, dull, or worse, the school system tends to make the teacher a part of the program itself in order to guarantee that his presence in the system be worthwhile. He must "follow the teaching program” laid down by his superiors. This kind of thinking should be avoided. New teaching should not be a model for a process which will eventually be institutionalized. On the contrary, it is concrete proof of a possibility which might lead to the adoption and development of a methodological model within a school system.” + +# Summary + +This Principle could very well be restated in a paradox: Nobody should be paid for the privilege of teaching. But effective and efficient instructors should be so well paid that they can have the privilege of becoming true teachers. + +The effectiveness of planned change in a school system depends largely on the rational selection of scholastic goals within the overall educational process, formal and informal, which a society has defined for itself. + +The Latin American public school systems are irrational, comprehensive, ecclectic combinations of educational goals which have sedimented over a period of 150 years and are glued together by an intensely formalized ideology. The levels and branches of these systems, even if they are somewhat updated, are still historical relics which have ceased to be self-contained sub-systems or "careers." Now education is measured by the number of years one has "passed" on successive levels of the "educational supermarket." The student moves from the First Grade "supermarket" to the Second Grade "supermarket," and eventually may move through 15 or 20 different "supermarkets" and receive a university degree. This system will probably have to be replaced by measurement through statistically described sets of typical educational processes resulting from parallel educational services. In each of these processes almost any individual may obtain a qualitatively, narrowly defined "schooling" at almost any moment in his life. + +I propose that for the intent of the present discussion, the suggestions made here be seen against the background of history; in fact I believe that only through the study of history we will be able to gain the sufficient freedom of imagination to envisage radically new re-distribution of educational tasks between formal schooling and other forms of education or celebration. + +For this purpose, I suggest that we analyze the history of religious institutions throughout the centuries. They are the only major formally educational bodies who, in the past, had to grapple with the issues now faced by major school systems. diff --git a/contents/article/1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks/en.notes b/contents/article/1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks/en.notes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..df8abf8 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks/en.notes @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +* Included in: CIDOC Cuaderno 10 - CIDOC Informa, “Junio-Diciembre”, Centro intercultural de Documentación, Cuaderno No. 10, Volumen 5, Cuernavaca, 1968. +* This paper was delivered at the Conference on educational planging co-sponsored by the University of Puerto Rico and the Puerto Rico Planning Board in San Juan, July 1967. diff --git a/contents/article/1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks/en.txt b/contents/article/1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks/en.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..b9de555 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks/en.txt @@ -0,0 +1,84 @@ +# The Redistribution of Educational Tasks between Schools and Other Organs of Society + +The purpose of this paper is not to stimulate discussion on internal change within school systems. I would l1ke to raise a different question: can the purpose of a school system established by any given society be continually and effectively renewed? If so, what are the necessary cond1t1ons for constant renewal? + +Only a limited portion of the total educational process in any given nation is organized under formal bureaucratic control. The remainder is usually left to institutions over which the planner and programmer have little influence. If we look only at that part of the educational process under formal control, we discover that only a part of it is actually performed by institutions which society considers "schools." The rest is left to programs which are not thought of as formal "schooling." This would include everything from in-service training to driver's education or sex education. + +At this moment we are beginning to analyze society's ability to reapportion education and to influence the growth and orientation of "non-school" education. In this discussion I would like to set aside the concrete mechanics of renewal in the schooling process in order to examine the conditions necessary for a constant renewal of the school's goals. + +First, I will identify the school system which I have observed, and with which I am the most familiar. Then I will list a series of conditions which I consider necessary in order for any school system to continually renew itself and by renewal I mean: allowing new levels of humanism in teaching to be reached, revising educational technology, and eventually abandoning previous tasks to "non-schools" so that the "schools" can assume new tasks. + + +## Catholic schools in Latin America + +During the last few years I have spent a great deal of time analyzing the effect of private schools on the over-all educational process in each of the Latin American nations. And in Latin America "private school" means Catholic school. The latter have a double, stated purpose: they were established to inculcate an ideology which is often taken to be the Catholic Faith, and to offer educational services (i.e. alternate schooling, usually custodial child-care) for those whose parents or sponsors are of the moneyed classes. + +The impact of the private school on the over-all scholastic picture in a developing nation can be viewed from several angles. + +1) Private education in Latin America can be understood as an economic contribution to development. Tuition to these schools can be viewed as a self-imposed additional tax by a minority group which frees regular tax funds by relieving the government of the cost of educating from five to 20 per cent of the school age population and this five to 20 percent is by no means chosen at random. Private schooling provides instruction for children whose parents or sponsors would otherwise have the power to demand above average outlays of government funds for the education of their children. It is also interesting to note that these private schools for the already-privileged in Latin America attract voluntary foreign aid in money and manpower which, since 1960, amounts to more than 20 million dollars per year. + +2) The effect of private education on development can also be viewed from a socio-political angle. The private school system is a broad, systematic device which allows the privileged sector to grow at a rate far beyond its natural growth-rate. At the same time, the private school system allows the privileged sector to acquire a new, flexible internal cohesiveness while still maintaining its very obvious aloofness. + +a. Private schools give a modern rationale both to the existence of a new elite, its identification with the old elite and the exclusion of those rejected by both. Superior, separate and ideologically differentiated private schooling in Latin America is thus important for the rich, and those favored by the rich. Private schools often act as social elevators for a special type of individual from the lower classes. It would be most interesting to determine who these people are, since the achievement-oriented character of their parents might prove to be the most important factor in deciding who will receive scholarships to private schools. + +b. It might turn out that in the long run private schools in Latin America are more important as sieves which allow a certain character type from the lower socio-economic groups to join the elite, than as opportunity for the especially imaginative or intelligent student. + + +## The planning of private Schools + +Private schools could be understood as a challenge to public education. They might provide means to develop and test new educational models, an important factor in educational planning and policy-making. This is a point which has been frequently neglected in the past. Educational planning bodies concerned with facilities and, more importantly with policies in Latin America have yet to propose effective and racional penalties and incentives to include private school initiatives in efforts to achieve overall educational goals. To date effective planning of private schools in Latin America has been politically tabu. + +At present traditional (Church) and new (private enterprise) ideologies keep private schools beyond the reach of the educational planners. Yet we can forecast a strong trend in the opposite direction: namely, that specialized instruction will be industrialized, and that public agencies will both license and contract the services of institutions dedicated to such instruction. + + +## The disestablishment of a school System + +Finally, we can consider the Catholic school system in Latin America as a model for the study of the dynamics of other school systems. We have pursued this line of research in Cuernavaca for the past six years. We have been privileged to act as self-appointed observers and promoters of the only case known to us of the disestablishment of an entire school system. Some of our observations might be relevant for other school systems and their eventual, partial disestablishment. + +Church schools are by no means a negligible factor in Latin America. The Church spends from 60 to 80 per cent of her total budget in any country (except Cuba) for the building and maintenance of schools. From five to 20 per cent of the school-age population in any Latin American nation is studying in Catholic-controlled schools. The total enrollment in Latin American Catholic schools is greater than the total public school enrollment in all but three of the Latin American countries. Yet if present trends continue this percentage will have shrunk to almost nothing by 1980. + +These trends are caused by factors beyond the control of Church administrators and constituencies: ever-rising costs, manpower crises, socio—political variables. And just as important in this trend toward the dis-establishment of the Church from schooling is the conviction of a number of key church-men that Catholic schools constitute the major obstacle to the socio-educational relevance of the Church on this continent. + +This surprising process (which I foresee) is of paradigmatic value of an often neglected relationship; namely, the relationship between education al intent and the choice of schools for the implementation of that intent. Since the Conquest the primary social function of the Latin American Church has been education. But now the Church finds herself entangled in her own school system and is trying to remove herself from school administration altogether. This trend will become surprisingly obvious by 1970. But if recognized now, policies can be created which will allow teachers to eventually accept the rethinking of education, the radical re-apportionment of educational functions or the charismatic renewal an already functioning educational system. + + +## Major points + +1) Mechanism can be built into school systems which accelerate their innovative capacity, but pressure for the renewal of a school system will usually come from outside that system. The preceding statement is a corollary of the knowledge that good schools are "teacher proof." That is, we have evidence that teachers advocate more reform of their milieu than almost any other professional group, yet they are the least effective when it comes to actually effecting that reform. This is due to the fact that the teacher's main task is to formulate questions never asked, or even accepted, outside of the classroom. At the same time, he must preside over an academic life which is accepted outside the school only if it carries the academic "label." Indeed, the better a school can function despite its "subversive" teachers who formulate questions not acceptable to non-academic society, the better teachers that school can afford to hire. The exercise of academic freedom can never be the source of the systematic improvement of the system itself. Indeed, the teacher's very job greatly dilutes his ability to change the educational system from within. His ideas will be generally ignored when he voices them beyond the walls of academia. + +2) The school planner is the last person who can make fundamental innovations in the system. His employer has already told him exactly what special educational task the school must perform, and the school planner simply arranges the allocation of resources to accomplish that task. As soon as the school planner raises the question of a totally different apportionment of the task itself he moves out of his limited area of money allocation, and into the broadest type of social planning. + +3) The definition of the school planner's task is ultimately based on +a clear separation of: a) the school system, and b) overall educational planning. + +The planner of the overall educational process, as opposed to the school planner, must decide which specific social tasks should be pe{formed by formal schooling, as differentiated from educational tasks which must be left to the responsibility of others—from mothers in a community to driving instructors. Only if this decision is made outside of the_school system, will the latter avoid becoming a "state within a state" (like the Medieval Church), or a political football. If the school planner would attempt to formulate overall educational policies, he would reduce all education and instruction demanded by clients, economic planners or politicians to a form of formal schooling. On the other hand, if the overall educational planner cannot treat the school system as a service agency to which specific tasks may be assigned, he will never be able to demand effectiveness and efficiency from that system. + +4) The demand for renewal will either take the form of a request to +serve new clients, or will be a reaction to a model tried and proved +successful elsewhere. The clients of a school system may demand that their system produce new results in a new manner which has proved successful elsewhere. '"Schools should produce..." "Schools should serve..." --it is doubtful that such demands will be effective, since good school systems are not only "teacher proof," but they are also vaccinated by constant disillusionment against utopian ideas coming from outside the system itself. Therefore, effective demands for renewal will usually take the form of a request that the system incorporate competitors. "If the teachers there can do it, why can't our teachers do it? If another system can produce these results, why can't ours?" + +5) A model is usually the agent utilized to effect change in a system. Politics aimed at polarizing power for change in educational systems consistently utilize models to create issues. An effective educational model or experiment must have four facets. The model must prove the following: + +a. That something new is now possible, that the present behavior of another can determine our own future. I would expand a bit on Jerome Bruner and say: '"Personal creativity produces an effective surprise concerning a present possibility." ("They did it!") + +b. Something previously untried has proved itself effective, that it has produced education outside of the current school system. An effective educational result has, for the first time, been defined as a scholastic need. This need is a possible result of systematic teaching, and should now be adopted here. ("Our school should do it.") + +c. The experiment raises a question. Can the educational system effectively allow the model to be reproduced? Must the reproduction of the model remain outside of the system? ("Should we do it? Is our system that 'teacher-proof:? Let 'them' organize it. It's none of our business.") + +d. Is the present system willing to pay the price of.adapting to the new process? Can the present system insure the continuation of the model through its institutionalization? ("Maybe we had better let them continue to try it.") + +6) The last characteristic (d) puts the educational experiment into a class by itself. A school system cannot produce teachers, contrary to popular opinion. It can only create more or less ideal situations for teaching. In the strict sense, educational invention is personal and inimitable. Ideally, the individual teacher is a creator with a personal style which cannot be imitated by another. Individual teaching is the "celebration" of an intimate experience which has no precedent: The charismatic and prophetic quality of a new style of teaching distinguishes it from invention of educational technology. + +Since most teachers are uninventive, dull, or worse, the school system tends to make the teacher a part of the program itself in order to guarantee that his presence in the system be worthwhile. He must "follow the teaching program” laid down by his superiors. This kind of thinking should be avoided. New teaching should not be a model for a process which will eventually be institutionalized. On the contrary, it is concrete proof of a possibility which might lead to the adoption and development of a methodological model within a school system.” + +## Summary + +This Principle could very well be restated in a paradox: Nobody should be paid for the privilege of teaching. But effective and efficient instructors should be so well paid that they can have the privilege of becoming true teachers. + +The effectiveness of planned change in a school system depends largely on the rational selection of scholastic goals within the overall educational process, formal and informal, which a society has defined for itself. + +The Latin American public school systems are irrational, comprehensive, ecclectic combinations of educational goals which have sedimented over a period of 150 years and are glued together by an intensely formalized ideology. The levels and branches of these systems, even if they are somewhat updated, are still historical relics which have ceased to be self-contained sub-systems or "careers." Now education is measured by the number of years one has "passed" on successive levels of the "educational supermarket." The student moves from the First Grade "supermarket" to the Second Grade "supermarket," and eventually may move through 15 or 20 different "supermarkets" and receive a university degree. This system will probably have to be replaced by measurement through statistically described sets of typical educational processes resulting from parallel educational services. In each of these processes almost any individual may obtain a qualitatively, narrowly defined "schooling" at almost any moment in his life. + +I propose that for the intent of the present discussion, the suggestions made here be seen against the background of history; in fact I believe that only through the study of history we will be able to gain the sufficient freedom of imagination to envisage radically new re-distribution of educational tasks between formal schooling and other forms of education or celebration. + +For this purpose, I suggest that we analyze the history of religious institutions throughout the centuries. They are the only major formally educational bodies who, in the past, had to grapple with the issues now faced by major school systems. diff --git a/contents/article/1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks/index b/contents/article/1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks/index new file mode 100644 index 0000000..7374846 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks/index @@ -0,0 +1,5 @@ +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _The Redistribution of Educational Tasks between Schools and Other Organs of Society_ +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** *YEAR* +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** diff --git a/contents/article/1972-gradual_change_or_violent_revolution_in_latin_america/en.bib b/contents/article/1972-gradual_change_or_violent_revolution_in_latin_america/en.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..3e65f95 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1972-gradual_change_or_violent_revolution_in_latin_america/en.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1972-gradual_change_or_violent_revolution_in_latin_america-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Gradual Change or Violent Revolution in Latin America?}, + year = {1972}, + date = {1972}, + origdate = {1972}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1972-gradual_change_or_violent_revolution_in_latin_america:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-21} +} diff --git a/contents/article/1972-gradual_change_or_violent_revolution_in_latin_america/en.md b/contents/article/1972-gradual_change_or_violent_revolution_in_latin_america/en.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d50321c --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1972-gradual_change_or_violent_revolution_in_latin_america/en.md @@ -0,0 +1,135 @@ +--- + title: "Gradual Change or Violent Revolution in Latin America?" + author: "Ivan Illich" + date: "1972" + lang: "en" + documentclass: article + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue +--- + +Violence belongs to the world of feeling just as the experience of peace does. Gradualness indicates the speed at which structures change. A mood and a speed are not commensurate, nor can they be substituted and interchanged. But gradual change of structure can go hand in hand with a violent expression of the experience of newness. Both creation and destruction are explosive when they are rooted deeply in life and must overcome a barrier. Spring, too, can "break out"’! + +Can gradual change be an alternative to violent revolution? Those who ask this question are convinced that change is necessary, unavoidable. They want to understand violence so that they may propose alternatives to it. My task here is to highlight how difficult this understanding is. The other man’s violence always threatens. My violence soothes me. This ambiguity makes it difficult to understand the other man’s anger in the other man’s terms. I know no more peaceful men than Dom Helder Camara (Archbishop of Recife, Brazil) or Francisco Juliao (exiled Brazilian labor leader), but since they speak with strong feelings, they are both called violent men. + +When interests are involved, objectivity is actually more difficult for the doctor than it is for the priest. So let us act, for the time being, neither as patient nor as doctor in international affairs, but as students. We know that a patient’s primary feelings might contain a far better diagnosis than a doctor’s reasoned conclusion. We want to prepare ourselves to register the signals on which such feelings are transmitted. + +# Which Way Violence? + +On the one hand, the disciplined and purposeful planning of a counter-insurgency school in Panama might be an initial symptom of a mortal disease: of a Vietnam to the South, an incubating demon of a "Viet Lat" in the seventies. On the other hand, outbreaks by undisciplined guerrillas in the Peruvian Andes might be an advanced symptom of incipient health, an outcry of budding awareness. Which way lies violence? + +It is obviously far more pleasant to consider and advocate "gradual change" and its sister notion, "constructive alternatives to violence"’, than it is to develop discriminating empathy with a foreign, changing texture of life. Let us make this "academic" effort. This empathy with social process beyond the barrier of culture should be a major goal for education, especially in the political sciences. + +As students of change, it is important and significant for us to feel what urbanization means — deep down — to the man who arrives in industrial Sao Paulo after a month’s trip from Belem at the mouth of the Amazon. We must consider how urbanization affects his character, his self-image. Our co-living with him seems more important than the development of new instruments to plot the directions of his surface responses or economic behavior. We are committed to share in our guts the anxiety and bewilderment of a man from the fields suddenly taken into a factory. Only slowly, and with tenderness, may we sense the pain of another when his old world dims, when new stars bewilder him; when words lose their traditional meaning, and new words that he does not grasp sparkle, seduce, and betray. I believe that only the man who knows himself as being constantly subject to this experience can share in this experience of others. + +Everyone knows that some words upset and others soothe. But not everyone remembers that there are some words which may have either effect, depending on the social context, the semantic ghetto in which they rally a group. "Violence" is one of these, and on this I guess we agree. I also believe that, since 1965, in the United States and Latin America, "gradual methods" has been another such expression. I want to call your attention to this especially. + +I remember well a night with a group of students at the central university in a Latin American country. Their commitment to the word "violencia" was so strong that those who did not feel swept away by it were considered unreal, outsiders. Earlier that same day, I had spent an hour with a key man in the country’s industrial renewal, one of the great men in the Council for Latin America. As I listened to him, I sensed his fear of violence, his reasoned and intelligent commitment to gradual methods of societal change. More than that: I had heard him detail the need for arming private goon squads, composed preferably of reliable Catholics, who would insure the time needed for this gradual change. Again, which way lies violence? + +On the same day, then, I had shared in both poles of the same social mood. It is obvious that violence and gradual change meant very different things for the patient and the doctor on the same day in the same city. + +# Semantic Ghettoes Coexist + +Within one semantic ghetto — one conception universe — reasonable discourse is possible. Supposed agreement can be questioned, and one’s opponents can make their points. But what happens between two semantic ghettoes? Between distinct semantic ghettoes, only diplomatic notes can be exchanged, or shouts can clash. Finally, narcissistic coexistence of two sick units can be imagined. Let us study how men can be trained so that in their hearts the words from two ghettoes can meet. + +Peru, for example, is an infinite distance from the ghetto of meaning which is a U.S. university. The latter is a strange ghetto and utterly removed from that of Peru. It is a ghetto where the problem of "unbalanced diet" and "death from over-nutrition" has been substituted for the world problem of hunger. But in the Andes of Peru, thousands still die of plain hunger. + +The United States is a land so rich that it can consider with some comfort the proposal to tax the rich so as to guarantee an annual $4,000 income to all those who do not produce. Off there, is the rest of the world: the world of those destined, at best, merely to survive. + +With a guaranteed income, we could push Watts beyond our borders and surround the North Atlantic with a "World Harlem". Would this cure the basic sickness of our society? At this moment we are becoming aware of the common roots of slums and underdevelopment. The events of 1966 made public opinion aware that, for reasons much deeper than had been assumed, Harlem and Fifth Avenue cannot mingle. First of all, words in the two ghettoes _cannot_ mean the same things. Now we learn to see further implications: _gradualness_ of change just cannot be experienced the same way in the first year of settlement in a neo-colony as it can in the twentieth year of a bull market in megapolis. And yet we must relate them. We cannot afford to coexist, we must live together. The bridge of words is not sufficient if it is not paralleled by a bridge of feeling. + +It takes time to acquire empathy with the growing pains of a foreign society, to train oneself to academic contemplation as opposed to operation research, to commit oneself to real observation which does not exclude the heart. Such growth is difficult because it takes much time and peace for the student, and because it is frowned upon as innocent dreaming by most people. The high concentration on operation-oriented research in foreign relations is certainly not a result of the CIA, but it is a sad indicator of the decline of institutional commitment to deep insight in our universities. Our task should be assistance to men preparing themselves for disinterested awareness across cultural lines, service to men seeking to become capable of non-condescending respect for the alternatives actually open to growing societies. + +# Contrasting Views of Violence + +Violence, or the social expression of nonrational aggression, has a different meaning for the holdup man, the cashier in the bank, and the bystander. What does gradualness or violence mean for different men in Bogota? For Camilo Torres, violence is one thing. For the clergy of Bogota, it is another. And finally, violence means something else again for a planner in the Colombian Ministry of Education. Camilo believes himself an educator and tries to teach that gradual improvement, even if it were possible under the present structure, could not bring any meaningful change. The Cardinal of Bogota believes that he is charged with, and is a guardian of, peace. Of course, the Cardinal believes in change — as long as it fits into the established order. (For the man in power, violent protest cannot mean "education".) The third man, the bureaucrat who is trying to multiply little red schoolhouses, feels threatened by the clash of the first two men, because it calls his attention to something which does not fit into his professional schemes. He thinks to himself: "Could it be that Camilo’s type of adult education — adult education through testimony — must come first? Must it come before our kind of schooling in little red schoolhouses can be of any value at all?" Must perhaps Camilo precede the bureaucrat and the multiplication of little red schoolhouses? + +It makes little sense to build schools in Latin America before we have really begun to engage in adult education. And this, I believe, we cannot do without uncorking violence. + +Let me illustrate what I mean. It was in a shed in Aracaju, in Northeast Brazil, December 1964. Twenty men were assembled around a slide projector. A picture of a man with a pick and a pile of stones was projected onto a sheet of brown paper. With it were four syllables: _"ter-ra"_, _"ho-mem"_. Then, another word was added: _"nossa"_. "Land", "man", and finally, "ours". The men around the projector had the skin of hunger, the ashen quality almost unknown in the United States. They were undernourished by custom and heredity, unable to know what a healthy appetite means. You could sense their lacks which had not yet developed into needs. You could see how unaware they were of crying injustice. These laborers were learning to recognize some written words — words which they themselves had picked as the most meaningful to them that year in that village: terra, homem. Suddenly one man got up. Trembling, he stammered: "Last night I could not sleep, because yesterday I wrote my name. I saw my name written on paper. _Entendi que eu sou eu_ — I understood that I am I." Surely, this is anguish — the anguish of birth. There is nothing gradual about that awakening. He said, _"Eu sou eu, e por isso somos responsdveis"_ (I am I, and therefore, we are responsible). + +Certainly, this is what we want to happen in development, and I hope that we want it to happen at all cost. The cost of such awakening is high. Awakening of this kind does not fit men into the slots available. Education of this kind is more than instruction. It is silly to propose some training for gradual change to people who have seen such dramatic instances of awakening awareness. + +The above case occurred in 1964. The first thing the Brazilian military government did in 1965 was to suppress this type of education, or at least to control it. No government at present can afford indiscriminate and free _concientizagao para a politizacao_ (mobilization of consciousness for political purposes). Not Cuba. Not Accién Popular in Peru. + +Even in the United States, discussions about the nonpermissible forms of slum education within the poverty program during the past year have made us humbler. The poverty program has opened the eyes of politicians to the ambiguities that Latin American politicos face in grass-roots movements. It is easier now to speak about this delicate subject in the United States. + +# Social Structures or Creativity? + +No government wants to educate, unless it is moderately certain that its system will be accepted by those educated. We all prefer to trust our social structures rather than bubbling creativity. + +In Latin America, relatively small capital investment would be needed to create widespread expansion of truly adult education: education which transforms unconscious lack into conscious needs; education which mobilizes creative imagination, At present we may advocate such education but we cannot obtain the funds for it. We are faced with a continental political commitment to gradual change. We are faced with paternal governments who want to prepare the structures before people become aware that they need them. Within the context of gradual change, the type of education I described cannot but be called "subversion". Within the political context to which our nations are subject, you may not awaken creative needs you cannot satisfy. + +If gradualness in change, at all cost, is the main criterion for development, then the very first thing a government must do is this: impose strict controls on adult education. You may put any amount into little red schoolhouses, into trade schools and universities. _Socialization_ through schooling will be called a most significant and productive investment. But beware of truly adult education! Beware of the power you unleash! Commitment to gradualness, at least in education, means a lack of confidence in our generation of living men. Gradualness, at least in education, means the decision of those in power today to make their children feel as our system requires them to. + +Perhaps this provides a first reason why today it is difficult in Latin America to understand U.S. public concern for "gradualness" in change. The inhabitants of U.S. slums, perhaps, find gradualness just as hard to swallow. + +# Uncle Sam and Social Change + +Another peculiar phenomenon makes it difficult to discuss change in Latin America without emotion: namely, continued implication of the United States when change is discussed. At the Center of Intercultural Documentation in Cuernavaca, we have under study some twenty public controversies which took place in Latin America in the last few years. They were chosen at random. On each controversy we collected hundreds of editorials and analyzed their "ideological" content. We set out to understand what arguments are used, what symbols manipulated, what feelings triggered, when people take sides on public issues. We wanted to see how people explain their options, how they justify their preferences, and how they extrapolate the consequences of decisions they hope, or they fear, will be taken. Now we have found that whenever structural change is the issue of a controversy, "Tio Sam" is always dragged in. It matters not whether the subject is Petrobras, a new university, educational reform, a new press law, or a violent death. This is a fact. I do not intend to explain it. I simply indicate this insistent reference to the United States as one factor which complicates any study of change in Latin America. All reference to change, to its speed or its meaning today in Latin America, implies a statement on foreign policy. This reference to the United States is, of course, ever present when one discusses Latin American events in English. Recently, it has assumed a new dimension, because the U.S. intellectual community is discovering the parallels between hurdles the poverty program meets and those implicit in foreign assistance. Both are upsetting. + +# Underdevelopment and the Poverty Program + +In December 1966 we at Cuernavaca had a striking example of the deep meaning this parallel has for North Americans today. Some sixty people involved in poverty programs in U.S. slums met for consultation at our Center. The theme was an analysis of poverty as alienation and experience. We asked the participants to formulate the true aims of their programs. Our staff studied the sixty responses. They compared the attitudes the poverty workers held toward the poor, with the clichés well known from foreign assistance programs of AID, CARE, mission societies. They found many coincidences. and Poverty workers, just like missioners, seemed obsessed with the desire to "share" their blessings. The desire to incorporate the slum poor into an "achieving society" parallels the U.S. manifest destiny to extend the benefits of the "great society" beyond its borders. + +"Expand and protect the great society" seems to be the almost religious banner which gives respectability to any decision made in the United States affecting investments, services (many of them gratuitous and social), establishments (not a few, paramilitary), and sales in Latin America. A decision-making process affecting Latin America which is dispersed through thousands of centers in the United States is given some kind of rationale by means of this consenting rationalization. For many observers in Latin America, the U.S. desire to share the "great society" lingers behind any discussion of change. Expansion and/or defense of the "great society" lies behind any discussion on the proper speed of social change in Latin America. The almost compulsive repetition that change in Latin America must happen "gradually though rapidly" is interpreted in Latin America as a fear of any form of development that might lead the southern continent out of U.S. hands and outside the U.S. market. + +There cannot be any doubt that the gradual, orderly, and controlled increase of the gross national product is a major criterion for policy. How primary this criterion is, I do not want to say. Many critics, from Francois Peroux to Eduardo Frei, insist that this particular measuring stick is given too much importance. + +Making the growth rate of per capita income the most signifcant indicator for growth can lead to a planned division of our societies into two sectors. In one sector you find the growing minority whose income increases at a rate superior to the gross national product. But the majority are aggregated in the other sector. And they are on the way to relative impoverishment, even though their purchasing power — in absolute terms — might increase. + +Politicians argue that this arrangement insures stability. Indeed it does insure the established system. All those who "fit" and grow into the new society are also favored by it and are, therefore, purchased for its maintenance: they can only lose by revolution. + +Perhaps this argument puts the cart before the horse: it measures social goals in terms of a method chosen a priori. The argument is also indicative of an emotional attitude which must be taken seriously. And today, this is our task: to elicit respect for emotions — even if they do not fit our scheme. + +# Gradualism Reinterpreted + +All over Latin America one can now hear a new type of interpretation of U.S. concern for gradualism. It is an attitude more difficult to put into a few words without repeating expressions which smack of demagoguery. This interpretation focuses on the increase of U.S. federal agencies — especially dependencies of the Department of Defense — in Latin America. The question raised by this increasing apparatus is whether, consciously or unconsciously, the United States is preparing the groundwork for a "Viet Lat". The impression given is that a continent-wide system of counter-insurgency is growing. The inter-American police force to control guerrillas is seen in the same perspective as that in which the increase of state police is seen by the southern Negro. Those people in South America who use this argument see orderly and gradual change as a strategic attempt designed to gain time to establish an airtight network of repression. + +In this war-focused context, resistance to U.S.-induced development is advocated as an improved alternative to the preparation for war in the seventies. The argument runs along the following lines: it would be a better thing to prevent lethal establishments of U.S. para-military agencies than to have to abort them later; but given that it is too late now for that kind of contraception, it is better that violence abort any further development of them than to collaborate in the incubation of the "demons of Viet Lat". + +These feelings might shock, they might stem from bad dreams, but they are real. And they are now beginning to be understood in the United States. I attended a recent meeting of a group of graduate students and professors at an Ivy League college — serious men who have organized to systematically document U.S. activities in Latin America. It is their particular aim to ferret out blatant abuses of confidence, to unmask the establishments which pretend to serve development but in reality are instruments to draw Latin America into a global military strategy corresponding to somebody’s view of the U.S. national interest. I was deeply touched when I saw that these men seemed willing to organize a USS. citizens’ group for nonviolent protest to U.S. exploitation in Latin America. The ghost of "Viet Lat" is uglier, but nowhere less real, than the equally ghostly Alliance for Progress. + +# Qualitative Changes in Life Experience + +We have had to go into some detail to establish how touchy it is, given the screens of a semantic ghetto, to discuss the desirable speed of change. I repeat: If we were interested only in plotting and planning economic rates, abstracting from human experience, all this effort could be foregone. But we believe that qualitative changes in life experience are much more important for development than economic indicators and cement. Let me illustrate one scheme which we can follow to analyze this experience. It is a scheme which the members of our continuing faculty seminar in Cuernavaca have adopted, and we are indebted for its development to men like Fromm, Maccoby, Erikson, Helio la Suaribe, and many others. We have set out to understand social change as an interrelated transformation of (1) institutional structure, (2) formulated values or ideologies, and (3) social character. Our principal concern is that of understanding how the human heart reacts to this three-pronged change. + +We try to focus on institutional structure and ask: By what law or assumptions or persuasions are these held in place? By what appeals to abstract value systems can the Mexican revolution promote private schools for the rich or the Brazilian revolution its new press laws? + +But we will not be content to analyze this relationship between structure and rationale, we will not just seek to understand what persuasion a given functional mechanism exudes. We will try to understand what personality characteristics it favors. With concern we will watch the survival and renewal of that authentic mass outbreak of joy which is the carnival in Rio. Finally, we want to know something about the relationship between character and ideology. What kind of personality finds most strength and support and consolation in a given type of faith? Who are those drawn to the Macumba, to the sects, to the guerrillas, or to achievement in well-organized business? Who are those people in Chile who can — and want to — recognize themselves in the ads in LIFE _en Español_? Who can be motivated by the picture of a portly middle-aged executive from Minnesota to change his way of life by foregoing immediate gratification to save for later, more conspicuous consumption? + +# Violence, A Response to Experience + +This is an ambitious program, we admit. We want to try the impossible in order to come closer to grasping the mysterious workings of drastic social change. Of course, if we engage in this type of analysis, gradualness and violence assume a new meaning. Violence is not the measure of the speed with which one of these three variables changes. Violence is not a measure of structural reorganization. It is not a measure of change in persuasion. And it is not the measure of a new social type. Violence is rather a response of experience, of feeling, to the tensions created among these three. + +It would be fascinating for me to heap example upon example. But for the time being, we want only to understand the impact which the U.S. presence in Latin America has on the quality of change there. I only want to indicate a model for analysis which may make the mode of U.S. impact on Latin American change a bit more amenable to discussion. Let me exemplify, separately, the impact of U.S. technical assistance on each of the three factors mentioned: institution, persuasion, personality. In other words: structure, ideology, and character; mechanisms, conceptual systems, and the character of those who fit them. Allow me to play with oversimplification and caricature to make my point and elicit needed discussion. + +# U.S. College Board Exams for Latin America + +First, an example: an attempt is now being made to persuade Latin American universities to adopt the U.S. College Board Entrance Examinations. Considerable amounts of U.S. money have been spent on their development, particularly in Puerto Rico, and they are now available in Spanish. These tests are generally, though perhaps grudgingly, accepted in Puerto Rico. At first sight, their export — free of charge, since a foundation picks up the tab — may be seen as the simple concession of a benefit of our college machinery to others who are in need of it. Looking more carefully, we see that their adoption in other countries will ultimately have an important impact on those universities which do accept this testing tool. The acceptance of an admission test alters the social function of a university system. To be more explicit: This test is a filter designed to eliminate from further study those whose character or ability does not favor their academic achievement in a U.S. university. Those screened out are not considered proper material for U.S. higher education, because achievement at a university is interpreted as a forecast of achievement or leadership in later life. But leadership or achievement _where_? Success as it is defined and made necessary by an achievement-oriented society as we now know it in the United States. The adoption of this test, therefore, represents a decisive, profound, and covert long-range manipulation of the quality of life in a whole country. The adoption of the U.S. College Board examinations by a Latin American university contributes to making that university a far more important tool for the expansion of the basic mood of the "great society" than any direct changes in curriculum schedule, teaching method, or faculty training. The transfer of a small device from one culture to another can ultimately affect the face of a whole society: with the adoption of this device one type of character is preferred over others, and what is perhaps more significant, a certain type of self-image, copied from that of the United States, is subtly made into the standard of success in Sao Paulo. + +To elaborate further — not on a fact, but on a certain danger. The U.S. college entrance exam is one small but effective contribution to the development of an overseas "white America" (to use the U.S. jargon of 1966). _Gradually_ and _without violence_ those who fit and aspire to a new societal pattern proposed to them from the outside are selected to manage it. The protests from Harlem are now getting a hearing. It is time to attune our ears to the same protest reaching us in foreign idioms. + +# Implications of Exporting Ideas + +Discussion in depth is needed on this question: May we export the _motivational structure_ which corresponds to our _cherished_ persuasions (in other words, to the American way of life) if this implies also the reverse — the export of Watts and Harlem and Selma on a gigantic scale? This question, if properly understood, is so disturbing and discouraging to me that I formulate it with fear — particularly the fear that it be understood as an expression of despair, while in truth it is meant as an enormous challenge. We must not be lazy. Thomas Aquinas says that laziness is the worst of sins: the deadly inactivity of a man who has given up living because he has become aware of how hard it is to live. + +The highly ambiguous assistance of the United States in Latin America represents an inevitable involvement. The involvement is inevitable because it meets the objective demands of international political and economic fact, and because it satisfies deeprooted needs which stem from the prevalent U.S. self-image: the US. tenet of "secular religion" (to speak with Bellah) that every American at any moment can, must, and may share the blessings of his country with those less fortunate than he. The radical’s demand that the United States "drop out of international relations because it cannot but do damage" is on the opposite pole from the new isolationist’s aggressiveness; but both attitudes are marginal and but a frame which highlights the commitment of the majority here to the utopia of a worldwide "great society". + +Concern with the world beyond national borders is a deeprooted part of U.S. ethics. There is no other country in which the ethos of international help has marked with equal depth the basic creed of a nation. There is no other people which could produce as a trademark — alongside Uncle Sam and the big stick — the image of the Quaker missioner. There has never been another government which has set up the like of its worldspanning institutional network for assistance: social, economic, military, and religious. + +The U.S. enveloping involvement in Latin America, therefore, is both socio-politically and psychologically inevitable. Discussion of this involvement has afforded me the opportunity to demonstrate the difficulties which threaten misunderstanding of the relationship, as well as to point to the challenge that these same difficulties present — the striving toward an understanding that will lead us to greater human depths. + +The obstacle on which I have focused is operational and concerns those in the United States who want to deal with Latin America. This obstacle is the tendency to underestimate how difficult it is even for the highly educated North American to reach a deep, a realistic, a humble awareness of the ambiguity implicit in his participation in the development process outside the "great society". This difficulty will increase for every North American in Latin America. The ability to let himself be adopted into the feeling of authentically rooted Latin American groups or crowds is not acquired in libraries. Neither is it achieved simply by participating in action programs. This ability is rather a measure of the personal maturity and the personal commitment of the individual North American to utter simplicity and openness of heart — two phrases not too current in our academic circles. Therefore, this ability is restricted to exceptional men and women, and will remain so. It should be our stated task to seek them out and to encourage them to commit themselves generously and without reserve to voluntary immigration into Latin America. + +After the obstacle, I focused on a value — a value which I consider the critical element in development, the element which will decide if economic growth and technological abundance will meet real needs or only create new awareness of deficiencies. This element, this value — if present — will condition human freedom. Its absence will result in deadly coexistence of men and groups without a future. Drastic change, as we have seen, can leave in its wake either violently bewildered wrecks or men who experience new dimensions of personal freedom and creativity bursting open. Will drastic change rest in men who experience their awareness and feelings, or will it make men less poets, make men into just more effective and productive manpower? + +The ability to experience change seems to be the decisive indicator of the value of change. Change which cannot be lived is deadly. Change which diminishes the ability of a man to feel related and a participant cannot be going in the right direction. + +At a recent course in our Center in Cuernavaca, a participant (a cattle breeder bent for the altiplano) told me: "I get it! You don’t grow people. If they are men, they each grow. And each better know that he himself is responsible for this growth. You don’t develop people and societies. They do." + +The ultimate criterion for the planner of social change cannot be the mode of its production or the technical structure to which it leads, but rather the quality of leisure, of creativity, of celebration it makes possible. diff --git a/contents/article/1972-gradual_change_or_violent_revolution_in_latin_america/en.txt b/contents/article/1972-gradual_change_or_violent_revolution_in_latin_america/en.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..95d619a --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1972-gradual_change_or_violent_revolution_in_latin_america/en.txt @@ -0,0 +1,123 @@ +# Gradual Change or Violent Revolution in Latin America? + +Violence belongs to the world of feeling just as the experience of peace does. Gradualness indicates the speed at which structures change. A mood and a speed are not commensurate, nor can they be substituted and interchanged. But gradual change of structure can go hand in hand with a violent expression of the experience of newness. Both creation and destruction are explosive when they are rooted deeply in life and must overcome a barrier. Spring, too, can "break out"’! + +Can gradual change be an alternative to violent revolution? Those who ask this question are convinced that change is necessary, unavoidable. They want to understand violence so that they may propose alternatives to it. My task here is to highlight how difficult this understanding is. The other man’s violence always threatens. My violence soothes me. This ambiguity makes it difficult to understand the other man’s anger in the other man’s terms. I know no more peaceful men than Dom Helder Camara (Archbishop of Recife, Brazil) or Francisco Juliao (exiled Brazilian labor leader), but since they speak with strong feelings, they are both called violent men. + +When interests are involved, objectivity is actually more difficult for the doctor than it is for the priest. So let us act, for the time being, neither as patient nor as doctor in international affairs, but as students. We know that a patient’s primary feelings might contain a far better diagnosis than a doctor’s reasoned conclusion. We want to prepare ourselves to register the signals on which such feelings are transmitted. + +## Which Way Violence? + +On the one hand, the disciplined and purposeful planning of a counter-insurgency school in Panama might be an initial symptom of a mortal disease: of a Vietnam to the South, an incubating demon of a "Viet Lat" in the seventies. On the other hand, outbreaks by undisciplined guerrillas in the Peruvian Andes might be an advanced symptom of incipient health, an outcry of budding awareness. Which way lies violence? + +It is obviously far more pleasant to consider and advocate "gradual change" and its sister notion, "constructive alternatives to violence"’, than it is to develop discriminating empathy with a foreign, changing texture of life. Let us make this "academic" effort. This empathy with social process beyond the barrier of culture should be a major goal for education, especially in the political sciences. + +As students of change, it is important and significant for us to feel what urbanization means — deep down — to the man who arrives in industrial Sao Paulo after a month’s trip from Belem at the mouth of the Amazon. We must consider how urbanization affects his character, his self-image. Our co-living with him seems more important than the development of new instruments to plot the directions of his surface responses or economic behavior. We are committed to share in our guts the anxiety and bewilderment of a man from the fields suddenly taken into a factory. Only slowly, and with tenderness, may we sense the pain of another when his old world dims, when new stars bewilder him; when words lose their traditional meaning, and new words that he does not grasp sparkle, seduce, and betray. I believe that only the man who knows himself as being constantly subject to this experience can share in this experience of others. + +Everyone knows that some words upset and others soothe. But not everyone remembers that there are some words which may have either effect, depending on the social context, the semantic ghetto in which they rally a group. "Violence" is one of these, and on this I guess we agree. I also believe that, since 1965, in the United States and Latin America, "gradual methods" has been another such expression. I want to call your attention to this especially. + +I remember well a night with a group of students at the central university in a Latin American country. Their commitment to the word "violencia" was so strong that those who did not feel swept away by it were considered unreal, outsiders. Earlier that same day, I had spent an hour with a key man in the country’s industrial renewal, one of the great men in the Council for Latin America. As I listened to him, I sensed his fear of violence, his reasoned and intelligent commitment to gradual methods of societal change. More than that: I had heard him detail the need for arming private goon squads, composed preferably of reliable Catholics, who would insure the time needed for this gradual change. Again, which way lies violence? + +On the same day, then, I had shared in both poles of the same social mood. It is obvious that violence and gradual change meant very different things for the patient and the doctor on the same day in the same city. + +## Semantic Ghettoes Coexist + +Within one semantic ghetto — one conception universe — reasonable discourse is possible. Supposed agreement can be questioned, and one’s opponents can make their points. But what happens between two semantic ghettoes? Between distinct semantic ghettoes, only diplomatic notes can be exchanged, or shouts can clash. Finally, narcissistic coexistence of two sick units can be imagined. Let us study how men can be trained so that in their hearts the words from two ghettoes can meet. + +Peru, for example, is an infinite distance from the ghetto of meaning which is a U.S. university. The latter is a strange ghetto and utterly removed from that of Peru. It is a ghetto where the problem of "unbalanced diet" and "death from over-nutrition" has been substituted for the world problem of hunger. But in the Andes of Peru, thousands still die of plain hunger. + +The United States is a land so rich that it can consider with some comfort the proposal to tax the rich so as to guarantee an annual $4,000 income to all those who do not produce. Off there, is the rest of the world: the world of those destined, at best, merely to survive. + +With a guaranteed income, we could push Watts beyond our borders and surround the North Atlantic with a "World Harlem". Would this cure the basic sickness of our society? At this moment we are becoming aware of the common roots of slums and underdevelopment. The events of 1966 made public opinion aware that, for reasons much deeper than had been assumed, Harlem and Fifth Avenue cannot mingle. First of all, words in the two ghettoes _cannot_ mean the same things. Now we learn to see further implications: _gradualness_ of change just cannot be experienced the same way in the first year of settlement in a neo-colony as it can in the twentieth year of a bull market in megapolis. And yet we must relate them. We cannot afford to coexist, we must live together. The bridge of words is not sufficient if it is not paralleled by a bridge of feeling. + +It takes time to acquire empathy with the growing pains of a foreign society, to train oneself to academic contemplation as opposed to operation research, to commit oneself to real observation which does not exclude the heart. Such growth is difficult because it takes much time and peace for the student, and because it is frowned upon as innocent dreaming by most people. The high concentration on operation-oriented research in foreign relations is certainly not a result of the CIA, but it is a sad indicator of the decline of institutional commitment to deep insight in our universities. Our task should be assistance to men preparing themselves for disinterested awareness across cultural lines, service to men seeking to become capable of non-condescending respect for the alternatives actually open to growing societies. + +## Contrasting Views of Violence + +Violence, or the social expression of nonrational aggression, has a different meaning for the holdup man, the cashier in the bank, and the bystander. What does gradualness or violence mean for different men in Bogota? For Camilo Torres, violence is one thing. For the clergy of Bogota, it is another. And finally, violence means something else again for a planner in the Colombian Ministry of Education. Camilo believes himself an educator and tries to teach that gradual improvement, even if it were possible under the present structure, could not bring any meaningful change. The Cardinal of Bogota believes that he is charged with, and is a guardian of, peace. Of course, the Cardinal believes in change — as long as it fits into the established order. (For the man in power, violent protest cannot mean "education".) The third man, the bureaucrat who is trying to multiply little red schoolhouses, feels threatened by the clash of the first two men, because it calls his attention to something which does not fit into his professional schemes. He thinks to himself: "Could it be that Camilo’s type of adult education — adult education through testimony — must come first? Must it come before our kind of schooling in little red schoolhouses can be of any value at all?" Must perhaps Camilo precede the bureaucrat and the multiplication of little red schoolhouses? + +It makes little sense to build schools in Latin America before we have really begun to engage in adult education. And this, I believe, we cannot do without uncorking violence. + +Let me illustrate what I mean. It was in a shed in Aracaju, in Northeast Brazil, December 1964. Twenty men were assembled around a slide projector. A picture of a man with a pick and a pile of stones was projected onto a sheet of brown paper. With it were four syllables: _"ter-ra"_, _"ho-mem"_. Then, another word was added: _"nossa"_. "Land", "man", and finally, "ours". The men around the projector had the skin of hunger, the ashen quality almost unknown in the United States. They were undernourished by custom and heredity, unable to know what a healthy appetite means. You could sense their lacks which had not yet developed into needs. You could see how unaware they were of crying injustice. These laborers were learning to recognize some written words — words which they themselves had picked as the most meaningful to them that year in that village: terra, homem. Suddenly one man got up. Trembling, he stammered: "Last night I could not sleep, because yesterday I wrote my name. I saw my name written on paper. _Entendi que eu sou eu_ — I understood that I am I." Surely, this is anguish — the anguish of birth. There is nothing gradual about that awakening. He said, _"Eu sou eu, e por isso somos responsdveis"_ (I am I, and therefore, we are responsible). + +Certainly, this is what we want to happen in development, and I hope that we want it to happen at all cost. The cost of such awakening is high. Awakening of this kind does not fit men into the slots available. Education of this kind is more than instruction. It is silly to propose some training for gradual change to people who have seen such dramatic instances of awakening awareness. + +The above case occurred in 1964. The first thing the Brazilian military government did in 1965 was to suppress this type of education, or at least to control it. No government at present can afford indiscriminate and free _concientizagao para a politizacao_ (mobilization of consciousness for political purposes). Not Cuba. Not Accién Popular in Peru. + +Even in the United States, discussions about the nonpermissible forms of slum education within the poverty program during the past year have made us humbler. The poverty program has opened the eyes of politicians to the ambiguities that Latin American politicos face in grass-roots movements. It is easier now to speak about this delicate subject in the United States. + +## Social Structures or Creativity? + +No government wants to educate, unless it is moderately certain that its system will be accepted by those educated. We all prefer to trust our social structures rather than bubbling creativity. + +In Latin America, relatively small capital investment would be needed to create widespread expansion of truly adult education: education which transforms unconscious lack into conscious needs; education which mobilizes creative imagination, At present we may advocate such education but we cannot obtain the funds for it. We are faced with a continental political commitment to gradual change. We are faced with paternal governments who want to prepare the structures before people become aware that they need them. Within the context of gradual change, the type of education I described cannot but be called "subversion". Within the political context to which our nations are subject, you may not awaken creative needs you cannot satisfy. + +If gradualness in change, at all cost, is the main criterion for development, then the very first thing a government must do is this: impose strict controls on adult education. You may put any amount into little red schoolhouses, into trade schools and universities. _Socialization_ through schooling will be called a most significant and productive investment. But beware of truly adult education! Beware of the power you unleash! Commitment to gradualness, at least in education, means a lack of confidence in our generation of living men. Gradualness, at least in education, means the decision of those in power today to make their children feel as our system requires them to. + +Perhaps this provides a first reason why today it is difficult in Latin America to understand U.S. public concern for "gradualness" in change. The inhabitants of U.S. slums, perhaps, find gradualness just as hard to swallow. + +## Uncle Sam and Social Change + +Another peculiar phenomenon makes it difficult to discuss change in Latin America without emotion: namely, continued implication of the United States when change is discussed. At the Center of Intercultural Documentation in Cuernavaca, we have under study some twenty public controversies which took place in Latin America in the last few years. They were chosen at random. On each controversy we collected hundreds of editorials and analyzed their "ideological" content. We set out to understand what arguments are used, what symbols manipulated, what feelings triggered, when people take sides on public issues. We wanted to see how people explain their options, how they justify their preferences, and how they extrapolate the consequences of decisions they hope, or they fear, will be taken. Now we have found that whenever structural change is the issue of a controversy, "Tio Sam" is always dragged in. It matters not whether the subject is Petrobras, a new university, educational reform, a new press law, or a violent death. This is a fact. I do not intend to explain it. I simply indicate this insistent reference to the United States as one factor which complicates any study of change in Latin America. All reference to change, to its speed or its meaning today in Latin America, implies a statement on foreign policy. This reference to the United States is, of course, ever present when one discusses Latin American events in English. Recently, it has assumed a new dimension, because the U.S. intellectual community is discovering the parallels between hurdles the poverty program meets and those implicit in foreign assistance. Both are upsetting. + +## Underdevelopment and the Poverty Program + +In December 1966 we at Cuernavaca had a striking example of the deep meaning this parallel has for North Americans today. Some sixty people involved in poverty programs in U.S. slums met for consultation at our Center. The theme was an analysis of poverty as alienation and experience. We asked the participants to formulate the true aims of their programs. Our staff studied the sixty responses. They compared the attitudes the poverty workers held toward the poor, with the clichés well known from foreign assistance programs of AID, CARE, mission societies. They found many coincidences. and Poverty workers, just like missioners, seemed obsessed with the desire to "share" their blessings. The desire to incorporate the slum poor into an "achieving society" parallels the U.S. manifest destiny to extend the benefits of the "great society" beyond its borders. + +"Expand and protect the great society" seems to be the almost religious banner which gives respectability to any decision made in the United States affecting investments, services (many of them gratuitous and social), establishments (not a few, paramilitary), and sales in Latin America. A decision-making process affecting Latin America which is dispersed through thousands of centers in the United States is given some kind of rationale by means of this consenting rationalization. For many observers in Latin America, the U.S. desire to share the "great society" lingers behind any discussion of change. Expansion and/or defense of the "great society" lies behind any discussion on the proper speed of social change in Latin America. The almost compulsive repetition that change in Latin America must happen "gradually though rapidly" is interpreted in Latin America as a fear of any form of development that might lead the southern continent out of U.S. hands and outside the U.S. market. + +There cannot be any doubt that the gradual, orderly, and controlled increase of the gross national product is a major criterion for policy. How primary this criterion is, I do not want to say. Many critics, from Francois Peroux to Eduardo Frei, insist that this particular measuring stick is given too much importance. + +Making the growth rate of per capita income the most signifcant indicator for growth can lead to a planned division of our societies into two sectors. In one sector you find the growing minority whose income increases at a rate superior to the gross national product. But the majority are aggregated in the other sector. And they are on the way to relative impoverishment, even though their purchasing power — in absolute terms — might increase. + +Politicians argue that this arrangement insures stability. Indeed it does insure the established system. All those who "fit" and grow into the new society are also favored by it and are, therefore, purchased for its maintenance: they can only lose by revolution. + +Perhaps this argument puts the cart before the horse: it measures social goals in terms of a method chosen a priori. The argument is also indicative of an emotional attitude which must be taken seriously. And today, this is our task: to elicit respect for emotions — even if they do not fit our scheme. + +## Gradualism Reinterpreted + +All over Latin America one can now hear a new type of interpretation of U.S. concern for gradualism. It is an attitude more difficult to put into a few words without repeating expressions which smack of demagoguery. This interpretation focuses on the increase of U.S. federal agencies — especially dependencies of the Department of Defense — in Latin America. The question raised by this increasing apparatus is whether, consciously or unconsciously, the United States is preparing the groundwork for a "Viet Lat". The impression given is that a continent-wide system of counter-insurgency is growing. The inter-American police force to control guerrillas is seen in the same perspective as that in which the increase of state police is seen by the southern Negro. Those people in South America who use this argument see orderly and gradual change as a strategic attempt designed to gain time to establish an airtight network of repression. + +In this war-focused context, resistance to U.S.-induced development is advocated as an improved alternative to the preparation for war in the seventies. The argument runs along the following lines: it would be a better thing to prevent lethal establishments of U.S. para-military agencies than to have to abort them later; but given that it is too late now for that kind of contraception, it is better that violence abort any further development of them than to collaborate in the incubation of the "demons of Viet Lat". + +These feelings might shock, they might stem from bad dreams, but they are real. And they are now beginning to be understood in the United States. I attended a recent meeting of a group of graduate students and professors at an Ivy League college — serious men who have organized to systematically document U.S. activities in Latin America. It is their particular aim to ferret out blatant abuses of confidence, to unmask the establishments which pretend to serve development but in reality are instruments to draw Latin America into a global military strategy corresponding to somebody’s view of the U.S. national interest. I was deeply touched when I saw that these men seemed willing to organize a USS. citizens’ group for nonviolent protest to U.S. exploitation in Latin America. The ghost of "Viet Lat" is uglier, but nowhere less real, than the equally ghostly Alliance for Progress. + +## Qualitative Changes in Life Experience + +We have had to go into some detail to establish how touchy it is, given the screens of a semantic ghetto, to discuss the desirable speed of change. I repeat: If we were interested only in plotting and planning economic rates, abstracting from human experience, all this effort could be foregone. But we believe that qualitative changes in life experience are much more important for development than economic indicators and cement. Let me illustrate one scheme which we can follow to analyze this experience. It is a scheme which the members of our continuing faculty seminar in Cuernavaca have adopted, and we are indebted for its development to men like Fromm, Maccoby, Erikson, Helio la Suaribe, and many others. We have set out to understand social change as an interrelated transformation of (1) institutional structure, (2) formulated values or ideologies, and (3) social character. Our principal concern is that of understanding how the human heart reacts to this three-pronged change. + +We try to focus on institutional structure and ask: By what law or assumptions or persuasions are these held in place? By what appeals to abstract value systems can the Mexican revolution promote private schools for the rich or the Brazilian revolution its new press laws? + +But we will not be content to analyze this relationship between structure and rationale, we will not just seek to understand what persuasion a given functional mechanism exudes. We will try to understand what personality characteristics it favors. With concern we will watch the survival and renewal of that authentic mass outbreak of joy which is the carnival in Rio. Finally, we want to know something about the relationship between character and ideology. What kind of personality finds most strength and support and consolation in a given type of faith? Who are those drawn to the Macumba, to the sects, to the guerrillas, or to achievement in well-organized business? Who are those people in Chile who can — and want to — recognize themselves in the ads in LIFE _en Español_? Who can be motivated by the picture of a portly middle-aged executive from Minnesota to change his way of life by foregoing immediate gratification to save for later, more conspicuous consumption? + +## Violence, A Response to Experience + +This is an ambitious program, we admit. We want to try the impossible in order to come closer to grasping the mysterious workings of drastic social change. Of course, if we engage in this type of analysis, gradualness and violence assume a new meaning. Violence is not the measure of the speed with which one of these three variables changes. Violence is not a measure of structural reorganization. It is not a measure of change in persuasion. And it is not the measure of a new social type. Violence is rather a response of experience, of feeling, to the tensions created among these three. + +It would be fascinating for me to heap example upon example. But for the time being, we want only to understand the impact which the U.S. presence in Latin America has on the quality of change there. I only want to indicate a model for analysis which may make the mode of U.S. impact on Latin American change a bit more amenable to discussion. Let me exemplify, separately, the impact of U.S. technical assistance on each of the three factors mentioned: institution, persuasion, personality. In other words: structure, ideology, and character; mechanisms, conceptual systems, and the character of those who fit them. Allow me to play with oversimplification and caricature to make my point and elicit needed discussion. + +## U.S. College Board Exams for Latin America + +First, an example: an attempt is now being made to persuade Latin American universities to adopt the U.S. College Board Entrance Examinations. Considerable amounts of U.S. money have been spent on their development, particularly in Puerto Rico, and they are now available in Spanish. These tests are generally, though perhaps grudgingly, accepted in Puerto Rico. At first sight, their export — free of charge, since a foundation picks up the tab — may be seen as the simple concession of a benefit of our college machinery to others who are in need of it. Looking more carefully, we see that their adoption in other countries will ultimately have an important impact on those universities which do accept this testing tool. The acceptance of an admission test alters the social function of a university system. To be more explicit: This test is a filter designed to eliminate from further study those whose character or ability does not favor their academic achievement in a U.S. university. Those screened out are not considered proper material for U.S. higher education, because achievement at a university is interpreted as a forecast of achievement or leadership in later life. But leadership or achievement _where_? Success as it is defined and made necessary by an achievement-oriented society as we now know it in the United States. The adoption of this test, therefore, represents a decisive, profound, and covert long-range manipulation of the quality of life in a whole country. The adoption of the U.S. College Board examinations by a Latin American university contributes to making that university a far more important tool for the expansion of the basic mood of the "great society" than any direct changes in curriculum schedule, teaching method, or faculty training. The transfer of a small device from one culture to another can ultimately affect the face of a whole society: with the adoption of this device one type of character is preferred over others, and what is perhaps more significant, a certain type of self-image, copied from that of the United States, is subtly made into the standard of success in Sao Paulo. + +To elaborate further — not on a fact, but on a certain danger. The U.S. college entrance exam is one small but effective contribution to the development of an overseas "white America" (to use the U.S. jargon of 1966). _Gradually_ and _without violence_ those who fit and aspire to a new societal pattern proposed to them from the outside are selected to manage it. The protests from Harlem are now getting a hearing. It is time to attune our ears to the same protest reaching us in foreign idioms. + +## Implications of Exporting Ideas + +Discussion in depth is needed on this question: May we export the _motivational structure_ which corresponds to our _cherished_ persuasions (in other words, to the American way of life) if this implies also the reverse — the export of Watts and Harlem and Selma on a gigantic scale? This question, if properly understood, is so disturbing and discouraging to me that I formulate it with fear — particularly the fear that it be understood as an expression of despair, while in truth it is meant as an enormous challenge. We must not be lazy. Thomas Aquinas says that laziness is the worst of sins: the deadly inactivity of a man who has given up living because he has become aware of how hard it is to live. + +The highly ambiguous assistance of the United States in Latin America represents an inevitable involvement. The involvement is inevitable because it meets the objective demands of international political and economic fact, and because it satisfies deeprooted needs which stem from the prevalent U.S. self-image: the US. tenet of "secular religion" (to speak with Bellah) that every American at any moment can, must, and may share the blessings of his country with those less fortunate than he. The radical’s demand that the United States "drop out of international relations because it cannot but do damage" is on the opposite pole from the new isolationist’s aggressiveness; but both attitudes are marginal and but a frame which highlights the commitment of the majority here to the utopia of a worldwide "great society". + +Concern with the world beyond national borders is a deeprooted part of U.S. ethics. There is no other country in which the ethos of international help has marked with equal depth the basic creed of a nation. There is no other people which could produce as a trademark — alongside Uncle Sam and the big stick — the image of the Quaker missioner. There has never been another government which has set up the like of its worldspanning institutional network for assistance: social, economic, military, and religious. + +The U.S. enveloping involvement in Latin America, therefore, is both socio-politically and psychologically inevitable. Discussion of this involvement has afforded me the opportunity to demonstrate the difficulties which threaten misunderstanding of the relationship, as well as to point to the challenge that these same difficulties present — the striving toward an understanding that will lead us to greater human depths. + +The obstacle on which I have focused is operational and concerns those in the United States who want to deal with Latin America. This obstacle is the tendency to underestimate how difficult it is even for the highly educated North American to reach a deep, a realistic, a humble awareness of the ambiguity implicit in his participation in the development process outside the "great society". This difficulty will increase for every North American in Latin America. The ability to let himself be adopted into the feeling of authentically rooted Latin American groups or crowds is not acquired in libraries. Neither is it achieved simply by participating in action programs. This ability is rather a measure of the personal maturity and the personal commitment of the individual North American to utter simplicity and openness of heart — two phrases not too current in our academic circles. Therefore, this ability is restricted to exceptional men and women, and will remain so. It should be our stated task to seek them out and to encourage them to commit themselves generously and without reserve to voluntary immigration into Latin America. + +After the obstacle, I focused on a value — a value which I consider the critical element in development, the element which will decide if economic growth and technological abundance will meet real needs or only create new awareness of deficiencies. This element, this value — if present — will condition human freedom. Its absence will result in deadly coexistence of men and groups without a future. Drastic change, as we have seen, can leave in its wake either violently bewildered wrecks or men who experience new dimensions of personal freedom and creativity bursting open. Will drastic change rest in men who experience their awareness and feelings, or will it make men less poets, make men into just more effective and productive manpower? + +The ability to experience change seems to be the decisive indicator of the value of change. Change which cannot be lived is deadly. Change which diminishes the ability of a man to feel related and a participant cannot be going in the right direction. + +At a recent course in our Center in Cuernavaca, a participant (a cattle breeder bent for the altiplano) told me: "I get it! You don’t grow people. If they are men, they each grow. And each better know that he himself is responsible for this growth. You don’t develop people and societies. They do." + +The ultimate criterion for the planner of social change cannot be the mode of its production or the technical structure to which it leads, but rather the quality of leisure, of creativity, of celebration it makes possible. diff --git a/contents/article/1972-gradual_change_or_violent_revolution_in_latin_america/index b/contents/article/1972-gradual_change_or_violent_revolution_in_latin_america/index new file mode 100644 index 0000000..15447f8 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1972-gradual_change_or_violent_revolution_in_latin_america/index @@ -0,0 +1,7 @@ +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Gradual Change or Violent Revolution in Latin America?_ +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** *YEAR* +* **#@LANG_versions@#:** + * "Latin America: The dynamics of social change", Stefan A. Halper & John R. Sterling (editors). St Martin Press, New York. 1972 +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** diff --git a/contents/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/en.bib b/contents/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/en.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..9cfac56 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/en.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {The Message of Bapu’s Hut}, + year = {1978}, + date = {1978}, + origdate = {1978}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-21} +} diff --git a/contents/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/en.md b/contents/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/en.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..21480ee --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/en.md @@ -0,0 +1,31 @@ +--- + title: "The Message of Bapu’s Hut" + author: "Ivan Illich" + date: "1978" + lang: "en" + documentclass: article + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue +--- + +This morning, while I was sitting in this hut where Mahatma Gandhi lived, I was trying to absorb the spirit of its concept and imbibe in me its message. There are two things about the hut which have impressed me greatly. One is its spiritual aspect and the other is the aspect of its amenities. I was trying to understand Gandhi’s point of view in regard to making the hut. I very much liked its simplicity, beauty and neatness. The hut proclaims the principle of love and equality with everybody. Since the house which has been provided for me in Mexico is in many ways like this hut, I could understand its spirit. Here I found that the hut has seven kinds of place. As you enter, there is a place where you put down your shoes and prepare yourself physically and mentally to go into the hut. Then comes the central room which is big enough to accommodate a large family. Today, at four in the morning, when I was sitting there for prayer, four people sat along with me, by supporting themselves on one wall, and on the other side there was also enough room for as many people again, if they sat close together. This room is where everybody can go and join others. The third space is where Gandhi himself sat and worked. There are two more rooms — one for the guests and the other for the sick. There is an open verandah and also a commodious bathroom. All of these places have a very organic relationship. + +I feel that if rich people come to this hut, they might be making fun of it. But from the point of view of a simple Indian, I do not see why there should be a house bigger than this. This house is made of wood and mud. In its making, it is not the machine, but the hands of man which have worked. I call it a hut, but it is really a home. There is a difference between a house and a home. A house is where man keeps his luggage and furniture. It is meant more for the security and convenience of the furniture than of the man himself. In Delhi, where I had been put up, is a house where there are many conveniences. The building is constructed from the point of view of these conveniences. It is made of cement and bricks and is like a box where the furniture and other conveniences can fit in well. + +We must understand that all furniture and other articles that we go on collecting in our lives will never give us inner strength. These are, so to say, the crutches of a cripple. The more of such conveniences we have, the more our dependence on them increases and our life gets restricted. On the contrary, the kind of furniture I find in Gandhi’s hut is of a different order, and there is very little cause for being dependent on it. A house fitted with all kinds of conveniences shows that we have become weak. The more we lose the power to live, the greater we depend upon the goods we acquire. It is like our depending upon hospitals for the health of people and upon schools for the education of our children. Unfortunately, both hospitals and schools are not an index of the health or the intelligence of a nation. Actually, the number of hospitals is indicative of the ill health of people and schools of their ignorance. Similarly, the multiplicity of facilities in living minimizes the expression of creativity in human life. + +Unfortunately, the paradox of the situation is that those who have more such conveniences are regarded as superior. Is it not an immoral society where illness is accorded high status and ignorance more consideration? While sitting in Gandhi’s hut I was grieved to ponder over this perversity. I have come to the conclusion that it is wrong to think of industrial civilization as a road leading toward the development of man. It has been proved that for our economic development, greater and bigger machines of production and larger and larger numbers of engineers, doctors and professors are literally supernumery. + +Those who would want to have a place bigger than this hut where Gandhi lived are poor in mind, body and life style. I pity them. They have surrendered themselves and their animate selves to an inanimate structure. In the process they have lost the elasticity of their body and the vitality of their life. They have little relationship with nature and closeness with their fellowmen. + +When I ask the planners of the day why they do not understand the simple approach Gandhi taught us, they say that Gandhi’s way is very difficult, and that people will not be able to follow it. But the reality of the situation is that since Gandhi’s principles do not tolerate the presence of any middleman or that of a centralized system, the planners and managers and politicians feel left out. How is it that such a simple principle of truth and non-violence is not being understood? Is it because people feel that untruth and violence will take them to the desired objective? No. This is not so. The common man fully understands that right means will take him to the right end. It is only the people who have some vested interest who refuse to understand it. The rich do not want to understand. By ‘rich’ I mean those who have conveniences of life which are not available to everybody in common. There are the ‘rich’ in living, eating, and getting about; and their modes of consumption are such that they have been blinded to truth. It is to the blind that Gandhi becomes a difficult proposition to understand and assimilate. They are the ones to whom simplicity does not make any sense. Their circumstances unfortunately do not allow them to see the truth. Their lives have become too complicated to enable them to get out of the trap they are in. Fortunately, for the largest number of people, there is neither so much of wealth that they become immune to the truth of simplicity, nor are they in such penury that they lack the capacity to understand. Even if the rich see the truth they refuse to abide by it. It is because they have lost contact with the soul of this country. + +It should be very clear that the dignity of man is possible only in a self-sufficient society and that it suffers as one moves toward progressive industrialization. This hut connotes the pleasures that are possible through being at par with society. Here, self-sufficiency is the keynote. We must understand that the unnecessary articles and goods which a man possesses reduce his power to imbibe happiness from the surroundings. Therefore, Gandhi repeatedly said that productivity should be kept within the limits of wants. Today’s mode of production is such that it finds no limit and goes on increasing, uninhibited. All these we have been tolerating so far, but the time has come when man must understand that by depending more and more on machines he is moving toward his own destruction. + +The civilized world, whether it is China or America, has begun to understand that if we want to progress, this is not the way. Man should realize that for the good of the individual as well as of society, it is best that people keep for themselves only as much as is sufficient for their immediate needs. We have to find a method by which this thinking finds expression in changing the values of today’s world. This change cannot be brought about by the pressure of governments or through centralized institutions. A climate of public opinion has to be created to make people understand that which constitutes the basic society. Today the man with a motor car thinks himself superior to the man with a bicycle, though when we look at it from the point of view of the common norm, it is the bicycle which is the vehicle of the masses. The cycle, therefore, must be given the prime importance and all the planning in roads and transport should be done on the basis of the bicycle, whereas the motor car should get secondary place. + +The situation, however, is the reverse and all plans are made for the benefit of the motor car giving second place to the bicycle. Common man’s requirements are thus disregarded in comparison with those of the higher-ups. This hut of Gandhi’s demonstrates to the world how the dignity of the common man can be brought up. It is also a symbol of the happiness that we can derive from practising the principles of simplicity, service and truthfulness. I hope that in the conference that you are going to hold on Techniques for the Third World Poor, you will try to keep this message before you. diff --git a/contents/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/en.notes b/contents/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/en.notes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..7017d12 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/en.notes @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +* Inaugural Speech Sevagram Ashram Pratishthan Sevagram, Wardha. January 1978 +* Included in the book "In the Mirror of the Past" (1992) diff --git a/contents/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/en.txt b/contents/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/en.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..f647ce0 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/en.txt @@ -0,0 +1,19 @@ +# The Message of Bapu’s Hut + +This morning, while I was sitting in this hut where Mahatma Gandhi lived, I was trying to absorb the spirit of its concept and imbibe in me its message. There are two things about the hut which have impressed me greatly. One is its spiritual aspect and the other is the aspect of its amenities. I was trying to understand Gandhi’s point of view in regard to making the hut. I very much liked its simplicity, beauty and neatness. The hut proclaims the principle of love and equality with everybody. Since the house which has been provided for me in Mexico is in many ways like this hut, I could understand its spirit. Here I found that the hut has seven kinds of place. As you enter, there is a place where you put down your shoes and prepare yourself physically and mentally to go into the hut. Then comes the central room which is big enough to accommodate a large family. Today, at four in the morning, when I was sitting there for prayer, four people sat along with me, by supporting themselves on one wall, and on the other side there was also enough room for as many people again, if they sat close together. This room is where everybody can go and join others. The third space is where Gandhi himself sat and worked. There are two more rooms — one for the guests and the other for the sick. There is an open verandah and also a commodious bathroom. All of these places have a very organic relationship. + +I feel that if rich people come to this hut, they might be making fun of it. But from the point of view of a simple Indian, I do not see why there should be a house bigger than this. This house is made of wood and mud. In its making, it is not the machine, but the hands of man which have worked. I call it a hut, but it is really a home. There is a difference between a house and a home. A house is where man keeps his luggage and furniture. It is meant more for the security and convenience of the furniture than of the man himself. In Delhi, where I had been put up, is a house where there are many conveniences. The building is constructed from the point of view of these conveniences. It is made of cement and bricks and is like a box where the furniture and other conveniences can fit in well. + +We must understand that all furniture and other articles that we go on collecting in our lives will never give us inner strength. These are, so to say, the crutches of a cripple. The more of such conveniences we have, the more our dependence on them increases and our life gets restricted. On the contrary, the kind of furniture I find in Gandhi’s hut is of a different order, and there is very little cause for being dependent on it. A house fitted with all kinds of conveniences shows that we have become weak. The more we lose the power to live, the greater we depend upon the goods we acquire. It is like our depending upon hospitals for the health of people and upon schools for the education of our children. Unfortunately, both hospitals and schools are not an index of the health or the intelligence of a nation. Actually, the number of hospitals is indicative of the ill health of people and schools of their ignorance. Similarly, the multiplicity of facilities in living minimizes the expression of creativity in human life. + +Unfortunately, the paradox of the situation is that those who have more such conveniences are regarded as superior. Is it not an immoral society where illness is accorded high status and ignorance more consideration? While sitting in Gandhi’s hut I was grieved to ponder over this perversity. I have come to the conclusion that it is wrong to think of industrial civilization as a road leading toward the development of man. It has been proved that for our economic development, greater and bigger machines of production and larger and larger numbers of engineers, doctors and professors are literally supernumery. + +Those who would want to have a place bigger than this hut where Gandhi lived are poor in mind, body and life style. I pity them. They have surrendered themselves and their animate selves to an inanimate structure. In the process they have lost the elasticity of their body and the vitality of their life. They have little relationship with nature and closeness with their fellowmen. + +When I ask the planners of the day why they do not understand the simple approach Gandhi taught us, they say that Gandhi’s way is very difficult, and that people will not be able to follow it. But the reality of the situation is that since Gandhi’s principles do not tolerate the presence of any middleman or that of a centralized system, the planners and managers and politicians feel left out. How is it that such a simple principle of truth and non-violence is not being understood? Is it because people feel that untruth and violence will take them to the desired objective? No. This is not so. The common man fully understands that right means will take him to the right end. It is only the people who have some vested interest who refuse to understand it. The rich do not want to understand. By ‘rich’ I mean those who have conveniences of life which are not available to everybody in common. There are the ‘rich’ in living, eating, and getting about; and their modes of consumption are such that they have been blinded to truth. It is to the blind that Gandhi becomes a difficult proposition to understand and assimilate. They are the ones to whom simplicity does not make any sense. Their circumstances unfortunately do not allow them to see the truth. Their lives have become too complicated to enable them to get out of the trap they are in. Fortunately, for the largest number of people, there is neither so much of wealth that they become immune to the truth of simplicity, nor are they in such penury that they lack the capacity to understand. Even if the rich see the truth they refuse to abide by it. It is because they have lost contact with the soul of this country. + +It should be very clear that the dignity of man is possible only in a self-sufficient society and that it suffers as one moves toward progressive industrialization. This hut connotes the pleasures that are possible through being at par with society. Here, self-sufficiency is the keynote. We must understand that the unnecessary articles and goods which a man possesses reduce his power to imbibe happiness from the surroundings. Therefore, Gandhi repeatedly said that productivity should be kept within the limits of wants. Today’s mode of production is such that it finds no limit and goes on increasing, uninhibited. All these we have been tolerating so far, but the time has come when man must understand that by depending more and more on machines he is moving toward his own destruction. + +The civilized world, whether it is China or America, has begun to understand that if we want to progress, this is not the way. Man should realize that for the good of the individual as well as of society, it is best that people keep for themselves only as much as is sufficient for their immediate needs. We have to find a method by which this thinking finds expression in changing the values of today’s world. This change cannot be brought about by the pressure of governments or through centralized institutions. A climate of public opinion has to be created to make people understand that which constitutes the basic society. Today the man with a motor car thinks himself superior to the man with a bicycle, though when we look at it from the point of view of the common norm, it is the bicycle which is the vehicle of the masses. The cycle, therefore, must be given the prime importance and all the planning in roads and transport should be done on the basis of the bicycle, whereas the motor car should get secondary place. + +The situation, however, is the reverse and all plans are made for the benefit of the motor car giving second place to the bicycle. Common man’s requirements are thus disregarded in comparison with those of the higher-ups. This hut of Gandhi’s demonstrates to the world how the dignity of the common man can be brought up. It is also a symbol of the happiness that we can derive from practising the principles of simplicity, service and truthfulness. I hope that in the conference that you are going to hold on Techniques for the Third World Poor, you will try to keep this message before you. diff --git a/contents/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/es.bib b/contents/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/es.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..5ef9ce0 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/es.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut-es, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {El mensaje de la choza de Gandhi}, + year = {1978}, + date = {1978}, + origdate = {1978}, + language = {es}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-21} +} diff --git a/contents/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/es.md b/contents/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/es.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..2032832 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/es.md @@ -0,0 +1,39 @@ +--- + title: "El mensaje de la choza de Gandhi" + author: "Ivan Illich" + date: "1978" + lang: "es" + documentclass: article + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue +--- + +Esta mañana, al estar en la choza donde vivió Mahatma Gandhi, traté de absorber el espíritu que presidió su concepción y empaparme de su mensaje. Hay dos cosas de este lugar que me impresionaron profundamente. Una es de orden espiritual y otra la que se refiere a sus enseres[^nota1]. Trataba de comprender el punto de vista de Gandhi cuando hizo la choza. Me gustaron muchísimo su sencillez, belleza y orden. La choza proclama el mensaje de amor e igualdad entre todos los seres. Como la casa en la que vivo en México se asemeja en muchas formas a esta choza, pude comprender su espíritu. Encontré que la choza tiene siete tipos de lugares. Al entrar hay uno en el que se colocan los zapatos y se prepara uno, física y mentalmente, para entrar en ella. Luego viene el cuarto central que es lo suficientemente amplio para alojar a una familia numerosa. Hoy, a las 4 de la mañana, mientras rezaba, había cuatro personas sentadas a mi lado, recargadas en una pared y, del otro lado, había suficiente espacio para otras cinco sentadas muy juntas. Éste es el cuarto al que todos pueden acudir para reunirse con los demás. El tercer espacio es donde Gandhi estaba y trabajaba. Hay otros dos cuartos, uno para visitas y el otro para enfermos. Hay una veranda abierta y también un espacioso baño. Todos estos espacios tienen entre ellos una relación intensamente orgánica. + +Siento que, si viniera gente rica a la choza, se burlaría de ella. Cuando veo las cosas desde el punto de vista de un indio común, no veo por qué una casa debería ser más grande que ésta. Está hecha de madera y de adobe. En su construcción no fue la máquina la que trabajó, sino las manos del hombre. La llamo “choza”, pero en realidad es un hogar. Hay una diferencia entre casa y hogar. La casa es donde un hombre guarda equipajes y mobiliarios. Se concibe para la seguridad y la conveniencia de los muebles más que para las del hombre mismo. En Delhi la casa donde me alojé tiene lo que se llama comodidad. El edificio está construido desde el punto de vista de lo que se requiere para alojar esos objetos cómodos. Está hecho de cemento y ladrillo y es como una caja en donde caben bien muebles y otros mobiliarios. + +Debemos entender que todos lo muebles y demás artículos que colectamos a lo largo de nuestras vidas nunca nos darán una fortaleza interior. Son, por decirlo así, como muletas. Mientras más objetos cómodos tengamos, mayor será nuestra dependencia de ellos y más restringida será nuestra vida. Por el contrario, el tipo de mobiliario que encontré en la choza de Gandhi es de un orden distinto y hay pocas razones para depender de ellos. Una casa instalada con todo tipo de objetos muestra que nuestro vigor nos abandona. En la medida en que perdemos la capacidad de vivir, dependemos más de los bienes que adquirimos. De la misma forma dependemos de los hospitales para conservar nuestra salud y de las escuelas para la educación de nuestros hijos. Desafortunadamente, tanto los hospitales como las escuelas no son un índice para medir el grado de salud ni la inteligencia de una nación. De hecho, el número de hospitales indica la mala salud de la gente y las escuelas hablan de su ignorancia. En forma similar, la multiplicidad de instalaciones de servicio para vivir reduce al mínimo la expresión de la creatividad de la vida del hombre. + +La triste paradoja de esta situación es que a los que tienen más comodidades se les considera como superiores. ¿No es inmoral la sociedad en la que la enfermedad tiene un estatuto eminente y donde se tiene en alto aprecio la ignorancia? Al estar en la choza de Gandhi sentí tristeza al ponderar esta perversión. He llegado a la conclusión de que nos equivocamos al pensar que la civilización industrial es el camino que conduce a la plenitud del hombre. Se ha demostrado que para el desarrollo económico no es necesario tener más y mayores herramientas para la producción ni tampoco más ingenieros, médicos y profesores; literalmente están en demasía. + +Estoy convencido de que son pobres de mente, cuerpo, estilo de vida los seres que desean un espacio más grande que esta choza en la que Gandhi vivió, y siento lástima por ellos. Se rindieron ellos mismos y su yo animado a una estructura inanimada. En el proceso perdieron la elasticidad de su cuerpo y la vitalidad de su existencia. Tienen escasa relación con la naturaleza y escasa cercanía con sus congéneres. + +Al preguntar a los planificadores de hoy por qué no comprenden el sencillo enfoque que nos enseñó Gandhi, dicen que su camino es muy difícil y que la gente no sería capaz de seguirlo. Pero la realidad es que, en virtud de que los principios de Gandhi no admiten la presencia de ningún intermediario o de un sistema centralizado, los planificadores, los gerentes y los políticos se sienten excluidos. ¿Cómo es que no se entiende ese principio tan sencillo de la verdad y de la no violencia? ¿Es porque la gente siente que la no verdad y la violencia los llevará al objetivo deseado? No, no es así. El hombre común comprende plenamente que los medios correctos lo llevarán al fin correcto. Únicamente quienes tienen intereses creados rehúsan comprenderlo. Es el caso de los ricos. Cuando digo “ricos” me refiero a todos los que tienen “artículos domésticos” en su comunidad, que no son accesibles a todos. Esos son “ricos” por su estilo de vida, su alimentación, sus desplazamientos; su modo de consumo es tal que están ciegos ante la verdad. Para estos ciegos, la enseñanza de Gandhi es una cuestión difícil de entender y de asimilar. La sencillez no tiene sentido alguno para ellos. Su condición no les permite ver la verdad. Sus vidas han llegado a ser demasiado complicadas para permitirse salir de la trampa en la que cayeron. Afortunadamente, la gran mayoría de la gente no tiene una situación tal de fortuna que los haga inmunes a la verdad de la sencillez, ni viven en tal penuria que carezcan de la capacidad de entender. Incluso cuando algunos ricos ven la verdad se niegan a plegarse a ella. Es porque perdieron el contacto con el espíritu de ese país. + +Sin embargo, es muy claro que la dignidad del hombre sólo es posible en una sociedad autosuficiente y que sufre ataques cuando se orienta hacia una industrialización progresiva. Esta choza encarna el gozo que es posible cuando se está a la par con la sociedad. Aquí la autosuficiencia es la regla del juego. Debemos captar que los productos de consumo y los bienes superfluos que posee un ser humano reducen su capacidad de sacar gozo de su entorno. Gandhi dijo en repetidas ocasiones que la productividad debe mantenerse en los límites de las necesidades. El modo de producción en la actualidad es tal que no tiene límites, y continúa aumentando sin freno. Todo esto ha sido tolerado hasta ahora, pero ha llegado el momento en que el hombre debe comprender que al depender más y más de las máquinas está avanzando hacia su propia destrucción. + +El mundo civilizado, en China o en México, ha empezado a comprender que, si queremos progresar, debemos actuar de otra manera. Los hombres deben captar que, para su bien personal y de la sociedad, es mejor que la gente conserve para sí sólo lo que es suficiente para sus necesidades inmediatas. Tenemos que encontrar un método en que este pensamiento pueda expresarse cambiando los valores del mundo actual. Este cambio no podrá producirse por los gobiernos o a través de instituciones centralizadas. Tiene que crearse una atmósfera de opinión pública que permita a la gente comprender aquello que constituye la sociedad de base. Hoy, el hombre que tiene un automóvil se considera superior al que tiene una bicicleta, pero cuando vemos esto desde el punto de vista de la norma común, la bicicleta es el vehículo de las masas. Por lo tanto, debe considerarse de primordial importancia que toda la planeación de carreteras y de transporte debiera hacerse con base en la bicicleta, mientras que el automóvil debiera ocupar un lugar secundario. + +No obstante, la situación es exactamente la inversa: todos los planes se hacen para beneficio de los automóviles y relegan a la bicicleta a un segundo plano. En esta forma se ignoran los requerimientos del hombre común en comparación con los de las clases superiores. Esta choza de Gandhi muestra al mundo cómo se puede elevar la dignidad del hombre común. También es un símbolo de la felicidad que nos llega cuando aplicamos los principios de sencillez, disponibilidad y autenticidad. Espero que en la conferencia que tendrán sobre las Técnicas para los pobres del Tercer Mundo ustedes conserven en mente este mensaje. + + +---- + + + +[^nota1]: Iván Illich emplea en este texto la palabra _amenities_ para referirse a lo que encontró dentro de la choza de Gandhi y _conveniences_ para aludir a los objetos que habitualmente se encuentran en las casas. No hay traducción del vocablo _amenities_ en este contexto. Hemos empleado _enseres_ por la resonancia de la palabra: es la realidad en la que el ser se objetiva, es una prolongación y expresión del ser, aunque conocemos que el término también está siendo usado para referirse a los “artículos para el hogar” industrialmente producidos. _Conveniences_ , que se refiere precisamente a ese tipo de objetos, ha sido traducido como “artículos domésticos”, con la idea de que la palabra “artículo” corresponde a un producto industrial y “doméstico” que alude a su uso en la “casa” y que Illich distingue del “hogar”. En la misma línea de pensamiento tradujimos _facilities_ como _instalaciones de servicio_ , para aludir a todas las construcciones que supuestamente “facilitan” la vida. (T.) + diff --git a/contents/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/es.txt b/contents/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/es.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..251adfb --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/es.txt @@ -0,0 +1,26 @@ +# El mensaje de la choza de Gandhi + +Esta mañana, al estar en la choza donde vivió Mahatma Gandhi, traté de absorber el espíritu que presidió su concepción y empaparme de su mensaje. Hay dos cosas de este lugar que me impresionaron profundamente. Una es de orden espiritual y otra la que se refiere a sus enseres[^nota1]. Trataba de comprender el punto de vista de Gandhi cuando hizo la choza. Me gustaron muchísimo su sencillez, belleza y orden. La choza proclama el mensaje de amor e igualdad entre todos los seres. Como la casa en la que vivo en México se asemeja en muchas formas a esta choza, pude comprender su espíritu. Encontré que la choza tiene siete tipos de lugares. Al entrar hay uno en el que se colocan los zapatos y se prepara uno, física y mentalmente, para entrar en ella. Luego viene el cuarto central que es lo suficientemente amplio para alojar a una familia numerosa. Hoy, a las 4 de la mañana, mientras rezaba, había cuatro personas sentadas a mi lado, recargadas en una pared y, del otro lado, había suficiente espacio para otras cinco sentadas muy juntas. Éste es el cuarto al que todos pueden acudir para reunirse con los demás. El tercer espacio es donde Gandhi estaba y trabajaba. Hay otros dos cuartos, uno para visitas y el otro para enfermos. Hay una veranda abierta y también un espacioso baño. Todos estos espacios tienen entre ellos una relación intensamente orgánica. + +Siento que, si viniera gente rica a la choza, se burlaría de ella. Cuando veo las cosas desde el punto de vista de un indio común, no veo por qué una casa debería ser más grande que ésta. Está hecha de madera y de adobe. En su construcción no fue la máquina la que trabajó, sino las manos del hombre. La llamo “choza”, pero en realidad es un hogar. Hay una diferencia entre casa y hogar. La casa es donde un hombre guarda equipajes y mobiliarios. Se concibe para la seguridad y la conveniencia de los muebles más que para las del hombre mismo. En Delhi la casa donde me alojé tiene lo que se llama comodidad. El edificio está construido desde el punto de vista de lo que se requiere para alojar esos objetos cómodos. Está hecho de cemento y ladrillo y es como una caja en donde caben bien muebles y otros mobiliarios. + +Debemos entender que todos lo muebles y demás artículos que colectamos a lo largo de nuestras vidas nunca nos darán una fortaleza interior. Son, por decirlo así, como muletas. Mientras más objetos cómodos tengamos, mayor será nuestra dependencia de ellos y más restringida será nuestra vida. Por el contrario, el tipo de mobiliario que encontré en la choza de Gandhi es de un orden distinto y hay pocas razones para depender de ellos. Una casa instalada con todo tipo de objetos muestra que nuestro vigor nos abandona. En la medida en que perdemos la capacidad de vivir, dependemos más de los bienes que adquirimos. De la misma forma dependemos de los hospitales para conservar nuestra salud y de las escuelas para la educación de nuestros hijos. Desafortunadamente, tanto los hospitales como las escuelas no son un índice para medir el grado de salud ni la inteligencia de una nación. De hecho, el número de hospitales indica la mala salud de la gente y las escuelas hablan de su ignorancia. En forma similar, la multiplicidad de instalaciones de servicio para vivir reduce al mínimo la expresión de la creatividad de la vida del hombre. + +La triste paradoja de esta situación es que a los que tienen más comodidades se les considera como superiores. ¿No es inmoral la sociedad en la que la enfermedad tiene un estatuto eminente y donde se tiene en alto aprecio la ignorancia? Al estar en la choza de Gandhi sentí tristeza al ponderar esta perversión. He llegado a la conclusión de que nos equivocamos al pensar que la civilización industrial es el camino que conduce a la plenitud del hombre. Se ha demostrado que para el desarrollo económico no es necesario tener más y mayores herramientas para la producción ni tampoco más ingenieros, médicos y profesores; literalmente están en demasía. + +Estoy convencido de que son pobres de mente, cuerpo, estilo de vida los seres que desean un espacio más grande que esta choza en la que Gandhi vivió, y siento lástima por ellos. Se rindieron ellos mismos y su yo animado a una estructura inanimada. En el proceso perdieron la elasticidad de su cuerpo y la vitalidad de su existencia. Tienen escasa relación con la naturaleza y escasa cercanía con sus congéneres. + +Al preguntar a los planificadores de hoy por qué no comprenden el sencillo enfoque que nos enseñó Gandhi, dicen que su camino es muy difícil y que la gente no sería capaz de seguirlo. Pero la realidad es que, en virtud de que los principios de Gandhi no admiten la presencia de ningún intermediario o de un sistema centralizado, los planificadores, los gerentes y los políticos se sienten excluidos. ¿Cómo es que no se entiende ese principio tan sencillo de la verdad y de la no violencia? ¿Es porque la gente siente que la no verdad y la violencia los llevará al objetivo deseado? No, no es así. El hombre común comprende plenamente que los medios correctos lo llevarán al fin correcto. Únicamente quienes tienen intereses creados rehúsan comprenderlo. Es el caso de los ricos. Cuando digo “ricos” me refiero a todos los que tienen “artículos domésticos” en su comunidad, que no son accesibles a todos. Esos son “ricos” por su estilo de vida, su alimentación, sus desplazamientos; su modo de consumo es tal que están ciegos ante la verdad. Para estos ciegos, la enseñanza de Gandhi es una cuestión difícil de entender y de asimilar. La sencillez no tiene sentido alguno para ellos. Su condición no les permite ver la verdad. Sus vidas han llegado a ser demasiado complicadas para permitirse salir de la trampa en la que cayeron. Afortunadamente, la gran mayoría de la gente no tiene una situación tal de fortuna que los haga inmunes a la verdad de la sencillez, ni viven en tal penuria que carezcan de la capacidad de entender. Incluso cuando algunos ricos ven la verdad se niegan a plegarse a ella. Es porque perdieron el contacto con el espíritu de ese país. + +Sin embargo, es muy claro que la dignidad del hombre sólo es posible en una sociedad autosuficiente y que sufre ataques cuando se orienta hacia una industrialización progresiva. Esta choza encarna el gozo que es posible cuando se está a la par con la sociedad. Aquí la autosuficiencia es la regla del juego. Debemos captar que los productos de consumo y los bienes superfluos que posee un ser humano reducen su capacidad de sacar gozo de su entorno. Gandhi dijo en repetidas ocasiones que la productividad debe mantenerse en los límites de las necesidades. El modo de producción en la actualidad es tal que no tiene límites, y continúa aumentando sin freno. Todo esto ha sido tolerado hasta ahora, pero ha llegado el momento en que el hombre debe comprender que al depender más y más de las máquinas está avanzando hacia su propia destrucción. + +El mundo civilizado, en China o en México, ha empezado a comprender que, si queremos progresar, debemos actuar de otra manera. Los hombres deben captar que, para su bien personal y de la sociedad, es mejor que la gente conserve para sí sólo lo que es suficiente para sus necesidades inmediatas. Tenemos que encontrar un método en que este pensamiento pueda expresarse cambiando los valores del mundo actual. Este cambio no podrá producirse por los gobiernos o a través de instituciones centralizadas. Tiene que crearse una atmósfera de opinión pública que permita a la gente comprender aquello que constituye la sociedad de base. Hoy, el hombre que tiene un automóvil se considera superior al que tiene una bicicleta, pero cuando vemos esto desde el punto de vista de la norma común, la bicicleta es el vehículo de las masas. Por lo tanto, debe considerarse de primordial importancia que toda la planeación de carreteras y de transporte debiera hacerse con base en la bicicleta, mientras que el automóvil debiera ocupar un lugar secundario. + +No obstante, la situación es exactamente la inversa: todos los planes se hacen para beneficio de los automóviles y relegan a la bicicleta a un segundo plano. En esta forma se ignoran los requerimientos del hombre común en comparación con los de las clases superiores. Esta choza de Gandhi muestra al mundo cómo se puede elevar la dignidad del hombre común. También es un símbolo de la felicidad que nos llega cuando aplicamos los principios de sencillez, disponibilidad y autenticidad. Espero que en la conferencia que tendrán sobre las Técnicas para los pobres del Tercer Mundo ustedes conserven en mente este mensaje. + + +---- + + + +[^nota1:] Iván Illich emplea en este texto la palabra _amenities_ para referirse a lo que encontró dentro de la choza de Gandhi y _conveniences_ para aludir a los objetos que habitualmente se encuentran en las casas. No hay traducción del vocablo _amenities_ en este contexto. Hemos empleado _enseres_ por la resonancia de la palabra: es la realidad en la que el ser se objetiva, es una prolongación y expresión del ser, aunque conocemos que el término también está siendo usado para referirse a los “artículos para el hogar” industrialmente producidos. _Conveniences_ , que se refiere precisamente a ese tipo de objetos, ha sido traducido como “artículos domésticos”, con la idea de que la palabra “artículo” corresponde a un producto industrial y “doméstico” que alude a su uso en la “casa” y que Illich distingue del “hogar”. En la misma línea de pensamiento tradujimos _facilities_ como _instalaciones de servicio_ , para aludir a todas las construcciones que supuestamente “facilitan” la vida. (T.)] diff --git a/contents/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/index b/contents/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/index new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d96f615 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/index @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _The Message of Bapu’s Hut_ +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** *YEAR* +* **#@LANG_versions@#:** +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** diff --git a/contents/article/1986-disvalue/en.bib b/contents/article/1986-disvalue/en.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..77b0c9e --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1986-disvalue/en.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1986-disvalue-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Disvalue}, + year = {1986}, + date = {1986}, + origdate = {1986}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1986-disvalue:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-21} +} diff --git a/contents/article/1986-disvalue/en.md b/contents/article/1986-disvalue/en.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..ec52f92 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1986-disvalue/en.md @@ -0,0 +1,93 @@ +--- + title: "Disvalue" + author: "Ivan Illich" + date: "1986" + lang: "en" + documentclass: article + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue +--- + +# Professor Tamanoy’s Forum + +This first public meeting of the Japanese Entropy Society provides us with an occasion to commemorate Professor Joshiro Tamanoy. Most of us knew him as friends and as pupils. The questions he asked bring together today 600 physicists and biologists, economists and green activists. + +While a Professor of Economics at Tokyo University, he translated Karl Polanyi into Japanese. But in his own teaching and writing he brought a uniquely Japanese flavor to ecological research by relating cultural to physical dimensions. He did so by focusing on the interaction between an epoch’s economic ideology and the corresponding soil-water matrix of social life. He was an active environmental politician and a master teacher. And no one who experienced his friendship will ever forget its delicacy. + +# How to name an evil + +He had few illusions. Courageously he reflected on the causes of modern war, modern ugliness and modern social inequity to the point of facing almost unbearable horror. But no one will forget Tamanoy-sensei’s balance. He never lost his compassion and subtle humor. He introduced me to the world of those who survived with the marks of the Hiroshima bomb, the _hibakusha._ And I think of him as a spiritual _hibakusha._ He lived the ‘examined life’ in the shadow of Hiroshima and Minamata. Under this cloud he forged a terminology to relate historical spaces to physical place. To this purpose he used ‘entropy’ as a _semeion,_ a signal for the impending threat to an exquisitely Japanese perception of locality referred to with terms which seem to have no comparable Western equivalent, like __ _fûdô._ __ And entropy was central to our conversations. In this lecture I want to explore the limits within which the notion of entropy can be usefully applied to social phenomena by comparing it to the notion of waste. I will then propose the notion of ‘disvalue’ in the hope that through it entropy, when used outside of physics and information theory, will be more clearly understood. + +Clausius, a German physicist, first introduced the word. In 1850 he studied the ratio between the heat content and the absolute pressure in a closed system and felt the need for a word to name this function. He was an amateur classicist and picked the Greek word _entropy_ in 1865. Since then it is used for the algorithm that describes a previously unrecognized phenomenon. By choosing _this_ word, Clausius did us a favor. _Entrópeo_ __ in classical Greek means to turn, to twist, to pervert or to humiliate. More than a century after its introduction in physics, the Greek word still seems able to bespeak a previously unknown frustrating twist that perverts our best social energies and moral intentions. + +In a few years the word has become a catchall for a variety of paradoxical twists which have two things in common. They are so new that everyday language has no traditional defined meaning for them and are so maddening that people are happy to avoid mentioning them. To taboo their own implication in non-sustainable consumption of goods and services, people grab at the non-word ‘entropy’ to make social degradation appear as just another instance of a general natural law. + +When people discuss the cultural impoverishment that appears in stupefying schooling, sickening medicine and time-killing acceleration, they are talking about perversions of good intentions, not about instances of energy or information flow. They mean the evil effects of untoward social goals that have none of the innocence of the inexorable determinism we associate with entropy in physics. The degradation of cultural variety through transnational organization of money flow is a result of greed, not a law of nature. The disappearance of subsistence cultures tied to local soils is a historical and dramatic part of the human condition _only_ in recent times. The disappearance of ‘ideologies’ that favor the water-soil matrix is due to human enterprise and endeavor. What late twentieth-century people take for granted is not something which has always been. + +Tamanoy made me understand that it is possible to include soil, water and sun in philosophical anthropology, to speak of a ‘philosophy of soil.’ After my conversations with him I rediscovered Paracelsus, who calls for the same approach. A philosophy of soil starts from the certainty that reason is worthless without a reciprocal shaping of norms and tangible reality; _seeing_ the culturally shaped body cum ‘environment’ as it is in a concrete place and time. And this interaction is formed by esthetic and moral style as much as by the ‘spirits’ which ritual and art evoke from the earthly matrix of a place. The disappearance of corresponding matrices of soil and society is an issue which we cannot examine deeply enough. And for this, comparison between the _wasting_ of cultural variety and the cosmic degradation of energy can be useful, but only under one condition: that we clearly understand the limits within which science can still generate metaphors. As a metaphor, entropy can be an eye opener. As an explanatory analog it cannot but mystify. + +# Entropy as a metaphor versus entropy as a reductive analog + +My last conversation with Dr Tamanoy took place after a long tour of his native island. He took me around Okinawa to meet with his friends, to battlefields, cave-refuges and refineries. From a curve on a mountain road we looked at the Japanese oil reserves and the bay which now lay waste. The shellfish, gardens and village life were gone. Our conversation turned to the danger of extrapolating from a dying tree to global pollution. No doubt, the latter evil is world-wide. But such world-wide despoliation and its tangible evidence ought never to distract us from sadness about this tree, this landscape, this man’s clam bed. Expert talk can easily deaden our speechless anger over _known_ wetlands that have turned into concrete or asphalt. To speak about the destruction of beauty as an instance of entropy is difficult. The metaphor tends to hide the sordid wickedness which we would otherwise deplore, and in which each one who drives or flies is involved. Words made out of technical terms are notoriously unfit for metaphorical use. When technical terms are ferried into an ethical discourse, they almost inevitably extinguish its moral meaning. + +Real _words_ have a nimbus. In contrast, _terms_ are shorn of connotations. A nimbus of connotation surrounds words like a wind chime moved by the voice. Entropy is not such a word, although many try to use it as one. When it is so used, it is delimited in two ways: it both loses the sharp edge it had as a term and it never acquires the overtones of a strong word. In a poem it is a stone and in a political discourse a cudgel. + +The words people use when they want to say something of importance are neither arbitrarily picked from a dead language — like ancient Greek — nor given their meaning only through definition. Each genuine word has its native place; it is rooted like a plant in a meadow. Some words spread like creepers, others are like hardwood. But what they do is under the control of the speaker. Each speaker tries to make his words mean what he wants to say. But there is no clear meaning in entropy when it is not used as the name of a cypher. No one can tell the person who utters this word with his mouth that he uses it wrongly. There is no right way to use a technical term in ordinary conversation. + +When ‘entropy’ is used as part of ordinary speech, it loses the power to name a formula: it fits neither sentence nor system. But it also lacks the kind of connotation that strong words have. The term gives off a halo of evocation that, unlike the meanings of sound words, is vague and arbitrary. When ‘entropy’ appears in a political statement the usage gives the impression of being scientific while in fact it is probably meaningless. If it convinces, it does so not by its own strength but by irrational seduction. It veils a moral perversion from which the speaker would otherwise recoil because it gives the impression that something weighty and scientific is being said. + +What I see, what I cry over, what deeply disturbs me on that degraded island of Okinawa is the result of presumption, aggression and human greed. Entropy powerfully suggests a strict analogy between the realm of human dignity and freedom and cosmic laws. By speaking about aggression, greed and despair within the context of entropy, I excuse crime and carelessness by evoking cosmic necessity. Instead of confessing that I advance an evil through my own lifestyle, I suggest that the elimination of beauty and variety is the unavoidable way of, equally, nature and culture. This is the issue about which Tamanoy spoke out. He defined the ideologically shaped local interaction of man and earth as the center of the cosmos. + +Yet in spite of this ambiguity, entropy remains a valuable word. When used as a suggestive, ever-limping metaphor, rather than as a reductive analogy, it serves to alert some to social degradation, the loss of beauty and variety, growing triviality and squalor. It helps us to recognize random noise; the senseless and meaningless waves that bombard all our inner and outer senses. If I could be sure that its limitations were kept in mind, I would not want to lose it. + +# Disvalue versus entropy + +When taken literally, metaphors produce absurdities. To insist that my child’s brain is a computer expresses nothing more than a trendy paternal vanity. Yet much of a metaphor’s effectiveness comes from the shock evoked in the hearer by an intentional misuse of language. And metaphor works only when the two realms between which this metaferry plies are shores within the reach of the hearer. Now, there could hardly be more distant and obscure realms than those which entropy as metaphor seeks to connect. For the typical listener, the world of science is formidable — by definition, its mathematical language is foreign to the man on the street. On the other hand, the realm in which the metaphor of entropy is supposed to act as a guide — the universe of monitored pollution, apocalyptic security, programmed education, medicalized sickness, computer-managed death and other forms of institutionalized nonsense — is so frightening that I can only face it with the respect due the devil; a constant fear of losing my heart’s sensitivity by becoming accustomed to evil. + +This is the danger associated with using the term ‘entropy’, for the frustrating and pervasive socio-economic twist that morally perverts almost every aspect of postmodern life. And yet the word did us a favor. It forced us to recognize that we are speechless in the face of a social evolution which (falsely) gives the impression of being as natural as the hypothetical chaos resulting from the irreversable run of the universe. + +The word that names this twist ought to be one that includes the historical and moral nature of our sadness, the perfidy and depravity that cause the loss of beauty, of autonomy and of that dignity which makes human labor worthy. Entropy implies that despoliation is a cosmic law, which started with the Big Bang. The social degradation that must be named is not co-equal with the universe, but something which had a beginning in mankind’s history and which, for this reason, might be brought to an end. + +I propose ‘disvalue’ as the appropriate word. Disvalue can be related to the degradation of value as entropy has been related to the degradation of energy. Entropy is a measure of the transformation of energy into a form that can no longer be converted into physical ‘work’. ‘Disvalue’ is a term that bespeaks the wasting of commons and culture with the result that traditional labor is voided of its power to generate subsistence. On this point the analogy between the two concepts is close enough to justify the metaphorical jump from astronomy to modern lifestyles and back. + +I know well that the word ‘disvalue’ is not in the dictionaries. You can devalue something which was formerly held to be precious: stocks can lose their value; old coins can rise in value; critical sociology can take a value-neutral stance; feigned love can be valueless. In all these applications of value the speaker takes ‘value’ for granted. In current usage, then, value can stand for almost anything. Indeed, it can be used to replace the good. It is born from the same mind set which in the third quarter of the last century also brought forth ‘labor force’, ‘waste’, ‘energy’ and ‘entropy’. + +By coining the concept of disvalue both the homologies and the contradictions that exist between social and physical degradation can be shown. While physical ‘work’ tends to increase entropy, the economic productivity of work is based on the previous dis-valuation of cultural labor. Waste and degradation are usually considered as side effects in the production of values. I suggest precisely the opposite. I argue that economic value accumulates only as the result of the previous wasting of culture, which can also be considered as the creation of disvalue. + +# The parable of Mexico’s ‘waste’ + +Mexico City presents the world with a new plague. In this place salmonella and amoebas are now routinely transmitted through the respiratory tract. When you first arrive in the valley of Technochtitlán, surrounded by mountains and 8,000 feet above sea level, you inevitably struggle to breathe the thin air. Half a century ago it was crisp, clean air. What you now draw into your lungs is an atmosphere heavily polluted by a smog containing a high density of solid particles, many of which are pathogenic agents. A specific set of social conditions incubates and disperses the city’s bacteria. Some of these illustrate how cultural breakdown, ideology and university-bred prejudice combine to create disvalue. The evolution of Mexico City during the last three decades is a cautionary tale describing the highly productive manufacture of disvalue. + +In the last four decades, the city grew from one to over twenty million persons. The single experience which most newcomers share before their arrival is nearly unlimited open space. Pre-Columbian agriculture did not use large domestic animals. Cow, horse and donkey were imports from Europe. Animal droppings were at a premium. The dispersal of human excrements was the rule. Most of the recent immigrants come from rural areas. They do not possess inbred toilet habits appropriate for a densely populated habitat. And Mexican notions of defecation have never been shaped by the attention paid to these matters by Hindu, Muslim or Confucian disciplines. No wonder that in Mexico City today between four and five million people lack any proper place to deposit their stool, urine and blood. The ideology of the W.C. paralyzes the cultural urbanization of patterns native to the immigrants. + +Elitist blindness to the cultural nature of excrements, when these are produced in a modern city, is compounded by highly specialized fantasies implanted in the minds of Mexican bureaucrats by international schools of hygiene. The Anglo-Saxon prejudice that physiologically blocks bowel movements unless one sits over water with a roll of paper at hand has become endemic among the Mexican governing élite. As a result, the Mexican leadership is singularly blind to the real issue at hand. Further, this élite was stimulated to megalomanic planning during the oil boom of the early seventies. At that time, huge public works were undertaken which were never completed, and the ruins of unfinished projects are taken as symbols of development which will soon restart. While many of the poor move on, recognizing that the end of development is at hand, the government continues to speak of a temporary economic crisis that has momentarily throttled the flow of dollars and water. Toilet training, combined with the illusion of living in a short-term crisis, blinds the planners and sanitation experts to the evidence that the body excrements of their four million toilet-less neighbors will only continue to remain, rot and atomize in the thin air of the high plateau. + +# The Mexican earthquake + +Then, in September, 1985, an earthquake shook not only the capital but also the complacency of some professionals. Engineers and health planners in countries like Mexico almost inevitably belong to the class who, by definition, use the W.C. But in 1985 many of these had no water at home or at work for several weeks. For the first time, some editorial writers began to question whether hygiene inevitably means the dilution of feces and the generation of black water. What should have been obvious long ago suddenly became evident conclusions for a few: it is beyond the economic power of Mexico to provide water for several million additional toilets. Further, even if there were enough money and stringent rules applied on the use of flush, the generalization of the W.C. would be a serious and disastrous aggression against rural Mexico. The attempt to pump the necessary millions of gallons would devastate the semi-arid farm communities within a radius of more than a hundred miles. It would thus force new millions into the city. Then thousands of acres of fragile soil on the terraces, some built before the Spaniards, if left untended, would wash away. The center of the Meso-American plateau would become a permanent desert. All this loss would be the result of an ideology that treats humans as natural waste producers. Thinking differently, a new political opposition arose and picked up the slogan of composting units for rich and poor. + +It was interesting to observe how this small but potentially influential group reacted in the absence of the toilet ideology. The ideal of _la_ _normalidad,_ which in Spanish means perpendicularity, went to pieces for them. These people, including some professionals but most quite poor, prisoners of the world’s greatest megacity, rejected the symbols of urban life, such as skyscrapers, deep tunnels and monster markets. The ruins of the inner city became for them a sign of hope. Hitherto unexamined certainties about water and excrement became the source of laughter. Economic development became the butt of jokes in the _pulquerias_. Obviously it did not lead to the distribution of accumulated value, but to the generation of a huge turd composed of cement and plastic needing to be tended by professional services. Sewers became the symbol for remedies required in a city set up for the economic toilet training of _homo_ _œ_ _conomicus._ + +# The history of waste + +The social definition of excrements, which in the opinion of those who generate them cannot be turned into compost, has become a cypher for the junking of people. The latter learn that they depend on services even when they act under the urge of the most elementary needs. In this perspective, the W.C. is a device to instill the habit of self-junking or self-disvaluation, which prepares one for dependence on scarce services in other spheres. It brings into existence the body percept of _homo_ the generator of waste. When people grasp that several times a day their physical needs for evacuation produce a degradation of the environment, it is easy to convince them that by their very existence they cannot but contribute to ‘entropy’. + +Waste is not the natural consequence of human existence. Professor Ludolf Kuchenbuch, who is working on a history of waste, has gathered the evidence. A concept that we take for granted does not appear before 1830. Before that date ‘waste’, as a verb and as a noun, is related to devastation, destruction, desertification, degradation. It is not something that can be removed. Professors Tamanoy and Murata have built their theory on a similar assumption: if a culture steadily enhances the interaction of sun, soil and water, its net contribution to the cosmos is positive. Human societies that create waste are those which destroy the soil-water matrix of their locality and become expansive centers for the devastation of those around them. Entropy appears as a result of the destruction of cultures and their commons. + +It is therefore unwarranted to attribute waste management to all cultures. Miasma and taboo are in no way ancestors of modern pollution. They are the symbolic rules that enhance integration and protect subsistence cultures. So-called development is a programmed disvaluation of these protections. + +# Disvalue versus waste + +Disvalue remains invisible as long as two conditions obtain. The first of these consists in the widespread belief that economic categories, whose task it is to measure ‘values’, can be used in statements about communities whose ‘business’ is not values but _the_ _good._ The good is part of a local ‘ideology’ related to the mixture of elements native to a specific place — to speak with Paracelsus or Tamanoy — while values are a measure which fits the abstract ideology of science. The second source of blindness to disvalue is an obsessive certainty about the feasibility of progress. This reduction of conviviality to primitive economics and the abhorrence of tradition, masked as a commitment to the progress of others, together foster the myopic destruction of the past. Tradition comes to be seen as a historical expression of waste, to be discarded with the trash of the past. + +Only a decade ago it still seemed possible to speak of twentieth-century progress with assurance. The economy appeared to be a machine that increases the flow of money. Energy, information and money all seemed to follow the same rules — the laws of entropy were equally applicable to each. The development of productive capacity, multiplication of trained workers and rise in savings were seen as parts of ‘growth’ which, sooner or later, would bring more money to more people. In spite of wider social disintegration due to the increase of money flow, ever more money was proposed as the fundamental requirement to satisfy the basic needs of more people! Entropy then seemed a tempting analog for the social degradation resulting from the pervasive flow. + +In the meantime, a new and radical questioning of economic verities began. As recently as twenty years ago, it was not yet ridiculous to look for a world community based on equal dignity and fairness that could be planned on the thermodynamic model of value flows. This is no longer so in the mid-eighties. Not only the promise of human equality, but even the provision of an equal chance for survival, sounds hollow. On a world scale it is obvious that growth has concentrated economic benefits, simultaneously disvaluing people and places, in such a way that survival has become impossible outside the money economy. More people are more destitute and helpless than ever before. Further, those privileges which only higher income can buy are increasingly valued primarily as an escape from the disvalue which affects the lives of all. + +The ideology of economic progress throws a shadow of disvalue on almost all activities that are culturally shaped outside of money flow. People like the immigrants to Mexico City, and beliefs such as those in local health rules, are de-valued long before effective toilets can be provided. People are forced into a new mental topology in which locations for bowel movements are scarce, even though resources to create these places are beyond the reasonable reach of the new economy in which they find themselves. The ideology of production and consumption under the implied condition of ‘natural’ scarcity takes hold of their minds while neither paid jobs nor money are attainable for them. Self-degradation, self-junking, self-wasting are different ways to name this creation of the necessary conditions for the legitimate growth of a money economy. + +This is where Joshiro Tamanoy comes in. He not only translated but he taught Karl Polanyi. He picked up the distinction between formal and substantive economies that goes back to Polanyi. Forty years after Polanyi, Tamanoy — whom I know only from conversation, since most of his writings are in a language of which I am ignorant — brought this distinction into modern Japan. It can be used to sum up our argument. Entropy is probably an effective metaphor to stress de-valuation in the formal economy. The flow of money or information can in some way be compared to the flow of heat. But it is now obvious that macro-economics tells us nothing about what people consider _good._ Therefore, entropy cannot be relevant to explain the devastation of substantive cultural patterns by which people act outside the formal money economy. This is true because the ‘exchange’ of gifts or movements of goods in the substantive economy are, by their very nature, heterogeneous to the flow-model of values postulated by a formal economy. And, as the thermodynamic flow model spreads, it extinguishes a way of life to which entropy will forever be foreign. diff --git a/contents/article/1986-disvalue/en.notes b/contents/article/1986-disvalue/en.notes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..a5b3d74 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1986-disvalue/en.notes @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +* Lecture to the first public meeting of the Entropy Society Tokyo, Keyo University, 9th November 1986 Enlarged and combined with ‘Disvaluation: The Secret Capital Accumulation’ and ‘Beauty and the Junkyard’ two unpublished manuscripts completed in March 1987 +* Included in the book "In the Mirror of the Past. Lectures and Addresses 1978-1990" (1992) diff --git a/contents/article/1986-disvalue/en.txt b/contents/article/1986-disvalue/en.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..ff40e51 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1986-disvalue/en.txt @@ -0,0 +1,81 @@ +# Disvalue + +## Professor Tamanoy’s Forum + +This first public meeting of the Japanese Entropy Society provides us with an occasion to commemorate Professor Joshiro Tamanoy. Most of us knew him as friends and as pupils. The questions he asked bring together today 600 physicists and biologists, economists and green activists. + +While a Professor of Economics at Tokyo University, he translated Karl Polanyi into Japanese. But in his own teaching and writing he brought a uniquely Japanese flavor to ecological research by relating cultural to physical dimensions. He did so by focusing on the interaction between an epoch’s economic ideology and the corresponding soil-water matrix of social life. He was an active environmental politician and a master teacher. And no one who experienced his friendship will ever forget its delicacy. + +## How to name an evil + +He had few illusions. Courageously he reflected on the causes of modern war, modern ugliness and modern social inequity to the point of facing almost unbearable horror. But no one will forget Tamanoy-sensei’s balance. He never lost his compassion and subtle humor. He introduced me to the world of those who survived with the marks of the Hiroshima bomb, the _hibakusha._ And I think of him as a spiritual _hibakusha._ He lived the ‘examined life’ in the shadow of Hiroshima and Minamata. Under this cloud he forged a terminology to relate historical spaces to physical place. To this purpose he used ‘entropy’ as a _semeion,_ a signal for the impending threat to an exquisitely Japanese perception of locality referred to with terms which seem to have no comparable Western equivalent, like __ _fûdô._ __ And entropy was central to our conversations. In this lecture I want to explore the limits within which the notion of entropy can be usefully applied to social phenomena by comparing it to the notion of waste. I will then propose the notion of ‘disvalue’ in the hope that through it entropy, when used outside of physics and information theory, will be more clearly understood. + +Clausius, a German physicist, first introduced the word. In 1850 he studied the ratio between the heat content and the absolute pressure in a closed system and felt the need for a word to name this function. He was an amateur classicist and picked the Greek word _entropy_ in 1865. Since then it is used for the algorithm that describes a previously unrecognized phenomenon. By choosing _this_ word, Clausius did us a favor. _Entrópeo_ __ in classical Greek means to turn, to twist, to pervert or to humiliate. More than a century after its introduction in physics, the Greek word still seems able to bespeak a previously unknown frustrating twist that perverts our best social energies and moral intentions. + +In a few years the word has become a catchall for a variety of paradoxical twists which have two things in common. They are so new that everyday language has no traditional defined meaning for them and are so maddening that people are happy to avoid mentioning them. To taboo their own implication in non-sustainable consumption of goods and services, people grab at the non-word ‘entropy’ to make social degradation appear as just another instance of a general natural law. + +When people discuss the cultural impoverishment that appears in stupefying schooling, sickening medicine and time-killing acceleration, they are talking about perversions of good intentions, not about instances of energy or information flow. They mean the evil effects of untoward social goals that have none of the innocence of the inexorable determinism we associate with entropy in physics. The degradation of cultural variety through transnational organization of money flow is a result of greed, not a law of nature. The disappearance of subsistence cultures tied to local soils is a historical and dramatic part of the human condition _only_ in recent times. The disappearance of ‘ideologies’ that favor the water-soil matrix is due to human enterprise and endeavor. What late twentieth-century people take for granted is not something which has always been. + +Tamanoy made me understand that it is possible to include soil, water and sun in philosophical anthropology, to speak of a ‘philosophy of soil.’ After my conversations with him I rediscovered Paracelsus, who calls for the same approach. A philosophy of soil starts from the certainty that reason is worthless without a reciprocal shaping of norms and tangible reality; _seeing_ the culturally shaped body cum ‘environment’ as it is in a concrete place and time. And this interaction is formed by esthetic and moral style as much as by the ‘spirits’ which ritual and art evoke from the earthly matrix of a place. The disappearance of corresponding matrices of soil and society is an issue which we cannot examine deeply enough. And for this, comparison between the _wasting_ of cultural variety and the cosmic degradation of energy can be useful, but only under one condition: that we clearly understand the limits within which science can still generate metaphors. As a metaphor, entropy can be an eye opener. As an explanatory analog it cannot but mystify. + +## Entropy as a metaphor versus entropy as a reductive analog + +My last conversation with Dr Tamanoy took place after a long tour of his native island. He took me around Okinawa to meet with his friends, to battlefields, cave-refuges and refineries. From a curve on a mountain road we looked at the Japanese oil reserves and the bay which now lay waste. The shellfish, gardens and village life were gone. Our conversation turned to the danger of extrapolating from a dying tree to global pollution. No doubt, the latter evil is world-wide. But such world-wide despoliation and its tangible evidence ought never to distract us from sadness about this tree, this landscape, this man’s clam bed. Expert talk can easily deaden our speechless anger over _known_ wetlands that have turned into concrete or asphalt. To speak about the destruction of beauty as an instance of entropy is difficult. The metaphor tends to hide the sordid wickedness which we would otherwise deplore, and in which each one who drives or flies is involved. Words made out of technical terms are notoriously unfit for metaphorical use. When technical terms are ferried into an ethical discourse, they almost inevitably extinguish its moral meaning. + +Real _words_ have a nimbus. In contrast, _terms_ are shorn of connotations. A nimbus of connotation surrounds words like a wind chime moved by the voice. Entropy is not such a word, although many try to use it as one. When it is so used, it is delimited in two ways: it both loses the sharp edge it had as a term and it never acquires the overtones of a strong word. In a poem it is a stone and in a political discourse a cudgel. + +The words people use when they want to say something of importance are neither arbitrarily picked from a dead language — like ancient Greek — nor given their meaning only through definition. Each genuine word has its native place; it is rooted like a plant in a meadow. Some words spread like creepers, others are like hardwood. But what they do is under the control of the speaker. Each speaker tries to make his words mean what he wants to say. But there is no clear meaning in entropy when it is not used as the name of a cypher. No one can tell the person who utters this word with his mouth that he uses it wrongly. There is no right way to use a technical term in ordinary conversation. + +When ‘entropy’ is used as part of ordinary speech, it loses the power to name a formula: it fits neither sentence nor system. But it also lacks the kind of connotation that strong words have. The term gives off a halo of evocation that, unlike the meanings of sound words, is vague and arbitrary. When ‘entropy’ appears in a political statement the usage gives the impression of being scientific while in fact it is probably meaningless. If it convinces, it does so not by its own strength but by irrational seduction. It veils a moral perversion from which the speaker would otherwise recoil because it gives the impression that something weighty and scientific is being said. + +What I see, what I cry over, what deeply disturbs me on that degraded island of Okinawa is the result of presumption, aggression and human greed. Entropy powerfully suggests a strict analogy between the realm of human dignity and freedom and cosmic laws. By speaking about aggression, greed and despair within the context of entropy, I excuse crime and carelessness by evoking cosmic necessity. Instead of confessing that I advance an evil through my own lifestyle, I suggest that the elimination of beauty and variety is the unavoidable way of, equally, nature and culture. This is the issue about which Tamanoy spoke out. He defined the ideologically shaped local interaction of man and earth as the center of the cosmos. + +Yet in spite of this ambiguity, entropy remains a valuable word. When used as a suggestive, ever-limping metaphor, rather than as a reductive analogy, it serves to alert some to social degradation, the loss of beauty and variety, growing triviality and squalor. It helps us to recognize random noise; the senseless and meaningless waves that bombard all our inner and outer senses. If I could be sure that its limitations were kept in mind, I would not want to lose it. + +## Disvalue versus entropy + +When taken literally, metaphors produce absurdities. To insist that my child’s brain is a computer expresses nothing more than a trendy paternal vanity. Yet much of a metaphor’s effectiveness comes from the shock evoked in the hearer by an intentional misuse of language. And metaphor works only when the two realms between which this metaferry plies are shores within the reach of the hearer. Now, there could hardly be more distant and obscure realms than those which entropy as metaphor seeks to connect. For the typical listener, the world of science is formidable — by definition, its mathematical language is foreign to the man on the street. On the other hand, the realm in which the metaphor of entropy is supposed to act as a guide — the universe of monitored pollution, apocalyptic security, programmed education, medicalized sickness, computer-managed death and other forms of institutionalized nonsense — is so frightening that I can only face it with the respect due the devil; a constant fear of losing my heart’s sensitivity by becoming accustomed to evil. + +This is the danger associated with using the term ‘entropy’, for the frustrating and pervasive socio-economic twist that morally perverts almost every aspect of postmodern life. And yet the word did us a favor. It forced us to recognize that we are speechless in the face of a social evolution which (falsely) gives the impression of being as natural as the hypothetical chaos resulting from the irreversable run of the universe. + +The word that names this twist ought to be one that includes the historical and moral nature of our sadness, the perfidy and depravity that cause the loss of beauty, of autonomy and of that dignity which makes human labor worthy. Entropy implies that despoliation is a cosmic law, which started with the Big Bang. The social degradation that must be named is not co-equal with the universe, but something which had a beginning in mankind’s history and which, for this reason, might be brought to an end. + +I propose ‘disvalue’ as the appropriate word. Disvalue can be related to the degradation of value as entropy has been related to the degradation of energy. Entropy is a measure of the transformation of energy into a form that can no longer be converted into physical ‘work’. ‘Disvalue’ is a term that bespeaks the wasting of commons and culture with the result that traditional labor is voided of its power to generate subsistence. On this point the analogy between the two concepts is close enough to justify the metaphorical jump from astronomy to modern lifestyles and back. + +I know well that the word ‘disvalue’ is not in the dictionaries. You can devalue something which was formerly held to be precious: stocks can lose their value; old coins can rise in value; critical sociology can take a value-neutral stance; feigned love can be valueless. In all these applications of value the speaker takes ‘value’ for granted. In current usage, then, value can stand for almost anything. Indeed, it can be used to replace the good. It is born from the same mind set which in the third quarter of the last century also brought forth ‘labor force’, ‘waste’, ‘energy’ and ‘entropy’. + +By coining the concept of disvalue both the homologies and the contradictions that exist between social and physical degradation can be shown. While physical ‘work’ tends to increase entropy, the economic productivity of work is based on the previous dis-valuation of cultural labor. Waste and degradation are usually considered as side effects in the production of values. I suggest precisely the opposite. I argue that economic value accumulates only as the result of the previous wasting of culture, which can also be considered as the creation of disvalue. + +## The parable of Mexico’s ‘waste’ + +Mexico City presents the world with a new plague. In this place salmonella and amoebas are now routinely transmitted through the respiratory tract. When you first arrive in the valley of Technochtitlán, surrounded by mountains and 8,000 feet above sea level, you inevitably struggle to breathe the thin air. Half a century ago it was crisp, clean air. What you now draw into your lungs is an atmosphere heavily polluted by a smog containing a high density of solid particles, many of which are pathogenic agents. A specific set of social conditions incubates and disperses the city’s bacteria. Some of these illustrate how cultural breakdown, ideology and university-bred prejudice combine to create disvalue. The evolution of Mexico City during the last three decades is a cautionary tale describing the highly productive manufacture of disvalue. + +In the last four decades, the city grew from one to over twenty million persons. The single experience which most newcomers share before their arrival is nearly unlimited open space. Pre-Columbian agriculture did not use large domestic animals. Cow, horse and donkey were imports from Europe. Animal droppings were at a premium. The dispersal of human excrements was the rule. Most of the recent immigrants come from rural areas. They do not possess inbred toilet habits appropriate for a densely populated habitat. And Mexican notions of defecation have never been shaped by the attention paid to these matters by Hindu, Muslim or Confucian disciplines. No wonder that in Mexico City today between four and five million people lack any proper place to deposit their stool, urine and blood. The ideology of the W.C. paralyzes the cultural urbanization of patterns native to the immigrants. + +Elitist blindness to the cultural nature of excrements, when these are produced in a modern city, is compounded by highly specialized fantasies implanted in the minds of Mexican bureaucrats by international schools of hygiene. The Anglo-Saxon prejudice that physiologically blocks bowel movements unless one sits over water with a roll of paper at hand has become endemic among the Mexican governing élite. As a result, the Mexican leadership is singularly blind to the real issue at hand. Further, this élite was stimulated to megalomanic planning during the oil boom of the early seventies. At that time, huge public works were undertaken which were never completed, and the ruins of unfinished projects are taken as symbols of development which will soon restart. While many of the poor move on, recognizing that the end of development is at hand, the government continues to speak of a temporary economic crisis that has momentarily throttled the flow of dollars and water. Toilet training, combined with the illusion of living in a short-term crisis, blinds the planners and sanitation experts to the evidence that the body excrements of their four million toilet-less neighbors will only continue to remain, rot and atomize in the thin air of the high plateau. + +## The Mexican earthquake + +Then, in September, 1985, an earthquake shook not only the capital but also the complacency of some professionals. Engineers and health planners in countries like Mexico almost inevitably belong to the class who, by definition, use the W.C. But in 1985 many of these had no water at home or at work for several weeks. For the first time, some editorial writers began to question whether hygiene inevitably means the dilution of feces and the generation of black water. What should have been obvious long ago suddenly became evident conclusions for a few: it is beyond the economic power of Mexico to provide water for several million additional toilets. Further, even if there were enough money and stringent rules applied on the use of flush, the generalization of the W.C. would be a serious and disastrous aggression against rural Mexico. The attempt to pump the necessary millions of gallons would devastate the semi-arid farm communities within a radius of more than a hundred miles. It would thus force new millions into the city. Then thousands of acres of fragile soil on the terraces, some built before the Spaniards, if left untended, would wash away. The center of the Meso-American plateau would become a permanent desert. All this loss would be the result of an ideology that treats humans as natural waste producers. Thinking differently, a new political opposition arose and picked up the slogan of composting units for rich and poor. + +It was interesting to observe how this small but potentially influential group reacted in the absence of the toilet ideology. The ideal of _la_ _normalidad,_ which in Spanish means perpendicularity, went to pieces for them. These people, including some professionals but most quite poor, prisoners of the world’s greatest megacity, rejected the symbols of urban life, such as skyscrapers, deep tunnels and monster markets. The ruins of the inner city became for them a sign of hope. Hitherto unexamined certainties about water and excrement became the source of laughter. Economic development became the butt of jokes in the _pulquerias_. Obviously it did not lead to the distribution of accumulated value, but to the generation of a huge turd composed of cement and plastic needing to be tended by professional services. Sewers became the symbol for remedies required in a city set up for the economic toilet training of _homo_ _œ_ _conomicus._ + +## The history of waste + +The social definition of excrements, which in the opinion of those who generate them cannot be turned into compost, has become a cypher for the junking of people. The latter learn that they depend on services even when they act under the urge of the most elementary needs. In this perspective, the W.C. is a device to instill the habit of self-junking or self-disvaluation, which prepares one for dependence on scarce services in other spheres. It brings into existence the body percept of _homo_ the generator of waste. When people grasp that several times a day their physical needs for evacuation produce a degradation of the environment, it is easy to convince them that by their very existence they cannot but contribute to ‘entropy’. + +Waste is not the natural consequence of human existence. Professor Ludolf Kuchenbuch, who is working on a history of waste, has gathered the evidence. A concept that we take for granted does not appear before 1830. Before that date ‘waste’, as a verb and as a noun, is related to devastation, destruction, desertification, degradation. It is not something that can be removed. Professors Tamanoy and Murata have built their theory on a similar assumption: if a culture steadily enhances the interaction of sun, soil and water, its net contribution to the cosmos is positive. Human societies that create waste are those which destroy the soil-water matrix of their locality and become expansive centers for the devastation of those around them. Entropy appears as a result of the destruction of cultures and their commons. + +It is therefore unwarranted to attribute waste management to all cultures. Miasma and taboo are in no way ancestors of modern pollution. They are the symbolic rules that enhance integration and protect subsistence cultures. So-called development is a programmed disvaluation of these protections. + +## Disvalue versus waste + +Disvalue remains invisible as long as two conditions obtain. The first of these consists in the widespread belief that economic categories, whose task it is to measure ‘values’, can be used in statements about communities whose ‘business’ is not values but _the_ _good._ The good is part of a local ‘ideology’ related to the mixture of elements native to a specific place — to speak with Paracelsus or Tamanoy — while values are a measure which fits the abstract ideology of science. The second source of blindness to disvalue is an obsessive certainty about the feasibility of progress. This reduction of conviviality to primitive economics and the abhorrence of tradition, masked as a commitment to the progress of others, together foster the myopic destruction of the past. Tradition comes to be seen as a historical expression of waste, to be discarded with the trash of the past. + +Only a decade ago it still seemed possible to speak of twentieth-century progress with assurance. The economy appeared to be a machine that increases the flow of money. Energy, information and money all seemed to follow the same rules — the laws of entropy were equally applicable to each. The development of productive capacity, multiplication of trained workers and rise in savings were seen as parts of ‘growth’ which, sooner or later, would bring more money to more people. In spite of wider social disintegration due to the increase of money flow, ever more money was proposed as the fundamental requirement to satisfy the basic needs of more people! Entropy then seemed a tempting analog for the social degradation resulting from the pervasive flow. + +In the meantime, a new and radical questioning of economic verities began. As recently as twenty years ago, it was not yet ridiculous to look for a world community based on equal dignity and fairness that could be planned on the thermodynamic model of value flows. This is no longer so in the mid-eighties. Not only the promise of human equality, but even the provision of an equal chance for survival, sounds hollow. On a world scale it is obvious that growth has concentrated economic benefits, simultaneously disvaluing people and places, in such a way that survival has become impossible outside the money economy. More people are more destitute and helpless than ever before. Further, those privileges which only higher income can buy are increasingly valued primarily as an escape from the disvalue which affects the lives of all. + +The ideology of economic progress throws a shadow of disvalue on almost all activities that are culturally shaped outside of money flow. People like the immigrants to Mexico City, and beliefs such as those in local health rules, are de-valued long before effective toilets can be provided. People are forced into a new mental topology in which locations for bowel movements are scarce, even though resources to create these places are beyond the reasonable reach of the new economy in which they find themselves. The ideology of production and consumption under the implied condition of ‘natural’ scarcity takes hold of their minds while neither paid jobs nor money are attainable for them. Self-degradation, self-junking, self-wasting are different ways to name this creation of the necessary conditions for the legitimate growth of a money economy. + +This is where Joshiro Tamanoy comes in. He not only translated but he taught Karl Polanyi. He picked up the distinction between formal and substantive economies that goes back to Polanyi. Forty years after Polanyi, Tamanoy — whom I know only from conversation, since most of his writings are in a language of which I am ignorant — brought this distinction into modern Japan. It can be used to sum up our argument. Entropy is probably an effective metaphor to stress de-valuation in the formal economy. The flow of money or information can in some way be compared to the flow of heat. But it is now obvious that macro-economics tells us nothing about what people consider _good._ Therefore, entropy cannot be relevant to explain the devastation of substantive cultural patterns by which people act outside the formal money economy. This is true because the ‘exchange’ of gifts or movements of goods in the substantive economy are, by their very nature, heterogeneous to the flow-model of values postulated by a formal economy. And, as the thermodynamic flow model spreads, it extinguishes a way of life to which entropy will forever be foreign. diff --git a/contents/article/1986-disvalue/es.bib b/contents/article/1986-disvalue/es.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d3e24d7 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1986-disvalue/es.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1986-disvalue-es, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Desvalor}, + year = {1986}, + date = {1986}, + origdate = {1986}, + language = {es}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/article/1986-disvalue:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-21} +} diff --git a/contents/article/1986-disvalue/es.md b/contents/article/1986-disvalue/es.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..c4a5abf --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1986-disvalue/es.md @@ -0,0 +1,102 @@ +--- + title: "Desvalor" + author: "Ivan Illich" + date: "1986" + lang: "es" + documentclass: article + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue +--- + +# El foro del profesor Tamanoi + +Esta primera reunión pública de la Entropy Society japonesa nos permite conmemorar al profesor Joshiro Tamanoi. La mayoría de nosotros fuimos sus amigos o sus alumnos. Las cuestiones que suscitó son las que congregan aquí a 600 participantes, físicos y biólogos, economistas y ecologistas. + +Cuando enseñaba economía en la universidad de Tokio, el profesor Tamanoi tradujo a Karl Polanyi en japonés. A través de su enseñanza y sus obras, le dio un sabor japonés único a la investigación ecológica uniendo dimensiones culturales y dimensiones físicas. Logró esto concentrándose en la interacción entre la ideología económica de una época y la matriz tierra-agua que corresponde a la vida social. Fue un militante activo de una política del medio ambiente y un maestro fuera de serie. Los que fueron sus amigos nunca olvidarán su delicadeza. + +# Designar un mal + +Casi no mantenía ilusiones. Con valentía, reflexionaba sobre la guerra moderna, la fealdad moderna y la injusticia social moderna, incluso confrontado a un horror casi insoportable. Pero nadie olvidará el equilibrio de Tamanoi-sensei. Su compasión, su humor sutil que nunca lo abandonaban. Me hizo conocer el mundo de los que sobrevivieron con las cicatrices de la bomba de Hiroshima, los _hibakusha_. Y en él veo a un _hibakusha_ mental. Vivió la “experiencia interior” bajo la sombra de Hiroshima y Minamata. Bajo esta nube forjó una terminología para vincular espacios históricos con lugares materiales. Para ello usaba la “entropía” como un _semeion_ , una señal de la amenaza inminente contra una percepción exquisitamente japonesa de la localidad que aparentemente no tiene un equivalente occidental, como por ejemplo el _fudo_. La entropía ocupaba el centro de nuestras conversaciones. En esta conferencia me propongo explorar los límites en los que la noción de entropía puede aplicarse con utilidad a fenómenos sociales comparándola con la noción de desecho. Sugeriré entonces la noción de “desvalor” que espero nos permita aprehender con mayor claridad el término “entropía” cuando se usa fuera de la física o de la teoría de la información. + +El término “entropía” se debe al físico alemán Clausius. En 1850, al estudiar la relación entre el calor y la presión en un sistema cerrado, buscó una palabra para designar esta función. Helenista aficionado, tomó del griego el término “entropía” en 1865. Desde entonces esta palabra designa el algoritmo que define un fenómeno que anteriormente no se había notado. Al elegir precisamente esta palabra, Clausius nos prestó un servicio. En griego clásico, _entrópeo_ significa ‘girar’, ‘torcer’, ‘pervertir” o ‘humillar’. Después de un siglo de su introducción en la física, el término griego sigue siendo capaz de traducir una desviación frustrante que anteriormente se desconocía, que pervierte nuestras mejores energías sociales e intenciones morales. + +En algunos años, esta palabra se volvió una llave maestra para designar una variedad de desviaciones paradójicas que tienen dos cosas en común: son tan nuevas que el lenguaje cotidiano no tiene un sentido tradicional preciso que darles, y tan exasperantes que la gente prefiere evitar mencionarlas. Para tabuizar su propia implicación en un consumo furioso de bienes y servicios, la gente se apropia de la no palabra “entropía” con el fin de que la degradación social aparezca como un caso, entre otros, de una ley natural general. + +Cuando la gente evoca el empobrecimiento cultural que se revela en la escuela embrutecedora, en la medicina iatrógena y en la aceleración devoradora de tiempo, habla de la perversión de las buenas intenciones, no de los flujos de energía o de información. A lo que apuntan es a los efectos nefastos de la búsqueda de metas sociales inapropiadas que no tienen nada de la inocencia del determinismo inexorable que asociamos en física con la entropía. La degradación de la diversidad cultural por la organización transnacional de los flujos monetarios no es una ley natural, sino el resultado de la codicia. La desaparición de las culturas de subsistencia ligadas con terruños es un aspecto histórico y dramático de la condición humana, _pero es reciente_. La desaparición de las “ideologías” que privilegian la matriz tierra-agua es el hecho de las empresas y de los esfuerzos del hombre. Lo que nos parece natural en este final del siglo XX no ha existido todo el tiempo. + +Tamanoi me hizo captar que es posible englobar el suelo, el agua y el sol en una antropología filosófica, hablar de una “filosofía de la tierra”. Después de nuestras conversaciones, redescubrí a Paracelso, que proponía el mismo enfoque. Una filosofía de la tierra parte de la certeza de que la razón es vana sin una elaboración recíproca de las normas y de la realidad tangible; que hay que _ver_ la entidad culturalmente elaborada al mismo tiempo que su “entorno”, tal y como se presenta en un tiempo y en un lugar concretos. Esta interacción procede tanto del modo moral y estético como de los “espíritus” que elaboran los rituales y las artes a partir de la matriz terrestre de un lugar. La desaparición de las matrices correspondientes de la tierra y de la sociedad es una cuestión que no podríamos explorar con demasiada atención. A este respecto, la comparación entre la devastación de la diversidad cultural y la degradación cósmica puede ser útil, pero sólo a condición de que entendamos claramente los límites en los que la ciencia todavía es susceptible de engendrar metáforas. En cuanto metáfora, la entropía puede ser reveladora. Pero, en cuanto análogo, sólo puede ser engañosa. + +# La entropía como metáfora en oposición a la entropía como análogo reductor + +La última plática que nos reunió al profesor Tamanoi y a mí tuvo lugar después de un recorrido por su isla natal de Okinawa. Me hizo visitar a sus amigos, campos de batalla, grutas refugio, refinerías. Desde un recodo sobre un camino de montaña contemplamos los equipos petroleros y la bahía actualmente abandonada. Las conchas, los jardines y la vida aldeana habían desaparecido. Nuestra conversación versó sobre el peligro de pasar, intelectualmente, de un árbol muerto a la contaminación del planeta. Ciertamente, la contaminación es un mal a escala mundial. Pero esta devastación y sus efectos tangibles nunca deben desviarnos de la tristeza que nos causa este árbol muerto, este paisaje, el parque de almejas, vacío, de este hombre. El lenguaje de los especialistas puede con facilidad debilitar nuestra muda cólera en relación con los pantanos que _conocimos_ y que desde hace poco están cubiertos con chapopote o con asfalto. Evocar la destrucción de la belleza como un ejemplo de entropía es difícil. La metáfora tiende a enmascarar la vil malignidad que, normalmente, deploraríamos, y en la que participa cualquier persona que conduce un automóvil o viaja en avión. Las palabras creadas a partir de nociones técnicas son notablemente impropias para un uso metafórico. Cuando los términos técnicos pasan a un discurso ético, eclipsan casi inevitablemente el significado moral. + +Las _palabras_ auténticas tienen un nimbo. Por el contrario, los _términos_ no tienen connotaciones. Un nimbo de connotaciones rodea las palabras, como la imagen del carillón de viento que la voz pone en movimiento. La “entropía” no está entre estas palabras, aunque muchos traten de usarla así. En este último caso, está limitada de dos maneras: pierde lo tajante que tenía en cuanto término, y nunca adquiere las armonías de una palabra fuerte. En un poema es una piedra, y en el discurso político, un garrote. + +Las palabras que la gente usa cuando quiere decir algo importante no se sacan arbitrariamente de una lengua muerta —por ejemplo, el griego antiguo— ni se cargan de sentido únicamente por su definición. Cualquier palabra auténtica tiene su cuna natal; está arraigada allí como una planta en una pradera. Algunos términos se despliegan como plantas rampantes, otros tienen la densidad del roble. Sin embargo, su efecto está bajo el control del locutor. Quien habla se esfuerza por hacer que sus palabras signifiquen lo que quiere decir. Pero ninguna definición clara se le da a la entropía cuando tiene otra acepción que no es la técnica. Nadie puede decir a la persona que pronuncia esta palabra que la maneja mal. No hay una manera justa de usar un término técnico en la conversación ordinaria. + +Cuando “entropía” se usa en el lenguaje corriente, pierde su poder de designar una fórmula; no encaja ni en la frase ni en el sistema. Pero también pierde el género de connotación que poseen las palabras fuertes. Desprende un halo evocador que, al contrario del sentido de las palabras fuertes, es vago y arbitrario. Cuando el término “entropía” aparece en una declaración política, falazmente toma un giro científico, mientras que de hecho probablemente no tiene sentido. Si convence, no es en virtud de su fuerza, sino de una seducción irracional. Enmascara una perversión moral que, de otra manera, descompondría al locutor, pues da la impresión de que lo que formula es científico y está cargado de sentido. + +Lo que veo, y me desconsuela y me turba en relación con esta isla degradada de Okinawa, es el resultado de la presunción, de la agresión y de la avidez de los seres humanos. La entropía evoca con fuerza una analogía estricta entre el reino de la dignidad y de la libertad humanas y las leyes del cosmos. Al hablar de agresión, de avidez y de desesperanza en este contexto de la entropía, disculpo el crimen y la despreocupación al invocar la necesidad cósmica. En lugar de confesar que, por mi modo de vida, promuevo un mal, sugiero que la eliminación de la belleza y de la diversidad es el trayecto ineluctable de la cultura y de la naturaleza. Ésta es la cuestión que ha tratado Tamanoi. Él definía la interacción local del hombre y de la tierra, moldeada ideológicamente, como el centro del cosmos. + +A pesar de esta ambigüedad, la “entropía” sigue siendo un término precioso. Usado como una metáfora evocadora y flexible, y no como un análogo reductor, sirve para alertar a algunos ante la degradación social, la pérdida de la belleza y la diversidad, la trivialidad y la sordidez crecientes. Nos ayuda a reconocer los ruidos parásitos, las ondas ineptas y desprovistas de significado que bombardean nuestros sentidos internos y externos. Si estuviera seguro que se conservan en la mente estas limitaciones, no quisiera renunciar a él. + +# El desvalor por oposición a la entropía + +Tomadas al pie de la letra, las metáforas son generadoras de absurdidades. Decir que el cerebro de mi hijo es una computadora expresa sólo la vanidad de un padre que pretende ser moderno. Sin embargo, la eficacia de una metáfora procede sobre todo del choque que provoca en el oyente una impropiedad intencional del lenguaje. La metáfora no opera más que cuando los dos terrenos entre los que navega esta metáfora son orillas accesibles al entendimiento del oyente. Ahora bien, cuando se usa el término “entropía” en un sentido metafórico se trata de ligar terrenos particularmente oscuros y alejados uno de otro. Para el oyente medio, el mundo de la ciencia es impresionante —por definición, su lenguaje matemático es ajeno al hombre de la calle—. Por otra parte, el terreno en el que la metáfora de la entropía se supone que sirve de guía —el universo de la contaminación organizada, de la seguridad apocalíptica, de la educación programada, de la enfermedad medicalizada, de la muerte informatizada y otras formas de sinsentido institucionales— es tan aterrador que sólo puedo considerarlo con el respeto que se debe al diablo; con el temor constante de perder la sensibilidad de mi corazón acostumbrándome al mal. + +Ahí está el peligro asociado con el término “entropía”, a causa de la desviación socioeconómica generalizada que pervierte moralmente casi la totalidad de los aspectos de la existencia posmoderna. Sin embargo, este término nos fue útil. Nos forzó a darnos cuenta de que nos quedamos sin voz ante una evolución social que da la impresión (falaz) de ser tan natural como el caos hipotético que resulta del curso irreversible del universo. + +El término que denomina esta desviación debería ser tal que denotara la naturaleza histórica y moral de nuestra tristeza, la perfidia y la depravación que causan la pérdida de la belleza, de la autonomía y de esta dignidad que da su valor al trabajo del hombre. La entropía implica que la devastación es una ley cósmica, que comenzó con el Big-Bang. Ahora bien, la degradación social que hay que designar no coexiste con el universo; es algo que, en la historia de la humanidad, tiene un inicio, y a la que entonces se le podría poner un fin. + +Propongo designar este fenómeno como “desvalor”. Puede ponerse en relación con la degradación del valor, así como la entropía se puso en relación con la degradación de la energía. La entropía es una medida de la transformación de la energía en una forma que ya no puede convertirse en “trabajo” físico. “Desvalor” es un término que traduce la destrucción de los ámbitos de comunidad y de las culturas, y que da como resultado que el trabajo tradicional se despoja de su capacidad de engendrar la subsistencia. En este punto, la analogía entre los dos conceptos es bastante cercana para justificar el salto metafórico que une la astronomía con los modos de vida modernos (e inversamente). + +La palabra “desvalor” no aparece en los diccionarios. Por su parte, al “valor” tenemos muchas ocasiones de encontrarlo. Algo puede ser devaluado o sobrevaluado; las acciones pierden valor; las monedas antiguas ganan en valor; el amor fingido no tiene valor. En todos estos usos, el “valor” se considera como algo evidente. En el lenguaje cotidiano, puede significar cualquier cosa o casi… De hecho, con frecuencia se usa para significar el bien. Procede de la disposición mental que, a mediados del siglo pasado, produjo igualmente “fuerza de trabajo”, “desecho”, “energía” y “entropía”. + +El concepto de desvalor permite mostrar las homologías y las contradicciones que existen entre la degradación social y la degradación física. Mientras que el “trabajo” físico tiende a aumentar la entropía, la productividad económica del trabajo descansa sobre la desvalorización anterior de las actividades tradicionales en el seno de una cultura. El desecho y la degradación se consideran habitualmente como efectos secundarios de la producción de valores. Precisamente la idea que avanzo es la idea inversa. Sostengo que el valor económico sólo se acumula a causa de la devastación anterior de la cultura, que también puede considerarse como una creación de desvalor. + +# La parábola de los desechos de méxico + +México ofrece al mundo un nuevo azote. Hoy es un lugar en el que las salmonelas y las amibas se transmiten normalmente por las vías respiratorias. Quien llegue al valle de Tenochtitlán, situado a 2 250 metros de altura y ceñido de montañas, busca su aliento en la atmósfera enrarecida. Hace medio siglo, en la ciudad de México el aire era vivo y puro. Actualmente, los pulmones sirven de depósito de un aire muy contaminado por un _smog_ que contiene una alta densidad de partículas sólidas, de las cuales muchas son agentes patógenos. Un conjunto particular de condiciones sociales incuba y dispersa las bacterias de la ciudad. Algunos ilustran la manera en que el derrumbe cultural, la ideología y los preconceptos tecnocráticos se conjugan para crear el desvalor. La evolución de la ciudad de México desde hace 30 años es un cuento moral que describe la sobreproducción del desvalor. + +En 40 años, la ciudad pasó de un millón de habitantes a más de 20 millones. La única experiencia que tienen en común, antes de su llegada, los que van ahí a aglomerarse, es el gozo de un espacio casi ilimitado. La agricultura precolombina no conocía el gran ganado doméstico. El buey, el caballo y el asno se trajeron de Europa. Las evacuaciones animales se apreciaban. El esparcimiento de los excrementos humanos era algo usual. Los recientes inmigrantes de la ciudad generalmente vienen de las zonas rurales. No tienen hábitos de higiene apropiados a una gran densidad de población. Y las nociones mexicanas relativas a la defecación jamás fueron modeladas por una atención comparable a la que presta a estas cuestiones el pensamiento hindú, musulmán o confuciano. No es entonces sorprendente que hoy, en la ciudad de México, entre cuatro y cinco millones de personas no tengan un lugar específico para depositar sus heces, su orina, su sangre. La ideología de los WC paraliza la urbanización cultural de las costumbres nativas de los inmigrantes. + +La ceguera elitista ante la naturaleza cultural de los excrementos, cuando éstos se producen en una ciudad moderna, se conjuga con las visiones extremadamente especializadas que las escuelas de pensamiento higienista internacionales implantaron en la mente de los burócratas mexicanos. El prejuicio anglosajón que bloquea fisiológicamente los movimientos peristálticos salvo si uno está sentado en el excusado, con el papel de baño a la mano, se volvió endémico en la élite gobernante de México. De ahí resulta que es singularmente ciega al verdadero problema que se plantea. Además, durante el _boom_ petrolero de inicios de los años setenta, esta élite se entusiasmó con proyectos megalómanos. Se emprendieron inmensos trabajos públicos que nunca terminaron, y las ruinas de los proyectos inacabados se consideran como símbolos de un desarrollo que arrancará muy pronto. Mientras que en las capas pobres de la población se las arreglan como pueden sabiendo que el final del desarrollo está ahí, el gobierno sigue hablando de una crisis económica temporal que momentáneamente detuvo el flujo de dólares y de agua. Su uso cotidiano de excusados, conjugado con la ilusión de atravesar una crisis de corta duración, vuelve ciegos a los planificadores y a los expertos en técnicas sanitarias frente a la evidencia de que los excrementos de sus cuatro millones de conciudadanos sin excusados seguirán expandiéndose, descomponiéndose y atomizándose en el aire rarificado de la alta planicie. + +# El terremoto de la ciudad de méxico + +Además, en septiembre de 1985, un sismo sacudió no sólo la capital del país, sino también la suficiencia de algunos profesionales. En países como México, los ingenieros y responsables de servicios de higiene forzosamente pertenecen a la clase que, por definición, usa excusados. Pero, en 1985, muchos de ellos se vieron privados de agua en su domicilio y en su trabajo durante varias semanas. Por primera vez en la prensa, editorialistas se preguntaron si la higiene significa inevitablemente la dilución de las heces y la producción de agua fangosa. Lo que debería haberse constatado desde hace largo tiempo se volvió bruscamente una evidencia para algunos: México no tiene la capacidad económica de proveer agua para varios millones de excusados suplementarios. Además, si hubiera incluso bastante dinero y si el uso de la caja de agua estuviera estrictamente reglamentado, la generalización de los excusados constituiría una seria y desastrosa agresión contra el México rural. El bombeo de millones de litros de agua necesarios devastaría a las comunidades agrícolas semiáridas en un radio de cerca de 200 kilómetros. Lo que forzaría a emigrar a la ciudad de México a millones suplementarios de individuos. Abandonadas, millones de hectáreas de suelos frágiles de las terrazas, de las cuales algunas se remontan más allá de la llegada de los españoles, serían barridas por los vientos y las lluvias. El centro de la meseta mesoamericana se volvería definitivamente desértico. Habría ahí un enorme desperdicio suscitado por una ideología que trata a los seres humanos como productores naturales de desechos. Animados con ideas diferentes, una nueva oposición política se constituyó, que eligió promover unidades de composta tanto para los ricos como para los pobres. + +Es interesante observar de qué manera un grupo restringido, pero potencialmente influyente, reaccionó sin retomar por su cuenta la ideología de los excusados. Para esos ciudadanos, el ideal de la _normalidad_,[^n01] que en español significa la perpendicularidad, voló en pedazos. Esta gente, que, aparte de algunos profesionales, forma parte de una capa muy pobre, prisionera de una de las más grandes megalópolis del mundo, rechazó los símbolos de la vida urbana, los rascacielos, las profundas vías subterráneas, los mercados gigantescos. Para ellas, el corazón de la ciudad de México en ruinas se volvió un signo de esperanza. Certidumbres en cuanto al agua y a los excrementos, hasta ese momento admitidas sin examen, se volvieron objeto de chistes. En las _pulquerías_,[^n02] volaban las bromas sobre el desarrollo. De forma manifiesta, el desarrollo no había llevado a una redistribución del valor acumulado, sino a la creación de un gigantesco mojón compuesto de cemento y plástico y que necesita mantenimiento por parte de servicios profesionales. Los desagües se volvieron el símbolo de los remedios requeridos en una ciudad erigida para el entrenamiento del _homo œconomicus_ en el uso de los excusados. + +# La historia del desecho + +La definición social de los excrementos, que en la mente de quienes los producen no pueden transformarse en composta, se volvió simbólica de la “depreciación” de la gente. La gente aprende que es tributaria de servicios incluso cuando actúa bajo la incitación de las necesidades más elementales. En esta óptica, el excusado es una máquina para instalar la costumbre de agacharse, de depreciarse, que prepara al ciudadano a depender de servicios escasos en otros terrenos. Hace nacer la percepción corporal del _homo_ generador de desecho. Cuando la gente capta que, varias veces al día, sus necesidades físicas de evacuación engendran una degradación del medio ambiente, es fácil convencerla de que, simplemente al existir, no puede dejar de contribuir a la “entropía”. + +El desecho no es una consecuencia natural de la existencia humana. El profesor Ludolf Kuchenbuch, que trabaja en una historia del desecho, reunió ampliamente las pruebas. El concepto que sin discusión tomamos por nuestra cuenta apareció sólo hacia 1830. Antes de esta fecha, el término inglés _waste_ [en español desecho, desperdicio], verbo y sustantivo, estaba ligado con la devastación, la destrucción, la desertificación, la degradación. Algo que no puede evacuarse. Los profesores Tamanoi y Murata construyeron su teoría sobre un presupuesto similar: si una cultura refuerza regularmente la interacción del sol, de la tierra y del agua, su contribución al cosmos es positiva. Las sociedades humanas que crean desechos son las que destruyen la matriz tierra-agua de su medio y se vuelven centros de expansión de la devastación de las sociedades que las rodean. La entropía constituye un resultado de la destrucción de las culturas y de sus ámbitos de comunidad. + +Es entonces injustificado atribuir a cualquier cultura la producción de desechos. Los miasmas y los tabúes no deben en absoluto considerarse como iguales a los contaminantes modernos: fundan reglas simbólicas que refuerzan la integración y protegen las culturas de subsistencia. El pretendido desarrollo es una desvalorización programada de estas protecciones. + +# El desvalor en oposición al desecho + +El desvalor permanece invisible mientras prevalecen dos condiciones. La primera reside en la creencia general de que las categorías económicas, cuya tarea es medir “valores”, pueden usarse en formulaciones en relación con comunidades cuyo “asunto” no es el valor, sino el bien. El bien forma parte de una “ideología” local ligada con una mezcla de elementos inherentes a un lugar específico —para hablar como Paracelso o como Tamanoi—, mientras que el valor es una medida que conviene a la ideología abstracta de la ciencia. La segunda fuente de ceguera ante el desvalor es la certeza obsesiva de la plausibilidad del progreso. Esta propensión a reducir la convivencialidad a la economía primitiva, junto a un horror de la tradición disfrazada como voluntad de contribuir al progreso de los otros, engendra la destrucción inconsiderada del pasado. Se llega a mirar a la tradición como una expresión histórica del desecho, de la que hay que deshacerse al mismo tiempo que de las inmundicias del pasado. + +Hace solamente 10 años todavía parecía posible hablar con seguridad del progreso del siglo XX. La economía se presentaba como una máquina que acrecienta el flujo monetario. La economía, la información y el dinero parecían obedecer a las mismas reglas —las leyes de la entropía se aplicaban por igual—. El desarrollo de la capacidad de producción, la multiplicación de trabajadores calificados y el aumento del ahorro se veían como elementos constitutivos del “crecimiento” que, tarde o temprano, repartiría más dinero a más gente. A pesar de una mayor desintegración social debida al crecimiento del flujo monetario, lo que se presentaba como la exigencia primera para satisfacer las necesidades fundamentales de más gente ¡era siempre más dinero! La entropía parecía entonces un análogo pertinente de la degradación social que resultaba de la circulación general del dinero. + +Mientras tanto, se anunciaba una cuestión nueva y radical de las verdades económicas. Hace sólo 20 años todavía no era ridículo imaginar una comunidad mundial fundada sobre una dignidad y una justicia iguales, que podría proyectarse siguiendo el modelo de los flujos de valor derivados de la termodinámica. Desde entonces no sólo la promesa de igualdad entre los hombres sino incluso la posibilidad de una oportunidad igual de sobrevivencia suenan vacías. A escala mundial es evidente que el crecimiento concentró los provechos económicos, desvalorizando simultáneamente a los seres y los lugares de manera tal que la sobrevivencia se volvió imposible fuera de la economía monetaria. Más gente está más desprovista e impotente como nunca en el pasado. Además, los privilegios que sólo pueden adquirir los que gozan de grandes percepciones son cada vez más apreciados, principalmente como un medio de escapar al desvalor que afecta la vida de todos. + +La ideología del progreso económico extiende una sombra de desvalor sobre casi todas las actividades modeladas culturalmente de manera separada del flujo monetario. Gente como los inmigrantes rurales de la ciudad de México, y nociones como las reglas de salud locales se devalúan mucho antes de que se les puedan dar excusados eficientes. La gente está obligada a entrar en una nueva topología mental en donde los lugares destinados a los movimientos peristálticos son escasos, al mismo tiempo que los recursos para crear estos lugares están fuera del alcance de la nueva economía en la que se encuentran. La ideología de la producción y del consumo en condiciones implícitas de escasez “natural” se apodera de su mente mientras que el dinero o el empleo remunerado están fuera de su alcance. La autodegradación, el autorrebajamiento, el autofracaso caracterizan la creación de las condiciones necesarias para el crecimiento legítimo de una economía monetaria. + +Aquí es donde Joshiro Tamanoi entra en escena. No sólo tradujo a Karl Polanyi, sino que también enseñó sus ideas. Retomó la distinción entre economía monetaria y economía de subsistencia que se remonta a Polanyi. Cuarenta años después de él, Tamanoi —de quien sólo conozco el pensamiento por nuestras conversaciones, pues sus obras están en japonés, lengua que ignoro— introdujo esta distinción en el Japón moderno. Puede usarse para resumir la tesis que expongo. La entropía es probablemente una metáfora eficaz para subrayar la depreciación en la economía monetaria. El flujo de la moneda o de la información puede, de cierta manera, compararse con el flujo del calor. Pero es evidente que la macroeconomía no nos dice nada de lo que la gente considera como bueno. La entropía no es pertinente para explicar la devastación de los contextos culturales de subsistencia gracias a los cuales la gente actúa fuera de la economía monetaria. En efecto, el “intercambio” de dones o las transacciones de bienes en la economía de subsistencia son, por su misma naturaleza, heterogéneos al modelo del flujo de valor postulado por la economía monetaria. Y, mientras que el modelo termodinámico del flujo se extiende, borra un modo de vida del que la entropía será para siempre ajena. + +----- + +Conferencia pronunciada durante la primera reunión pública de la Entropy Society, Keyo University, Tokio, 9 de noviembre de 1986. + +[^n01]: En español en el original. (T.) + +[^n02]: En español en el original. (T.) + diff --git a/contents/article/1986-disvalue/es.txt b/contents/article/1986-disvalue/es.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..470b12c --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1986-disvalue/es.txt @@ -0,0 +1,89 @@ +# Desvalor + +## El foro del profesor Tamanoi + +Esta primera reunión pública de la Entropy Society japonesa nos permite conmemorar al profesor Joshiro Tamanoi. La mayoría de nosotros fuimos sus amigos o sus alumnos. Las cuestiones que suscitó son las que congregan aquí a 600 participantes, físicos y biólogos, economistas y ecologistas. + +Cuando enseñaba economía en la universidad de Tokio, el profesor Tamanoi tradujo a Karl Polanyi en japonés. A través de su enseñanza y sus obras, le dio un sabor japonés único a la investigación ecológica uniendo dimensiones culturales y dimensiones físicas. Logró esto concentrándose en la interacción entre la ideología económica de una época y la matriz tierra-agua que corresponde a la vida social. Fue un militante activo de una política del medio ambiente y un maestro fuera de serie. Los que fueron sus amigos nunca olvidarán su delicadeza. + +## Designar un mal + +Casi no mantenía ilusiones. Con valentía, reflexionaba sobre la guerra moderna, la fealdad moderna y la injusticia social moderna, incluso confrontado a un horror casi insoportable. Pero nadie olvidará el equilibrio de Tamanoi-sensei. Su compasión, su humor sutil que nunca lo abandonaban. Me hizo conocer el mundo de los que sobrevivieron con las cicatrices de la bomba de Hiroshima, los _hibakusha_. Y en él veo a un _hibakusha_ mental. Vivió la “experiencia interior” bajo la sombra de Hiroshima y Minamata. Bajo esta nube forjó una terminología para vincular espacios históricos con lugares materiales. Para ello usaba la “entropía” como un _semeion_ , una señal de la amenaza inminente contra una percepción exquisitamente japonesa de la localidad que aparentemente no tiene un equivalente occidental, como por ejemplo el _fudo_. La entropía ocupaba el centro de nuestras conversaciones. En esta conferencia me propongo explorar los límites en los que la noción de entropía puede aplicarse con utilidad a fenómenos sociales comparándola con la noción de desecho. Sugeriré entonces la noción de “desvalor” que espero nos permita aprehender con mayor claridad el término “entropía” cuando se usa fuera de la física o de la teoría de la información. + +El término “entropía” se debe al físico alemán Clausius. En 1850, al estudiar la relación entre el calor y la presión en un sistema cerrado, buscó una palabra para designar esta función. Helenista aficionado, tomó del griego el término “entropía” en 1865. Desde entonces esta palabra designa el algoritmo que define un fenómeno que anteriormente no se había notado. Al elegir precisamente esta palabra, Clausius nos prestó un servicio. En griego clásico, _entrópeo_ significa ‘girar’, ‘torcer’, ‘pervertir” o ‘humillar’. Después de un siglo de su introducción en la física, el término griego sigue siendo capaz de traducir una desviación frustrante que anteriormente se desconocía, que pervierte nuestras mejores energías sociales e intenciones morales. + +En algunos años, esta palabra se volvió una llave maestra para designar una variedad de desviaciones paradójicas que tienen dos cosas en común: son tan nuevas que el lenguaje cotidiano no tiene un sentido tradicional preciso que darles, y tan exasperantes que la gente prefiere evitar mencionarlas. Para tabuizar su propia implicación en un consumo furioso de bienes y servicios, la gente se apropia de la no palabra “entropía” con el fin de que la degradación social aparezca como un caso, entre otros, de una ley natural general. + +Cuando la gente evoca el empobrecimiento cultural que se revela en la escuela embrutecedora, en la medicina iatrógena y en la aceleración devoradora de tiempo, habla de la perversión de las buenas intenciones, no de los flujos de energía o de información. A lo que apuntan es a los efectos nefastos de la búsqueda de metas sociales inapropiadas que no tienen nada de la inocencia del determinismo inexorable que asociamos en física con la entropía. La degradación de la diversidad cultural por la organización transnacional de los flujos monetarios no es una ley natural, sino el resultado de la codicia. La desaparición de las culturas de subsistencia ligadas con terruños es un aspecto histórico y dramático de la condición humana, _pero es reciente_. La desaparición de las “ideologías” que privilegian la matriz tierra-agua es el hecho de las empresas y de los esfuerzos del hombre. Lo que nos parece natural en este final del siglo XX no ha existido todo el tiempo. + +Tamanoi me hizo captar que es posible englobar el suelo, el agua y el sol en una antropología filosófica, hablar de una “filosofía de la tierra”. Después de nuestras conversaciones, redescubrí a Paracelso, que proponía el mismo enfoque. Una filosofía de la tierra parte de la certeza de que la razón es vana sin una elaboración recíproca de las normas y de la realidad tangible; que hay que _ver_ la entidad culturalmente elaborada al mismo tiempo que su “entorno”, tal y como se presenta en un tiempo y en un lugar concretos. Esta interacción procede tanto del modo moral y estético como de los “espíritus” que elaboran los rituales y las artes a partir de la matriz terrestre de un lugar. La desaparición de las matrices correspondientes de la tierra y de la sociedad es una cuestión que no podríamos explorar con demasiada atención. A este respecto, la comparación entre la devastación de la diversidad cultural y la degradación cósmica puede ser útil, pero sólo a condición de que entendamos claramente los límites en los que la ciencia todavía es susceptible de engendrar metáforas. En cuanto metáfora, la entropía puede ser reveladora. Pero, en cuanto análogo, sólo puede ser engañosa. + +## La entropía como metáfora en oposición a la entropía como análogo reductor + +La última plática que nos reunió al profesor Tamanoi y a mí tuvo lugar después de un recorrido por su isla natal de Okinawa. Me hizo visitar a sus amigos, campos de batalla, grutas refugio, refinerías. Desde un recodo sobre un camino de montaña contemplamos los equipos petroleros y la bahía actualmente abandonada. Las conchas, los jardines y la vida aldeana habían desaparecido. Nuestra conversación versó sobre el peligro de pasar, intelectualmente, de un árbol muerto a la contaminación del planeta. Ciertamente, la contaminación es un mal a escala mundial. Pero esta devastación y sus efectos tangibles nunca deben desviarnos de la tristeza que nos causa este árbol muerto, este paisaje, el parque de almejas, vacío, de este hombre. El lenguaje de los especialistas puede con facilidad debilitar nuestra muda cólera en relación con los pantanos que _conocimos_ y que desde hace poco están cubiertos con chapopote o con asfalto. Evocar la destrucción de la belleza como un ejemplo de entropía es difícil. La metáfora tiende a enmascarar la vil malignidad que, normalmente, deploraríamos, y en la que participa cualquier persona que conduce un automóvil o viaja en avión. Las palabras creadas a partir de nociones técnicas son notablemente impropias para un uso metafórico. Cuando los términos técnicos pasan a un discurso ético, eclipsan casi inevitablemente el significado moral. + +Las _palabras_ auténticas tienen un nimbo. Por el contrario, los _términos_ no tienen connotaciones. Un nimbo de connotaciones rodea las palabras, como la imagen del carillón de viento que la voz pone en movimiento. La “entropía” no está entre estas palabras, aunque muchos traten de usarla así. En este último caso, está limitada de dos maneras: pierde lo tajante que tenía en cuanto término, y nunca adquiere las armonías de una palabra fuerte. En un poema es una piedra, y en el discurso político, un garrote. + +Las palabras que la gente usa cuando quiere decir algo importante no se sacan arbitrariamente de una lengua muerta —por ejemplo, el griego antiguo— ni se cargan de sentido únicamente por su definición. Cualquier palabra auténtica tiene su cuna natal; está arraigada allí como una planta en una pradera. Algunos términos se despliegan como plantas rampantes, otros tienen la densidad del roble. Sin embargo, su efecto está bajo el control del locutor. Quien habla se esfuerza por hacer que sus palabras signifiquen lo que quiere decir. Pero ninguna definición clara se le da a la entropía cuando tiene otra acepción que no es la técnica. Nadie puede decir a la persona que pronuncia esta palabra que la maneja mal. No hay una manera justa de usar un término técnico en la conversación ordinaria. + +Cuando “entropía” se usa en el lenguaje corriente, pierde su poder de designar una fórmula; no encaja ni en la frase ni en el sistema. Pero también pierde el género de connotación que poseen las palabras fuertes. Desprende un halo evocador que, al contrario del sentido de las palabras fuertes, es vago y arbitrario. Cuando el término “entropía” aparece en una declaración política, falazmente toma un giro científico, mientras que de hecho probablemente no tiene sentido. Si convence, no es en virtud de su fuerza, sino de una seducción irracional. Enmascara una perversión moral que, de otra manera, descompondría al locutor, pues da la impresión de que lo que formula es científico y está cargado de sentido. + +Lo que veo, y me desconsuela y me turba en relación con esta isla degradada de Okinawa, es el resultado de la presunción, de la agresión y de la avidez de los seres humanos. La entropía evoca con fuerza una analogía estricta entre el reino de la dignidad y de la libertad humanas y las leyes del cosmos. Al hablar de agresión, de avidez y de desesperanza en este contexto de la entropía, disculpo el crimen y la despreocupación al invocar la necesidad cósmica. En lugar de confesar que, por mi modo de vida, promuevo un mal, sugiero que la eliminación de la belleza y de la diversidad es el trayecto ineluctable de la cultura y de la naturaleza. Ésta es la cuestión que ha tratado Tamanoi. Él definía la interacción local del hombre y de la tierra, moldeada ideológicamente, como el centro del cosmos. + +A pesar de esta ambigüedad, la “entropía” sigue siendo un término precioso. Usado como una metáfora evocadora y flexible, y no como un análogo reductor, sirve para alertar a algunos ante la degradación social, la pérdida de la belleza y la diversidad, la trivialidad y la sordidez crecientes. Nos ayuda a reconocer los ruidos parásitos, las ondas ineptas y desprovistas de significado que bombardean nuestros sentidos internos y externos. Si estuviera seguro que se conservan en la mente estas limitaciones, no quisiera renunciar a él. + +## El desvalor por oposición a la entropía + +Tomadas al pie de la letra, las metáforas son generadoras de absurdidades. Decir que el cerebro de mi hijo es una computadora expresa sólo la vanidad de un padre que pretende ser moderno. Sin embargo, la eficacia de una metáfora procede sobre todo del choque que provoca en el oyente una impropiedad intencional del lenguaje. La metáfora no opera más que cuando los dos terrenos entre los que navega esta metáfora son orillas accesibles al entendimiento del oyente. Ahora bien, cuando se usa el término “entropía” en un sentido metafórico se trata de ligar terrenos particularmente oscuros y alejados uno de otro. Para el oyente medio, el mundo de la ciencia es impresionante —por definición, su lenguaje matemático es ajeno al hombre de la calle—. Por otra parte, el terreno en el que la metáfora de la entropía se supone que sirve de guía —el universo de la contaminación organizada, de la seguridad apocalíptica, de la educación programada, de la enfermedad medicalizada, de la muerte informatizada y otras formas de sinsentido institucionales— es tan aterrador que sólo puedo considerarlo con el respeto que se debe al diablo; con el temor constante de perder la sensibilidad de mi corazón acostumbrándome al mal. + +Ahí está el peligro asociado con el término “entropía”, a causa de la desviación socioeconómica generalizada que pervierte moralmente casi la totalidad de los aspectos de la existencia posmoderna. Sin embargo, este término nos fue útil. Nos forzó a darnos cuenta de que nos quedamos sin voz ante una evolución social que da la impresión (falaz) de ser tan natural como el caos hipotético que resulta del curso irreversible del universo. + +El término que denomina esta desviación debería ser tal que denotara la naturaleza histórica y moral de nuestra tristeza, la perfidia y la depravación que causan la pérdida de la belleza, de la autonomía y de esta dignidad que da su valor al trabajo del hombre. La entropía implica que la devastación es una ley cósmica, que comenzó con el Big-Bang. Ahora bien, la degradación social que hay que designar no coexiste con el universo; es algo que, en la historia de la humanidad, tiene un inicio, y a la que entonces se le podría poner un fin. + +Propongo designar este fenómeno como “desvalor”. Puede ponerse en relación con la degradación del valor, así como la entropía se puso en relación con la degradación de la energía. La entropía es una medida de la transformación de la energía en una forma que ya no puede convertirse en “trabajo” físico. “Desvalor” es un término que traduce la destrucción de los ámbitos de comunidad y de las culturas, y que da como resultado que el trabajo tradicional se despoja de su capacidad de engendrar la subsistencia. En este punto, la analogía entre los dos conceptos es bastante cercana para justificar el salto metafórico que une la astronomía con los modos de vida modernos (e inversamente). + +La palabra “desvalor” no aparece en los diccionarios. Por su parte, al “valor” tenemos muchas ocasiones de encontrarlo. Algo puede ser devaluado o sobrevaluado; las acciones pierden valor; las monedas antiguas ganan en valor; el amor fingido no tiene valor. En todos estos usos, el “valor” se considera como algo evidente. En el lenguaje cotidiano, puede significar cualquier cosa o casi… De hecho, con frecuencia se usa para significar el bien. Procede de la disposición mental que, a mediados del siglo pasado, produjo igualmente “fuerza de trabajo”, “desecho”, “energía” y “entropía”. + +El concepto de desvalor permite mostrar las homologías y las contradicciones que existen entre la degradación social y la degradación física. Mientras que el “trabajo” físico tiende a aumentar la entropía, la productividad económica del trabajo descansa sobre la desvalorización anterior de las actividades tradicionales en el seno de una cultura. El desecho y la degradación se consideran habitualmente como efectos secundarios de la producción de valores. Precisamente la idea que avanzo es la idea inversa. Sostengo que el valor económico sólo se acumula a causa de la devastación anterior de la cultura, que también puede considerarse como una creación de desvalor. + +## La parábola de los desechos de méxico + +México ofrece al mundo un nuevo azote. Hoy es un lugar en el que las salmonelas y las amibas se transmiten normalmente por las vías respiratorias. Quien llegue al valle de Tenochtitlán, situado a 2 250 metros de altura y ceñido de montañas, busca su aliento en la atmósfera enrarecida. Hace medio siglo, en la ciudad de México el aire era vivo y puro. Actualmente, los pulmones sirven de depósito de un aire muy contaminado por un _smog_ que contiene una alta densidad de partículas sólidas, de las cuales muchas son agentes patógenos. Un conjunto particular de condiciones sociales incuba y dispersa las bacterias de la ciudad. Algunos ilustran la manera en que el derrumbe cultural, la ideología y los preconceptos tecnocráticos se conjugan para crear el desvalor. La evolución de la ciudad de México desde hace 30 años es un cuento moral que describe la sobreproducción del desvalor. + +En 40 años, la ciudad pasó de un millón de habitantes a más de 20 millones. La única experiencia que tienen en común, antes de su llegada, los que van ahí a aglomerarse, es el gozo de un espacio casi ilimitado. La agricultura precolombina no conocía el gran ganado doméstico. El buey, el caballo y el asno se trajeron de Europa. Las evacuaciones animales se apreciaban. El esparcimiento de los excrementos humanos era algo usual. Los recientes inmigrantes de la ciudad generalmente vienen de las zonas rurales. No tienen hábitos de higiene apropiados a una gran densidad de población. Y las nociones mexicanas relativas a la defecación jamás fueron modeladas por una atención comparable a la que presta a estas cuestiones el pensamiento hindú, musulmán o confuciano. No es entonces sorprendente que hoy, en la ciudad de México, entre cuatro y cinco millones de personas no tengan un lugar específico para depositar sus heces, su orina, su sangre. La ideología de los WC paraliza la urbanización cultural de las costumbres nativas de los inmigrantes. + +La ceguera elitista ante la naturaleza cultural de los excrementos, cuando éstos se producen en una ciudad moderna, se conjuga con las visiones extremadamente especializadas que las escuelas de pensamiento higienista internacionales implantaron en la mente de los burócratas mexicanos. El prejuicio anglosajón que bloquea fisiológicamente los movimientos peristálticos salvo si uno está sentado en el excusado, con el papel de baño a la mano, se volvió endémico en la élite gobernante de México. De ahí resulta que es singularmente ciega al verdadero problema que se plantea. Además, durante el _boom_ petrolero de inicios de los años setenta, esta élite se entusiasmó con proyectos megalómanos. Se emprendieron inmensos trabajos públicos que nunca terminaron, y las ruinas de los proyectos inacabados se consideran como símbolos de un desarrollo que arrancará muy pronto. Mientras que en las capas pobres de la población se las arreglan como pueden sabiendo que el final del desarrollo está ahí, el gobierno sigue hablando de una crisis económica temporal que momentáneamente detuvo el flujo de dólares y de agua. Su uso cotidiano de excusados, conjugado con la ilusión de atravesar una crisis de corta duración, vuelve ciegos a los planificadores y a los expertos en técnicas sanitarias frente a la evidencia de que los excrementos de sus cuatro millones de conciudadanos sin excusados seguirán expandiéndose, descomponiéndose y atomizándose en el aire rarificado de la alta planicie. + +## El terremoto de la ciudad de méxico + +Además, en septiembre de 1985, un sismo sacudió no sólo la capital del país, sino también la suficiencia de algunos profesionales. En países como México, los ingenieros y responsables de servicios de higiene forzosamente pertenecen a la clase que, por definición, usa excusados. Pero, en 1985, muchos de ellos se vieron privados de agua en su domicilio y en su trabajo durante varias semanas. Por primera vez en la prensa, editorialistas se preguntaron si la higiene significa inevitablemente la dilución de las heces y la producción de agua fangosa. Lo que debería haberse constatado desde hace largo tiempo se volvió bruscamente una evidencia para algunos: México no tiene la capacidad económica de proveer agua para varios millones de excusados suplementarios. Además, si hubiera incluso bastante dinero y si el uso de la caja de agua estuviera estrictamente reglamentado, la generalización de los excusados constituiría una seria y desastrosa agresión contra el México rural. El bombeo de millones de litros de agua necesarios devastaría a las comunidades agrícolas semiáridas en un radio de cerca de 200 kilómetros. Lo que forzaría a emigrar a la ciudad de México a millones suplementarios de individuos. Abandonadas, millones de hectáreas de suelos frágiles de las terrazas, de las cuales algunas se remontan más allá de la llegada de los españoles, serían barridas por los vientos y las lluvias. El centro de la meseta mesoamericana se volvería definitivamente desértico. Habría ahí un enorme desperdicio suscitado por una ideología que trata a los seres humanos como productores naturales de desechos. Animados con ideas diferentes, una nueva oposición política se constituyó, que eligió promover unidades de composta tanto para los ricos como para los pobres. + +Es interesante observar de qué manera un grupo restringido, pero potencialmente influyente, reaccionó sin retomar por su cuenta la ideología de los excusados. Para esos ciudadanos, el ideal de la _normalidad_,[^n01] que en español significa la perpendicularidad, voló en pedazos. Esta gente, que, aparte de algunos profesionales, forma parte de una capa muy pobre, prisionera de una de las más grandes megalópolis del mundo, rechazó los símbolos de la vida urbana, los rascacielos, las profundas vías subterráneas, los mercados gigantescos. Para ellas, el corazón de la ciudad de México en ruinas se volvió un signo de esperanza. Certidumbres en cuanto al agua y a los excrementos, hasta ese momento admitidas sin examen, se volvieron objeto de chistes. En las _pulquerías_,[^n02] volaban las bromas sobre el desarrollo. De forma manifiesta, el desarrollo no había llevado a una redistribución del valor acumulado, sino a la creación de un gigantesco mojón compuesto de cemento y plástico y que necesita mantenimiento por parte de servicios profesionales. Los desagües se volvieron el símbolo de los remedios requeridos en una ciudad erigida para el entrenamiento del _homo œconomicus_ en el uso de los excusados. + +## La historia del desecho + +La definición social de los excrementos, que en la mente de quienes los producen no pueden transformarse en composta, se volvió simbólica de la “depreciación” de la gente. La gente aprende que es tributaria de servicios incluso cuando actúa bajo la incitación de las necesidades más elementales. En esta óptica, el excusado es una máquina para instalar la costumbre de agacharse, de depreciarse, que prepara al ciudadano a depender de servicios escasos en otros terrenos. Hace nacer la percepción corporal del _homo_ generador de desecho. Cuando la gente capta que, varias veces al día, sus necesidades físicas de evacuación engendran una degradación del medio ambiente, es fácil convencerla de que, simplemente al existir, no puede dejar de contribuir a la “entropía”. + +El desecho no es una consecuencia natural de la existencia humana. El profesor Ludolf Kuchenbuch, que trabaja en una historia del desecho, reunió ampliamente las pruebas. El concepto que sin discusión tomamos por nuestra cuenta apareció sólo hacia 1830. Antes de esta fecha, el término inglés _waste_ [en español desecho, desperdicio], verbo y sustantivo, estaba ligado con la devastación, la destrucción, la desertificación, la degradación. Algo que no puede evacuarse. Los profesores Tamanoi y Murata construyeron su teoría sobre un presupuesto similar: si una cultura refuerza regularmente la interacción del sol, de la tierra y del agua, su contribución al cosmos es positiva. Las sociedades humanas que crean desechos son las que destruyen la matriz tierra-agua de su medio y se vuelven centros de expansión de la devastación de las sociedades que las rodean. La entropía constituye un resultado de la destrucción de las culturas y de sus ámbitos de comunidad. + +Es entonces injustificado atribuir a cualquier cultura la producción de desechos. Los miasmas y los tabúes no deben en absoluto considerarse como iguales a los contaminantes modernos: fundan reglas simbólicas que refuerzan la integración y protegen las culturas de subsistencia. El pretendido desarrollo es una desvalorización programada de estas protecciones. + +## El desvalor en oposición al desecho + +El desvalor permanece invisible mientras prevalecen dos condiciones. La primera reside en la creencia general de que las categorías económicas, cuya tarea es medir “valores”, pueden usarse en formulaciones en relación con comunidades cuyo “asunto” no es el valor, sino el bien. El bien forma parte de una “ideología” local ligada con una mezcla de elementos inherentes a un lugar específico —para hablar como Paracelso o como Tamanoi—, mientras que el valor es una medida que conviene a la ideología abstracta de la ciencia. La segunda fuente de ceguera ante el desvalor es la certeza obsesiva de la plausibilidad del progreso. Esta propensión a reducir la convivencialidad a la economía primitiva, junto a un horror de la tradición disfrazada como voluntad de contribuir al progreso de los otros, engendra la destrucción inconsiderada del pasado. Se llega a mirar a la tradición como una expresión histórica del desecho, de la que hay que deshacerse al mismo tiempo que de las inmundicias del pasado. + +Hace solamente 10 años todavía parecía posible hablar con seguridad del progreso del siglo XX. La economía se presentaba como una máquina que acrecienta el flujo monetario. La economía, la información y el dinero parecían obedecer a las mismas reglas —las leyes de la entropía se aplicaban por igual—. El desarrollo de la capacidad de producción, la multiplicación de trabajadores calificados y el aumento del ahorro se veían como elementos constitutivos del “crecimiento” que, tarde o temprano, repartiría más dinero a más gente. A pesar de una mayor desintegración social debida al crecimiento del flujo monetario, lo que se presentaba como la exigencia primera para satisfacer las necesidades fundamentales de más gente ¡era siempre más dinero! La entropía parecía entonces un análogo pertinente de la degradación social que resultaba de la circulación general del dinero. + +Mientras tanto, se anunciaba una cuestión nueva y radical de las verdades económicas. Hace sólo 20 años todavía no era ridículo imaginar una comunidad mundial fundada sobre una dignidad y una justicia iguales, que podría proyectarse siguiendo el modelo de los flujos de valor derivados de la termodinámica. Desde entonces no sólo la promesa de igualdad entre los hombres sino incluso la posibilidad de una oportunidad igual de sobrevivencia suenan vacías. A escala mundial es evidente que el crecimiento concentró los provechos económicos, desvalorizando simultáneamente a los seres y los lugares de manera tal que la sobrevivencia se volvió imposible fuera de la economía monetaria. Más gente está más desprovista e impotente como nunca en el pasado. Además, los privilegios que sólo pueden adquirir los que gozan de grandes percepciones son cada vez más apreciados, principalmente como un medio de escapar al desvalor que afecta la vida de todos. + +La ideología del progreso económico extiende una sombra de desvalor sobre casi todas las actividades modeladas culturalmente de manera separada del flujo monetario. Gente como los inmigrantes rurales de la ciudad de México, y nociones como las reglas de salud locales se devalúan mucho antes de que se les puedan dar excusados eficientes. La gente está obligada a entrar en una nueva topología mental en donde los lugares destinados a los movimientos peristálticos son escasos, al mismo tiempo que los recursos para crear estos lugares están fuera del alcance de la nueva economía en la que se encuentran. La ideología de la producción y del consumo en condiciones implícitas de escasez “natural” se apodera de su mente mientras que el dinero o el empleo remunerado están fuera de su alcance. La autodegradación, el autorrebajamiento, el autofracaso caracterizan la creación de las condiciones necesarias para el crecimiento legítimo de una economía monetaria. + +Aquí es donde Joshiro Tamanoi entra en escena. No sólo tradujo a Karl Polanyi, sino que también enseñó sus ideas. Retomó la distinción entre economía monetaria y economía de subsistencia que se remonta a Polanyi. Cuarenta años después de él, Tamanoi —de quien sólo conozco el pensamiento por nuestras conversaciones, pues sus obras están en japonés, lengua que ignoro— introdujo esta distinción en el Japón moderno. Puede usarse para resumir la tesis que expongo. La entropía es probablemente una metáfora eficaz para subrayar la depreciación en la economía monetaria. El flujo de la moneda o de la información puede, de cierta manera, compararse con el flujo del calor. Pero es evidente que la macroeconomía no nos dice nada de lo que la gente considera como bueno. La entropía no es pertinente para explicar la devastación de los contextos culturales de subsistencia gracias a los cuales la gente actúa fuera de la economía monetaria. En efecto, el “intercambio” de dones o las transacciones de bienes en la economía de subsistencia son, por su misma naturaleza, heterogéneos al modelo del flujo de valor postulado por la economía monetaria. Y, mientras que el modelo termodinámico del flujo se extiende, borra un modo de vida del que la entropía será para siempre ajena. + +----- + +Conferencia pronunciada durante la primera reunión pública de la Entropy Society, Keyo University, Tokio, 9 de noviembre de 1986. + +[^n01:] En español en el original. (T.)] + +[^n02:] En español en el original. (T.)] diff --git a/contents/article/1986-disvalue/index b/contents/article/1986-disvalue/index new file mode 100644 index 0000000..3f9e1fb --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1986-disvalue/index @@ -0,0 +1,7 @@ +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Disvalue_ +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** *YEAR* +* **#@LANG_versions@#:** + * _Beauty And The Junkyard_. 1991. In: "Whole earth review". No. 73, pp. 64 +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** diff --git a/contents/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/en.bib b/contents/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/en.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..f17a866 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/en.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Foreword to "Deschooling Our Lives"}, + year = {1995}, + date = {1995}, + origdate = {1995}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-21} +} diff --git a/contents/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/en.md b/contents/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/en.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..3bd4044 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/en.md @@ -0,0 +1,38 @@ +--- + title: "Foreword to 'Deschooling Our Lives'" + author: "Ivan Illich" + date: "1995" + lang: "en" + documentclass: article + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue +--- + +Leafing through the pages of _Deschooling Our Lives_ transports me back to the year 1970 when, together with Everett Reimer at the Center for Intercultural Documentation (CIDOC) in Cuernavaca, I gathered together some of the more thoughtful critics of education (Paulo Freire, John Holt, Paul Goodman, Jonathan Kozol, Joel Spring, George Dennison, and others) to address the futility of schooling — not only in Latin America, which was already obvious — but also in the so-called developed, industrialized world. + +On Wednesday mornings during the spring and summer of that year, I distributed drafts of essays that eventually became chapters of my book, _Deschooling Society_. Looking back over a quarter century, many of the views and criticisms that seemed so radical back in 1970 today seem rather naive. While my criticisms of schooling in that book may have helped some people reflect on the unwanted social side effects of that institution — and perhaps pursue meaningful alternatives to it — I now realize that I was largely barking up the wrong tree. To understand why I feel this way and to get a glimpse of where I am today, I invite readers to accompany me on the journey I took after _Deschooling Society_. + +My travelogue begins twenty-five years ago, when _Deschooling Society_ was about to appear. During the nine months the manuscript was at the publishers, I grew more and more dissatisfied with the text, which, by the way, did not argue for the elimination of schools. This misapprehension I owe to Cass Canfield Sr., Harper’s president, who named the book and in so doing misrepresented my thoughts. The book advocates the disestablishment of schools, in the sense in which the Church has been disestablished in the United States. By disestablishment, I meant, first, not paying public monies and, second, not granting any special social privileges to either church- or school-goers. (I even suggested that instead of financing schools, we should go further than we went with religion and have schools pay taxes, so that schooling would become a luxury object and be recognized as such.) + +I called for the disestablishment of schools for the sake of improving education and here, I noticed, lay my mistake. Much more important than the disestablishment of schools, I began to see, was the reversal of those trends that make of education a pressing need rather than a gift of gratuitous leisure. I began to fear that the disestablishment of the educational church would lead to a fanatical revival of many forms of degraded, all-encompassing education, making the world into a universal classrcom, a global schoolhouse. The more important question became, "Why do so many people—even ardent critics of schooling—become addicted to education, as to a drug?" + +Norman Cousins published my own recantation in the Saturday Review during the very week Deschooling Society came out. In it I argued that the alternative to schooling was not some other type of educational agency, or the design of educational opportunities in every aspect of life, but a society which fosters a different attitude of people toward tools. + +I expanded and generalized this argument in my next book, _Tools for Conviviality_. + +Largely through the help of my friend and colleague Wolfgang Sachs, I came to see that the educational function was already emigrating from the schools and that, increasingly, other forms of compulsory learning would be instituted in modern society. It would become compulsory not by law, but by other tricks, such as making people believe that they are learning something from TV, or compelling people to attend in-service training, or getting people to pay huge amounts of money in order to be taught how to have better sex, how to be more sensitive, how to know more about the vitamins they need, how to play games, and so on. This talk of "lifelong learning" and "learning needs" has thoroughly polluted society, and not just schools, with the stench of education. + +Then came the third stage, in the late seventies and early eighties, when my curiosity and reflections focused on the historical circumstances under which the very idea of educational needs can arise. When I wrote _Deschooling Society_, the social effects, and not the historical substance of education, were still at the core of my interest. I had questioned schooling as a desirable means, but I had not questioned education as a desirable end. I still accepted that, fundamentally, educational needs of some kind were an historical given of human nature. I no longer accept this today. + +As I refocused my attention from schooling to education, from the process toward its orientation, I came to understand education as learning when it takes place under the assumption of scarcity in the means which produce it. The "need" for education from this perspective appears as a result of societal beliefs and arrangements which make the means for so-called socialization scarce. And, from this same perspective, I began to notice that educational rituals reflected, reinforced, and actually created belief in the value of learning pursued under conditions of scarcity. Such beliefs, arrangements, and rituals, I came to see, could easily survive and thrive under the rubrics of deschooling, free schooling, or homeschooling (which, for the most part, are limited to the commendable rejection of authoritarian methods). + +What does scarcity have to do with education? If the means for learning (in general) are abundant, rather than scarce, then education never arises — one does not need to make special arrangements for "learning". If, on the other hand, the means for learning are in scarce supply, or are assumed to be scarce, then educational arrangements crop up to "ensure" that certain, important knowledge, ideas, skills, attitudes, etc., are "transmitted". Education then becomes an economic commodity, which one consumes, or, to use common language, which one "gets". Scarcity emerges both from our perceptions, which are massaged by education professionaals who are in the business of imputing educational needs, and from actual societal arrangements that make access to tools and to skilled, knowledgeable people hard to come by — that is, scarce. + +If there were one thing I could wish for the readers (and some of the writers) of _Deschooling Our Lives_, it would be this: If people are seriously to think about deschooling their lives, and not just escape from the corrosive effects of compulsory schooling, they could do no better than to develop the habit of setting a mental question mark beside all discourse on young people’s “educational needs” or “learning needs,” or about their need for a “preparation for life” I would like them to reflect on the historicity of these very ideas. Such reflection would take the new crop of deschoolers a step further from where the younger and somewhat naive Ivan was situated, back when talk of “deschooling” was born. + + +Bremen, Germany - Summer 1995 diff --git a/contents/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/en.notes b/contents/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/en.notes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..7bf8386 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/en.notes @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +* This article was originally included as foreword of the book "Deschooling Our Lives" (1995) and was also included in "Everywhere All the Time: A New Deschooling Reader" (2008). diff --git a/contents/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/en.txt b/contents/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/en.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..174edb4 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/en.txt @@ -0,0 +1,26 @@ +# Foreword to "Deschooling Our Lives" + +Leafing through the pages of _Deschooling Our Lives_ transports me back to the year 1970 when, together with Everett Reimer at the Center for Intercultural Documentation (CIDOC) in Cuernavaca, I gathered together some of the more thoughtful critics of education (Paulo Freire, John Holt, Paul Goodman, Jonathan Kozol, Joel Spring, George Dennison, and others) to address the futility of schooling — not only in Latin America, which was already obvious — but also in the so-called developed, industrialized world. + +On Wednesday mornings during the spring and summer of that year, I distributed drafts of essays that eventually became chapters of my book, _Deschooling Society_. Looking back over a quarter century, many of the views and criticisms that seemed so radical back in 1970 today seem rather naive. While my criticisms of schooling in that book may have helped some people reflect on the unwanted social side effects of that institution — and perhaps pursue meaningful alternatives to it — I now realize that I was largely barking up the wrong tree. To understand why I feel this way and to get a glimpse of where I am today, I invite readers to accompany me on the journey I took after _Deschooling Society_. + +My travelogue begins twenty-five years ago, when _Deschooling Society_ was about to appear. During the nine months the manuscript was at the publishers, I grew more and more dissatisfied with the text, which, by the way, did not argue for the elimination of schools. This misapprehension I owe to Cass Canfield Sr., Harper’s president, who named the book and in so doing misrepresented my thoughts. The book advocates the disestablishment of schools, in the sense in which the Church has been disestablished in the United States. By disestablishment, I meant, first, not paying public monies and, second, not granting any special social privileges to either church- or school-goers. (I even suggested that instead of financing schools, we should go further than we went with religion and have schools pay taxes, so that schooling would become a luxury object and be recognized as such.) + +I called for the disestablishment of schools for the sake of improving education and here, I noticed, lay my mistake. Much more important than the disestablishment of schools, I began to see, was the reversal of those trends that make of education a pressing need rather than a gift of gratuitous leisure. I began to fear that the disestablishment of the educational church would lead to a fanatical revival of many forms of degraded, all-encompassing education, making the world into a universal classrcom, a global schoolhouse. The more important question became, "Why do so many people—even ardent critics of schooling—become addicted to education, as to a drug?" + +Norman Cousins published my own recantation in the Saturday Review during the very week Deschooling Society came out. In it I argued that the alternative to schooling was not some other type of educational agency, or the design of educational opportunities in every aspect of life, but a society which fosters a different attitude of people toward tools. + +I expanded and generalized this argument in my next book, _Tools for Conviviality_. + +Largely through the help of my friend and colleague Wolfgang Sachs, I came to see that the educational function was already emigrating from the schools and that, increasingly, other forms of compulsory learning would be instituted in modern society. It would become compulsory not by law, but by other tricks, such as making people believe that they are learning something from TV, or compelling people to attend in-service training, or getting people to pay huge amounts of money in order to be taught how to have better sex, how to be more sensitive, how to know more about the vitamins they need, how to play games, and so on. This talk of "lifelong learning" and "learning needs" has thoroughly polluted society, and not just schools, with the stench of education. + +Then came the third stage, in the late seventies and early eighties, when my curiosity and reflections focused on the historical circumstances under which the very idea of educational needs can arise. When I wrote _Deschooling Society_, the social effects, and not the historical substance of education, were still at the core of my interest. I had questioned schooling as a desirable means, but I had not questioned education as a desirable end. I still accepted that, fundamentally, educational needs of some kind were an historical given of human nature. I no longer accept this today. + +As I refocused my attention from schooling to education, from the process toward its orientation, I came to understand education as learning when it takes place under the assumption of scarcity in the means which produce it. The "need" for education from this perspective appears as a result of societal beliefs and arrangements which make the means for so-called socialization scarce. And, from this same perspective, I began to notice that educational rituals reflected, reinforced, and actually created belief in the value of learning pursued under conditions of scarcity. Such beliefs, arrangements, and rituals, I came to see, could easily survive and thrive under the rubrics of deschooling, free schooling, or homeschooling (which, for the most part, are limited to the commendable rejection of authoritarian methods). + +What does scarcity have to do with education? If the means for learning (in general) are abundant, rather than scarce, then education never arises — one does not need to make special arrangements for "learning". If, on the other hand, the means for learning are in scarce supply, or are assumed to be scarce, then educational arrangements crop up to "ensure" that certain, important knowledge, ideas, skills, attitudes, etc., are "transmitted". Education then becomes an economic commodity, which one consumes, or, to use common language, which one "gets". Scarcity emerges both from our perceptions, which are massaged by education professionaals who are in the business of imputing educational needs, and from actual societal arrangements that make access to tools and to skilled, knowledgeable people hard to come by — that is, scarce. + +If there were one thing I could wish for the readers (and some of the writers) of _Deschooling Our Lives_, it would be this: If people are seriously to think about deschooling their lives, and not just escape from the corrosive effects of compulsory schooling, they could do no better than to develop the habit of setting a mental question mark beside all discourse on young people’s “educational needs” or “learning needs,” or about their need for a “preparation for life” I would like them to reflect on the historicity of these very ideas. Such reflection would take the new crop of deschoolers a step further from where the younger and somewhat naive Ivan was situated, back when talk of “deschooling” was born. + + +Bremen, Germany - Summer 1995 diff --git a/contents/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/es.bib b/contents/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/es.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..ab93863 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/es.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives-es, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Prólogo de "Desescolarizando nuestras vidas"}, + year = {1995}, + date = {1995}, + origdate = {1995}, + language = {es}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-21} +} diff --git a/contents/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/es.md b/contents/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/es.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..81a3b87 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/es.md @@ -0,0 +1,42 @@ +--- + title: "Prólogo de 'Desescolarizando nuestras vidas'" + author: "Ivan Illich" + date: "1995" + lang: "es" + documentclass: article + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue +--- + +Hojear las páginas de _Desescolarizar nuestras vidas_ me transporta al año 1970, cuando, junto con Everett Reimer en el Centro de Documentación Intercultural (CIDOC) de Cuernavaca, reuní a algunos de los más sesudos críticos de la educación (Paulo Freire, John Holt, Paul Goodman, Jonathan Kozol, Joel Spring, George Dennison y otros) para abordar la inutilidad de la escolarización -no sólo en América Latina, que ya era evidente- sino también en el llamado mundo desarrollado e industrializado. + +Los miércoles por la mañana, durante la primavera y el verano de ese año, distribuí borradores de ensayos que acabaron convirtiéndose en capítulos de mi libro, _La sociedad desescolarizada_. Mirando hacia atrás un cuarto de siglo, muchas de las opiniones y críticas que parecían tan radicales en 1970 parecen hoy bastante ingenuas. Aunque mis críticas a la escolarización en ese libro pueden haber ayudado a algunas personas a reflexionar sobre los efectos sociales secundarios no deseados de esa institución -y quizás a buscar alternativas significativas a la misma-, ahora me doy cuenta de que en gran medida estaba ladrando al árbol equivocado. Para entender por qué me siento así y tener una idea de dónde me encuentro hoy, invito a los lectores a acompañarme en el viaje que hice después de _La sociedad desescolarizada_. + +Mi cuaderno de viaje comienza hace veinticinco años, cuando _La sociedad desescolarizada_ estaba a punto de aparecer. Durante los nueve meses que el manuscrito estuvo en la editorial, cada vez estaba más insatisfecho con el texto, que, por cierto, no defendía la eliminación de las escuelas. Este malentendido se lo debo a Cass Canfield Sr., presidente de Harper's, que dio nombre al libro y con ello tergiversó mi pensamiento. El libro aboga por el desestablecimiento de las escuelas, en el sentido en que la Iglesia ha sido desestablecida en los Estados Unidos. Por desestructuración me refería, en primer lugar, a no pagar con dinero público y, en segundo lugar, a no conceder ningún privilegio social especial ni a los que van a la iglesia ni a los que van a la escuela. (Incluso sugerí que, en lugar de financiar las escuelas, deberíamos ir más allá de lo que hicimos con la religión y hacer que las escuelas pagaran impuestos, de modo que la escolarización se convirtiera en un objeto de lujo y fuera reconocida como tal). + +Pedí la desestructuración de las escuelas en aras de mejorar la educación y aquí, me di cuenta, radicó mi error. Mucho más importante que la disolución de las escuelas, empecé a ver, era la inversión de esas tendencias que hacen de la educación una necesidad apremiante en lugar de un regalo de ocio gratuito. Empecé a temer que la desestructuración de la iglesia educativa condujera a un renacimiento fanático de muchas formas de educación degradada y omnipresente, convirtiendo el mundo en una clase universal, una escuela global. La pregunta más importante se convirtió en: "¿Por qué tantas personas -incluso ardientes críticos de la escolarización- se vuelven adictas a la educación, como a una droga?" + +Norman Cousins publicó mi propia retractación en la Saturday Review durante la misma semana en que salió a la luz _La sociedad desescolarizada_. En ella argumentaba que la alternativa a la escolarización no era otro tipo de organismo educativo, ni el diseño de oportunidades educativas en todos los aspectos de la vida, sino una sociedad que fomente una actitud diferente de las personas hacia las herramientas. + +Amplié y generalicé este argumento en mi siguiente libro, _Herramientas para la convivencia_. + +En gran parte gracias a la ayuda de mi amigo y colega Wolfgang Sachs, llegué a ver que la función educativa ya estaba emigrando de las escuelas y que, cada vez más, se instituirían otras formas de aprendizaje obligatorio en la sociedad moderna. Se convertiría en obligatoria no por ley, sino por otros trucos, como hacer creer a la gente que aprende algo de la televisión, u obligar a la gente a asistir a cursos de formación continua, o conseguir que la gente pague enormes cantidades de dinero para que le enseñen a tener mejor sexo, a ser más sensible, a saber más sobre las vitaminas que necesita, a jugar, etc. Este discurso de "aprendizaje permanente" y "necesidades de aprendizaje" ha contaminado completamente la sociedad, y no sólo las escuelas, con el hedor de la educación. + +Luego vino la tercera etapa, a finales de los setenta y principios de los ochenta, en la que mi curiosidad y mis reflexiones se centraron en las circunstancias históricas en las que puede surgir la propia idea de las necesidades educativas. Cuando escribí _La sociedad desescolarizada_, los efectos sociales, y no la sustancia histórica de la educación, seguían siendo el centro de mi interés. Había cuestionado la escolarización como medio deseable, pero no había cuestionado la educación como fin deseable. Seguía aceptando que, fundamentalmente, las necesidades educativas de algún tipo eran un hecho histórico de la naturaleza humana. Hoy ya no lo acepto. + +Al reenfocar mi atención desde la escolarización hacia la educación, desde el proceso hacia su orientación, llegué a entender la educación como aprendizaje cuando tiene lugar bajo el supuesto de escasez en los medios que lo producen. La "necesidad" de la educación, desde esta perspectiva, aparece como resultado de las creencias y disposiciones sociales que hacen escasos los medios para la llamada socialización. Y, desde esta misma perspectiva, empecé a notar que los rituales educativos reflejaban, reforzaban y de hecho creaban la creencia en el valor del aprendizaje perseguido en condiciones de escasez. Llegué a ver que tales creencias, disposiciones y rituales podían sobrevivir y prosperar fácilmente bajo las rúbricas de desescolarización, escolarización libre o educación en casa (que, en su mayor parte, se limitan al encomiable rechazo de los métodos autoritarios). + +¿Qué tiene que ver la escasez con la educación? Si los medios para el aprendizaje (en general) son abundantes, en lugar de escasos, entonces la educación nunca surge -no es necesario hacer arreglos especiales para "aprender". Si, por el contrario, los medios para aprender son escasos, o se supone que son escasos, entonces surgen disposiciones educativas para "garantizar" que se "transmitan" ciertos conocimientos, ideas, habilidades, actitudes, etc., importantes. La educación se convierte entonces en una mercancía económica que se consume o, para usar el lenguaje común, que se "obtiene". La escasez surge tanto de nuestras percepciones, que son manipuladas por los profesionales de la educación que se dedican a imputar necesidades educativas, como de los acuerdos sociales reales que hacen que el acceso a las herramientas y a las personas cualificadas y con conocimientos sea difícil de conseguir, es decir, escaso. + +Si hubiera algo que pudiera desear a los lectores (y a algunos de los escritores) de _Desescolarizar nuestras vidas_, sería esto: Si la gente quiere pensar seriamente en desescolarizar sus vidas, y no sólo escapar de los efectos corrosivos de la escolarización obligatoria, no podría hacer nada mejor que desarrollar el hábito de poner un signo de interrogación mental al lado de todo el discurso sobre las "necesidades educativas" o "necesidades de aprendizaje" de los jóvenes, o sobre su necesidad de una "preparación para la vida". Me gustaría que reflexionaran sobre la historicidad de estas mismas ideas. Esta reflexión llevaría a la nueva cosecha de desescolarizadores un paso más allá de donde se encontraba el joven y algo ingenuo Iván, cuando nació el discurso de la "desescolarización". + + +Bremen, Alemania - Verano de 1995 + +---- + +Este artículo se incluyó originalmente como prólogo del libro _Desescolarizar nuestras vidas_ (1995) y también se incluyó en "Everywhere All the Time: A New Deschooling Reader" (2008). diff --git a/contents/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/es.txt b/contents/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/es.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..40861b1 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/es.txt @@ -0,0 +1,30 @@ +# Prólogo de "Desescolarizando nuestras vidas" + +Hojear las páginas de _Desescolarizar nuestras vidas_ me transporta al año 1970, cuando, junto con Everett Reimer en el Centro de Documentación Intercultural (CIDOC) de Cuernavaca, reuní a algunos de los más sesudos críticos de la educación (Paulo Freire, John Holt, Paul Goodman, Jonathan Kozol, Joel Spring, George Dennison y otros) para abordar la inutilidad de la escolarización -no sólo en América Latina, que ya era evidente- sino también en el llamado mundo desarrollado e industrializado. + +Los miércoles por la mañana, durante la primavera y el verano de ese año, distribuí borradores de ensayos que acabaron convirtiéndose en capítulos de mi libro, _La sociedad desescolarizada_. Mirando hacia atrás un cuarto de siglo, muchas de las opiniones y críticas que parecían tan radicales en 1970 parecen hoy bastante ingenuas. Aunque mis críticas a la escolarización en ese libro pueden haber ayudado a algunas personas a reflexionar sobre los efectos sociales secundarios no deseados de esa institución -y quizás a buscar alternativas significativas a la misma-, ahora me doy cuenta de que en gran medida estaba ladrando al árbol equivocado. Para entender por qué me siento así y tener una idea de dónde me encuentro hoy, invito a los lectores a acompañarme en el viaje que hice después de _La sociedad desescolarizada_. + +Mi cuaderno de viaje comienza hace veinticinco años, cuando _La sociedad desescolarizada_ estaba a punto de aparecer. Durante los nueve meses que el manuscrito estuvo en la editorial, cada vez estaba más insatisfecho con el texto, que, por cierto, no defendía la eliminación de las escuelas. Este malentendido se lo debo a Cass Canfield Sr., presidente de Harper's, que dio nombre al libro y con ello tergiversó mi pensamiento. El libro aboga por el desestablecimiento de las escuelas, en el sentido en que la Iglesia ha sido desestablecida en los Estados Unidos. Por desestructuración me refería, en primer lugar, a no pagar con dinero público y, en segundo lugar, a no conceder ningún privilegio social especial ni a los que van a la iglesia ni a los que van a la escuela. (Incluso sugerí que, en lugar de financiar las escuelas, deberíamos ir más allá de lo que hicimos con la religión y hacer que las escuelas pagaran impuestos, de modo que la escolarización se convirtiera en un objeto de lujo y fuera reconocida como tal). + +Pedí la desestructuración de las escuelas en aras de mejorar la educación y aquí, me di cuenta, radicó mi error. Mucho más importante que la disolución de las escuelas, empecé a ver, era la inversión de esas tendencias que hacen de la educación una necesidad apremiante en lugar de un regalo de ocio gratuito. Empecé a temer que la desestructuración de la iglesia educativa condujera a un renacimiento fanático de muchas formas de educación degradada y omnipresente, convirtiendo el mundo en una clase universal, una escuela global. La pregunta más importante se convirtió en: "¿Por qué tantas personas -incluso ardientes críticos de la escolarización- se vuelven adictas a la educación, como a una droga?" + +Norman Cousins publicó mi propia retractación en la Saturday Review durante la misma semana en que salió a la luz _La sociedad desescolarizada_. En ella argumentaba que la alternativa a la escolarización no era otro tipo de organismo educativo, ni el diseño de oportunidades educativas en todos los aspectos de la vida, sino una sociedad que fomente una actitud diferente de las personas hacia las herramientas. + +Amplié y generalicé este argumento en mi siguiente libro, _Herramientas para la convivencia_. + +En gran parte gracias a la ayuda de mi amigo y colega Wolfgang Sachs, llegué a ver que la función educativa ya estaba emigrando de las escuelas y que, cada vez más, se instituirían otras formas de aprendizaje obligatorio en la sociedad moderna. Se convertiría en obligatoria no por ley, sino por otros trucos, como hacer creer a la gente que aprende algo de la televisión, u obligar a la gente a asistir a cursos de formación continua, o conseguir que la gente pague enormes cantidades de dinero para que le enseñen a tener mejor sexo, a ser más sensible, a saber más sobre las vitaminas que necesita, a jugar, etc. Este discurso de "aprendizaje permanente" y "necesidades de aprendizaje" ha contaminado completamente la sociedad, y no sólo las escuelas, con el hedor de la educación. + +Luego vino la tercera etapa, a finales de los setenta y principios de los ochenta, en la que mi curiosidad y mis reflexiones se centraron en las circunstancias históricas en las que puede surgir la propia idea de las necesidades educativas. Cuando escribí _La sociedad desescolarizada_, los efectos sociales, y no la sustancia histórica de la educación, seguían siendo el centro de mi interés. Había cuestionado la escolarización como medio deseable, pero no había cuestionado la educación como fin deseable. Seguía aceptando que, fundamentalmente, las necesidades educativas de algún tipo eran un hecho histórico de la naturaleza humana. Hoy ya no lo acepto. + +Al reenfocar mi atención desde la escolarización hacia la educación, desde el proceso hacia su orientación, llegué a entender la educación como aprendizaje cuando tiene lugar bajo el supuesto de escasez en los medios que lo producen. La "necesidad" de la educación, desde esta perspectiva, aparece como resultado de las creencias y disposiciones sociales que hacen escasos los medios para la llamada socialización. Y, desde esta misma perspectiva, empecé a notar que los rituales educativos reflejaban, reforzaban y de hecho creaban la creencia en el valor del aprendizaje perseguido en condiciones de escasez. Llegué a ver que tales creencias, disposiciones y rituales podían sobrevivir y prosperar fácilmente bajo las rúbricas de desescolarización, escolarización libre o educación en casa (que, en su mayor parte, se limitan al encomiable rechazo de los métodos autoritarios). + +¿Qué tiene que ver la escasez con la educación? Si los medios para el aprendizaje (en general) son abundantes, en lugar de escasos, entonces la educación nunca surge -no es necesario hacer arreglos especiales para "aprender". Si, por el contrario, los medios para aprender son escasos, o se supone que son escasos, entonces surgen disposiciones educativas para "garantizar" que se "transmitan" ciertos conocimientos, ideas, habilidades, actitudes, etc., importantes. La educación se convierte entonces en una mercancía económica que se consume o, para usar el lenguaje común, que se "obtiene". La escasez surge tanto de nuestras percepciones, que son manipuladas por los profesionales de la educación que se dedican a imputar necesidades educativas, como de los acuerdos sociales reales que hacen que el acceso a las herramientas y a las personas cualificadas y con conocimientos sea difícil de conseguir, es decir, escaso. + +Si hubiera algo que pudiera desear a los lectores (y a algunos de los escritores) de _Desescolarizar nuestras vidas_, sería esto: Si la gente quiere pensar seriamente en desescolarizar sus vidas, y no sólo escapar de los efectos corrosivos de la escolarización obligatoria, no podría hacer nada mejor que desarrollar el hábito de poner un signo de interrogación mental al lado de todo el discurso sobre las "necesidades educativas" o "necesidades de aprendizaje" de los jóvenes, o sobre su necesidad de una "preparación para la vida". Me gustaría que reflexionaran sobre la historicidad de estas mismas ideas. Esta reflexión llevaría a la nueva cosecha de desescolarizadores un paso más allá de donde se encontraba el joven y algo ingenuo Iván, cuando nació el discurso de la "desescolarización". + + +Bremen, Alemania - Verano de 1995 + +---- + +Este artículo se incluyó originalmente como prólogo del libro _Desescolarizar nuestras vidas_ (1995) y también se incluyó en "Everywhere All the Time: A New Deschooling Reader" (2008). diff --git a/contents/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/index b/contents/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/index new file mode 100644 index 0000000..3091b5b --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/index @@ -0,0 +1,5 @@ +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Foreword to "Deschooling Our Lives"_ +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** *YEAR* +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** diff --git a/contents/article/1998-conspiracy/en.bib b/contents/article/1998-conspiracy/en.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..fcd8a87 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1998-conspiracy/en.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1998-conspiracy-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {The Cultivation of Conspiracy}, + year = {1998}, + date = {1998}, + origdate = {1998}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1998-conspiracy:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-21} +} diff --git a/contents/article/1998-conspiracy/en.md b/contents/article/1998-conspiracy/en.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..90d1241 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1998-conspiracy/en.md @@ -0,0 +1,96 @@ +--- + title: "The Cultivation of Conspiracy" + author: "Ivan Illich" + date: "1998" + lang: "en" + documentclass: article + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue +--- + +On November 16, 1996, I arrived at the library auditorium of Bremen University just in time for my afternoon lecture. For five years now I had commented old texts to trace the long history of western philia, of friendship. This semester's theme was the loss of the common sense for proportionality during the lifetimes of Locke, Leibniz and Johann Sebastian Bach. On that day I wanted to address "common sense" as the sense-organ believed to recognize "the good", the "fit" and the "fifth". But even before I could start I had to stop: the roughly two hundred auditors had planned a party instead of a lecture. Two months after the actual day, they had decided to celebrate my seventieth birthday, so we feasted and laughed and danced until midnight. + +Speeches launched the affair. I was seated behind a bouquet, in the first row, and listened to seventeen talks. As a sign of recognition, I presented a flower to each encomiast. Most speakers were over fifty, friends I had made on four continents, a few with reminiscences reaching back to the 1950s in New York. Others were acquaintances made while teaching in Kassel, Berlin, Marburg, Oldenburg and, since 1991, in Bremen. As I grappled for the expression of gratitude fitting each speaker, I felt like Hugh of St. Victor, my teacher. This twelfth-century monk in a letter compares himself to a basket-bearing donkey: not weighed down but lifted by the burden of friendships gathered on life's pilgrimage. + +From the laudationes at the library we moved across the plaza to the liberal arts building, whose bleak cement hallways I habitually avoid. A metamorphosis had occurred in its atmosphere. We found ourselves in a quaint café: some five dozen small tables, each with a lighted candle on a colored napkin. For the occasion, the university's department of domestic science had squeezed a pot into the semester's budget, a pot large enough to cook potato soup for a company. The chancellor, absent on business in Beijing, had hired a Klezmer ensemble. Ludolf Kuchenbuch, dean of historians at a nearby university and a saxophonist, took charge of the jazz. A couple of clowns performing on a bicycle entertained us with their parody of my 1972 book, Energy and Equity. + +The mayor-governor of the city state, Bremen, had picked a very old Burgundy from the treasures of the Ratskeller. The lanky and towering official handed me the precious gift and expressed his pleasure "that Illich at seventy, in his own words, had found in Bremen 'einen Zipfel Heimat'," something like "the tail end of an abode." On the lips of the Bürgermeister, my expression seemed grotesque, but still true. I began to reflect: How could I have been induced to connect the notion of home with the long dark winters of continual rain, where I walk through the pastures along the Wümme that are flooded twice a day by the tide from the North Atlantic? I who, as a boy, had felt exiled in Vienna, because all my senses were longingly attached to the South, to the blue Adriatic, to the limestone mountains in the Dalmatia of my early childhood. + +Today's ceremony, however, is even more startling than last year's revelry, because your award makes me feel welcomed by the citizenry rather than just by a city father. Villa Ichon is a manifestation of Bremen's civility: neither private charity nor public agency. You, who are my hosts in this place, define yourselves as Hanseatic merchant citizens. On the day Villa Ichon was solemnly opened, you pointedly refused to let a city official touch the keys to this house, this "houseboat for the uninsured and vulnerable among us" as Klaus Hübotter has called it. By insisting on your autonomy you stressed the respectful distance of civil society from the city's government. I am touched that this annual award, meant to honor a Bremen citizen, should today go to an errant pilgrim, but to one who knows how to appreciate it. As the eldest son of a merchant family in a free port city - one that was caught between the contesting powers of Byzantium and Venice - I was born into a tradition which, in the meantime, has petered out, but not without leaving me sensitive to the flavor of the Hanseatic hospitality you offer today. + +I first heard of Bremen when I was six, in the stories told me by my drawing teacher, who came from one of your patrician families, and in Vienna was homesick for the North. I adopted the tiny, black-dressed lady as Mamma Pfeiffer-Kulenkampf. One summer she came along with us to Dalmatia, to paint. Her watercolors still grace my brothers study. From her I learned how to mix different pigments for the contrasting atmospheres of a Mediterranean and an Atlantic shore. + +Now, a long lifetime later, I am at home in her salty gray climate. And not just at home: I now fancy that my presence has added something to the atmosphere of Bremen university. When Dean Johannes Beck led me from the aula through the rainy plaza into the makeshift cafe he made a remark that I accepted as a gift. "Ivan," he said "this feels like an overflow of Barbara Duden's house." Dean Beck put into words the accomplishment of something I had aimed at for decades -- the plethora of the dining-room conviviality inspiring the University Aula; The aura of our hospitality in the Kreftingstrasse, felt well beyond its threshold. + +Even before my first Bremen semester could start, Barbara Duden got a house in the Ostertor Viertel, beyond the old moat, just down from the drug-corner, the farmers market and the Turkish quarter. There Barbara created an ambiance of austere playfulness. The house became a place that at the drop of a hat accommodates our guests. If -- after my lecture on Fridays -- the spaghetti bowl must feed more than the two dozen who fit around the table made from flooring timber, guests squat on Mexican blankets in the next room. + +Over the years our "Kreftingstraße" has fostered privileged closeness in respectful, disciplined, critical intercourse: friendships between old acquaintances who drop in from far away, and new ones, three, even four decades younger than my oldest companion Ceslaus Hoinacki, who shares his room with our Encyclopedias. Friendship makes ties unique, but some more than others bear the burden of the host. Kassandra who lives elsewhere, has a key to the house and brings the flowers and Matthias, the virtuoso drummer who stays downstairs, in the room that opens on the tiny garden, belong to the dozen who can equally welcome the newcomer at the threshold, stir the soup, orient conversation, do the dishes and ... correct my manuscripts as well as those of each other. + +Learned and leisurely hospitality is the only antidote to the stance of deadly cleverness that is acquired in the professional pursuit of objectively secured knowledge. I remain certain that the quest for truth cannot thrive outside the nourishment of mutual trust flowering into a commitment to friendship. Therefore I have tried to identify the climate that fosters and the "conditioned air" that hinders the growth of friendship. + +Of course I can remember the taste of strong atmospheres from other epochs in my life: I have never doubted that -- today, more than ever -- a "monastic" ambience is the prerequisite to the independence needed for a historically based indictment of society. Only the gratuitous commitment of friends can enable me to practice the ascetisme required for modern near-paradoxes: as that of renouncing systems analysis while typing on my Toshiba. + +My early suspicion that atmosphere was a prerequisite for the kind of studium to which I had dedicated myself became a conviction through my contact with post-Sputnik American universities. After just one year as vice-chancellor of a university in Puerto Rico, in 1957 I and a few others wanted to question the development ideology to which Kennedy no less than Castro subscribed. I put all the money I had - today the equivalent of the prize you just gave me - into the purchase of a one- room wooden shack in the mountains that overlook the Caribbean. With three friends I wanted a place of study in which every use of the personal pronoun "nos-otros" would truthfully refer back to the four of "us", and be accessible to our guests as well; I wanted to practice the rigor that would keep us far from the "we" that invokes the security found in the shadow of an academic discipline: we as "sociologists", "economists" and so forth. As one of us, Charlie Rosario, put it: "All departments smell - of disinfectants, at their best; and poisoned sterilized aura." The "casita" on the route to Adjuntas soon became so obnoxious that I had to leave the Island. + +This freed me to start a "thinkery" in Mexico that five years later turned into CIDOC. In his introductory talk for today's celebration congressman Freimut Duve told you about it. In those distant years Duve was editor at Rowohlt, took care of my German books and several times spent time with me there, in Cuernavaca. He told you about the spirit prevailing in that place: a climate of mutually tempered forbearance. It was this aura, this quality or air, through which this ephemeral venture could become a world crossroads, a meeting place for those who, long before this had +become fashionable, questioned the innocence of "development." Only the mood that Duve hinted at can explain the disproportionate influence that this small place exerted in challenging the goods of socio-economic development. + +CIDOC was closed by common accord on April first, ten years to the day after its foundation. With Mexican music and dancing we celebrated its closing. Duve told you about her, who did it, Valentina Borremans: she had directed and organized CIDOC from its inception, and he told you about his admiration for the style in which she closed it by mutual consent of its 63 collaborators. She knew that the soul of this free, independent and powerless "thinkery" would have been squashed soon by its rising influence. + +CIDOC shut its doors in the face of criticism by its most serious friends, people too earnest to grasp the paradox of atmosphere. These were mainly persons for whom the hospitable atmosphere of CIDOC had provided a unique forum. They thrived in the aura of CIDOC, and outright rejected our certainty that atmosphere invites institutionalization by which it will be corrupted. You never know what will nurture the spirit of a philia, while you can be certain what will stifle it. Spirit emerges by surprise, and it's a miracle when it abides; it is stifled by every attempt to secure it; it's debauched when you try to use it. + +Few understood this. With Valentina I opened the mayor's bottle of Burgundy in Mexico to celebrate one of them. We drank the wine to the memory of Alejandro Del Corro, a now deceased Argentine Jesuit who lived and worked with me since the early sixties. With his Laica he traveled around South America, collaborating with guerrilleros to save their archives for history. Alejandro was a master at moderating aura. Wen he presided, his delicate attention to each guest: guerrillero, US civil servant, trash collector or professor felt at home with each other around the CIDOC table. Alejandro knew that you cannot lay a claim on aura, he knew about the evanescence of atmosphere. + +I speak of atmosphere, faute de mieux. In Greek, the word is used for the emanation of a star, or for the constellation that governs a place; alchemists adopted it to speak of the layers around our planet. Maurice Blondel reflects its much later French usage for bouquet des ésprits, the scent those present contribute to a meeting. I use the word for something frail and often discounted, the air that weaves and wafts and evokes memories, like those attached to the Burgundy long after the bottle has been emptied. + +To sense an aura, you need a nose. The nose, framed by the eyes, runs below the brain. What the nose inhales ends in the guts; every yogi and hesichast knows this. The nose curves down in the middle of the face. Pious Jews are conscious of the image because what Christians call "walking in the sight of God" the Hebrew expresses as "ambling under God's nose and breath." To savor the feel of a place, you trust your nose; to trust another, you must first smell him. + +In its beginnings, western civic culture wavered between cultivated distrust and sympathetic trust. Plato believed it would be upsetting for Athenian citizens to allow their bowels to be affected by the passion of actors in the theater; he wanted the audience to go no further than reflecting on the words. Aristotle respectfully modified his teacher's opinion. In the Poetics, he asks the spectators to let gesture and mimicry, the rhythm and melody of breath, reach their very innards. Citizens should attend the theater, not just to understand, but to be affected by each other. For Aristotle, there could be no transformation, no purifying catharsis, without such gripping mimesis. Without gut level experience of the other, without sharing his aura, you can't be saved from yourself. + +Some of that sense of mimesis comes out in an old German adage, "Ich kann Dich gut riechen" (I can smell you well), which is still used and understood. But it's something you don't say to just anyone; it's an expression that is permissible only when you feel close, count on trust, and are willing to be hurt. It presupposes the truth of another German saying, "Ich kann Dich gut leiden" (I can suffer [put up with] you [well]). You can see that nose words have not altogether disappeared from ordinary speech, even in the age of daily showers. + +I remember my embarrassment when, after years of ascetical discipline, I realized that I still had not made the connection between nose and heart, smell and affection. I was in Peru in the mid- fifties, on my way to meet Jaime, who welcomed me to his modest hut for the third time. But to get to the shack, I had to cross the Rimac, the open cloaca of Lima. The thought of sleeping for a week in this miasma almost made me retch. That evening, for some reason I suddenly understood with a shock what Carlos had been telling me all along, "Ivan, don't kid yourself; don't imagine you can be friends with people you can't smell." That one jolt unplugged my nose; it enabled me to dip into the aura of Carlos's house, and allowed me to merge the atmosphere I brought along into the ambience of his home. + +This discovery of my nose for the scent of the spirit occurred forty years ago, in the time of the DC-4, belief in development programs, and the apparently benign Peace Corps. It was the time when DDT was still too expensive for Latin American slum dwellers, when most people had to put up with fleas and lice on their skins, as they put up with the old, the crippled and idiots in their homes. It was the time before Xerox, fax and e-mail. But it was also a time before smog and AIDS. I was then considered a crank because I foresaw the unwanted side effects of development, because I spoke to unions on technogenic unemployment, and to leftists on the growing polarization between rich and poor in the wake of expanding commodity dependence. What seemed hysteria then has now hardened into well documented facts; some of these facts are too horrible to face. They must be exorcised: bowdlerizing them by research, assigning their management to specialized agencies, and conjuring them by prevention programs. But while the depletion of life forms, the growing immunity of pathogens, climate changes, the disappearance of the job culture, and uncontrollable violence now make up the admitted side effects of economic growth, the menace of modern life for the survival of atmospheres is hardly recognized as a terrible threat. + +This is the reason I dare to annoy you with the memory of that walk in the dusk with my nose full of the urine and feces emanating from the Rimac. That landscape no longer exists; cars now fill a highway hiding the sewage. The skin and scalp of Indians is no longer the habitat of lice; now the allergies produced by industrial chemicals cause the itch. Makeshift shanties have been replaced by public housing; each apartment has its plumbing and each family member a separate bed - the guest knows that he imposes an inconvenience. The miasma of the Rimac has become a memory in a city asfixiated by industrial smog. I juxtapose then and now because this allows me to argue that the impending loss of spirit, of soul, of what I call atmosphere, could go unnoticed. + +Only persons who face one another in trust can allow its emergence. The bouquet of friendship varies with each breath, but when it is there it needs no name. For a long time I believed that there was no one noun for it, and no verb for its creation. Each time I tried one, I was discouraged; all the synonyms for it were shanghaied by its synthetic counterfeits: mass-produced fashions and cleverly marketed moods, chic feelings, swank highs and trendy tastes. Starting in the seventies, group dynamics retreats and psychic training, all to generate "atmosphere," became major businesses. Discreet silence about the issue I am raising seemed preferable to creating a misunderstanding. + +Then, thirty years after that evening above the Rimac, I suddenly realized that there is indeed a very simple word that says what I cherished and tried to nourish, and that word is peace. Peace, however, not in any of the many ways its cognates are used all over the world, but peace in its post- classical, European meaning. Peace, in this sense, is the one strong word with which the atmosphere of friendship created among equals has been appropriately named. But to embrace this, one has to come to understand the origin of this peace in the conspiratio, a curious ritual behavior almost forgotten today. + +This is how I chanced upon this insight. In 1986, a few dozen peace research centers in Africa and Asia were planning to open a common resource center. The founding assembly was held in Japan, and the leaders were looking for a Third World speaker. However, for reasons of delicacy, they wanted a person who was neither Asian nor African, and took me for a Latin American; then they pressured me to come. So I packed my guayabera shirt and departed for the Orient. + +In Yokohama I addressed the group, speaking as a historian. I wanted first to dismantle any universal notion of peace; I wanted to stress the claim of each ethnos to its own peace, the right of each community to be left in its peace. It seemed important to make clear that peace is not an abstract condition, but a very specific spirit to be relished in its particular, incommunicable uniqueness by each community. + +However, my aim in Yokohama was twofold: I wanted to examine not only the meaning but also the history and perversion of peace in that appendix to Asia and Africa we call Europe. After all, most of the world in the twentieth century is suffering from the enthusiastic acceptance of European ideas, including the European concept of peace. The assembly in Japan gave me a chance to contrast the unique spirit of peace that was born in Christian Europe with its perversion and counterfeit when, in international political parlance, an ideological link is created between economic development and peace. I argued that only by de-linking pax (peace) from development could the heretofore unsuspected glory hidden in pax be revealed. But to achieve this before a Japanese audience was difficult. + +The Japanese have an iconogram that stands for something we do not have or say or feel: foodó. My teacher, Professor Tamanoy, explained foodó to me as, "the inimitable freshness that arises from the commingling of a particular soil with the appropriate waters." Trusting my learned pacifist guide, since deceased, I started from the notion of foodó. It was easy to explain that both Athenian philia and Pax Romana, as different as they are from each other, are incomparable to foodó. Athenian philia bespeaks the friendship among the free men of a city, and Roman pax bespeaks the administrative status of a region dominated by the Legion that had planted its insignia into that soil. Thanks to Professor Tamanoy's assistance, it was easy to elaborate on the contradictions and differences between these two notions, and get the audience to comment on similar heteronomies in the cultural meaning of peace within India or between neighboring groups in Tanzania. The kaleidoscopic incarnations of peace all referred to a particular, highly desirable atmosphere. So far the conversation was easy. + +However, speaking about pax in the proto-Christan epoch turned out to be a delicate matter, because around the year 300 pax became a key word in the Christian liturgy. It became the euphemism for a mouth-to-mouth kiss among the faithful attending services; pax became the camouflage for the osculum (from os, mouth), or the conspiratio, a commingling of breaths. My friend felt I was not just courting misunderstanding, but perhaps giving offense, by mentioning such body-to-body contact in public. The gesture, up to this day, is repugnant to Japanese. + +The Latin osculum is neither very old nor frequent. It is one of three words that can be translated by the English, "kiss." In comparison with the affectionate basium and the lascivious suavium, osculum was a latecomer into classical Latin, and was used in only one circumstance as a ritual gesture: In the second century, it became the sign given by a departing soldier to a woman, thereby recognizing her expected child as his offspring. + +In the Christian liturgy of the first century, the osculum assumed a new function. It became one of two high points in the celebration of the Eucharist. Conspiratio, the mount-to-mouth kiss, became the solemn liturgical gesture by which participants in the cult-action shared their breath or spirit with one another. It came to signify their union in one Holy Spirit, the community that takes shape in God's breath. The ecclesia came to be through a public ritual action, the liturgy, and the soul of this liturgy was the conspiratio. Explicitly, corporeally, the central Christian celebration was understood as a co-breathing, a con-spiracy, the bringing about of a common atmosphere, a divine milieu. + +The other eminent moment of the celebration was, of course, the comestio, the communion in the flesh, the incorporation of the believer in the body of the Incarnate Word, but communio was theologically linked to the preceding con-spiratio. Conspiratio became the strongest, clearest and most unambiguously somatic expression for the entirely non-hierarchical creation of a fraternal spirit in preparation for the unifying meal. Through the act of eating, the fellow conspirators were transformed into a "we," a gathering which in Greek means ecclesia. Further, they believed that the "we" is also somebody's "I"; they were nourished by shading into the "I" of the Incarnate Word. The words and actions of the liturgy are not just mundane words and actions, but events occurring after the Word, that is, after the Incarnation. Peace as the commingling of soil and waters sounds cute to my ears; but peace as the result of conspiratio exacts a demanding, today almost unimaginable intimacy. + +The practice of the osculum did not go unchallenged; documents reveal that the conspiratio created scandal early on. The rigorist African Church Father, Tertullian, felt that a decent matron should not be subjected to possible embarrassment by this rite. The practice continued, but not its name; the ceremony required a euphemism. From the later third century on, the osculum pacis was referred to simply as pax, and the gesture was often watered down to some slight touch to signify the mutual spiritual union of the persons present through the creation of a fraternal atmosphere. Today, the pax before communion, called "the kiss of peace," is still integral to the Roman, Slavonic, Greek and Syrian Mass, although it is often reduced to a perfunctory handshake. + +I could no more avoid telling the story in Yokohama than today in Bremen. Why? Because the very idea of peace understood as a hospitality that reaches out to the stranger, and of a free assembly that arises in the practice of hospitality cannot be understood without reference to the Christian liturgy in which the community comes into being by the mouth-to-mouth kiss. + +However, jusyt as the antecedents of peace among us cannot be understood without reference to conspiration, the historical uniqueness of a city's climate, atmosphere or spirit calls for this reference. The European idea of peace that is synonymous with the somatic incorporation of equals into a community has no analogue elsewhere. Community in our European tradition is not the outcome of an act of authoritative foundation, nor a gift from nature or its gods, nor the result of management, planning and design, but the consequence of a conspiracy, a deliberate, mutual, somatic and gratuitous gift to each other. The prototype of that conspiracy lies in the celebration of the early Christian liturgy in which, no matter their origin, men and women, Greeks and Jews, slaves and citizens, engender a physical reality that transcends them. The shared breath, the con-spiratio are the "peace" understood as the community that arises from it. + +Historians have often pointed out that the idea of a social contract, which dominates political thinking in Europe since the 14th century, has its concrete origins in the way founders of medieval towns conceived urbane civilities. I fully agree with this. However, by focusing on the contractual aspect of this incorporation attention is distracted from the good that such contracts were meant to protect, namely, peace resulting from a conspiratio. One can fail to perceive the pretentious absurdity of attempting a contractual insurance of an atmosphere as fleeting and alive, as tender and robust, as pax. + +The medieval merchants and craftsmen who settled at the foot of a lord's castle felt the need to make the conspiracy that united them into a secure and lasting association. To provide for their general surety, they had recourse to a device, the conjuratio, a mutual promise confirmed by an oath that uses God as a witness. Most societies know the oath, but the use of God's name to make it stick first appears as a legal device in the codification of roman law made by the Christian emperor Theodosius. "Conjuration" or the swearing together by a common oath confirmed by the invocation of God, just like the liturgical osculum is of Christian origin. Conjuratio which uses God as epoxy for the social bond presumably assures stability and durability to the atmosphere engendered by the conspiratio of the citizens. In this linkage between conspiratio and conjuratio, two equally unique concepts inherited from the first millennium of Christian history are intertwined, but the latter, the contractual form soon overshadowed the spiritual substance. + +The medieval town of central Europe thus was indeed a profoundly new historical gestalt: the conjuratio conspirativa, which makes European urbanity distinct from urban modes elsewhere. It implies a peculiar dynamic strain between the atmosphere of conspiratio and its legal, contractual constitution. Ideally, the spiritual climate is the source of the city's life that flower into a hierarchy, like a shell or frame, to protect its order. Insofar as the city is understood to originate in a conspiratio, it owes its social existence to the pax the breath, shared equally among all. + +This long reflection on the historical precedence to the cultivation of atmosphere in late twentieth century Bremen seemed necessary to me to defend its intrinsically conspiratorial nature. It seems necessary to understand why, arguably, independent criticism of the established order of modern, technogene, information-centered society can grow only out of a milieu of intense hospitality. + +As a scholar I have been shaped by a monastic traditions and by the interpretation of medieval texts. Early on I took it for granted that the principal condition for an atmosphere that is propitious to independent thought is the hospitality cultivated by the host: a hospitality that excludes condescension as scrupulously as seduction; a hospitality that by its simplicity defeats the fear of plagiarism as much as that of clientage; a hospitality that by its openness dissolves intimidation as studiously as servility; a hospitality that exacts from the guests as much generosity as it imposes on the host. I have been blessed with a large portion of it, with the taste of a relaxed, humorous, sometimes grotesque fit among mostly ordinary but sometimes outlandish companions who are patient with one another. More so in Bremen than anywhere else. diff --git a/contents/article/1998-conspiracy/en.notes b/contents/article/1998-conspiracy/en.notes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d64a4ef --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1998-conspiracy/en.notes @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +* A translated, edited and expanded version of an address given by Ivan Illich at the Villa Ichon in Bremen, Germany, on the occasion of receiving the Culture and Peace Prize of Bremen, March 14, 1998. +* Included in the book "The Challenges of Ivan Illich: A Collective Reflection" (2002) diff --git a/contents/article/1998-conspiracy/en.txt b/contents/article/1998-conspiracy/en.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..5041131 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1998-conspiracy/en.txt @@ -0,0 +1,84 @@ +# The Cultivation of Conspiracy + +On November 16, 1996, I arrived at the library auditorium of Bremen University just in time for my afternoon lecture. For five years now I had commented old texts to trace the long history of western philia, of friendship. This semester's theme was the loss of the common sense for proportionality during the lifetimes of Locke, Leibniz and Johann Sebastian Bach. On that day I wanted to address "common sense" as the sense-organ believed to recognize "the good", the "fit" and the "fifth". But even before I could start I had to stop: the roughly two hundred auditors had planned a party instead of a lecture. Two months after the actual day, they had decided to celebrate my seventieth birthday, so we feasted and laughed and danced until midnight. + +Speeches launched the affair. I was seated behind a bouquet, in the first row, and listened to seventeen talks. As a sign of recognition, I presented a flower to each encomiast. Most speakers were over fifty, friends I had made on four continents, a few with reminiscences reaching back to the 1950s in New York. Others were acquaintances made while teaching in Kassel, Berlin, Marburg, Oldenburg and, since 1991, in Bremen. As I grappled for the expression of gratitude fitting each speaker, I felt like Hugh of St. Victor, my teacher. This twelfth-century monk in a letter compares himself to a basket-bearing donkey: not weighed down but lifted by the burden of friendships gathered on life's pilgrimage. + +From the laudationes at the library we moved across the plaza to the liberal arts building, whose bleak cement hallways I habitually avoid. A metamorphosis had occurred in its atmosphere. We found ourselves in a quaint café: some five dozen small tables, each with a lighted candle on a colored napkin. For the occasion, the university's department of domestic science had squeezed a pot into the semester's budget, a pot large enough to cook potato soup for a company. The chancellor, absent on business in Beijing, had hired a Klezmer ensemble. Ludolf Kuchenbuch, dean of historians at a nearby university and a saxophonist, took charge of the jazz. A couple of clowns performing on a bicycle entertained us with their parody of my 1972 book, Energy and Equity. + +The mayor-governor of the city state, Bremen, had picked a very old Burgundy from the treasures of the Ratskeller. The lanky and towering official handed me the precious gift and expressed his pleasure "that Illich at seventy, in his own words, had found in Bremen 'einen Zipfel Heimat'," something like "the tail end of an abode." On the lips of the Bürgermeister, my expression seemed grotesque, but still true. I began to reflect: How could I have been induced to connect the notion of home with the long dark winters of continual rain, where I walk through the pastures along the Wümme that are flooded twice a day by the tide from the North Atlantic? I who, as a boy, had felt exiled in Vienna, because all my senses were longingly attached to the South, to the blue Adriatic, to the limestone mountains in the Dalmatia of my early childhood. + +Today's ceremony, however, is even more startling than last year's revelry, because your award makes me feel welcomed by the citizenry rather than just by a city father. Villa Ichon is a manifestation of Bremen's civility: neither private charity nor public agency. You, who are my hosts in this place, define yourselves as Hanseatic merchant citizens. On the day Villa Ichon was solemnly opened, you pointedly refused to let a city official touch the keys to this house, this "houseboat for the uninsured and vulnerable among us" as Klaus Hübotter has called it. By insisting on your autonomy you stressed the respectful distance of civil society from the city's government. I am touched that this annual award, meant to honor a Bremen citizen, should today go to an errant pilgrim, but to one who knows how to appreciate it. As the eldest son of a merchant family in a free port city - one that was caught between the contesting powers of Byzantium and Venice - I was born into a tradition which, in the meantime, has petered out, but not without leaving me sensitive to the flavor of the Hanseatic hospitality you offer today. + +I first heard of Bremen when I was six, in the stories told me by my drawing teacher, who came from one of your patrician families, and in Vienna was homesick for the North. I adopted the tiny, black-dressed lady as Mamma Pfeiffer-Kulenkampf. One summer she came along with us to Dalmatia, to paint. Her watercolors still grace my brothers study. From her I learned how to mix different pigments for the contrasting atmospheres of a Mediterranean and an Atlantic shore. + +Now, a long lifetime later, I am at home in her salty gray climate. And not just at home: I now fancy that my presence has added something to the atmosphere of Bremen university. When Dean Johannes Beck led me from the aula through the rainy plaza into the makeshift cafe he made a remark that I accepted as a gift. "Ivan," he said "this feels like an overflow of Barbara Duden's house." Dean Beck put into words the accomplishment of something I had aimed at for decades -- the plethora of the dining-room conviviality inspiring the University Aula; The aura of our hospitality in the Kreftingstrasse, felt well beyond its threshold. + +Even before my first Bremen semester could start, Barbara Duden got a house in the Ostertor Viertel, beyond the old moat, just down from the drug-corner, the farmers market and the Turkish quarter. There Barbara created an ambiance of austere playfulness. The house became a place that at the drop of a hat accommodates our guests. If -- after my lecture on Fridays -- the spaghetti bowl must feed more than the two dozen who fit around the table made from flooring timber, guests squat on Mexican blankets in the next room. + +Over the years our "Kreftingstraße" has fostered privileged closeness in respectful, disciplined, critical intercourse: friendships between old acquaintances who drop in from far away, and new ones, three, even four decades younger than my oldest companion Ceslaus Hoinacki, who shares his room with our Encyclopedias. Friendship makes ties unique, but some more than others bear the burden of the host. Kassandra who lives elsewhere, has a key to the house and brings the flowers and Matthias, the virtuoso drummer who stays downstairs, in the room that opens on the tiny garden, belong to the dozen who can equally welcome the newcomer at the threshold, stir the soup, orient conversation, do the dishes and ... correct my manuscripts as well as those of each other. + +Learned and leisurely hospitality is the only antidote to the stance of deadly cleverness that is acquired in the professional pursuit of objectively secured knowledge. I remain certain that the quest for truth cannot thrive outside the nourishment of mutual trust flowering into a commitment to friendship. Therefore I have tried to identify the climate that fosters and the "conditioned air" that hinders the growth of friendship. + +Of course I can remember the taste of strong atmospheres from other epochs in my life: I have never doubted that -- today, more than ever -- a "monastic" ambience is the prerequisite to the independence needed for a historically based indictment of society. Only the gratuitous commitment of friends can enable me to practice the ascetisme required for modern near-paradoxes: as that of renouncing systems analysis while typing on my Toshiba. + +My early suspicion that atmosphere was a prerequisite for the kind of studium to which I had dedicated myself became a conviction through my contact with post-Sputnik American universities. After just one year as vice-chancellor of a university in Puerto Rico, in 1957 I and a few others wanted to question the development ideology to which Kennedy no less than Castro subscribed. I put all the money I had - today the equivalent of the prize you just gave me - into the purchase of a one- room wooden shack in the mountains that overlook the Caribbean. With three friends I wanted a place of study in which every use of the personal pronoun "nos-otros" would truthfully refer back to the four of "us", and be accessible to our guests as well; I wanted to practice the rigor that would keep us far from the "we" that invokes the security found in the shadow of an academic discipline: we as "sociologists", "economists" and so forth. As one of us, Charlie Rosario, put it: "All departments smell - of disinfectants, at their best; and poisoned sterilized aura." The "casita" on the route to Adjuntas soon became so obnoxious that I had to leave the Island. + +This freed me to start a "thinkery" in Mexico that five years later turned into CIDOC. In his introductory talk for today's celebration congressman Freimut Duve told you about it. In those distant years Duve was editor at Rowohlt, took care of my German books and several times spent time with me there, in Cuernavaca. He told you about the spirit prevailing in that place: a climate of mutually tempered forbearance. It was this aura, this quality or air, through which this ephemeral venture could become a world crossroads, a meeting place for those who, long before this had +become fashionable, questioned the innocence of "development." Only the mood that Duve hinted at can explain the disproportionate influence that this small place exerted in challenging the goods of socio-economic development. + +CIDOC was closed by common accord on April first, ten years to the day after its foundation. With Mexican music and dancing we celebrated its closing. Duve told you about her, who did it, Valentina Borremans: she had directed and organized CIDOC from its inception, and he told you about his admiration for the style in which she closed it by mutual consent of its 63 collaborators. She knew that the soul of this free, independent and powerless "thinkery" would have been squashed soon by its rising influence. + +CIDOC shut its doors in the face of criticism by its most serious friends, people too earnest to grasp the paradox of atmosphere. These were mainly persons for whom the hospitable atmosphere of CIDOC had provided a unique forum. They thrived in the aura of CIDOC, and outright rejected our certainty that atmosphere invites institutionalization by which it will be corrupted. You never know what will nurture the spirit of a philia, while you can be certain what will stifle it. Spirit emerges by surprise, and it's a miracle when it abides; it is stifled by every attempt to secure it; it's debauched when you try to use it. + +Few understood this. With Valentina I opened the mayor's bottle of Burgundy in Mexico to celebrate one of them. We drank the wine to the memory of Alejandro Del Corro, a now deceased Argentine Jesuit who lived and worked with me since the early sixties. With his Laica he traveled around South America, collaborating with guerrilleros to save their archives for history. Alejandro was a master at moderating aura. Wen he presided, his delicate attention to each guest: guerrillero, US civil servant, trash collector or professor felt at home with each other around the CIDOC table. Alejandro knew that you cannot lay a claim on aura, he knew about the evanescence of atmosphere. + +I speak of atmosphere, faute de mieux. In Greek, the word is used for the emanation of a star, or for the constellation that governs a place; alchemists adopted it to speak of the layers around our planet. Maurice Blondel reflects its much later French usage for bouquet des ésprits, the scent those present contribute to a meeting. I use the word for something frail and often discounted, the air that weaves and wafts and evokes memories, like those attached to the Burgundy long after the bottle has been emptied. + +To sense an aura, you need a nose. The nose, framed by the eyes, runs below the brain. What the nose inhales ends in the guts; every yogi and hesichast knows this. The nose curves down in the middle of the face. Pious Jews are conscious of the image because what Christians call "walking in the sight of God" the Hebrew expresses as "ambling under God's nose and breath." To savor the feel of a place, you trust your nose; to trust another, you must first smell him. + +In its beginnings, western civic culture wavered between cultivated distrust and sympathetic trust. Plato believed it would be upsetting for Athenian citizens to allow their bowels to be affected by the passion of actors in the theater; he wanted the audience to go no further than reflecting on the words. Aristotle respectfully modified his teacher's opinion. In the Poetics, he asks the spectators to let gesture and mimicry, the rhythm and melody of breath, reach their very innards. Citizens should attend the theater, not just to understand, but to be affected by each other. For Aristotle, there could be no transformation, no purifying catharsis, without such gripping mimesis. Without gut level experience of the other, without sharing his aura, you can't be saved from yourself. + +Some of that sense of mimesis comes out in an old German adage, "Ich kann Dich gut riechen" (I can smell you well), which is still used and understood. But it's something you don't say to just anyone; it's an expression that is permissible only when you feel close, count on trust, and are willing to be hurt. It presupposes the truth of another German saying, "Ich kann Dich gut leiden" (I can suffer [put up with] you [well]). You can see that nose words have not altogether disappeared from ordinary speech, even in the age of daily showers. + +I remember my embarrassment when, after years of ascetical discipline, I realized that I still had not made the connection between nose and heart, smell and affection. I was in Peru in the mid- fifties, on my way to meet Jaime, who welcomed me to his modest hut for the third time. But to get to the shack, I had to cross the Rimac, the open cloaca of Lima. The thought of sleeping for a week in this miasma almost made me retch. That evening, for some reason I suddenly understood with a shock what Carlos had been telling me all along, "Ivan, don't kid yourself; don't imagine you can be friends with people you can't smell." That one jolt unplugged my nose; it enabled me to dip into the aura of Carlos's house, and allowed me to merge the atmosphere I brought along into the ambience of his home. + +This discovery of my nose for the scent of the spirit occurred forty years ago, in the time of the DC-4, belief in development programs, and the apparently benign Peace Corps. It was the time when DDT was still too expensive for Latin American slum dwellers, when most people had to put up with fleas and lice on their skins, as they put up with the old, the crippled and idiots in their homes. It was the time before Xerox, fax and e-mail. But it was also a time before smog and AIDS. I was then considered a crank because I foresaw the unwanted side effects of development, because I spoke to unions on technogenic unemployment, and to leftists on the growing polarization between rich and poor in the wake of expanding commodity dependence. What seemed hysteria then has now hardened into well documented facts; some of these facts are too horrible to face. They must be exorcised: bowdlerizing them by research, assigning their management to specialized agencies, and conjuring them by prevention programs. But while the depletion of life forms, the growing immunity of pathogens, climate changes, the disappearance of the job culture, and uncontrollable violence now make up the admitted side effects of economic growth, the menace of modern life for the survival of atmospheres is hardly recognized as a terrible threat. + +This is the reason I dare to annoy you with the memory of that walk in the dusk with my nose full of the urine and feces emanating from the Rimac. That landscape no longer exists; cars now fill a highway hiding the sewage. The skin and scalp of Indians is no longer the habitat of lice; now the allergies produced by industrial chemicals cause the itch. Makeshift shanties have been replaced by public housing; each apartment has its plumbing and each family member a separate bed - the guest knows that he imposes an inconvenience. The miasma of the Rimac has become a memory in a city asfixiated by industrial smog. I juxtapose then and now because this allows me to argue that the impending loss of spirit, of soul, of what I call atmosphere, could go unnoticed. + +Only persons who face one another in trust can allow its emergence. The bouquet of friendship varies with each breath, but when it is there it needs no name. For a long time I believed that there was no one noun for it, and no verb for its creation. Each time I tried one, I was discouraged; all the synonyms for it were shanghaied by its synthetic counterfeits: mass-produced fashions and cleverly marketed moods, chic feelings, swank highs and trendy tastes. Starting in the seventies, group dynamics retreats and psychic training, all to generate "atmosphere," became major businesses. Discreet silence about the issue I am raising seemed preferable to creating a misunderstanding. + +Then, thirty years after that evening above the Rimac, I suddenly realized that there is indeed a very simple word that says what I cherished and tried to nourish, and that word is peace. Peace, however, not in any of the many ways its cognates are used all over the world, but peace in its post- classical, European meaning. Peace, in this sense, is the one strong word with which the atmosphere of friendship created among equals has been appropriately named. But to embrace this, one has to come to understand the origin of this peace in the conspiratio, a curious ritual behavior almost forgotten today. + +This is how I chanced upon this insight. In 1986, a few dozen peace research centers in Africa and Asia were planning to open a common resource center. The founding assembly was held in Japan, and the leaders were looking for a Third World speaker. However, for reasons of delicacy, they wanted a person who was neither Asian nor African, and took me for a Latin American; then they pressured me to come. So I packed my guayabera shirt and departed for the Orient. + +In Yokohama I addressed the group, speaking as a historian. I wanted first to dismantle any universal notion of peace; I wanted to stress the claim of each ethnos to its own peace, the right of each community to be left in its peace. It seemed important to make clear that peace is not an abstract condition, but a very specific spirit to be relished in its particular, incommunicable uniqueness by each community. + +However, my aim in Yokohama was twofold: I wanted to examine not only the meaning but also the history and perversion of peace in that appendix to Asia and Africa we call Europe. After all, most of the world in the twentieth century is suffering from the enthusiastic acceptance of European ideas, including the European concept of peace. The assembly in Japan gave me a chance to contrast the unique spirit of peace that was born in Christian Europe with its perversion and counterfeit when, in international political parlance, an ideological link is created between economic development and peace. I argued that only by de-linking pax (peace) from development could the heretofore unsuspected glory hidden in pax be revealed. But to achieve this before a Japanese audience was difficult. + +The Japanese have an iconogram that stands for something we do not have or say or feel: foodó. My teacher, Professor Tamanoy, explained foodó to me as, "the inimitable freshness that arises from the commingling of a particular soil with the appropriate waters." Trusting my learned pacifist guide, since deceased, I started from the notion of foodó. It was easy to explain that both Athenian philia and Pax Romana, as different as they are from each other, are incomparable to foodó. Athenian philia bespeaks the friendship among the free men of a city, and Roman pax bespeaks the administrative status of a region dominated by the Legion that had planted its insignia into that soil. Thanks to Professor Tamanoy's assistance, it was easy to elaborate on the contradictions and differences between these two notions, and get the audience to comment on similar heteronomies in the cultural meaning of peace within India or between neighboring groups in Tanzania. The kaleidoscopic incarnations of peace all referred to a particular, highly desirable atmosphere. So far the conversation was easy. + +However, speaking about pax in the proto-Christan epoch turned out to be a delicate matter, because around the year 300 pax became a key word in the Christian liturgy. It became the euphemism for a mouth-to-mouth kiss among the faithful attending services; pax became the camouflage for the osculum (from os, mouth), or the conspiratio, a commingling of breaths. My friend felt I was not just courting misunderstanding, but perhaps giving offense, by mentioning such body-to-body contact in public. The gesture, up to this day, is repugnant to Japanese. + +The Latin osculum is neither very old nor frequent. It is one of three words that can be translated by the English, "kiss." In comparison with the affectionate basium and the lascivious suavium, osculum was a latecomer into classical Latin, and was used in only one circumstance as a ritual gesture: In the second century, it became the sign given by a departing soldier to a woman, thereby recognizing her expected child as his offspring. + +In the Christian liturgy of the first century, the osculum assumed a new function. It became one of two high points in the celebration of the Eucharist. Conspiratio, the mount-to-mouth kiss, became the solemn liturgical gesture by which participants in the cult-action shared their breath or spirit with one another. It came to signify their union in one Holy Spirit, the community that takes shape in God's breath. The ecclesia came to be through a public ritual action, the liturgy, and the soul of this liturgy was the conspiratio. Explicitly, corporeally, the central Christian celebration was understood as a co-breathing, a con-spiracy, the bringing about of a common atmosphere, a divine milieu. + +The other eminent moment of the celebration was, of course, the comestio, the communion in the flesh, the incorporation of the believer in the body of the Incarnate Word, but communio was theologically linked to the preceding con-spiratio. Conspiratio became the strongest, clearest and most unambiguously somatic expression for the entirely non-hierarchical creation of a fraternal spirit in preparation for the unifying meal. Through the act of eating, the fellow conspirators were transformed into a "we," a gathering which in Greek means ecclesia. Further, they believed that the "we" is also somebody's "I"; they were nourished by shading into the "I" of the Incarnate Word. The words and actions of the liturgy are not just mundane words and actions, but events occurring after the Word, that is, after the Incarnation. Peace as the commingling of soil and waters sounds cute to my ears; but peace as the result of conspiratio exacts a demanding, today almost unimaginable intimacy. + +The practice of the osculum did not go unchallenged; documents reveal that the conspiratio created scandal early on. The rigorist African Church Father, Tertullian, felt that a decent matron should not be subjected to possible embarrassment by this rite. The practice continued, but not its name; the ceremony required a euphemism. From the later third century on, the osculum pacis was referred to simply as pax, and the gesture was often watered down to some slight touch to signify the mutual spiritual union of the persons present through the creation of a fraternal atmosphere. Today, the pax before communion, called "the kiss of peace," is still integral to the Roman, Slavonic, Greek and Syrian Mass, although it is often reduced to a perfunctory handshake. + +I could no more avoid telling the story in Yokohama than today in Bremen. Why? Because the very idea of peace understood as a hospitality that reaches out to the stranger, and of a free assembly that arises in the practice of hospitality cannot be understood without reference to the Christian liturgy in which the community comes into being by the mouth-to-mouth kiss. + +However, jusyt as the antecedents of peace among us cannot be understood without reference to conspiration, the historical uniqueness of a city's climate, atmosphere or spirit calls for this reference. The European idea of peace that is synonymous with the somatic incorporation of equals into a community has no analogue elsewhere. Community in our European tradition is not the outcome of an act of authoritative foundation, nor a gift from nature or its gods, nor the result of management, planning and design, but the consequence of a conspiracy, a deliberate, mutual, somatic and gratuitous gift to each other. The prototype of that conspiracy lies in the celebration of the early Christian liturgy in which, no matter their origin, men and women, Greeks and Jews, slaves and citizens, engender a physical reality that transcends them. The shared breath, the con-spiratio are the "peace" understood as the community that arises from it. + +Historians have often pointed out that the idea of a social contract, which dominates political thinking in Europe since the 14th century, has its concrete origins in the way founders of medieval towns conceived urbane civilities. I fully agree with this. However, by focusing on the contractual aspect of this incorporation attention is distracted from the good that such contracts were meant to protect, namely, peace resulting from a conspiratio. One can fail to perceive the pretentious absurdity of attempting a contractual insurance of an atmosphere as fleeting and alive, as tender and robust, as pax. + +The medieval merchants and craftsmen who settled at the foot of a lord's castle felt the need to make the conspiracy that united them into a secure and lasting association. To provide for their general surety, they had recourse to a device, the conjuratio, a mutual promise confirmed by an oath that uses God as a witness. Most societies know the oath, but the use of God's name to make it stick first appears as a legal device in the codification of roman law made by the Christian emperor Theodosius. "Conjuration" or the swearing together by a common oath confirmed by the invocation of God, just like the liturgical osculum is of Christian origin. Conjuratio which uses God as epoxy for the social bond presumably assures stability and durability to the atmosphere engendered by the conspiratio of the citizens. In this linkage between conspiratio and conjuratio, two equally unique concepts inherited from the first millennium of Christian history are intertwined, but the latter, the contractual form soon overshadowed the spiritual substance. + +The medieval town of central Europe thus was indeed a profoundly new historical gestalt: the conjuratio conspirativa, which makes European urbanity distinct from urban modes elsewhere. It implies a peculiar dynamic strain between the atmosphere of conspiratio and its legal, contractual constitution. Ideally, the spiritual climate is the source of the city's life that flower into a hierarchy, like a shell or frame, to protect its order. Insofar as the city is understood to originate in a conspiratio, it owes its social existence to the pax the breath, shared equally among all. + +This long reflection on the historical precedence to the cultivation of atmosphere in late twentieth century Bremen seemed necessary to me to defend its intrinsically conspiratorial nature. It seems necessary to understand why, arguably, independent criticism of the established order of modern, technogene, information-centered society can grow only out of a milieu of intense hospitality. + +As a scholar I have been shaped by a monastic traditions and by the interpretation of medieval texts. Early on I took it for granted that the principal condition for an atmosphere that is propitious to independent thought is the hospitality cultivated by the host: a hospitality that excludes condescension as scrupulously as seduction; a hospitality that by its simplicity defeats the fear of plagiarism as much as that of clientage; a hospitality that by its openness dissolves intimidation as studiously as servility; a hospitality that exacts from the guests as much generosity as it imposes on the host. I have been blessed with a large portion of it, with the taste of a relaxed, humorous, sometimes grotesque fit among mostly ordinary but sometimes outlandish companions who are patient with one another. More so in Bremen than anywhere else. diff --git a/contents/article/1998-conspiracy/es.bib b/contents/article/1998-conspiracy/es.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..ae6ac9d --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1998-conspiracy/es.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1998-conspiracy-es, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {El cultivo de la conspiración}, + year = {1998}, + date = {1998}, + origdate = {1998}, + language = {es}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/article/1998-conspiracy:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-21} +} diff --git a/contents/article/1998-conspiracy/es.md b/contents/article/1998-conspiracy/es.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..f808571 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1998-conspiracy/es.md @@ -0,0 +1,115 @@ +--- + title: "El cultivo de la conspiración" + author: "Ivan Illich" + date: "1998" + lang: "es" + documentclass: article + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue +--- + +El 16 de noviembre de 1996, llegué al auditorio de la biblioteca de la Universidad de Bremen justo a tiempo para mi conferencia de la tarde. Durante cinco años, me había ocupado de comentar textos antiguos para trazar la larga historia de la _philia_ occidental, de la amistad. El tema de este semestre era la pérdida del sentido común, la pérdida de la proporcionalidad, el cambio decisivo en la proporción sensorial durante las vidas de John Locke, Gottfried Leibniz y Johann Sebastian Bach. Ese día me preparé para abordar el tema del sentido común como el órgano sensorial que se cree que reconoce lo «bueno», lo «adecuado» y lo «quinto» (desde la escala diatónica hasta las proporciones humanas). Lo contrastaba con el ideal emergente de la objetividad en la ciencia, en particular el paso de una objetividad perspectiva a una objetividad a-perspectiva; de la búsqueda de la verdad a la exigencia de la verificación y la prueba. Pero incluso antes de que pudiera empezar, tuve que parar: los doscientos auditores habían planeado celebrar una fiesta en lugar de una conferencia. Dos meses después de la fecha real, habían decidido celebrar mi septuagésimo cumpleaños, así que festejamos, reímos y bailamos hasta la medianoche. + +Los discursos inauguraron el asunto. Yo estaba sentado detrás de un ramo de flores, en primera fila, y escuché diecisiete intervenciones. Como prueba de reconocimiento, regalé una flor a cada uno de los panegiristas. La mayoría de los oradores eran mayores de cincuenta años, amigos que había hecho en cuatro continentes, algunos de los cuales aún guardaban recuerdos que se remontaban a la década de 1950 en Nueva York. Otros eran conocidos más recientes, gente que había conocido en los tiempos en que enseñaba en Kassel, Berlín, Marburgo, Oldemburgo y, desde 1991, en Bremen. Esforzándome por expresar mi gratitud adecuada a cada orador, me sentía como Hugo de San Víctor, mi amigo y maestro de París. En una carta, este monje del siglo XII se compara con un burro de carga: no se siente aplastado, sino elevado por el peso de las amistades reunidas durante el peregrinaje de la vida. + +Después de las _lauda_ _t_ _iones_ , cruzamos la plaza hasta el edificio de artes liberales, cuyos lúgubres pasillos de cemento tengo el hábito de evitar. Una metamorfosis se había producido en su atmósfera. Nos acomodamos en un café pintoresco con cerca de cinco docenas de mesas pequeñas, cada una con una vela encendida sobre una servilleta de color. Para la ocasión, el departamento de artes domésticas de la universidad había incluido en el presupuesto del semestre una olla lo suficientemente grande como para cocinar sopa de papa para toda una compañía. El canciller, ausente en ese momento por atender cuestiones oficiales en Pekín, había contratado un conjunto de klezmer. El profesor Ludolf Kuchenbuch, decano de los historiadores de una universidad cercana y saxofonista, se hizo cargo del jazz. Además, un par de payasos que actuaban en bicicleta nos entretuvieron con su parodia de mi libro _Energía y equidad_ de 1972. + +El alcalde-gobernador de la «ciudad-Estado» libre de Bremen había escogido una botella de Borgoña muy antiguo de los tesoros del _Rathskeller_. El alto y delgado funcionario me entregó el precioso regalo y expresó su placer «de que Illich a los setenta años —en sus propias palabras— hubiera encontrado en Bremen _einen Zipfel Heimat_ », algo así como «un rincón de hogar». De la boca del _Bürgermeister_ , la frase que yo mismo había usado me cautivó; ahora me parecía grotesca, pero aun así verdadera. Empecé a reflexionar: ¿qué podría haberme inducido a asociar la noción de hogar con los largos y oscuros inviernos con lluvia continua, donde camino a través de los pastos a lo largo del Wümme que son inundados dos veces al día por la marea del Atlántico Norte? Yo que, de niño, me había sentido exiliado en Viena, porque todos mis sentidos estaban ligados con nostalgia al sur, al azul del Adriático, a las montañas de piedra caliza de la Dalmacia de mi primera infancia. + +La ceremonia de hoy, sin embargo, es aún más sorprendente que las palabras del alcalde en las festividades del año anterior, porque su premio me hace sentir bienvenido por la ciudadanía y no sólo por las autoridades de la ciudad, dicho esto con el debido respeto a mi amigo el alcalde. La Villa Ichon es un testimonio de la civilidad de Bremen: un testimonio que no es ni de caridad privada ni de financiación pública. Ustedes, que son mis anfitriones en este lugar, se definen como ciudadanos comerciantes hanseáticos. El día de la solemne inauguración de la Villa Ichon, se negaron rotundamente a que un funcionario de la ciudad tocara las llaves de esta casa. Esto fue para subrayar la autonomía de la sociedad civil, basada en una respetuosa distancia con el gobierno de la ciudad, por más ejemplar que sea. Klaus Hübotter, quien inspiró la remodelación de esta casa del siglo XIX, se refiere a ella como una «casa flotante para los desamparados y los vulnerables entre nosotros». Me conmueve profundamente que su premio anual, destinado a honrar a un ciudadano de Bremen, se conceda hoy a un peregrino errante, pero que sabe apreciarlo. Como hijo mayor de una familia de comerciantes de una ciudad portuaria libre —atrapada entre las potencias adriáticas de Bizancio y Venecia—, nací en una tradición que, mientras tanto, se ha marchitado, pero no sin dejarme con una singular habilidad para saborear la hospitalidad hanseática que hoy recibo. + +La primera vez que oí hablar de Bremen fue a la edad de seis años, en las historias que me contaba mi profesora de dibujo, que venía de una de sus familias patricias y en Viena sentía nostalgia del norte. Adopté a la pequeña dama vestida de negro como Mama Pfeiffer-Kulenkampf. Un verano vino con nosotros a Dalmacia, a pintar; sus acuarelas todavía adornan el estudio de mi hermano, en Long Island. De ella aprendí a mezclar diferentes pigmentos para las atmósferas contrastantes de la costa mediterránea y la atlántica. + +Ahora, una larga vida después, me siento en casa en su clima gris salado. Y no sólo en casa; me imagino que mi presencia aquí ha añadido algo a la atmósfera de la Universidad de Bremen. Cuando el decano Johannes Beck me llevó desde la sala de conferencias a través de la plaza empapada de lluvia hasta el improvisado café, hizo un comentario que acepté como un regalo. «Ivan», dijo, «esto se siente como un desbordamiento de la casa de Barbara Duden». El decano Beck puso con éxito en palabras algo que había intentado decir por décadas: que la plétora de nuestra convivialidad en el comedor inspirara a un aula universitaria; el aura de hospitalidad en nuestra casa de la calle de Kreftingstraße se sentía más allá de su umbral. + +En 1991 Christian Marzahn, entonces vicerrector, vino a México para invitarme a la Universidad de Bremen. Antes de que empezara el semestre, Barbara Duden consiguió una casa en el barrio de Ostertor, más allá del viejo foso, justo al lado de la esquina de los drogadictos, el mercado de granjeros y el zoco turco. Con su alegre austeridad lo hizo hospitalario; todos nos maravillamos de la facilidad con la que, bajo su liderazgo, los jóvenes amigos, ya sea que se queden o estén de paso, se sienten como en casa y alimentan la conversación. Si, después de mi conferencia de los viernes, el tazón de espaguetis debe alimentar a más de las dos docenas que caben alrededor de la mesa hecha con parqués de madera, los invitados se ponen en cuclillas sobre los petates en la habitación de al lado. + +A lo largo de los años, Kreftingstraße ha fomentado una cercanía privilegiada en un trato respetuoso, disciplinado y crítico: amistades entre viejos conocidos que llegan de lejos y otros nuevos (tres o incluso cuatro décadas más jóvenes que mi compañero más viejo, Lee Hoinacki, que comparte su habitación con nuestras enciclopedias). La amistad hace que los vínculos sean únicos, pero algunos más que otros soportan la carga del anfitrión: Kassandra, que vive en otro lugar, con una llave de la casa, trae flores, y Matthias, el virtuoso baterista que vive abajo en una habitación con una puerta que se abre hacia el pequeño jardín. Ambos pertenecen a la docena de personas que graciosamente reciben al recién llegado en el umbral, agitan la sopa, orientan la conversación, lavan los platos y… corrigen mis manuscritos así como los de los demás. + +Considero que este obvio pero intangible clima civil es un regalo del _spiritus loci_ de Bremen, para el cual Barbara Duden ha creado el lugar apropiado. Veo esto como una oportunidad para reflexionar sobre la atmósfera y la cultura en la era de la Red y los teléfonos móviles. La hospitalidad aprendida y sosegada es el único antídoto para la postura de ingenio corrosivo que se adquiere en la búsqueda profesional de conocimiento objetivamente asegurado. Estoy seguro de que la búsqueda de la verdad no puede prosperar si no se alimenta de una atmósfera de confianza mutua, que sin este compromiso de amistad no se puede hacer la distinción misma entre búsqueda de la verdad y obtención o producción de un conocimiento objetivo. Por lo tanto, he tratado de identificar el ambiente que fomenta —pero también el aire «acondicionado» que impide— el aura de la amistad. + +Por supuesto que puedo recordar el sabor de las atmósferas fuertes de otras épocas de mi vida. En lugares tan distantes como Cuernavaca y State College, hemos cultivado la hospitalidad intelectual en nuestro círculo de amigos a través del respeto al Lugar, evitando el diagnóstico mutuo y tolerando las voces discordantes. Nunca he dudado —y es aún más cierto hoy en día— que un ambiente «monástico» es el prerrequisito para la independencia necesaria para un enjuiciamiento histórico de la sociedad. Sólo el compromiso gratuito de los amigos puede permitirme practicar el ascetismo necesario para enfrentar las cuasiparadojas modernas, como renunciar al análisis de sistemas mientras escribo en mi Toshiba. + +Mi temprana sospecha de que era necesaria una cierta atmósfera para el tipo de _studium_ al que me había dedicado se convirtió en una convicción a través de mi contacto con las universidades estadounidenses del periodo post-Sputnik. Después de sólo un año como vicerrector de una universidad en Puerto Rico, yo y algunos otros quisimos cuestionar la ideología del desarrollo a la que tanto Kennedy como Castro suscribieron. Puse todo el dinero que tenía —hoy el equivalente al premio que me acaban de dar— en la compra de una cabaña de madera de una habitación en las montañas que dan al Caribe. Con tres amigos, quería un lugar de estudio en el que cada uso del pronombre personal «nos-otros» se refiriera sinceramente a nosotros cuatro, y fuera accesible también a nuestros huéspedes; quería practicar el rigor que nos alejara del «nosotros» que invoca la seguridad que se encuentra a la sombra de una disciplina académica: nosotros como sociólogos, economistas, etc. Como dijo uno de nosotros, Charlie Rosario: «Todos los departamentos huelen a desinfectantes, en el mejor de los casos… y los venenos esterilizan el aura». La casita en el camino a las montañas de Adjuntas pronto se volvió tan desagradable que tuve que dejar la isla. + +Esto me liberó para iniciar un «pensatorio» en México, que cinco años más tarde se convirtió en el Centro Intercultural de Documentación o CIDOC. En su discurso inaugural para la celebración de hoy, el parlamentario del Bunderstag Freimut Duve les habló de ello. En aquellos lejanos años, Duve era editor en la editorial Rowohlt, se ocupaba de la publicación de mis libros en alemán y me visitó varias veces en Cuernavaca. Les habló del espíritu que prevalecía en ese lugar: un clima de tolerancia mutuamente atemperada. Fue esta aura, esta cualidad o aire, a través de la cual esta efímera aventura podía convertirse en una encrucijada mundial, un lugar de encuentro para aquellos que, mucho antes de que se pusiera de moda, cuestionaban la inocencia del «desarrollo». Sólo el estado de ánimo que Duve insinuó puede explicar la influencia desproporcionada que este pequeño centro ejerció al desafiar los beneficios del desarrollo socioeconómico. + +El CIDOC fue cerrado de común acuerdo el 1 de abril de 1976, diez años después del día de su fundación. Con música y bailes mexicanos celebramos su clausura. Duve les habló de Valentina Borremans, que había organizado y dirigido el CIDOC desde su fundación. Luego habló de su admiración por el estilo con el que ella terminó su trabajo con el consentimiento mutuo de sus sesenta y tres colaboradores. Se dio cuenta de que el alma de este pensatorio libre, independiente y ajeno al poder sería aplastado pronto por su creciente influencia. + +El CIDOC cerró sus puertas ante las críticas de sus amigos más serios, gente demasiado seria para comprender la paradoja de la atmósfera. Éstas eran principalmente personas para las que el clima hospitalario del CIDOC había proporcionado un foro único. Prosperaron en el aura del CIDOC, y rechazaron totalmente nuestra certeza de que la atmósfera invita a la institucionalización que terminará corrompiéndola. Nunca se sabe qué es lo que nutrirá y fortalecerá el espíritu de la _philia_ , pero pueden estar seguros de qué es lo que lo asfixiará. El espíritu emerge por sorpresa, y es un milagro cuando permanece; es asfixiado por cada intento de asegurarlo; es pervertido cuando se intenta aprovecharlo para obtener riquezas, poder o influencia. + +Pocos entienden esto. En México, recientemente abrí la botella de Borgoña del alcalde con Valentina para brindar por uno de ellos. Bebimos el vino en memoria de Alejandro del Corro, un jesuita argentino fallecido que vivió y trabajó conmigo a principios de la década de 1960. Con su Leica viajó por toda América del Sur, colaborando con los guerrilleros para salvar sus archivos para la posteridad. Alejandro era un maestro en la moderación del aura. Cuando presidía, su cuidadosa atención —ya fuera hacia un funcionario estadounidense, un recolector de basura, un guerrillero o un profesor— ayudaba a que cada uno se sintiera en casa con el otro alrededor de la mesa del CIDOC. Alejandro sabía que no se puede poseer el aura; sabía de la evanescencia, de la vulnerabilidad de la atmósfera. + +Hablo de una hospitalidad sencilla y generosa, sin nada fabricado ni moralizante. Pero sólo aquí en Bremen, en el curso de estos cuarenta años, el aura de la mesa del desayuno se ha extendido a la sala de la biblioteca donde, los viernes por la tarde, tengo el privilegio de hablar. Sólo aquí en Bremen se ha desarrollado una atmósfera en la que un puñado de hombres y mujeres de la mitad de mi edad se han embarcado en una investigación disciplinada sobre la historia de la proporcionalidad, una empresa que he comenzado, pero que nunca podré concluir, a pesar de las promesas que le hice a usted, Wolfgang Beck, cuando tomó la iniciativa de reeditar mis libros. En cierto modo, el _genius loci_ de Bremen me permitió verificar una vieja intuición: hoy más que nunca, el renacimiento de una búsqueda iluminada de la verdad se nutre de una amistad austera más que de sistemas. + +Tengo la intención de usar el dinero que acompaña al premio que se me ha concedido para hacer que nuestras discusiones sean más conviviales. Esto permitirá a una de nuestras estudiantes residentes, Silja Samerski, someter las actas y notas de nuestras reuniones a las críticas de los amigos ausentes. + +Hablo de atmósfera, _faute de mieux_. En griego, la palabra se usa para referirse a la emanación de una estrella, o la constelación que gobierna un lugar; los alquimistas la adoptaron para hablar de las capas que rodean nuestro planeta. Maurice Blondel refleja su uso francés mucho más tardío para _bouquet des esprits_ , el perfume que los presentes traen a una reunión. Utilizo la palabra para algo frágil y a menudo desestimado, el aire que teje, ondea y evoca recuerdos, como los que están unidos a esta botella de Borgoña mucho tiempo después de haber sido vaciada. + +Para percibir un aura, se necesita una nariz. La nariz, enmarcada por los ojos, se extiende debajo del cerebro. Lo que la nariz inhala termina en las entrañas; todo yogui y hesicasta lo sabe. La nariz desciende en una curva en medio de la cara. Todo judío piadoso es consciente de la imagen, ya que cuando los cristianos dicen «caminar ante los ojos de Dios», en hebreo se habla de «pasear bajo la nariz y el aliento de Dios». Para saborear la atmósfera de un lugar, uno debe confiar en su nariz; para confiar en otro, uno debe primero olerlo. + +En sus inicios, la cultura cívica occidental oscilaba entre la desconfianza cultivada y la confianza simpatética. Platón creía que sería peligroso para los ciudadanos atenienses dejar que sus entrañas se vieran afectadas por la pasión de los actores en el teatro; quería que la audiencia no fuera más allá de una reflexión sobre las palabras. Aristóteles modificó respetuosamente la opinión de su maestro. En la _Poética_ , pide a los espectadores que dejen que los gestos y la mímica, el ritmo y la melodía de la respiración, lleguen a sus entrañas. Los ciudadanos deben asistir al teatro, no sólo para entender, sino para ser afectados por los demás. Según Aristóteles, no puede haber ninguna transformación, ninguna catarsis purificadora, sin esa apasionante mímesis. Sin la experiencia visceral del otro, sin compartir su aura, uno no puede salvarse a sí mismo. + +Algo de ese sentido de mímesis aparece en un viejo adagio alemán: _Ich kann dich gut riechen_ , «puedo olerte bien». Es una expresión que todavía se usa y se entiende. Pero no es algo que se diga a cualquiera; es una expresión que sólo se permite cuando uno se siente cercano, cuenta con la confianza y está dispuesto a ser herido. Supone la verdad de otro dicho alemán: _Ich kann dich gut leiden_ , «puedo sufrirte bien». Aquí se puede ver que las palabras relacionadas con la nariz no han desaparecido por completo del habla coloquial, incluso en la era de los regaderazos diarios. + +Recuerdo mi vergüenza cuando, después de años de disciplina ascética, me di cuenta de que todavía no había establecido la conexión entre la nariz y el corazón, el olor y el afecto. Estaba en Perú a mediados de la década de 1950, camino de encontrarme con Carlos, que me acogió en su modesta cabaña por tercera vez. Pero para llegar a la cabaña, tuve que cruzar el río Rímac, la cloaca abierta de Lima. La idea de dormir durante una semana en este miasma me daba náuseas. Esa noche, con un shock, comprendí de repente lo que Carlos me había estado diciendo todo el tiempo: «Ivan, no te engañes; no te imagines que puedes ser amigo de gente a la que no puedes oler». Esa sacudida me descongestionó la nariz; me permitió sumergirme en el aura de la casa de Carlos y mezclar la atmósfera que llevaba conmigo en el ambiente de su casa. + +Este descubrimiento a través de mi nariz del aroma del espíritu ocurrió hace cuarenta años, en la época del DC-4, la creencia en los programas de desarrollo y el aparentemente benigno Cuerpo de Paz. Era la época en que el DDT era todavía demasiado caro para los habitantes de los barrios bajos de América Latina, cuando la mayoría de la gente tenía que aguantar las pulgas y los piojos en la piel, así como a los ancianos, los lisiados y los idiotas en sus casas. Esto fue antes de los días de las Xerox, el fax y el correo electrónico. Pero también fue antes del smog y el sida. En ese momento se me consideraba un derrotista o un excéntrico porque preveía los efectos secundarios no deseados del desarrollo, porque hablaba con los sindicatos sobre el desempleo tecnogénico y con los izquierdistas sobre la polarización creciente entre ricos y pobres a raíz de la expansión de la dependencia de las mercancías. Lo que parecía ser histeria ha sido confirmado desde entonces en forma de hechos bien documentados. Algunos de estos hechos son demasiado terribles para afrontarlos. Es necesario exorcizarlos, expurgarlos a través de la investigación, asignar su gestión a agencias especializadas y conjurarlos a través de programas de prevención. Pero mientras que el agotamiento de las formas de vida, la creciente inmunidad de los patógenos, los cambios climáticos, la desaparición de la cultura del trabajo y la violencia incontrolable constituyen ahora los efectos secundarios admitidos del crecimiento económico, la terrible amenaza que la vida moderna supone para la supervivencia de las atmósferas es apenas perceptible. + +Ésta es la razón por la que me atrevo a molestarlos con el recuerdo de ese paseo al atardecer con la nariz saturada de los olores de la orina y las heces que emanan del Rímac. Ese paisaje ya no existe; los coches ahora llenan una autopista que esconde las aguas residuales. La piel y el cuero cabelludo de los indios ya no son nidos de piojos; ahora las alergias producidas por los productos químicos industriales causan la comezón. Las casuchas improvisadas han sido sustituidas por viviendas públicas; cada departamento tiene sus redes de tubería y cada miembro de la familia una cama separada: el huésped es consciente de las molestias que causa. El hedor del Rímac se ha convertido en un recuerdo en una ciudad asfixiada por el smog industrial. Yuxtapongo el entonces y el ahora porque esto me permite argumentar que la inminente pérdida del espíritu, del alma, de lo que llamo atmósfera, podría pasar desapercibida. + +Sólo las personas que se encaran en confianza pueden permitir su aparición. El buqué de la amistad varía con cada respiración, pero cuando está ahí no necesita ser nombrado. Durante mucho tiempo creí que no había un sustantivo para decirlo, ni un verbo para expresarlo. Cada vez que probaba una palabra, me desanimaba; todos los sinónimos fueron sustituidos por falsificaciones sintéticas: modas producidas en masa y estados de ánimo ingeniosamente comercializados, sentimientos chic, presunciones soberbias y gustos de moda. La industria proporciona a la vida diaria un aura, con cosas que están llenas de atmósfera sintética. Al igual que las vitaminas, los hormigueos emocionales se distribuyen de forma similar, con _styling_ , diseño, sugestiones subliminales. No sólo las cremas para la piel, los cigarros y los viajes, sino también los programas escolares y el baño emiten vapores sintéticos. A partir de la década de 1970, las dinámicas de grupo y toda la parafernalia que las acompaña, los retiros y el entrenamiento psíquico, diseñados para generar una «atmósfera», se convirtieron en un enorme negocio. El silencio discreto sobre el tema que estoy planteando parecía preferible a causar un malentendido. + +Entonces, treinta años después de aquella noche sobre el Rímac, me di cuenta repentinamente de que sí hay un palabra muy simple que dice lo que aprecio y trato de alimentar, y esa palabra es _paz_. La paz, sin embargo, no en los significados en los que se comercializa internacionalmente hoy en día, sino la paz en su peculiar significado posclásico, europeo. La paz, en este sentido, es la única palabra fuerte para nombrar apropiadamente la atmósfera de amistad creada entre iguales; y entonces «pacífico» significa mucho más que no-violento. Pero para abrazarla, uno tiene que llegar a entender el origen de esta paz en la _conspiratio_ , un curioso comportamiento ritual casi olvidado hoy en día. + +Así es como esta intuición llegó a mí. En 1986, unas pocas docenas de grupos de investigación sobre la paz en África y Asia se preparaban para abrir un centro de recursos comunes. La asamblea de fundación se iba a celebrar en Japón, y los líderes buscaban un orador del Tercer Mundo. Sin embargo, por razones de delicadeza, querían a alguien que no fuera ni asiático ni africano, y me tomaron por un latinoamericano; luego me presionaron para que fuera. Así que empaqué mi guayabera en mi maleta y me fui a Oriente. + +En Yokohama me dirigí al grupo hablando como historiador. Sobre todo, quería desmantelar cualquier concepto universal de paz; quería subrayar la reivindicación de cada _ethnos_ de su propia paz, el derecho de cada comunidad a ser dejada en su paz. Me pareció importante dejar claro que la paz no es una condición abstracta, sino un espíritu muy específico que debe ser disfrutado en su particular e incomunicable unicidad por cada comunidad. + +Mi objetivo en Yokohama era doble: quería examinar no sólo el significado sino también la historia y la perversión de la paz en ese apéndice de Asia y África que llamamos Europa. Después de todo, la mayor parte del mundo en el siglo XX sufre de la aceptación entusiasta de las ideas europeas, incluido el concepto europeo de paz. La asamblea en Japón me dio la oportunidad de contrastar el espíritu único de paz que nació en la Europa cristiana con su perversión y falsificación cuando, en la jerga de la política internacional, se crea un vínculo ideológico entre el desarrollo y la paz; cuando el crecimiento económico, la instrucción escolar, el diagnóstico médico y la gestión global erradican lo que una vez se entendió por paz en la tradición europea. Argumenté que sólo desvinculando la _pax_ (paz) del desarrollo podría revelarse la gloria hasta ahora insospechada que se oculta en esta _pax_. Pero lograr esto ante una audiencia japonesa era difícil. + +Los japoneses tienen un ideograma para algo que nosotros no tenemos, ni decimos, ni sentimos: _fūdo_. Mi anfitrión y maestro, el profesor Yoshiro Tamanoy, me lo describió así: «la frescura inimitable que surge de la mezcla de un suelo particular con las aguas apropiadas». Confiando en mi docto guía pacifista, ahora fallecido, empecé con el concepto de _fūdo_. No fue difícil explicar que tanto la _philia_ ateniense como la _pax romana_ , por muy diferentes que sean la una de la otra, son incomparables con el _fūdo_. La _philia_ ateniense habla de la amistad entre los hombres libres de una ciudad, y la _pax romana_ habla del estatuto administrativo de una región en cuyo suelo la Legión había plantado sus estandartes. Con la ayuda del profesor Tamanoy, fue fácil elaborar las contradicciones y las diferencias entre estas dos nociones, y conseguir que el público comentara las heterogeneidades similares en el significado cultural de la paz en la India o entre grupos vecinos de Tanzania. Todas las encarnaciones caleidoscópicas de la paz se referían a una atmósfera particular y altamente deseable. Hasta aquí la conversación resultó sencilla. + +Sin embargo, hablar de la _pax_ en la época protocristiana resultó ser un asunto delicado, porque alrededor del año 300 _pax_ se convirtió en una palabra clave en la liturgia cristiana. Se convirtió en el eufemismo para un beso de boca a boca entre los fieles que asistían a los servicios. La _pax_ se convirtió en el camuflaje para el _osculum_ (de la palabra _os_ , boca), para la _conspiratio_ , una mezcla de respiraciones. Mi amigo sintió que no sólo me estaba exponiendo a un malentendido, sino quizá ofendiendo, al evocar públicamente tal contacto cuerpo a cuerpo. El gesto sigue siendo repugnante para los japoneses hoy en día. + +En latín la palabra _osculum_ no es ni muy antigua ni muy frecuente. Es una de las tres palabras que pueden ser traducidas por el castellano «beso». En comparación con el tierno _basium_ y el lascivo _suavium_ , _osculum_ fue un término tardío en el latín clásico, y fue usado en una sola circunstancia como un gesto ritual. En el siglo II, se convirtió en la señal que un soldado a punto de marcharse daba a una mujer, una forma de reconocer al hijo esperado como su descendencia. + +En la liturgia cristiana del primer siglo, el _osculum_ asumió una nueva función. Se convirtió en uno de los dos puntos culminantes de la celebración de la Eucaristía. La _conspiratio_ , el beso en la boca, se convirtió en el solemne gesto litúrgico por el que los participantes en la acción de culto compartían su aliento o espíritu con los demás. Llegó a significar su unión en el Espíritu Santo, la comunidad que toma forma en el aliento de Dios. La _ecclesia_ surgió a través de una acción ritual pública, la liturgia y el alma de esta liturgia eran la _conspiratio_. Explícitamente, corporalmente, la celebración cristiana central se entendía como una co-respiración, una co-inspiración: la producción de una atmósfera común, un entorno divino. + +El otro momento eminente de la celebración fue, por supuesto, la _comestio_ , la comunión de la carne, la incorporación del creyente en el cuerpo del Verbo Encarnado, pero la _communio_ estaba teológicamente vinculada a la _con-spiratio_ precedente. La _con-spiratio_ se convirtió en la expresión somática más fuerte, clara e inequívoca para la creación totalmente no jerárquica de un espíritu fraternal en la preparación de la comida unificadora. A través del acto de comer, los compañeros conspiradores se transformaban en un «nosotros», una reunión que en griego significa _ecclesia_. Además, creían que el «nosotros» es también el «yo» de alguien; se nutrían de la sombra del «yo» del Verbo Encarnado. Las palabras y las acciones de la liturgia no son sólo palabras y acciones mundanas, sino acontecimientos que ocurren después del Verbo, es decir, después de la Encarnación. La paz como una mezcla del suelo y las aguas es una imagen que me parece agradable; pero la paz como resultado de la _conspiratio_ exige una intimidad demandante, hoy casi inimaginable. + +La práctica del _osculum_ no estuvo exenta de controversia. Los documentos muestran que la _conspiratio_ causó un escándalo desde el principio. Tertuliano el africano y rigorista Padre de la Iglesia, consideraba que una matrona decente no debía ser expuesta a ninguna posible vergüenza por este rito y quería eliminarlo de la Cena del Señor. La práctica continuó, pero no bajo el mismo nombre; la ceremonia requería un eufemismo. A partir de finales del siglo III, el _osculum pacis_ se denominaba simplemente _pax_ , y el gesto se suavizaba a menudo hasta el punto de ser reducido a un roce ligero para significar la mezcla espiritual de las entrañas que crea una atmósfera fraternal. Hoy en día, la _pax_ que precede a la comunión, llamada «el beso de la paz», sigue siendo una parte integrante de la misa en los rituales romanos, eslavos, griegos y sirios, aunque a menudo se reduce a un fugaz apretón de manos. + +Al igual que en Yokohama, no puedo evitar contar esta historia hoy en Bremen. ¿Por qué? Porque la idea misma de la paz entendida como hospitalidad que se extiende al extranjero, y de una asamblea libre que surge en la práctica de la hospitalidad, no puede ser entendida sin la referencia a la liturgia cristiana del beso en la boca, que da a la comunidad local un carácter «espiritual». + +Sin embargo, así como los antecedentes de la paz entre nosotros no pueden entenderse sin referencia a la _conspiratio_ , la unicidad histórica del clima, la atmósfera o el espíritu de una ciudad también requiere esta referencia. La idea europea de paz, que es sinónimo de la incorporación somática de los iguales en una comunidad, no tiene análogos en otros lugares. En nuestra tradición europea, la comunidad no es resultado de un acto de fundación autorizado, ni un regalo de la naturaleza o sus dioses, ni siquiera el resultado de la gestión, la planificación y el diseño, sino la consecuencia de una _conspiración_ , un regalo deliberado, mutuo, somático y gratuito de unos a otros. El prototipo de esa conspiración reside en la celebración de la liturgia de los primeros cristianos en la que, sin importar su origen, hombres y mujeres, griegos y judíos, esclavos y ciudadanos, todos engendran una realidad física que los trasciende, un espíritu de amistad. El aliento compartido, la _con-spiratio_ , es la paz, entendida como la comunidad que surge de ella. + +Los historiadores han señalado a menudo que la idea del contrato social, que domina el pensamiento político en Europa desde el siglo XIV, tiene sus orígenes concretos en la forma en que los fundadores de las ciudades medievales concebían las civilidades urbanas. Estoy totalmente de acuerdo con esto. Sin embargo, al centrar la atención en la sociedad medieval tardía entendida como una composición de corporaciones que resultan de un contrato social, puede distraerse la atención del bien que tales corporaciones debían proteger, a saber, la paz resultante de una _conspiratio_. Puede pasarse por alto el absurdo pretencioso de intentar asegurar contractualmente una atmósfera tan fugaz y viva, tan tierna y robusta, como la _pax_. + +Los comerciantes y artesanos medievales que se establecieron al pie del castillo de un señor feudal sintieron la necesidad de convertir la conspiración que los unía en una asociación segura y duradera. No estaban dispuestos a construir sobre la base de un espíritu eternamente tenue. ¿Cuánto tiempo duraría? Para garantizar su seguridad general, recurrieron a un dispositivo, la _conjuratio_ , una promesa mutua confirmada por un juramento que toma a Dios como testigo, una forma de asegurar la durabilidad y la estabilidad de la atmósfera creada por la conspiración. La mayoría de las sociedades conocen el juramento, pero el uso del nombre de Dios para hacerlo valer aparece primero como un dispositivo legal en la codificación del derecho romano hecha por el emperador cristiano Teodosio. La conjuración, la coincidencia en un juramento común confirmado por la invocación a Dios, justo como el _osculum_ litúrgico, es de origen cristiano. La _conjuratio_ que usa a Dios a modo de resina para el vínculo social asegura presumiblemente la estabilidad y la durabilidad de la atmósfera engendrada por la _conspiratio_ de los ciudadanos. En este nexo entre _conspiratio_ y _conjuratio_ , se entrelazan dos conceptos igualmente únicos heredados del primer milenio de la historia cristiana, pero la formalidad contractual pronto eclipsó la sustancia espiritual. + +Nuestro universo político occidental contemporáneo se basa en un llamado a la paz que está en la base de la forma histórica profundamente nueva de la ciudad medieval de la Europa central. La _conjuratio conspirativa_ , un solemne tratado _cum_ espíritu, hace que la urbanidad europea sea distinta de los modos urbanos de otros lugares. También implica una tensión dinámica singular entre la atmósfera de la _conspiratio_ y su constitución legal, contractual. Idealmente, el clima espiritual es la fuente de la vida de la ciudad, que florece en una jerarquía, como una concha o armazón, para proteger su orden. + +El vínculo entre un juramento ( _conjuratio_ ) y la _conspiratio_ debe verse a la luz de mil años de historia eclesiástica, en la que los dos componentes no pueden confundirse entre sí. En la medida en que se entiende que la ciudad se origina en una _conspiratio_ , debe su existencia social a la _pax_ , el aliento, compartido por igual entre todos. Esta génesis es incomparable con el nacimiento de los atenienses de la matriz bajo la Acrópolis, incomparable con la ciudad concebida como el regalo de un dios a los inmigrantes jonios, incomparable con la descendencia común de un antepasado mítico. + +El vínculo entre _conspiratio_ y _conjuratio_ reúne dos conceptos igualmente únicos heredados del primer milenio de la cristiandad. Aquí hay un olor a rata. Mi nariz me dice que «algo está podrido» en el estado de Occidente. En el segundo milenio, el uso de Dios como testigo para sacrificar el contrato social crea el marco dentro del cual es posible abusar de la _pax_ como un ideal que justifica la imposición de nuestro tipo de orden en el mundo entero. + +Otras fuentes de esta teoría y práctica son numerosas: una conciencia de sí mismo mejor definida, como ilustra la doctrina de Abelardo; una nueva confianza en los instrumentos como medios para alcanzar un fin, como lo demuestra la proliferación de molinos de viento y el aumento de la producción agrícola y textil; una novedosa concepción del matrimonio como una relación contractual en la que dos seres humanos, un hombre y una mujer, se comprometen libremente. + +La parábola de Klaus Hübotter de la Villa Ichon como una casa flotante me hizo pensar en la esencia de la atmósfera, y al hacerlo llegamos a esta larga historia del origen de la ciudad gracias a la «paz» entre los ciudadanos que son hospitalarios entre sí de una manera única. Y no sólo entre ellos… ¡Han invitado a este vagabundo a deambular por aquí! Esta larga reflexión sobre los precedentes históricos del cultivo de la atmósfera en el Bremen de finales del siglo XX me parecía necesaria para defender su naturaleza intrínsecamente conspirativa. Quería mostrar por qué la crítica independiente del orden establecido de nuestra sociedad moderna, tecnógena y centrada en la información, sólo puede surgir de un entorno de intensa hospitalidad: el arte de la hospitalidad y el arte de ser invitado. + +Como estudioso, he sido moldeado por las tradiciones monásticas y la interpretación de los textos medievales. Desde muy temprano concluí que la principal condición para una atmósfera propicia para el pensamiento independiente es la hospitalidad cultivada por el anfitrión: una hospitalidad que excluye la condescendencia tan escrupulosamente como la seducción; una hospitalidad que por su simplicidad vence el miedo al plagio tanto como el del clientelismo; una hospitalidad que por su apertura disuelve la intimidación tan cuidadosamente como el servilismo; una hospitalidad que exige de los huéspedes tanta generosidad como la que impone al anfitrión. He sido bendecido con una gran parte de ella, con el sabor de un ambiente relajado, humorístico y a veces grotesco, entre compañeros mayormente ordinarios pero a veces extraños, entre personas que son pacientes entre sí. Más en Bremen que en cualquier otro lugar. + +Bremen, Alemania y Ocotepec, México + +---- + +Traducción: Miranda Martínez y Alan Cruz + +Discurso pronunciado en la Villa Ichon de Bremen, Alemania, cuando recibí el Premio de Cultura y Paz de la Ciudad de Bremen el 14 de marzo de 1998. Al preparar la versión inglesa, preparé y mejoré el original alemán. Los cambios que he realizado son esencialmente referencias al gran estudio de la historia del juramento de Paolo Prodi, que me permitió aclarar la oposición entre _conspiratio_ y _conjuratio_. ( _Cf_. Paolo Prodi, _Il sacramento del potere. Il giuramento politico nella storia costituzionale dell’Occidente_ , Bolonia, Il Mulino, 1992). + +_N. de TT_.: La presente traducción retoma las diferentes versiones supervisadas por Illich: «Das Geschenk der _conspiratio_ », reedición ampliada de 2001, «The Cultivation of Conspiracy», en Lee Hoinacki y Carl Mitcham (eds.), _The Challenges of Ivan Illich_ , Nueva York, State University of New York Press, 2002, pp. 233-242; y «La culture de la conspiration», en Ivan Illich, _La perte des sens. Inédit_ , París, 2004, Fayard, pp. 337-352. diff --git a/contents/article/1998-conspiracy/es.txt b/contents/article/1998-conspiracy/es.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..08ee7c4 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1998-conspiracy/es.txt @@ -0,0 +1,103 @@ +# El cultivo de la conspiración + +El 16 de noviembre de 1996, llegué al auditorio de la biblioteca de la Universidad de Bremen justo a tiempo para mi conferencia de la tarde. Durante cinco años, me había ocupado de comentar textos antiguos para trazar la larga historia de la _philia_ occidental, de la amistad. El tema de este semestre era la pérdida del sentido común, la pérdida de la proporcionalidad, el cambio decisivo en la proporción sensorial durante las vidas de John Locke, Gottfried Leibniz y Johann Sebastian Bach. Ese día me preparé para abordar el tema del sentido común como el órgano sensorial que se cree que reconoce lo «bueno», lo «adecuado» y lo «quinto» (desde la escala diatónica hasta las proporciones humanas). Lo contrastaba con el ideal emergente de la objetividad en la ciencia, en particular el paso de una objetividad perspectiva a una objetividad a-perspectiva; de la búsqueda de la verdad a la exigencia de la verificación y la prueba. Pero incluso antes de que pudiera empezar, tuve que parar: los doscientos auditores habían planeado celebrar una fiesta en lugar de una conferencia. Dos meses después de la fecha real, habían decidido celebrar mi septuagésimo cumpleaños, así que festejamos, reímos y bailamos hasta la medianoche. + +Los discursos inauguraron el asunto. Yo estaba sentado detrás de un ramo de flores, en primera fila, y escuché diecisiete intervenciones. Como prueba de reconocimiento, regalé una flor a cada uno de los panegiristas. La mayoría de los oradores eran mayores de cincuenta años, amigos que había hecho en cuatro continentes, algunos de los cuales aún guardaban recuerdos que se remontaban a la década de 1950 en Nueva York. Otros eran conocidos más recientes, gente que había conocido en los tiempos en que enseñaba en Kassel, Berlín, Marburgo, Oldemburgo y, desde 1991, en Bremen. Esforzándome por expresar mi gratitud adecuada a cada orador, me sentía como Hugo de San Víctor, mi amigo y maestro de París. En una carta, este monje del siglo XII se compara con un burro de carga: no se siente aplastado, sino elevado por el peso de las amistades reunidas durante el peregrinaje de la vida. + +Después de las _lauda_ _t_ _iones_ , cruzamos la plaza hasta el edificio de artes liberales, cuyos lúgubres pasillos de cemento tengo el hábito de evitar. Una metamorfosis se había producido en su atmósfera. Nos acomodamos en un café pintoresco con cerca de cinco docenas de mesas pequeñas, cada una con una vela encendida sobre una servilleta de color. Para la ocasión, el departamento de artes domésticas de la universidad había incluido en el presupuesto del semestre una olla lo suficientemente grande como para cocinar sopa de papa para toda una compañía. El canciller, ausente en ese momento por atender cuestiones oficiales en Pekín, había contratado un conjunto de klezmer. El profesor Ludolf Kuchenbuch, decano de los historiadores de una universidad cercana y saxofonista, se hizo cargo del jazz. Además, un par de payasos que actuaban en bicicleta nos entretuvieron con su parodia de mi libro _Energía y equidad_ de 1972. + +El alcalde-gobernador de la «ciudad-Estado» libre de Bremen había escogido una botella de Borgoña muy antiguo de los tesoros del _Rathskeller_. El alto y delgado funcionario me entregó el precioso regalo y expresó su placer «de que Illich a los setenta años —en sus propias palabras— hubiera encontrado en Bremen _einen Zipfel Heimat_ », algo así como «un rincón de hogar». De la boca del _Bürgermeister_ , la frase que yo mismo había usado me cautivó; ahora me parecía grotesca, pero aun así verdadera. Empecé a reflexionar: ¿qué podría haberme inducido a asociar la noción de hogar con los largos y oscuros inviernos con lluvia continua, donde camino a través de los pastos a lo largo del Wümme que son inundados dos veces al día por la marea del Atlántico Norte? Yo que, de niño, me había sentido exiliado en Viena, porque todos mis sentidos estaban ligados con nostalgia al sur, al azul del Adriático, a las montañas de piedra caliza de la Dalmacia de mi primera infancia. + +La ceremonia de hoy, sin embargo, es aún más sorprendente que las palabras del alcalde en las festividades del año anterior, porque su premio me hace sentir bienvenido por la ciudadanía y no sólo por las autoridades de la ciudad, dicho esto con el debido respeto a mi amigo el alcalde. La Villa Ichon es un testimonio de la civilidad de Bremen: un testimonio que no es ni de caridad privada ni de financiación pública. Ustedes, que son mis anfitriones en este lugar, se definen como ciudadanos comerciantes hanseáticos. El día de la solemne inauguración de la Villa Ichon, se negaron rotundamente a que un funcionario de la ciudad tocara las llaves de esta casa. Esto fue para subrayar la autonomía de la sociedad civil, basada en una respetuosa distancia con el gobierno de la ciudad, por más ejemplar que sea. Klaus Hübotter, quien inspiró la remodelación de esta casa del siglo XIX, se refiere a ella como una «casa flotante para los desamparados y los vulnerables entre nosotros». Me conmueve profundamente que su premio anual, destinado a honrar a un ciudadano de Bremen, se conceda hoy a un peregrino errante, pero que sabe apreciarlo. Como hijo mayor de una familia de comerciantes de una ciudad portuaria libre —atrapada entre las potencias adriáticas de Bizancio y Venecia—, nací en una tradición que, mientras tanto, se ha marchitado, pero no sin dejarme con una singular habilidad para saborear la hospitalidad hanseática que hoy recibo. + +La primera vez que oí hablar de Bremen fue a la edad de seis años, en las historias que me contaba mi profesora de dibujo, que venía de una de sus familias patricias y en Viena sentía nostalgia del norte. Adopté a la pequeña dama vestida de negro como Mama Pfeiffer-Kulenkampf. Un verano vino con nosotros a Dalmacia, a pintar; sus acuarelas todavía adornan el estudio de mi hermano, en Long Island. De ella aprendí a mezclar diferentes pigmentos para las atmósferas contrastantes de la costa mediterránea y la atlántica. + +Ahora, una larga vida después, me siento en casa en su clima gris salado. Y no sólo en casa; me imagino que mi presencia aquí ha añadido algo a la atmósfera de la Universidad de Bremen. Cuando el decano Johannes Beck me llevó desde la sala de conferencias a través de la plaza empapada de lluvia hasta el improvisado café, hizo un comentario que acepté como un regalo. «Ivan», dijo, «esto se siente como un desbordamiento de la casa de Barbara Duden». El decano Beck puso con éxito en palabras algo que había intentado decir por décadas: que la plétora de nuestra convivialidad en el comedor inspirara a un aula universitaria; el aura de hospitalidad en nuestra casa de la calle de Kreftingstraße se sentía más allá de su umbral. + +En 1991 Christian Marzahn, entonces vicerrector, vino a México para invitarme a la Universidad de Bremen. Antes de que empezara el semestre, Barbara Duden consiguió una casa en el barrio de Ostertor, más allá del viejo foso, justo al lado de la esquina de los drogadictos, el mercado de granjeros y el zoco turco. Con su alegre austeridad lo hizo hospitalario; todos nos maravillamos de la facilidad con la que, bajo su liderazgo, los jóvenes amigos, ya sea que se queden o estén de paso, se sienten como en casa y alimentan la conversación. Si, después de mi conferencia de los viernes, el tazón de espaguetis debe alimentar a más de las dos docenas que caben alrededor de la mesa hecha con parqués de madera, los invitados se ponen en cuclillas sobre los petates en la habitación de al lado. + +A lo largo de los años, Kreftingstraße ha fomentado una cercanía privilegiada en un trato respetuoso, disciplinado y crítico: amistades entre viejos conocidos que llegan de lejos y otros nuevos (tres o incluso cuatro décadas más jóvenes que mi compañero más viejo, Lee Hoinacki, que comparte su habitación con nuestras enciclopedias). La amistad hace que los vínculos sean únicos, pero algunos más que otros soportan la carga del anfitrión: Kassandra, que vive en otro lugar, con una llave de la casa, trae flores, y Matthias, el virtuoso baterista que vive abajo en una habitación con una puerta que se abre hacia el pequeño jardín. Ambos pertenecen a la docena de personas que graciosamente reciben al recién llegado en el umbral, agitan la sopa, orientan la conversación, lavan los platos y… corrigen mis manuscritos así como los de los demás. + +Considero que este obvio pero intangible clima civil es un regalo del _spiritus loci_ de Bremen, para el cual Barbara Duden ha creado el lugar apropiado. Veo esto como una oportunidad para reflexionar sobre la atmósfera y la cultura en la era de la Red y los teléfonos móviles. La hospitalidad aprendida y sosegada es el único antídoto para la postura de ingenio corrosivo que se adquiere en la búsqueda profesional de conocimiento objetivamente asegurado. Estoy seguro de que la búsqueda de la verdad no puede prosperar si no se alimenta de una atmósfera de confianza mutua, que sin este compromiso de amistad no se puede hacer la distinción misma entre búsqueda de la verdad y obtención o producción de un conocimiento objetivo. Por lo tanto, he tratado de identificar el ambiente que fomenta —pero también el aire «acondicionado» que impide— el aura de la amistad. + +Por supuesto que puedo recordar el sabor de las atmósferas fuertes de otras épocas de mi vida. En lugares tan distantes como Cuernavaca y State College, hemos cultivado la hospitalidad intelectual en nuestro círculo de amigos a través del respeto al Lugar, evitando el diagnóstico mutuo y tolerando las voces discordantes. Nunca he dudado —y es aún más cierto hoy en día— que un ambiente «monástico» es el prerrequisito para la independencia necesaria para un enjuiciamiento histórico de la sociedad. Sólo el compromiso gratuito de los amigos puede permitirme practicar el ascetismo necesario para enfrentar las cuasiparadojas modernas, como renunciar al análisis de sistemas mientras escribo en mi Toshiba. + +Mi temprana sospecha de que era necesaria una cierta atmósfera para el tipo de _studium_ al que me había dedicado se convirtió en una convicción a través de mi contacto con las universidades estadounidenses del periodo post-Sputnik. Después de sólo un año como vicerrector de una universidad en Puerto Rico, yo y algunos otros quisimos cuestionar la ideología del desarrollo a la que tanto Kennedy como Castro suscribieron. Puse todo el dinero que tenía —hoy el equivalente al premio que me acaban de dar— en la compra de una cabaña de madera de una habitación en las montañas que dan al Caribe. Con tres amigos, quería un lugar de estudio en el que cada uso del pronombre personal «nos-otros» se refiriera sinceramente a nosotros cuatro, y fuera accesible también a nuestros huéspedes; quería practicar el rigor que nos alejara del «nosotros» que invoca la seguridad que se encuentra a la sombra de una disciplina académica: nosotros como sociólogos, economistas, etc. Como dijo uno de nosotros, Charlie Rosario: «Todos los departamentos huelen a desinfectantes, en el mejor de los casos… y los venenos esterilizan el aura». La casita en el camino a las montañas de Adjuntas pronto se volvió tan desagradable que tuve que dejar la isla. + +Esto me liberó para iniciar un «pensatorio» en México, que cinco años más tarde se convirtió en el Centro Intercultural de Documentación o CIDOC. En su discurso inaugural para la celebración de hoy, el parlamentario del Bunderstag Freimut Duve les habló de ello. En aquellos lejanos años, Duve era editor en la editorial Rowohlt, se ocupaba de la publicación de mis libros en alemán y me visitó varias veces en Cuernavaca. Les habló del espíritu que prevalecía en ese lugar: un clima de tolerancia mutuamente atemperada. Fue esta aura, esta cualidad o aire, a través de la cual esta efímera aventura podía convertirse en una encrucijada mundial, un lugar de encuentro para aquellos que, mucho antes de que se pusiera de moda, cuestionaban la inocencia del «desarrollo». Sólo el estado de ánimo que Duve insinuó puede explicar la influencia desproporcionada que este pequeño centro ejerció al desafiar los beneficios del desarrollo socioeconómico. + +El CIDOC fue cerrado de común acuerdo el 1 de abril de 1976, diez años después del día de su fundación. Con música y bailes mexicanos celebramos su clausura. Duve les habló de Valentina Borremans, que había organizado y dirigido el CIDOC desde su fundación. Luego habló de su admiración por el estilo con el que ella terminó su trabajo con el consentimiento mutuo de sus sesenta y tres colaboradores. Se dio cuenta de que el alma de este pensatorio libre, independiente y ajeno al poder sería aplastado pronto por su creciente influencia. + +El CIDOC cerró sus puertas ante las críticas de sus amigos más serios, gente demasiado seria para comprender la paradoja de la atmósfera. Éstas eran principalmente personas para las que el clima hospitalario del CIDOC había proporcionado un foro único. Prosperaron en el aura del CIDOC, y rechazaron totalmente nuestra certeza de que la atmósfera invita a la institucionalización que terminará corrompiéndola. Nunca se sabe qué es lo que nutrirá y fortalecerá el espíritu de la _philia_ , pero pueden estar seguros de qué es lo que lo asfixiará. El espíritu emerge por sorpresa, y es un milagro cuando permanece; es asfixiado por cada intento de asegurarlo; es pervertido cuando se intenta aprovecharlo para obtener riquezas, poder o influencia. + +Pocos entienden esto. En México, recientemente abrí la botella de Borgoña del alcalde con Valentina para brindar por uno de ellos. Bebimos el vino en memoria de Alejandro del Corro, un jesuita argentino fallecido que vivió y trabajó conmigo a principios de la década de 1960. Con su Leica viajó por toda América del Sur, colaborando con los guerrilleros para salvar sus archivos para la posteridad. Alejandro era un maestro en la moderación del aura. Cuando presidía, su cuidadosa atención —ya fuera hacia un funcionario estadounidense, un recolector de basura, un guerrillero o un profesor— ayudaba a que cada uno se sintiera en casa con el otro alrededor de la mesa del CIDOC. Alejandro sabía que no se puede poseer el aura; sabía de la evanescencia, de la vulnerabilidad de la atmósfera. + +Hablo de una hospitalidad sencilla y generosa, sin nada fabricado ni moralizante. Pero sólo aquí en Bremen, en el curso de estos cuarenta años, el aura de la mesa del desayuno se ha extendido a la sala de la biblioteca donde, los viernes por la tarde, tengo el privilegio de hablar. Sólo aquí en Bremen se ha desarrollado una atmósfera en la que un puñado de hombres y mujeres de la mitad de mi edad se han embarcado en una investigación disciplinada sobre la historia de la proporcionalidad, una empresa que he comenzado, pero que nunca podré concluir, a pesar de las promesas que le hice a usted, Wolfgang Beck, cuando tomó la iniciativa de reeditar mis libros. En cierto modo, el _genius loci_ de Bremen me permitió verificar una vieja intuición: hoy más que nunca, el renacimiento de una búsqueda iluminada de la verdad se nutre de una amistad austera más que de sistemas. + +Tengo la intención de usar el dinero que acompaña al premio que se me ha concedido para hacer que nuestras discusiones sean más conviviales. Esto permitirá a una de nuestras estudiantes residentes, Silja Samerski, someter las actas y notas de nuestras reuniones a las críticas de los amigos ausentes. + +Hablo de atmósfera, _faute de mieux_. En griego, la palabra se usa para referirse a la emanación de una estrella, o la constelación que gobierna un lugar; los alquimistas la adoptaron para hablar de las capas que rodean nuestro planeta. Maurice Blondel refleja su uso francés mucho más tardío para _bouquet des esprits_ , el perfume que los presentes traen a una reunión. Utilizo la palabra para algo frágil y a menudo desestimado, el aire que teje, ondea y evoca recuerdos, como los que están unidos a esta botella de Borgoña mucho tiempo después de haber sido vaciada. + +Para percibir un aura, se necesita una nariz. La nariz, enmarcada por los ojos, se extiende debajo del cerebro. Lo que la nariz inhala termina en las entrañas; todo yogui y hesicasta lo sabe. La nariz desciende en una curva en medio de la cara. Todo judío piadoso es consciente de la imagen, ya que cuando los cristianos dicen «caminar ante los ojos de Dios», en hebreo se habla de «pasear bajo la nariz y el aliento de Dios». Para saborear la atmósfera de un lugar, uno debe confiar en su nariz; para confiar en otro, uno debe primero olerlo. + +En sus inicios, la cultura cívica occidental oscilaba entre la desconfianza cultivada y la confianza simpatética. Platón creía que sería peligroso para los ciudadanos atenienses dejar que sus entrañas se vieran afectadas por la pasión de los actores en el teatro; quería que la audiencia no fuera más allá de una reflexión sobre las palabras. Aristóteles modificó respetuosamente la opinión de su maestro. En la _Poética_ , pide a los espectadores que dejen que los gestos y la mímica, el ritmo y la melodía de la respiración, lleguen a sus entrañas. Los ciudadanos deben asistir al teatro, no sólo para entender, sino para ser afectados por los demás. Según Aristóteles, no puede haber ninguna transformación, ninguna catarsis purificadora, sin esa apasionante mímesis. Sin la experiencia visceral del otro, sin compartir su aura, uno no puede salvarse a sí mismo. + +Algo de ese sentido de mímesis aparece en un viejo adagio alemán: _Ich kann dich gut riechen_ , «puedo olerte bien». Es una expresión que todavía se usa y se entiende. Pero no es algo que se diga a cualquiera; es una expresión que sólo se permite cuando uno se siente cercano, cuenta con la confianza y está dispuesto a ser herido. Supone la verdad de otro dicho alemán: _Ich kann dich gut leiden_ , «puedo sufrirte bien». Aquí se puede ver que las palabras relacionadas con la nariz no han desaparecido por completo del habla coloquial, incluso en la era de los regaderazos diarios. + +Recuerdo mi vergüenza cuando, después de años de disciplina ascética, me di cuenta de que todavía no había establecido la conexión entre la nariz y el corazón, el olor y el afecto. Estaba en Perú a mediados de la década de 1950, camino de encontrarme con Carlos, que me acogió en su modesta cabaña por tercera vez. Pero para llegar a la cabaña, tuve que cruzar el río Rímac, la cloaca abierta de Lima. La idea de dormir durante una semana en este miasma me daba náuseas. Esa noche, con un shock, comprendí de repente lo que Carlos me había estado diciendo todo el tiempo: «Ivan, no te engañes; no te imagines que puedes ser amigo de gente a la que no puedes oler». Esa sacudida me descongestionó la nariz; me permitió sumergirme en el aura de la casa de Carlos y mezclar la atmósfera que llevaba conmigo en el ambiente de su casa. + +Este descubrimiento a través de mi nariz del aroma del espíritu ocurrió hace cuarenta años, en la época del DC-4, la creencia en los programas de desarrollo y el aparentemente benigno Cuerpo de Paz. Era la época en que el DDT era todavía demasiado caro para los habitantes de los barrios bajos de América Latina, cuando la mayoría de la gente tenía que aguantar las pulgas y los piojos en la piel, así como a los ancianos, los lisiados y los idiotas en sus casas. Esto fue antes de los días de las Xerox, el fax y el correo electrónico. Pero también fue antes del smog y el sida. En ese momento se me consideraba un derrotista o un excéntrico porque preveía los efectos secundarios no deseados del desarrollo, porque hablaba con los sindicatos sobre el desempleo tecnogénico y con los izquierdistas sobre la polarización creciente entre ricos y pobres a raíz de la expansión de la dependencia de las mercancías. Lo que parecía ser histeria ha sido confirmado desde entonces en forma de hechos bien documentados. Algunos de estos hechos son demasiado terribles para afrontarlos. Es necesario exorcizarlos, expurgarlos a través de la investigación, asignar su gestión a agencias especializadas y conjurarlos a través de programas de prevención. Pero mientras que el agotamiento de las formas de vida, la creciente inmunidad de los patógenos, los cambios climáticos, la desaparición de la cultura del trabajo y la violencia incontrolable constituyen ahora los efectos secundarios admitidos del crecimiento económico, la terrible amenaza que la vida moderna supone para la supervivencia de las atmósferas es apenas perceptible. + +Ésta es la razón por la que me atrevo a molestarlos con el recuerdo de ese paseo al atardecer con la nariz saturada de los olores de la orina y las heces que emanan del Rímac. Ese paisaje ya no existe; los coches ahora llenan una autopista que esconde las aguas residuales. La piel y el cuero cabelludo de los indios ya no son nidos de piojos; ahora las alergias producidas por los productos químicos industriales causan la comezón. Las casuchas improvisadas han sido sustituidas por viviendas públicas; cada departamento tiene sus redes de tubería y cada miembro de la familia una cama separada: el huésped es consciente de las molestias que causa. El hedor del Rímac se ha convertido en un recuerdo en una ciudad asfixiada por el smog industrial. Yuxtapongo el entonces y el ahora porque esto me permite argumentar que la inminente pérdida del espíritu, del alma, de lo que llamo atmósfera, podría pasar desapercibida. + +Sólo las personas que se encaran en confianza pueden permitir su aparición. El buqué de la amistad varía con cada respiración, pero cuando está ahí no necesita ser nombrado. Durante mucho tiempo creí que no había un sustantivo para decirlo, ni un verbo para expresarlo. Cada vez que probaba una palabra, me desanimaba; todos los sinónimos fueron sustituidos por falsificaciones sintéticas: modas producidas en masa y estados de ánimo ingeniosamente comercializados, sentimientos chic, presunciones soberbias y gustos de moda. La industria proporciona a la vida diaria un aura, con cosas que están llenas de atmósfera sintética. Al igual que las vitaminas, los hormigueos emocionales se distribuyen de forma similar, con _styling_ , diseño, sugestiones subliminales. No sólo las cremas para la piel, los cigarros y los viajes, sino también los programas escolares y el baño emiten vapores sintéticos. A partir de la década de 1970, las dinámicas de grupo y toda la parafernalia que las acompaña, los retiros y el entrenamiento psíquico, diseñados para generar una «atmósfera», se convirtieron en un enorme negocio. El silencio discreto sobre el tema que estoy planteando parecía preferible a causar un malentendido. + +Entonces, treinta años después de aquella noche sobre el Rímac, me di cuenta repentinamente de que sí hay un palabra muy simple que dice lo que aprecio y trato de alimentar, y esa palabra es _paz_. La paz, sin embargo, no en los significados en los que se comercializa internacionalmente hoy en día, sino la paz en su peculiar significado posclásico, europeo. La paz, en este sentido, es la única palabra fuerte para nombrar apropiadamente la atmósfera de amistad creada entre iguales; y entonces «pacífico» significa mucho más que no-violento. Pero para abrazarla, uno tiene que llegar a entender el origen de esta paz en la _conspiratio_ , un curioso comportamiento ritual casi olvidado hoy en día. + +Así es como esta intuición llegó a mí. En 1986, unas pocas docenas de grupos de investigación sobre la paz en África y Asia se preparaban para abrir un centro de recursos comunes. La asamblea de fundación se iba a celebrar en Japón, y los líderes buscaban un orador del Tercer Mundo. Sin embargo, por razones de delicadeza, querían a alguien que no fuera ni asiático ni africano, y me tomaron por un latinoamericano; luego me presionaron para que fuera. Así que empaqué mi guayabera en mi maleta y me fui a Oriente. + +En Yokohama me dirigí al grupo hablando como historiador. Sobre todo, quería desmantelar cualquier concepto universal de paz; quería subrayar la reivindicación de cada _ethnos_ de su propia paz, el derecho de cada comunidad a ser dejada en su paz. Me pareció importante dejar claro que la paz no es una condición abstracta, sino un espíritu muy específico que debe ser disfrutado en su particular e incomunicable unicidad por cada comunidad. + +Mi objetivo en Yokohama era doble: quería examinar no sólo el significado sino también la historia y la perversión de la paz en ese apéndice de Asia y África que llamamos Europa. Después de todo, la mayor parte del mundo en el siglo XX sufre de la aceptación entusiasta de las ideas europeas, incluido el concepto europeo de paz. La asamblea en Japón me dio la oportunidad de contrastar el espíritu único de paz que nació en la Europa cristiana con su perversión y falsificación cuando, en la jerga de la política internacional, se crea un vínculo ideológico entre el desarrollo y la paz; cuando el crecimiento económico, la instrucción escolar, el diagnóstico médico y la gestión global erradican lo que una vez se entendió por paz en la tradición europea. Argumenté que sólo desvinculando la _pax_ (paz) del desarrollo podría revelarse la gloria hasta ahora insospechada que se oculta en esta _pax_. Pero lograr esto ante una audiencia japonesa era difícil. + +Los japoneses tienen un ideograma para algo que nosotros no tenemos, ni decimos, ni sentimos: _fūdo_. Mi anfitrión y maestro, el profesor Yoshiro Tamanoy, me lo describió así: «la frescura inimitable que surge de la mezcla de un suelo particular con las aguas apropiadas». Confiando en mi docto guía pacifista, ahora fallecido, empecé con el concepto de _fūdo_. No fue difícil explicar que tanto la _philia_ ateniense como la _pax romana_ , por muy diferentes que sean la una de la otra, son incomparables con el _fūdo_. La _philia_ ateniense habla de la amistad entre los hombres libres de una ciudad, y la _pax romana_ habla del estatuto administrativo de una región en cuyo suelo la Legión había plantado sus estandartes. Con la ayuda del profesor Tamanoy, fue fácil elaborar las contradicciones y las diferencias entre estas dos nociones, y conseguir que el público comentara las heterogeneidades similares en el significado cultural de la paz en la India o entre grupos vecinos de Tanzania. Todas las encarnaciones caleidoscópicas de la paz se referían a una atmósfera particular y altamente deseable. Hasta aquí la conversación resultó sencilla. + +Sin embargo, hablar de la _pax_ en la época protocristiana resultó ser un asunto delicado, porque alrededor del año 300 _pax_ se convirtió en una palabra clave en la liturgia cristiana. Se convirtió en el eufemismo para un beso de boca a boca entre los fieles que asistían a los servicios. La _pax_ se convirtió en el camuflaje para el _osculum_ (de la palabra _os_ , boca), para la _conspiratio_ , una mezcla de respiraciones. Mi amigo sintió que no sólo me estaba exponiendo a un malentendido, sino quizá ofendiendo, al evocar públicamente tal contacto cuerpo a cuerpo. El gesto sigue siendo repugnante para los japoneses hoy en día. + +En latín la palabra _osculum_ no es ni muy antigua ni muy frecuente. Es una de las tres palabras que pueden ser traducidas por el castellano «beso». En comparación con el tierno _basium_ y el lascivo _suavium_ , _osculum_ fue un término tardío en el latín clásico, y fue usado en una sola circunstancia como un gesto ritual. En el siglo II, se convirtió en la señal que un soldado a punto de marcharse daba a una mujer, una forma de reconocer al hijo esperado como su descendencia. + +En la liturgia cristiana del primer siglo, el _osculum_ asumió una nueva función. Se convirtió en uno de los dos puntos culminantes de la celebración de la Eucaristía. La _conspiratio_ , el beso en la boca, se convirtió en el solemne gesto litúrgico por el que los participantes en la acción de culto compartían su aliento o espíritu con los demás. Llegó a significar su unión en el Espíritu Santo, la comunidad que toma forma en el aliento de Dios. La _ecclesia_ surgió a través de una acción ritual pública, la liturgia y el alma de esta liturgia eran la _conspiratio_. Explícitamente, corporalmente, la celebración cristiana central se entendía como una co-respiración, una co-inspiración: la producción de una atmósfera común, un entorno divino. + +El otro momento eminente de la celebración fue, por supuesto, la _comestio_ , la comunión de la carne, la incorporación del creyente en el cuerpo del Verbo Encarnado, pero la _communio_ estaba teológicamente vinculada a la _con-spiratio_ precedente. La _con-spiratio_ se convirtió en la expresión somática más fuerte, clara e inequívoca para la creación totalmente no jerárquica de un espíritu fraternal en la preparación de la comida unificadora. A través del acto de comer, los compañeros conspiradores se transformaban en un «nosotros», una reunión que en griego significa _ecclesia_. Además, creían que el «nosotros» es también el «yo» de alguien; se nutrían de la sombra del «yo» del Verbo Encarnado. Las palabras y las acciones de la liturgia no son sólo palabras y acciones mundanas, sino acontecimientos que ocurren después del Verbo, es decir, después de la Encarnación. La paz como una mezcla del suelo y las aguas es una imagen que me parece agradable; pero la paz como resultado de la _conspiratio_ exige una intimidad demandante, hoy casi inimaginable. + +La práctica del _osculum_ no estuvo exenta de controversia. Los documentos muestran que la _conspiratio_ causó un escándalo desde el principio. Tertuliano el africano y rigorista Padre de la Iglesia, consideraba que una matrona decente no debía ser expuesta a ninguna posible vergüenza por este rito y quería eliminarlo de la Cena del Señor. La práctica continuó, pero no bajo el mismo nombre; la ceremonia requería un eufemismo. A partir de finales del siglo III, el _osculum pacis_ se denominaba simplemente _pax_ , y el gesto se suavizaba a menudo hasta el punto de ser reducido a un roce ligero para significar la mezcla espiritual de las entrañas que crea una atmósfera fraternal. Hoy en día, la _pax_ que precede a la comunión, llamada «el beso de la paz», sigue siendo una parte integrante de la misa en los rituales romanos, eslavos, griegos y sirios, aunque a menudo se reduce a un fugaz apretón de manos. + +Al igual que en Yokohama, no puedo evitar contar esta historia hoy en Bremen. ¿Por qué? Porque la idea misma de la paz entendida como hospitalidad que se extiende al extranjero, y de una asamblea libre que surge en la práctica de la hospitalidad, no puede ser entendida sin la referencia a la liturgia cristiana del beso en la boca, que da a la comunidad local un carácter «espiritual». + +Sin embargo, así como los antecedentes de la paz entre nosotros no pueden entenderse sin referencia a la _conspiratio_ , la unicidad histórica del clima, la atmósfera o el espíritu de una ciudad también requiere esta referencia. La idea europea de paz, que es sinónimo de la incorporación somática de los iguales en una comunidad, no tiene análogos en otros lugares. En nuestra tradición europea, la comunidad no es resultado de un acto de fundación autorizado, ni un regalo de la naturaleza o sus dioses, ni siquiera el resultado de la gestión, la planificación y el diseño, sino la consecuencia de una _conspiración_ , un regalo deliberado, mutuo, somático y gratuito de unos a otros. El prototipo de esa conspiración reside en la celebración de la liturgia de los primeros cristianos en la que, sin importar su origen, hombres y mujeres, griegos y judíos, esclavos y ciudadanos, todos engendran una realidad física que los trasciende, un espíritu de amistad. El aliento compartido, la _con-spiratio_ , es la paz, entendida como la comunidad que surge de ella. + +Los historiadores han señalado a menudo que la idea del contrato social, que domina el pensamiento político en Europa desde el siglo XIV, tiene sus orígenes concretos en la forma en que los fundadores de las ciudades medievales concebían las civilidades urbanas. Estoy totalmente de acuerdo con esto. Sin embargo, al centrar la atención en la sociedad medieval tardía entendida como una composición de corporaciones que resultan de un contrato social, puede distraerse la atención del bien que tales corporaciones debían proteger, a saber, la paz resultante de una _conspiratio_. Puede pasarse por alto el absurdo pretencioso de intentar asegurar contractualmente una atmósfera tan fugaz y viva, tan tierna y robusta, como la _pax_. + +Los comerciantes y artesanos medievales que se establecieron al pie del castillo de un señor feudal sintieron la necesidad de convertir la conspiración que los unía en una asociación segura y duradera. No estaban dispuestos a construir sobre la base de un espíritu eternamente tenue. ¿Cuánto tiempo duraría? Para garantizar su seguridad general, recurrieron a un dispositivo, la _conjuratio_ , una promesa mutua confirmada por un juramento que toma a Dios como testigo, una forma de asegurar la durabilidad y la estabilidad de la atmósfera creada por la conspiración. La mayoría de las sociedades conocen el juramento, pero el uso del nombre de Dios para hacerlo valer aparece primero como un dispositivo legal en la codificación del derecho romano hecha por el emperador cristiano Teodosio. La conjuración, la coincidencia en un juramento común confirmado por la invocación a Dios, justo como el _osculum_ litúrgico, es de origen cristiano. La _conjuratio_ que usa a Dios a modo de resina para el vínculo social asegura presumiblemente la estabilidad y la durabilidad de la atmósfera engendrada por la _conspiratio_ de los ciudadanos. En este nexo entre _conspiratio_ y _conjuratio_ , se entrelazan dos conceptos igualmente únicos heredados del primer milenio de la historia cristiana, pero la formalidad contractual pronto eclipsó la sustancia espiritual. + +Nuestro universo político occidental contemporáneo se basa en un llamado a la paz que está en la base de la forma histórica profundamente nueva de la ciudad medieval de la Europa central. La _conjuratio conspirativa_ , un solemne tratado _cum_ espíritu, hace que la urbanidad europea sea distinta de los modos urbanos de otros lugares. También implica una tensión dinámica singular entre la atmósfera de la _conspiratio_ y su constitución legal, contractual. Idealmente, el clima espiritual es la fuente de la vida de la ciudad, que florece en una jerarquía, como una concha o armazón, para proteger su orden. + +El vínculo entre un juramento ( _conjuratio_ ) y la _conspiratio_ debe verse a la luz de mil años de historia eclesiástica, en la que los dos componentes no pueden confundirse entre sí. En la medida en que se entiende que la ciudad se origina en una _conspiratio_ , debe su existencia social a la _pax_ , el aliento, compartido por igual entre todos. Esta génesis es incomparable con el nacimiento de los atenienses de la matriz bajo la Acrópolis, incomparable con la ciudad concebida como el regalo de un dios a los inmigrantes jonios, incomparable con la descendencia común de un antepasado mítico. + +El vínculo entre _conspiratio_ y _conjuratio_ reúne dos conceptos igualmente únicos heredados del primer milenio de la cristiandad. Aquí hay un olor a rata. Mi nariz me dice que «algo está podrido» en el estado de Occidente. En el segundo milenio, el uso de Dios como testigo para sacrificar el contrato social crea el marco dentro del cual es posible abusar de la _pax_ como un ideal que justifica la imposición de nuestro tipo de orden en el mundo entero. + +Otras fuentes de esta teoría y práctica son numerosas: una conciencia de sí mismo mejor definida, como ilustra la doctrina de Abelardo; una nueva confianza en los instrumentos como medios para alcanzar un fin, como lo demuestra la proliferación de molinos de viento y el aumento de la producción agrícola y textil; una novedosa concepción del matrimonio como una relación contractual en la que dos seres humanos, un hombre y una mujer, se comprometen libremente. + +La parábola de Klaus Hübotter de la Villa Ichon como una casa flotante me hizo pensar en la esencia de la atmósfera, y al hacerlo llegamos a esta larga historia del origen de la ciudad gracias a la «paz» entre los ciudadanos que son hospitalarios entre sí de una manera única. Y no sólo entre ellos… ¡Han invitado a este vagabundo a deambular por aquí! Esta larga reflexión sobre los precedentes históricos del cultivo de la atmósfera en el Bremen de finales del siglo XX me parecía necesaria para defender su naturaleza intrínsecamente conspirativa. Quería mostrar por qué la crítica independiente del orden establecido de nuestra sociedad moderna, tecnógena y centrada en la información, sólo puede surgir de un entorno de intensa hospitalidad: el arte de la hospitalidad y el arte de ser invitado. + +Como estudioso, he sido moldeado por las tradiciones monásticas y la interpretación de los textos medievales. Desde muy temprano concluí que la principal condición para una atmósfera propicia para el pensamiento independiente es la hospitalidad cultivada por el anfitrión: una hospitalidad que excluye la condescendencia tan escrupulosamente como la seducción; una hospitalidad que por su simplicidad vence el miedo al plagio tanto como el del clientelismo; una hospitalidad que por su apertura disuelve la intimidación tan cuidadosamente como el servilismo; una hospitalidad que exige de los huéspedes tanta generosidad como la que impone al anfitrión. He sido bendecido con una gran parte de ella, con el sabor de un ambiente relajado, humorístico y a veces grotesco, entre compañeros mayormente ordinarios pero a veces extraños, entre personas que son pacientes entre sí. Más en Bremen que en cualquier otro lugar. + +Bremen, Alemania y Ocotepec, México + +---- + +Traducción: Miranda Martínez y Alan Cruz + +Discurso pronunciado en la Villa Ichon de Bremen, Alemania, cuando recibí el Premio de Cultura y Paz de la Ciudad de Bremen el 14 de marzo de 1998. Al preparar la versión inglesa, preparé y mejoré el original alemán. Los cambios que he realizado son esencialmente referencias al gran estudio de la historia del juramento de Paolo Prodi, que me permitió aclarar la oposición entre _conspiratio_ y _conjuratio_. ( _Cf_. Paolo Prodi, _Il sacramento del potere. Il giuramento politico nella storia costituzionale dell’Occidente_ , Bolonia, Il Mulino, 1992). + +_N. de TT_.: La presente traducción retoma las diferentes versiones supervisadas por Illich: «Das Geschenk der _conspiratio_ », reedición ampliada de 2001, «The Cultivation of Conspiracy», en Lee Hoinacki y Carl Mitcham (eds.), _The Challenges of Ivan Illich_ , Nueva York, State University of New York Press, 2002, pp. 233-242; y «La culture de la conspiration», en Ivan Illich, _La perte des sens. Inédit_ , París, 2004, Fayard, pp. 337-352. diff --git a/contents/article/1998-conspiracy/index b/contents/article/1998-conspiracy/index new file mode 100644 index 0000000..8a4f1ad --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/1998-conspiracy/index @@ -0,0 +1,5 @@ +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _The Cultivation of Conspiracy_ +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** *YEAR* +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** diff --git a/contents/article/index.en.bib b/contents/article/index.en.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..857a199 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/index.en.bib @@ -0,0 +1,247 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1900-testing-en, + author = {Ivan Illich and Barbara Duden}, + title = {Just the title}, + year = {1900}, + date = {1900}, + origdate = {1900}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1900-testing:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-21} +} + +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1955-book_review_of_i_want_to_see_god_and_i_am_daughter_of_the_church-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Book review of "I Want to See God" and "I am Daughter of the Church"}, + year = {1955}, + date = {1955}, + origdate = {1955}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1955-book_review_of_i_want_to_see_god_and_i_am_daughter_of_the_church:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-21} +} + +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1955-can_a_catholic_get_a_divorce-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Can a Catholic Get a Divorce?}, + year = {1955}, + date = {1955}, + origdate = {1955}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1955-can_a_catholic_get_a_divorce:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-21} +} + +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1955-sacred_virginity-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Sacred Virginity}, + year = {1955}, + date = {1955}, + origdate = {1955}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1955-sacred_virginity:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-21} +} + +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1955-spiritual_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Spiritual care of Puerto Rican migrants: report on the first conferen}, + year = {1955}, + date = {1955}, + origdate = {1955}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1955-spiritual_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-21} +} + +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1955-the_american_parish-en, + author = {Ivan Illich and Barrie Sanders}, + title = {The American Parish}, + year = {1955}, + date = {1955}, + origdate = {1955}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1955-the_american_parish:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-21} +} + +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Puerto Ricans in New York}, + year = {1956}, + date = {1956}, + origdate = {1956}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-21} +} + +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1956-rehearsal_for_death-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Rehearsal for Death}, + year = {1956}, + date = {1956}, + origdate = {1956}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1956-rehearsal_for_death:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-21} +} + +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1958-missionary_poverty-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Missionary Poverty: basic policies for courses of missionary formation}, + year = {1958}, + date = {1958}, + origdate = {1958}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1958-missionary_poverty:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-21} +} + +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1958-the_end_of_human_life-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {The End of Human Life}, + year = {1958}, + date = {1958}, + origdate = {1958}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1958-the_end_of_human_life:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-21} +} + +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1958-the_pastoral_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants_in_new_york-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {The Pastoral Care of Puerto Rican Migrants in New York}, + year = {1958}, + date = {1958}, + origdate = {1958}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1958-the_pastoral_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants_in_new_york:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-21} +} + +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1959-discurso_de_graduacion-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Graduation Speech at the Colegio de Agricultura y Artes Mecénucas}, + year = {1959}, + date = {1959}, + origdate = {1959}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {es}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-21} +} + +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1961-missionary_poverty-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Missionary Poverty}, + year = {1961}, + date = {1961}, + origdate = {1961}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1961-missionary_poverty:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-21} +} + +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {The Redistribution of Educational Tasks between Schools and Other Organs of Society}, + year = {1968}, + date = {1968}, + origdate = {1968}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-21} +} + +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1972-gradual_change_or_violent_revolution_in_latin_america-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Gradual Change or Violent Revolution in Latin America?}, + year = {1972}, + date = {1972}, + origdate = {1972}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1972-gradual_change_or_violent_revolution_in_latin_america:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-21} +} + +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {The Message of Bapu’s Hut}, + year = {1978}, + date = {1978}, + origdate = {1978}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-21} +} + +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1986-disvalue-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Disvalue}, + year = {1986}, + date = {1986}, + origdate = {1986}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1986-disvalue:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-21} +} + +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Foreword to "Deschooling Our Lives"}, + year = {1995}, + date = {1995}, + origdate = {1995}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-21} +} + +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1998-conspiracy-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {The Cultivation of Conspiracy}, + year = {1998}, + date = {1998}, + origdate = {1998}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1998-conspiracy:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-21} +} + diff --git a/contents/article/index.en.txt b/contents/article/index.en.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..b3ba3a9 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/index.en.txt @@ -0,0 +1,56 @@ + +### 1900 + +* [[en:article:1900-testing/:index|1900 - Just the title]] (*A non procesed title*) + + +### 1950 + +* [[en:article:1955-book_review_of_i_want_to_see_god_and_i_am_daughter_of_the_church/:index|1955 - Book review of "I Want to See God" and "I am Daughter of the Church"]] + +* [[en:article:1955-can_a_catholic_get_a_divorce/:index|1955 - Can a Catholic Get a Divorce?]] + +* [[en:article:1955-sacred_virginity/:index|1955 - Sacred Virginity]] + +* [[en:article:1955-spiritual_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants/:index|1955 - Spiritual care of Puerto Rican migrants: report on the first conferen]] (*Spiritual care of Puerto Rican migrants: report on the first conference*) + +* [[en:article:1955-the_american_parish/:index|1955 - The American Parish]] + +* [[en:article:1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york/:index|1956 - Puerto Ricans in New York]] + +* [[en:article:1956-rehearsal_for_death/:index|1956 - Rehearsal for Death]] + +* [[en:article:1958-missionary_poverty/:index|1958 - Missionary Poverty: basic policies for courses of missionary formation]] + +* [[en:article:1958-the_end_of_human_life/:index|1958 - The End of Human Life]] + +* [[en:article:1958-the_pastoral_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants_in_new_york/:index|1958 - The Pastoral Care of Puerto Rican Migrants in New York]] + +* [[en:article:1959-discurso_de_graduacion/:index|1959 - Graduation Speech at the Colegio de Agricultura y Artes Mecénucas]] (*Discurso de Graduación en el Colegio de Agricultura y Artes Mecénucas*) + + +### 1960 + +* [[en:article:1961-missionary_poverty/:index|1961 - Missionary Poverty]] + +* [[en:article:1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks/:index|1968 - The Redistribution of Educational Tasks between Schools and Other Organs of Society]] + + +### 1970 + +* [[en:article:1972-gradual_change_or_violent_revolution_in_latin_america/:index|1972 - Gradual Change or Violent Revolution in Latin America? ]] (*Gradual Change or Violent Revolution in Latin America?*) + +* [[en:article:1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/:index|1978 - The Message of Bapu’s Hut]] + + +### 1980 + +* [[en:article:1986-disvalue/:index|1986 - Disvalue]] + + +### 1990 + +* [[en:article:1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/:index|1995 - Foreword to "Deschooling Our Lives"]] + +* [[en:article:1998-conspiracy/:index|1998 - The Cultivation of Conspiracy]] + diff --git a/contents/article/index.es.bib b/contents/article/index.es.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..39a886f --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/index.es.bib @@ -0,0 +1,78 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1900-testing-es, + author = {Ivan Illich and Barbara Duden}, + title = {Un titulo}, + year = {1900}, + date = {1900}, + origdate = {1900}, + language = {es}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/article/1900-testing:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-21} +} + +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1959-discurso_de_graduacion-es, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Discurso de Graduación en el Colegio de Agricultura y Artes Mecénucas}, + year = {1959}, + date = {1959}, + origdate = {1959}, + language = {es}, + origlanguage = {es}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-21} +} + +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut-es, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {El mensaje de la choza de Gandhi}, + year = {1978}, + date = {1978}, + origdate = {1978}, + language = {es}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-21} +} + +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1986-disvalue-es, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Desvalor}, + year = {1986}, + date = {1986}, + origdate = {1986}, + language = {es}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/article/1986-disvalue:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-21} +} + +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives-es, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Prólogo de "Desescolarizando nuestras vidas"}, + year = {1995}, + date = {1995}, + origdate = {1995}, + language = {es}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-21} +} + +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-1998-conspiracy-es, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {El cultivo de la conspiración}, + year = {1998}, + date = {1998}, + origdate = {1998}, + language = {es}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/article/1998-conspiracy:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-21} +} + diff --git a/contents/article/index.es.txt b/contents/article/index.es.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..5a4bad1 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/index.es.txt @@ -0,0 +1,27 @@ + +### 1900 + +* [[es:article:1900-testing/:index|1900 - Un titulo]] (*A non procesed title*) + + +### 1950 + +* [[es:article:1959-discurso_de_graduacion/:index|1959 - Discurso de Graduación en el Colegio de Agricultura y Artes Mecénucas]] + + +### 1970 + +* [[es:article:1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/:index|1978 - El mensaje de la choza de Gandhi]] (*The Message of Bapu’s Hut*) + + +### 1980 + +* [[es:article:1986-disvalue/:index|1986 - Desvalor]] (*Disvalue*) + + +### 1990 + +* [[es:article:1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/:index|1995 - Prólogo de "Desescolarizando nuestras vidas"]] (*Foreword to "Deschooling Our Lives"*) + +* [[es:article:1998-conspiracy/:index|1998 - El cultivo de la conspiración]] (*The Cultivation of Conspiracy*) + diff --git a/contents/article/index.txt b/contents/article/index.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..cff7c5a --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/article/index.txt @@ -0,0 +1,58 @@ + +### 1900 + +* [[en:article:1900-testing/:index|1900 - A non procesed title]] + + +### 1950 + +* [[en:article:1955-book_review_of_i_want_to_see_god_and_i_am_daughter_of_the_church/:index|1955 - Book review of "I Want to See God" and "I am Daughter of the Church"]] + +* [[en:article:1955-can_a_catholic_get_a_divorce/:index|1955 - Can a Catholic Get a Divorce?]] + +* [[en:article:1955-sacred_virginity/:index|1955 - Sacred Virginity]] + +* [[en:article:1955-spiritual_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants/:index|1955 - Spiritual care of Puerto Rican migrants: report on the first conference]] + +* [[en:article:1955-the_american_parish/:index|1955 - The American Parish]] + +* [[en:article:1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york/:index|1956 - Puerto Ricans in New York]] + +* [[en:article:1956-rehearsal_for_death/:index|1956 - Rehearsal for Death]] + +* [[en:article:1958-missionary_poverty/:index|1958 - Missionary Poverty: basic policies for courses of missionary formation]] + +* [[en:article:1958-the_end_of_human_life/:index|1958 - The End of Human Life]] + +* [[en:article:1958-the_pastoral_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants_in_new_york/:index|1958 - The Pastoral Care of Puerto Rican Migrants in New York]] + +* [[es:article:1959-discurso_de_graduacion/:index|1959 - Discurso de Graduación en el Colegio de Agricultura y Artes Mecénucas]] + + +### 1960 + +* **[[en:article:1960-missionary_silence/:index|1960 - Missionary Silence]]** + +* [[en:article:1961-missionary_poverty/:index|1961 - Missionary Poverty]] + +* [[en:article:1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks/:index|1968 - The Redistribution of Educational Tasks between Schools and Other Organs of Society]] + + +### 1970 + +* [[en:article:1972-gradual_change_or_violent_revolution_in_latin_america/:index|1972 - Gradual Change or Violent Revolution in Latin America?]] + +* [[en:article:1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/:index|1978 - The Message of Bapu’s Hut]] + + +### 1980 + +* [[en:article:1986-disvalue/:index|1986 - Disvalue]] + + +### 1990 + +* [[en:article:1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/:index|1995 - Foreword to "Deschooling Our Lives"]] + +* [[en:article:1998-conspiracy/:index|1998 - The Cultivation of Conspiracy]] + diff --git a/contents/book/abc/en.bib b/contents/book/abc/en.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d617520 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/abc/en.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-abc-en, + author = {Ivan Illich and Barrie Sanders}, + title = {ABC: The Alphabetization of the Popular Mind}, + year = {1985}, + date = {1985}, + origdate = {1985}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/book/abc:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-19} +} diff --git a/contents/book/abc/en.md b/contents/book/abc/en.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..bfde1bd --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/abc/en.md @@ -0,0 +1,700 @@ +--- + title: "ABC: The Alphabetization of the Popular Mind" + author: "Ivan Illich; Barrie Sanders" + date: "1985" + lang: "" + documentclass: book + classoption: + - oneside + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + newtxmathoptions: + - cmintegrals + - cmbraces + toc: true + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue + titlepage: true +--- + + +# Epistola Prima + +an Ranulphum de Mauricio. + +_Quod charitas nunquam excidit_. + +Dilecto fratri R. HUGO peccator. + +_Charitas nunquam excidit_ (_I Cor_. XIII). Audieram hoc et sciebam quod verum erat. Nunc autem, frater charissime, experimentum accessit, et scio plane quod charitas nunquam excidit. Peregre profectus eram, et veni ad vos in terram alienam; et quasi aliena non erat, quoniam inveni amicos ibi: sed nescio an prius fecerim, an factus sim. Tamen inveni illic charitatem, et dilexi eam; et non potui fastidire, quia dulcis mihi erat; et implevi sacculum cordis mei, et dolui quod augustus inventus est, et non valuit capere totam: tamen implevi quantum potui. Totum implevi quod habui, sed totum capere non valui quod inveni. Accepi ergo quantum capere potui, et onustus pretio pretioso pondus non sensi, quoniam sublevabat me sarcina mea. Nunc autem longo itinere confecto, adhuc sacculum meum plenum reperio, et non excidit quidquam ex eo, quoniam _charitas nunquam excidit_. Illic ergo, frater charissime, inter cætera memoria tui primum inventa est, et signavi ex ea litteras istas, cupiens te sanum esse et salvum in Domino. Tu ergo vicem repende dilectionis, et ora pro me. Dominus + +Jesus Christus tecum sit. Amen. + + + + +# Preface + +This book gives shape to a series of discussions that took place as we were each other's guests in Claremont and Mexico. The continuing theme in our conversations was medieval paleography. From our discussion of the impact of the written word on the mind of the laity in the late twelfth century, we strayed to speculations on two late-twentieth-century issues: the impact of literacy campaigns on the increasing number of people who remain functionally illiterate; and the impact that communication theory has had on our colleagues' perceptions of reality, turning the English language into no more than a code. Our efforts to understand the effect that parchment and seal, ink and pen had on worldview eight hundred years ago led us to the discovery of a paradox: literacy is threatened as much by modern education as by modern communication--and yet, adverse as the side effects of compulsory literacy have been for most of our contemporaries, literacy is still the only bulwark against the dissolution of language into "information systems." + +We decided to retrace the route by which we had arrived at this paradox. We wrote for our own consolation and the pleasure we found in exchanging notes. When our notes turned into chapters, we agreed to make our reflections public. Since we have reached no conclusions and want to make no recommendations, we have only described a history that has jolted us into our new understanding. We cannot speculate about a future that, at least for the two of us, does not exist. + +As students of the Middle Ages we have traveled two separate paths: one starts from Hugh of Saint Victor's discovery that the supreme form of reading consists in the "silent contemplation of the text"; the other leads from Geoffrey Chaucer and his outspoken, even overspoken Wife of Bath to Huckleberry Finn, whose words cannot be contemplated silently. + +We are both "lettered," that is, creatures of the book, and _not_ simply because we know how to write or decipher books. In the society that has come into existence since the Middle Ages, one can always avoid picking up a pen, but one cannot avoid being described, identified, certified, and handled--like a text. Even in reaching out to become one's own "self," one reaches out for a text. + +We are prejudiced in favor of history in trying to understand when and how this society came into existence. The techniques that have constituted alphabetic writing--consonants, vowels, breaks between words, paragraphs, titles--developed historically to become what they are today. Certain constructs that cannot exist without reference to the alphabet--thought and language, lie and memory, translation, and particularly the self--developed parallel to these writing techniques. + +If these categories had a historical beginning then they can also come to an end. Our keen awareness of literacy as a historic construction whose first emergence we can describe deepens our sense of responsibility to preserve it. Standing firmly on the _terra_ of literacy, we can see two epistemological chasms. One of these chasms cuts us off from the domain of orality. The other, which moves like smog to engulf us, equates letters with bits of information, degrading reading and writing. + +We discuss this impending degradation only at the end of this book. Uwe Poerksen examines it in detail elsewhere. He is one of five friends--three of whom are finishing their own manuscripts--whose contributions aided our work. Poerksen is a medievalist and a linguist, known for his history of vernacular language as used in science, when Latin was abandoned as the only scientific tongue. In his new book he deals with the "mathematization" of ordinary speech: what we refer to in chapter seven as _amoeba words_. The fourth friend, Majid Rahnema, left a high United Nations position to call for the redefinition of major development goals rather than the redesign of institutional or technical means. He analyzes the unwanted side effects of literacy programs, while we limit ourselves to the history of the categories out of which these programs are constructed. The fifth friend is Barbara Duden. Her subject is the sociogenesis of the modern human body. In the light of historical studies, she shows that the result of the self's possessive description (or should we say, the possessive self-description) is to make the body into a layer cake of superimposed texts, each "text" lettered by a different profession to define a separate set of needs that only that profession can meet. The body thus appears as the incarnation of "texts." + +In view of this community of collaborators, the reading guide at the end of this book has a narrow scope. It leads to the starting point of our conversations: the alphabetization of the twelfth-century popular mind. + + +# Words and History + +_History becomes possible only when the Word turns into words. Only verbatim traditions enable the historian to reconstruct the past. Only where words that were lost can be found again does the historiographer replace the storyteller. The historian's home is on the island of writing. He furnishes its inhabitants with subject matter about the past. The past that can be seized is related to writing_. + +_Beyond the island's shores, memories do not become words. Where no words are left behind, the historian finds no foundations for his reconstructions. In the absence of words, artifacts are silent. We have often felt frustrated, but we accept that prehistory cannot be read. No bridge can be constructed to span this chasm_. + +History remains a strict discipline only when it stops short, in its description, of the nonverbal past. The critical historian, reading Herodotus or Homer, observes and admires the very creation of Greek words, for the word is a creature of the alphabet and has not always existed. If the historian tries to describe wordless societies, he soon becomes a natural historian, an anthropologist like Aristotle, whose _anthroplogein_ can only be translated as "idle talk" or "tattle tales." + +Herodotus knew how far the writ of the historiographer ran. A thousand years after the death of Polycrates, he wrote that the tyrant of Samos "was the first to set out to control the sea, apart from Minos of Knossos and possibly others who may have done so as well. Certainly Polycrates was the first of those whom we call the human race." Herodotus did not deny the existence of Minos, but for him Minos was not a human being in the literal sense. He let the architect of the labyrinth live on as the father-in-law of the Minotaur. He believed in gods and myths, but he excluded them from the domain of events that could be described historically. His ability cheerfully to place historical truth alongside the qualitatively different truth of myth stemmed from his having set limits on historiography. He did not see it as his job to decipher a core of describable truths in myth, to explain the sacrifice of Athenian boys to Minos as a tribute to please some lecherous Oriental potentate, as later Greek and Roman historians did. Like Plato, he retained the ability to see the myths as stories that spoke to the illiterate, to children, poets, and old women. + +Prior to history, Plato says, there is a narrative that unfolds, not in accordance with the rules of art and knowledge, but out of divine enthusiasm and deep emotion. Corresponding to this prior time is a different truth--namely, myth. In this truly oral culture, before phonetic writing, there can be no words and therefore no text, no original, to which tradition can refer, no subject matter that can be passed on. A new rendering is never just a new version, but always a new song. Thinking itself takes wing; inseparable from speech, it is never there but always gone, like a bird in flight. The storyteller spins his threads, on and on, never repeating himself word for word. No variants can ever be established. This is often overlooked by those who engage in the "reading" of the prehistorical mind, whether their reading is literary, structuralist, or psychoanalytic. They turn Minos into a person, the Minotaur into a dream, and the Labyrinth into a symbol. + +Memories of this prehistory become a historical source, a verbatim tradition, only through historiography. Only the historian, writing it down, freezes the source material for his descendants, as Flavius Josephus stresses in his _Jewish War_: "My task is to write down what I have been told, not to believe everything; and what I am saying here applies to my entire work." Only the original text gives simultaneous rise to source and history. + +Every original text is the record of something heard. Some scribe of genius listened to Homer and the result was the one _Iliad_. Bernardo de Sahagun, the sixteenth-century Franciscan missionary in Mexico, and a pupil of Erasmus, took down hundreds of Aztec songs. He tried to apply the rules of textual criticism to several songs on the same theme all attributed to Prince Netzalhuacoyotl, but failed to reconstruct an original. In their deceptive similarity, each song, when written down, was not a variant but an original. Anthropologists become hunters chasing unwritten materials; tape recorders in hand, they descend on blacks, women, peasants--anyone on whose lips they sense prehistory. Folklorists sieve sagas and legends for fragments of oral phraseology. It is the task of the historian to develop the tools for recognizing which of these records are original sources, that is to say, texts that are not based on other texts, but represent the first fixing of speech. For those records are the flotsam from the oral realm that have washed up on the historiographer's shore, dicta for the first time broken down into words, sung rhythms strung in verses. + +Writing is not the only technique we know of for making the flow of speech coagulate and for carrying clots of language along intact for tens or even hundreds of years. When melody, meter, and rhythm combine with a proverb, the result is often an indestructible nugget of language. The drummers of the Lokele who live in the jungle of Zaire, not far from the former Congo River, still know the sayings that fit their tom-tom rhythms. In fact they need the sayings in order to drum the rhythms. But no one now remembers what they mean--or whether they ever "said" anything. + +In certain rituals practiced in the Isthmus of Panama, sequences of sounds are used, in which rhythm, melody, and articulation form a three-dimensional counterpoint. The counterpoint effectively prevents any change from creeping in, the chants acting as mummified dicta from a forgotten, prehistoric age. Legal maxims, oaths, spells, benedictions and curses, elements of genealogy, the stock epithets attaching to the name of a god, a hero, or a place, are all very often secured against corruption in this way. The utterance can also be tied to a thing. The tally stick that the Maori orator holds in front of him and to which he hitches his solemn oration, the quipu, or knotted bundle of threads that enables the Incan runner to reel off his news like a rosary, the sequence of pictures drawn on a wall, can support the unchanged repetition of sounds that might make no sense to the speaker. The caste organization of preliterate India can be understood as the social organization of a mnemonic device that enables the Brahmins to preserve the Vedas unchanged. Gestures that coalesce with the liturgical murmurs in a sacrificial ceremony fix language to body movements. Through all these techniques, nuggets of frozen speech can be carried along in an oral culture. + +But it would be a grave mistake to view the alphabet primarilyas an immense improvement over these mnemonic devices. Only the alphabet has the power to create "language" and "words," for the word does not emerge until it is written down. Neither the songs of the poets, nor the invocations of the priests, nor the dictates of rulers from prehistoric times are sequences of words. Their immense yet evanescent power eludes description, and those who uttered them were unable, for all their oral skill, to see their own speech as a string on which words are the beads. Prehistory knows nothing of these mono- or polysyllabic atoms of language whose semantic fields we plot with our dictionaries. What prehistory perceives as units can have only _audible_ contours. The sequences of sounds between pauses that characterize speech are not words but syllables, phrases, strophes. It is to these measures of speech alone that the original _word_ or Logos relates. This meaning has become secondary today, although we invoke it when we "give" or "go back on" our word, or when we "have a word" with someone. For us the "real" meaning of _word_ is _grammatical building block_, before and after which our pen breaks contact with the paper. Plato's slayers, barbarians, and children still live in a prelogical, that is, a "word-less" society. + +The historian misreads prehistory when he assumes that "language" can be spoken in that word-less world. In the oral beyond, there is no "content" distinct from the winged word that always rushes by before it has been fully grasped, no "subject matter" that can be conceived of, entrusted to teachers, and acquired by pupils (hence no "education," "learning," and "school"). For it is the record in phonetic writing that first carries what is heard across a chasm separating two heterogenous eras of speech. The alphabetic scribe carries what is spoken from the ever-passing moment and sets down what he has heard in the permanent space of language. Only with this act can knowledge, separate from speech, be born. + +As literates, we think of speech as the use of language, and we think of this language as outliving speech, as leaving traces--if not on paper, then in our selves. Before the concept of recording sounds through the alphabet had come into being, speech could not be imagined to leave such a trail. Without a listener (who might be an angel or God), speech could not be perceived as anything but madness, because speech courts attention. And before this sound-recording through the alphabet, a listener could not be perceived as a recorder. The nod indicated that the other person had understood, not that he had recorded the message, accepted the information. + +How different speech is from language is made clear by the fact that language is always neuter, while speech is always gendered. With every utterance, the speaker refers back to himself and his gender. It is always the total quality of speech that refers the listener to the speaker's gender, not the grammatical gender of the pronoun "I." (Nowhere, with the possible exception of the oasis of Hadramut, does the personal pronoun have grammatical gender.) In a culture, what sounds feminine and what sounds masculine is determined by convention, and not by the biological nature of the vocal cords. The way men and women speak contrasts in many ways: linguists, anthropologists, and sociologists recognize about two dozen criteria describing these contrasts. In no two places is their configuration the same. The gender contrast in speech is just as fundamental as the contrast in phonemes, but it has barely been remarked. At the very best, recently, linguists have examined the discrimination against women in the so-called "use" of language, which is genderless. + +This gender contrast in speech is lost when it congeals as language on the page. It does not survive the jump from pure time of speech into the permanent, spatial dimension of script. To return to Herodotus: The historian's task starts "with those whom we call the human race" that script has brought into being; with men and women when they begin to speak the same language. (We have been tempted to speculate that the story of the Tower of Babel tells of this event.) + + +If alphabetic writing can be spoken of as bringing the human race into existence, it is only because this kind of writing is unique, as a study of the history and phenomenology of phonetic writing will reveal. Pure, mature phonetic writing, which was discovered only once, albeit in stages, is an oddity among writing systems in the same way that the loudspeaker is an oddity among trumpets. The alphabet records only sounds, and it is only through sounds that it provides meaning. The alphabet does exactly the opposite of what most hieroglyphics and ideograms and, most importantly, what Semitic letters were created to do. + +In writing systems using hieroglyphics and ideograms, the reader is expected to speak; the ideogram itself is silent. The statement "1 × 1" says "once one," or "one times one," or even "multiplication table." But it can equally be read "jedan put jedan." In all these scripts the reader must find the spoken expression from recollecting what has been said before: Mayan hieroglyphics, for example, provide the clues so that the reader may speak aloud from memory. Through landmarks that are more than just pictograms, they help him find his way orally along an often-traveled path. Ideograms, too, originally point toward utterance. They presuppose that the reader is familiar with the content of ideas whose individual elements are strung in a row before him to be named. Reading thus means retelling the familiar content depicted in accordance with more or less precise rules. Even when--as in the third millennium B.C.--the individual Egyptian hieroglyph or Mesopotamian ideograph become logograms, so that from that point on they had to be named with one and only one word, the word presents itself to the reader without any indication about its sound; the ending and inflection that make it audible must be supplied by the reader. + +The early part of the second millennium B.C. saw a series of faltering attempts here and there in the Middle East to bind speech more closely to writing. Convention came to dictate that a particular pictogram or ideogram, which had become a logogram, could be used as a syllable sign. The reader put aside any recognizable meaning of the word and read it into the text for its sound only. As a syllable sign it came to be placed beside the thing sign, making it easier to decipher. Reading became somewhat like solving a rebus. Nowhere, however, did a true syllabary evolve out of this custom--the Indian syllabic alphabet is of considerably more recent origin than the Greek. It is an admirable system of phonetic notation that grew out of the Greek invention. + +Quite suddenly, around 1400 B.C., an entirely new kind of script made its appearance on the border between the Egyptian hieroglyphic tradition and the cuneiform of Mesopotamia. This North Semitic alphabet was the first to have signs for sounds only, and only one sign for each group of sounds. Some archaeologists have speculated on a single inventor for this alphabet, so completely does it accomplish both requirements for script from the first moment of its appearance: the universe of heard sounds--an almost infinite variety of sounds in every language, with men and women, children and dotards, singers and ragmen all sounding different--is reduced to a limited number, each of which is then labeled. + +However, this Byblos alphabet whose letters stand only for sounds does not have any letters for vowels. The freely voiced qualities of breathing are not indicated, only the consonants, the harsh or soft obstacles the breath encounters. Its script does not yet transform the page into a mirror of speech, but is rather a burial ground for the skeleton of language. Being a purely phonetic notation, it differs radically from all previous scripts, but it can still be read only by someone trained for a special kind of analysis. Only a person who has developed the ability to recognize within the uninterrupted string of consonants groups of two to five elements that act as "roots" can breathe those roots into life. The roots grow into words only when the reader makes them resound according to the semantic function they ought to play in the environment in which they stand. + +In a prophetic vision, Ezekiel describes the process: "The hand of the Lord carried me out ... in the midst of a valley which was full of bones that, lo, were very dry ... and I prophesied as I was commanded, and the bones came together: bone to bone ... but there was as yet no breath in them ... and the Lord said, 'Breathe upon the slain [literally: Give thy soul, _nefesh_, to them] that they may live' ... and as I did, they stood upon their feet" (Ezek. 37:1-10). It is astounding with what audacity a clutch of pastoral tribes in Canaan claimed the invention as their own. As Exodus relates, Israel overcame "Egypt" intellectually and emotionally with the invention of phonetic writing. The mummies in their tombs are supplanted by roots. No longer is it only priests who can promise the continuation of life after death by deciphering the hieroglyphs. The invention of the Semitic script makes possible a new relationship to the life and death of Osiris. + +From now on the written character rescues a sequence of sounds from ephemerality; and living speech is dismembered by the scribe, who as he listens to dictation ponders the speech, examines it for its inaudible roots, determines the (usually) three consonants that compose it, and engraves these into a clay tablet. The letters he has buried tell what roots have been read into the recorded utterance, and these letters can be resurrected at any time alphabetically by the reader. + +Greek merchants acquired the string of Semitic consonants from Syrian traders on the coast of Asia Minor. They left the sequence of letters undisturbed, with their shapes recognizable and their names unchanged, but they perverted the use of these letters. While for the Semite _beth_ had a semantic association, because for him it means "house," for the Greek it is merely the name of a letter that stands for a sound. Four of the Semitic letters were not needed by the Greeks: To the Greek ear they stood for barbaric noises. The Greeks of the eighth century used them to indicate vowels. The consonants are now placed between vocals, the entire word now lies on the page. No more does the reader have to recognize naked bones that must be properly assembled by the eye and then fleshed out only by breathing life into them. The page has become a record of sounds. + +Phonetic script could now do the opposite of what the string of consonants had so far done. While the consonants had been used to record units of meaning that the scribe had picked from the flow of speech, the Greeks froze the flow of speech itself onto the page. The scroll had been sounded thus far through an act of interpretation of the letters; alphabetic recording that fixed sound on the page brings an utterance from the past into the present, to which the reader can listen, interpreting what he hears. The Jew searches with his eyes for inaudible roots in order to flesh them out with his breath. The Greek picks the sound from the page and searches for the invisible ideas in the sounds the letters command him to make. + +The transformations brought about by Greek literacy are well symbolized by the appearance of Sybil, who replaces her older sister, the Pythia, as the model of the prophetess. Her story is told by Heraclitus, a Pythagorean who, through Cratylus, could claim Plato as a pupil. He was the first to distinguish the consonants (which he divided into the unvoiced _aphthonga_ and the sonant _aphona_) from the vowels. Plutarch has conserved the passage from Heraclitus in which the Sybil makes her first appearance. In the image of the alphabet, she wrests utterance from its temporal context and turns prophecy into a literary genre: "Sybil, in her mania, makes the oracle of the god ring out a whole millennium, joyless, odorless, and unadorned..." She spells out the future. For the Sybil first writes her oracle on leaves, then later on tablets. She brings stone slabs to King Tarquinas, who reigned over the Campagne, south of Rome--over Etruscan towns through which the Romans got their alphabet. No one need strain anymore to hear the ominous murmurings of the Delphic Pythia. The menacing future can now be read. + + +# Memory + +_At the time when heaven still embraced the earth, when Uranus still lay with full-hipped Gaia, an aeon before the Olympian gods, the Titans were born and with them, memory, or Mnemosyne. In the_ Hymns to Hermes, _she is called the Mother of the Muses. She is the earliest of the goddesses, preceding even Apollo with his lyre. Hesiod mentions her as the goddess of the first hour of the world and describes her flowing hair as she stretches out beside Zeus on his couch, there to beget the rest of her nine daughters, the Muses. It is she who adopts the son of Maya, the "shamefaced" or "awful" nymph, and thus makes him the son of two mothers. She provides Hermes with two unique gifts: a lyre and a "soul." When the god Hermes plays to the song of the Muses, its sound leads both poets and gods to Mnemosyne's wellspring of remembrance. In her clear waters float the remains of past lives, the memories that Lethe has washed from the feet of the departed, turning dead men into mere shadows. A mortal who has been blessed by the gods can approach Mnemosyne and listen to the Muses sing in their several voices what is, what was, and what will be. Under the protection of Mnemosyne, he may recollect the residues that have sunk into her bosom by drinking from her waters. When he returns from his visit to the spring--from his dream or vision--he can tell what he has drawn from this source. Philo says that by taking the place of a shadow the poet recollects the deeds that a dead man has forgotten. In this way, the world of the living constantly makes contact with the world of the dead_. + +The modern _memory_ does not derive from the older _Mnemosyne_, but from another, later Latin word, _memoria_. Like words and text, memory is a child of the alphabet. Only after it had become possible to fix the flow of speech in phonetic transcription did the idea emerge that knowledge--information--could be held in the mind as in a store. Today, we take this idea so completely for granted that it is hard for us to reconstruct an age when recollection was not conceived as a trip into the cellar to pick up stores, or a look into a ledger to verify an entry. Since the fourth century B.C., memory has been conceived as such a deposit that can be opened, searched, and used. Philosophers have disputed where this deposit is located--in the heart, the brain, the community, or perhaps in God, but in all these discussions memory has remained a bin, a wax tablet, or a book. + +For turning this idea topsy-turvy, Milman Parry ranks close to Einstein, although it took much longer before the implications of Parry's achievement were grasped, since humanists, as a rule, are much more conservative than physicists. Thanks to research done in the 1930s by this young Harvard classicist and his assistant Albert Lord, it is now clear that a purely oral tradition knows no division between recollecting and doing. The pre-alphabetic bard does not, like his medieval counterpart, draw on a storehouse of memories in order to compose a poem. Rather, he dips into a grab bag of phrases and adjectives and, driven by the rhythms of the lyre, spins the yarn of a tale. + +Parry's thesis, submitted to the Sorbonne in 1928, argued that the _Iliad_ could only have come into being through oral recitation and in the rhythm of spoken hexameters. According to Parry's hypothesis, there are two heterogenous processes by which social continuity is preserved: the flow of prehistoric epic tales that are never repeated word for word; and history that is built on the bedrock of words. In a purely oral tradition, songs, epics, and sayings do not hover above life. That life is a delicate, complex tissue steeped in epic recollections. As soon as the stream of recollections becomes even potentially visible as a narrative, this stream clots and turns into an authority, a point of reference, a socially disembedded rule, the excrement of lived wisdom that a new kind of wise man, called the scribe, can shape. + +This epistemological heterogeneity between history and prehistory only gradually gained acceptance. It contradicts the assumption made by the sciences that categories exist to describe human experience _tout court_. Parry's hypothesis stood up only because the question whether a particular text represents the direct, firsthand transcription of a preliterate tradition can be answered according to strict rules. + +The new field of research Parry marked out makes it possible today to determine with certainty whether a particular text is, in the strict sense, prehistoric--whether it is the faithful record of a preliterate improvisation, or the line of a speaker who uses language or memory to compose a text. During the last fifty years Parry's pupils have applied phonologically governed linguistics to the criticism of literary works and the study of oral tradition. In the course of their research, they observed that surviving elements of oral tradition often complemented the detailed study of the linguistic peculiarities of certain major Greek texts and subsequently of epics in other languages as well. They have developed, tested, and refined a number of criteria that make it possible to distinguish oral poetry from every kind of written compositionwith impressive consistency. Their criteria are the best way we know to evoke the elusive activity of preliterate recollecting in the time before _scripta_ of information, originals, or copies emerged. + +To begin with Parry's thesis about the _Iliad_: The _Iliad_ reveals a mastery in self-limitation within given patterns that cannot be imitated self-conscious literacy. What Eric Havelock calls the "variation within the same" has never been approximated by any poet. Only texts that exhibit five forms of self-limitation simultaneously may be regarded as genuine, firsthand written records of oral improvisation: First, in Greek epics, the hexameters are composed of standard word groups. Second, those word groups are mutually attracted to one another during oral recitation. Purely statistically, there is an increasing probability of finding the same formulae in the same section of the epic. Third, the line usually coincides with a syntactic unit: Many lines could be ended with a full stop or a comma because at least the meaning comes to an end there. Fourth, a uniform--though complicated--pattern occurs at the level of the phoneme; combinations of sounds that fall outside the pattern inevitably point to written composition rather than oral improvisation. Finally, this quantitatively verifiable self-limitation relates even to the pattern of the story as a whole: The return of the hero, for example, is always, in oral improvisation, told in the same phrases within the same culture. + +According to Parry, the question of the origin of Homeric epics had remained unsolved for so long because it had been wrongly framed. Even today much Homeric research is directed toward looking for an author. Who was the parent of those twenty-seven thousand hexameters? Was he an editor of songs that he had collected from people who knew them by heart? Was he a she? Or was he a godlike poet who composed them himself? Did he write them down, or did he get someone else to do it? Or did others learn them from him, memorizing them, so that much later, after the invention of the alphabet, like a Greek Samizdat, they could be written down? + +For Parry, both hypotheses--that of the editor and that of the poet--were equally untenable. Neither learning by heart nor composing were possible in prehistoric times. Before writing, there was no text that could have been internalized and later reproduced like a film script or a part in a play. Not until there was a text could there be a recitation. In Plato's day, there were already people who knew the Homeric epic by heart--in the _Ion_, Plato describes Socrates' dialogue with such a mnemonist. Xenophon also tells of such a rhapsode who knew all of Homer's work by heart and was admired for it. But that very admiration is already Classical, providing proof that the rhapsode's act of memory was regarded as an extraordinary achievement. No oral society supplies accounts of an epic poet being admired for feats of recollection. They were neither prodigies nor super-Brahmanic mnemonists. + +But neither was Homer a man of letters--for the simple reason that there were no letters. The lines of the _Iliad_ do not consist of a series of words. Those who sang it were driven by the rhythm of the lyre. In the twenty-seven thousand hexameters, we can find twenty-nine thousand repetitions of phrases with two or more words. Homer sang as a prehistoric rhapsode--the Greek _rhapsodein_ meaning to stitch together, a linguistic connection that is shared with the _Sutras_, stitched (sutured) together. Homer's art consisted of stitching together a series of stock words and phrases. + +We are so used to drawing a distinction between speaking (and the language that we speak) and thinking (and the language in which it is clothed) that we are no longer capable of composing aloud by improvisation. This difficulty did not exist for the bard: He was composing and reciting simultaneously. As easily as he handles the Greek verb in the rhythm of speech, he finds the first stock word in the poetic vocabulary that leads him on to the next one that will fit in the hexameter. Choosing the one correct verbal inflection from the limited group of forms is as easy for him as selecting the phonetically and syntactically right formula from the vast, but after all finite, group of such formulae in the poetic vocabulary of _his_ time. + +In making his choice, the rhapsode was not so much concerned with the actual meaning of the particular adjective selected. It is therefore a mistake to judge these epics according to the aesthetic canon of the Classical Age. Homer, in contrast with Virgil, was not only word-less, but also languageless. The singer of the _Iliad_, carried along by the beat of the hexameters, was able to locate and use the wonderfully precise nuances of the Greek verb forms and to choose from the enormous store of "winged words." No object remains from this performance. The art of Homer consisted of fluent improvisation within strictly limited means: the art of Classicism gives poetic originality free rein. That originality consists of the deliberate recasting of a given text; that is to say it was based on improving imitation--the mimesis praised by Aristotle. For Virgil, the _Aeneid_ was a work of art: It was an object that he continued improving by changing a word here and there--until, on his deathbed, he wanted to burn it in frustration. The _Aeneid_ allows itself to be paraphrased. In contrast, Homer can only be rendered--the word cannot be pried from the meaning. + +Parry's theory remained mere speculation until he managed to observe the singing of living traditional rhapsodes. In the 1930s, he and his pupil Albert Lord traveled to Serbia, where they made the acquaintance of a number of folksingers who still had their roots in the epic traditions of the Balkans. In Turkish coffeehouses and at peasant weddings they sang all night, telling stories to the rhythms of the _gusla_. Using the complicated equipment of pre-war days, Parry recorded their epics on metal discs in order to check his theory by observation. + +No _guslar_ ever repeated the same epic word for word. Every performance was, as Parry expected, a fresh attiring of the old story. For many years after Parry's death, Lord continued the research. He was able to observe the process whereby a youngster became a _guslar_. First, the young man spent years listening to the master singing. While tending his herds, he practiced using the stock formulae and so gradually became familiar with the poetic vocabulary. With growing assurance he was able, accompanied by the strum of the _gusla_, to fall back more and more upon those set pieces; but only a small number of skilled bards could draw, even in their maturity, upon the full repertoire of rhythmic fragments. The deeper his active mastery of the wealth of formulae, the clearer his understanding of the content of the songs he heard. Once this faculty was fully developed, he needed only one night's listening to a song he did not know in order to be able to reproduce that song himself a week later. No one could do it on the same day: The _guslari_ say that a story needs time to ferment in the bard--at least a day and a night. + +Parry's theory enables us to understand that so complex a structure as the _Iliad_ was sung in a single draft--without the aid of written notes, plans, or drafts. According to Lord's observations in Serbia, it is entirely possible that a single bard assembled from formulae and sang tens of thousands of verses in one outpouring. The riddle of how such work is written down is also solved, according to Lord. In Serbia, he attempted, without tape recorders, to get an accurate written record of long epics. It emerged that collaboration between a clever town clerk and a mature _guslar_ produced surprisingly good results. + +At the start, the bard felt annoyed and uneasy about having to pause repeatedly in his singing and rely on plucking his _gusla_ to keep him in time. Soon, however, the _guslar_ began to enjoy this leisure and to use the additional time to utter the proper formula. And in the clerk he found a listener who allowed him to spin out his material at his own discretion until it was exhausted. The writing down of the _Iliad_ could have taken place under similar circumstances, and Homer probably had the same attitude toward the text as the _guslari_: not one of them was the least bit interested in having so much as a line of the written record read back to him for checking. + +The knowledge gained from this comparison of the Serbian _guslar_ and Homer has proved helpful over the past fifty years in the study of cultures that have persisted beyond the reach of records. It has come to form one of the foundations of scholarly discussion of the epic in the Anglo-Saxon world and has led to entirely new insights in the study of the medieval epic. + +Oral transmission of epics ceases with writing, and with it, at the dawn of history, fades the idea of memory as the goddess of immortal recollection. For the Classical poet of Greece no longer has need of recollections from a "beyond." No longer is each utterance like a piece of driftwood the speaker fished from a streamful of treasures, something cast off in the beyond that had just then washed up onto the beaches of the mind. No longer are thought and memory intertwined in every statement with no distinction between thought and speech. + +When epic tradition becomes a recorded one and custom is transmogrified into written law, the poet's sources are frozen into the texts. He can follow the lines of a written text; the river that feeds its own source is remembered no more. Not one Greek city has preserved an altar dedicated to Mnemosyne. Her name became a technical term for "memory" now imagined as a page: the water of memory turns into the fluency of a writer and a reader. Fixed words on clay tablets acquire authority over the re-evocation of fluid speech. + +Plato, in the early fourth century B.C., stands on the threshold between the oral and written cultures of Greece. The earliest epigraphic and iconographic indications of young boys being taught to write date from Plato's childhood. In his day, people had already been reciting Homer from the text for centuries, but the art of writing was still primarily a handicraft. From the seventh until well into the sixth century B.C., reading and writing were confined, in Greece, to very narrow circles. In the fifth century B.C., craftsmen began to acquire the art of carving or engraving letters of the alphabet. But writing was still not a part of recognized instruction: The most a person was expected to be able to write and spell was his own name. The taking of dictation and the fluent reading of written materials were not yet part of knowledge used for control and education. Until the fifth century B.C., schooling in Athens was purely oral, musical, and gymnastic. _Mousike_ stood at the core of the Greek curriculum: Poems were recited and improvised, rhythmic rhetoric was practiced, pupils learned stringed and wind instruments, singing and dancing. The few pictures in which a teacher is represented with a stylus in his hand show that the alphabet now made it possible for the teacher to read out to the pupils the poems to be learned. Thus a full century before the stylus was imposed on pupils, they were able to learn the texts by heart. That is to say, they gained an understanding of a fixed text that could be listened to, and a respect for the sound of its words, long before they were required to write or read fluently. + +Plato's was the time of great change from instruction in elevated, rhythmic public speech to the predominance of prose speech. What formerly could only be recited or sung, can now be pinned down, penned down. The script can be copied, one copy serving as the source for another. The scroll can freeze "materials" for a teacher. It is not the speech but the language of the past that can be made present. Plato heard the Pythagoreans and Socrates. He does not claim to have dictation from them, but he does boast about his faculty of recollection. He is not a traitor like Hippias, who disclosed the orally transmitted secret teachings of Pythagoras. He is already a writer--however anachronistic that may sound. His dialogues are literary prose. He created the model--never surpassed--of the written dialogue that imitates speech. His literary oeuvre forms a counterpart to the record of Homeric song from prehistoric times. + +Plato was not Greece's first author. But he was the first uneasy man of letters. He was the first to write with the conviction of the superiority of thought unrelated to writing. He was anguished by the effect the alphabet was exerting on his pupils. Their reliance on silent, passive texts could not but narrow the stream of their remembrance, making it shallow and dull. Earlier, this mistrust of the alphabet had been reflected in Aeschylus' _Prometheus Bound_: Zeus punished Prometheus for bringing the alphabet--"the combining of letters, creative mother of the Muses' art, wherewith to hold all things in memory"--to mankind. Zeus had engendered his daughters in the pond of Mnemosyne so that they might bubble and flow, not be locked up in script. + +Plato, who saw writing as a threat to the meditative search, kept coming back to the question of Mnemosyne: memory/recollection. How do we bring the past into the present? He answers the question through Diotima in the _Symposium_, after he has been extolling Eros: "To what does the word _meditation_ refer if not to knowledge that is past? When we forget, knowledge escapes us. Meditation then brings us to new knowledge and gives it the appearance of still being the same." + +Diotima describes the search for truth in terms that very closely parallel the process by which the Serbian _guslar_ repeatedly retrieves the same material from oblivion and spins it into a new song. Plato's intellectual path, his access to truth and ideas, is an epic one. This becomes clearer when we read further in Diotima's speech: It forms part of her answer to Socrates, who wants her to teach him about the secrets of Eros. For Diotima, "meditating" is an expression or form of creative love, which in its search for the immortal is always giving itself anew and always withdrawing. Eros longs for what is permanent, and it takes shape when we meditate on the immortal truth, on _eidos_. Only this kind of loving meditation can lead to wisdom. Plato sees this search for the springs of truth as being threatened by a polymathy based on writing. + +To give form to that threat, Plato "fabricates," as Phaidros puts it, the story of Theuth, the inventor of letters. Theuth seeks to "sell" the letters to King Thamus of Thebes as a _pharmakon_, a medicine to strengthen the power of recollection and intellect of his subjects. The word _pharmakon_ carries a suggestion of magic and the vegetable kingdom. It can be translated as "drug"--either a healing potion or a poison, depending on how it is used. Which of the two was meant was decided by the epithet: In some sayings _pharmakon_ means "boon," in others "mischief." Theuth not only presents himself as the inventor of a new means, he also presents a new kind of end. + +Thamus thanks him, but he refuses. "O skillful Theuth," he says, "being the inventor of an art is different from being the person who has to decide what advantages and disadvantages that art will bring to those who employ it. You stand before me as the father of letters. With a father's favor, you attribute to letters a fortune that they cannot possess. This facility will make souls forgetful because they will no longer school themselves to meditate. They will rely on letters. Things will be recollected from outside by means of alien symbols; they will not remember on their own. What you are offering me is a drug for recollection, not for memory... Your instruction will give them only a semblance of truth, not the truth itself. You will train ignorant know-alls, nosey know-nothings, boring wiseacres." + +Thus in the Classical period memory became divided into two sorts: The natural--that which was born simultaneously with thought--and the artificial--that which could be improved, through precise techniques, or devices, and exercises. The Classical teacher of rhetoric still viewed recollection as the result of a journey, but not to the shore of a river to pick up a piece of driftwood that Plato called "similar" to another piece that had been lost beyond recall. The trip now led to a storage room, as Aristotle says, "to recover knowledge through previous sensations _held_ in one's memory." + +Each of the three primary works of rhetoric (the anonymous _Rhetorica Ad Herennium_ [82–81 B.C.], on which later Western traditions of memory training were based and which was attributed to Tullius; Cicero's _De Oratore_ [55 B.C.]; and Quintillian's _Instituto oratoria_ [first century A.D.]) describes essentially the same mnemonic technique. A person tries to imprint on his memory the interior of a building, preferably a spacious one, visualizing each location--stores, attics, stairs, fore-and antechambers--complete with accessories, such as furniture, paintings, and sculpture. The person then equates the ideas to be remembered with certain images (_imagines agentes_); Quintillian uses the example of an anchor and weapon, perhaps to signify ships and war. These _imagines agentes_ are mentally placed into various _loci_ within the building. When the person wishes to "recollect" certain facts, he merely revisits these pre-designated places in the building, and gathers them up once again. + +The construction of a memory palace met the needs of the rhetorical arts. To deliver a convincing speech, the speaker must remember it in a planned order; and to prepare for arguments, he must remember points that he has previously connected. (The idea of a planned order would have been, of course, alien to the epic poet, the story unfolding as inevitably as each note followed the next on his musical instrument.) The "palace" of memories provides not only the recollected facts, but also the shape, essential to a well-constructed rhetorical argument. + +These architectonic images are suited to the shift from the aural to the visual emphasis that a script culture, like Greece by the end of the fifth century B.C., demands. In fact, Plutarch mentions that Simonides of Ceos, who was believed to have invented the "artificial" mnemonic devices, called painting "silent poetry," equating the visual aspect of the two arts that Horace summarizes as _ut pictura poesis_. For the writers of the three Latin memory texts, memory is a signet ring leaving its impression on wax. Aristotle, in his _De Memoria et reminiscentia_, puts down the old waters of Mnemosyne using virtually the same image: "Some men in the presence of considerable stimulus cannot remember owing to disease or age, just as if a stylus or a seal were impressed on flowing water." + +Martianus Capella, a contemporary of Augustine, goes even further. It is Capella who once and for all replaces the cut stone of a sealing ring with the stylus, the image impressed on the wax of memory by letters traced on an invisible tablet. The three-dimensional pictogram of Classical memory thus appears as the arrangement of logograms on the slate of the mind. Capella's _Marriage of Philology to Mercury_ was read in the Middle Ages; the monastic curriculum built around the seven liberal arts has been shaped in part by Capella's fanciful summary of antique learning. He served as one of the bridges between Cicero and Alcuin, to Aquinas, over which the conception of memory as a store has reached us. + +And while in antiquity this image of memory as an archive referred primarily to a device used by the rhetor, scholasticism made of memory a faculty of every soul, like will and intelligence. Thus, each soul was also burdened with a conscience--a record of its own doings that could be read and examined by clergy and laity, literate and illiterate alike. The rhetorical device provided the foundation for a new activity, confession, the verbal manifestation of a secret kept in one's own heart. And not only deeds left traces that could be admitted; past words and even past thoughts that inspired the deeds could soon be read in an examination of conscience. + + +# Text + +_The Lindisfarne Gospel, painted and lettered around 697 A.D., brings into sight the watershed that separates the oral from the de scriptive mind. Opposite the beginning of each Gospel in the Lindisfarne Book stands a wordless ornamental page, decorated in the style of Irish and Saxon sword handles, silver cups, and fibulae, that balances the lettered page to the right. The initial letter of the text appears on the ornamental page, but it also both frames and penetrates the strings of uncial letters on the lettered page. It looks as if the calligraphic outpourings of one capital had the task of weaving the texture that supports the sentences. Occasionally the interwoven colored lines take the appearance of elongated dogs or birds, only to dissolve again into infinitely prolonged tongues, tails, and ears. Only the portraits of the four Evangelists rise from this painted warp and written woof: not symbols but strong individuals shown in the style of late antique coins rendered in sharp, northern lines_. + +_In the Book of Kells, written one hundred years later, it is easier to speak separately of its lettering and drawings. The form of the letters reveals its date: no longer roman capitals and not yet medieval minuscules. Historians are still in disagreement about the place at which it was written and the origin of the stylistic elements it com bines. Around 1185, Geraldus Cambrensis was still impressed by its beauty: The designs are "so deliberate and subtle, so exact and compact, so full of knots and links, with colors so fresh and vivid, that you might say that all this was the work of an angel and not of a man."_ + +_Art historians have talked about barbaric instincts surfacing on these "Baroque" pages, which react against the reforms attempted by Charlemagne. We should say: The book talks as if literacy had not yet settled in. It talks through the style of its meandering threads. They challenge the reader to weave the one story of Christ's life out of four tales, thereby fleshing out the "Word of God," the Gospel Truth. Seen in this way, the Book of Kells is a kind of "Homeric page" in which, at an early date in England, oral storytelling has been for a moment visibly frozen in the cadence of knot and link that punctuates the series of letters--just as the strum of the lyre punctuates the utterance of the singer. The Good News becomes visible. Like a stream of fiber s that is drawn from the distaff, twisted between the fingers and turned into a yarn, so the Good News is embodied in the spinning out of a yarn, knitting up of a tale, weaving the tales into a story. The metaphors of narration are taken from yarn and spindle and loom, used by oral societies to embody and share their unspeakable perception. Even today the Navajos and Aymara women weave each tribe's cosmography into one reality with its social geography. Both in the mesas and in the Andes the seeds must be brought to the field in kerchiefs that tell the unspoken story of the spot at which they will grow. During the final years of intense oral tradition in the north of the British Islands, the pages of the Book of Kells make a wordless tale of this kind visible, even to the unlettered. But for the reader, what is on the page is not the same as what is in the book. The letters and the lines tell the same story in dissymmetric, mutually untranslatable ways. The knotted lines that occasionally spawn figures are not yet illustrations to the text, for the texture of the lettered rows has not yet arranged itself to be perceived by the eyes as a visible "text."_ + +_The idea of the "text" that is_ in the book _could not come about without major changes in the elements that are visible_ on the page. _By pointing to the arrangement of lines and colors on the page, the emergence of a "text" can be followed, even by a modern illiterate--one who cannot decipher the insular majuscule in which the Book of Kells is written, or who cannot understand a single sentence in Latin. The transformation of the manuscript page during the eight hundred years that precede Gutenberg illustrates the steps through which the mind of the West has come into being_. + +It was not until the Middle Ages that letters ushered in a new type of society. The role played by letters in the birth of this new kind of society can be studied on two levels. On one level, new ways of doing business, nourishing prayer life, and administering justice all became feasible through the written preservation of words. In the twelfth century neither the heresies nor the new orders, neither the new towns nor their universities could be understood without the new and broad spread of the word that was now not only said but read. + +The second way letters changed a society--by their own symbolism getting under a culture's skin and changing social perception in terms of the written word--has been much less studied and is much more difficult to talk about. The reason for this research lacuna is probably that all the categories by which we talk about past societies have been acquired by reading. By their very nature they serve to _describe_. They are directly suited to saying things about a society in which social relations are governed by a reliance on written language. Even as poets, we are men of letters. What we call science originates from description. Absurdly, we speak of the surviving body of oral traditions as "oral literature," which literally means "oral writing." Consequently, it is very difficult to convey how society was turned inside out by the spread of writing in the Middle Ages. + +In the part of Europe lying north of the Alps, between the middle of the twelfth century and the end of the thirteenth, an unprecedented change occurred in the nature of social relations: Trust, power, possession, and everyday status were henceforth functions of the alphabet. The use of documents, together with a new way of shaping the written page, turned writing, which in the Early and High Middle Ages had been extolled and honored as a mysterious embodiment of the Word of God, into a constituent element in the mediation of mundane relations. + +So long as literacy was confined to minorities, as was the case until the High Middle Ages, power was exercised in the form of foreign rule. Relying on his _Calendarium_, in 1186--scarcely four years after his election--Abbot Samson, a foreigner, knew every bushel owed on every hide of St. Edmund's land. Even though the tenant knew no letters--the Abbot's means of recollection was as foreign to him as the book of the Day of Judgement--writing had left an impression on his soul as if it were a whip. He was now under the coercion of writing to pay those debts that he did not care to remember. + +As literacy became more general and, by the end of the medieval period, embraced large sections of society, changes began to seep into everyone's everyday life. Without obliterating social relations based on orality in a uniform way, it engendered a growing tension between custom and legality. + +In the committing of oaths to writing, we can trace the shift of trust from the validly given word to a document exerting legal force. An oath is a ceremonial giving of one's word, a spoken promise. This kind of emphatic utterance seems to occur among all peoples. An oath swears to a given word. The truth or intention of the thing sworn to is reinforced by a ritual association between word and gesture, both traditional in form. The latter invests the former with a peculiar power. Oaths are among the forms of utterance most carefully guarded against change. Their formulation in terms of rhythm, alliteration, and repetition keeps them from falling into oblivion, like unforgettable fragments of a forgotten past. Often the form of the oath was recited to the person making it--in the Germanic world with the oath stick held out. While taking the oath, the swearer laid his hand on the temple stele, on a clod of earth, or on his sword, or he raised his weapon skyward and placed a foot on a stone. "By the ship's side and the shield's rim, by the sword's edge and the horse's thigh" was how the Danes swore fealty. The swearing of an oath took place in the open air--in eighteenth-century Polish courtrooms, oaths were still sworn by an open window--in order to make the oath manifest to the gods, the spirits, or the dead. While swearing to fulfill his oath, the swearer raised his sword or raised three fingers or laid them against his beard or testicles, and in many places he sullied himself with the blood of a sacrificed animal. Women swore with different gestures than men, laying a hand on their breast or braids or belly. + +A man who makes an oath pronounces a conditional curse against himself; he asks to be maimed, withered, or blinded, if he is pronouncing a falsehood or should ever break his word. He swears his own body, his limbs, his eyes, his honor, even his descendents, by putting them up as a pledge. Through the medium of co-jurors, he physically makes his whole tribe a party to his oath, involving them all in his pledge. May lightning strike them, may the devil take them, may his wife bear him a crippled child if he is lying. + +For the onlookers, the unity of word and gesture has something of the effect of a sacrament. The swearing of an oath makes the word visible--not on paper, but in the living body of the person concerned. It incarnates the veracity of what he is saying. In the context of orality, truth is inseparable from veracity. The oath reveals an epiphany of this unity of form and content that captures the essence of the oral mentality. + +The oath survived tenaciously in written law despite being in fundamental contradiction to the nature of the letter. Written law seeks to legitimatize itself by controlling the oath, which it does by monopolizing it. When strict laws were passed against oath taking and cursing outside the courts, the oath's function was reversed, as can be seen in medieval records. + +When the splendidly bound Book of the Gospels replaced the oath-taker's own beard, the rim of his shield, or the pommel of his sword in solemnifying the oath, a new relationship began between the oath and writing: The book as object was incorporated into the gestures accompanying the self-curse, while its contents, oddly enough, remained outside the wording of the oath. What makes this even more peculiar is the fact that Matthew 5:33-36 contains an unqualified prohibition of oaths of any kind: "You have learned that they were told, 'Do not break your oath,' and 'Oaths sworn to the Lord must be kept.' But what I tell you is this: You are not to swear at all--not by heaven, for it is God's throne, nor by earth, for it is His footstool, nor by Jerusalem, for it is the city of the great King, nor by your own head..." In spite of this unambiguous passage in the Sermon on the Mount, Emperor Justinian's legal reforms require those taking oaths to place a hand on the Gospels. + +This innovation is all the more instructive for the fact that the reform by the Christian Byzantine Emperor, in 528 A.D., first elevated the oath in Roman law to the status of a general obligation in legal proceedings. Missionaries then introduced the oath with the Gospels to traditional courts north of the Alps. Litigants in these courts were no longer to swear on a ring that had been dipped in the blood of a sacrificial animal, but on the cross, on relics, on the altar--and on the Gospels. This was required by the Lex Ribuaria in 803. The Church assumed the divine task of punishing the breaking of an oath. + +The use of the book in the pantomime of legal gesture soon led to the form of words used in the ceremony being committed to writing. The traditional cursing of oneself was replaced by an ingenious formula. In England it had become so complicated and strange that the plaintiff preferred to grasp the red-hot iron of ordeal rather than take the Gospels in his hand. He knew that he could never repeat the formula without making a mistake, and that would have been tantamount to a breach of oath. + +Not only the oath but also broad areas of everyday life that had previously been governed by oral usage were made subject to a new formal and legal kind of literacy in the Middle Ages. A large section of the population discovered in this period that, before objects could be owned or rights made use of, they first had to be described, and held on a parchment: trust shifted from the given word to a sealed document. + +Objects could now properly be "held" rather than possessed. The world that the theologians had represented as a book, the Book of God that man must decipher, now through the document became an object that only description could appropriate. Thousands of topographical descriptions have come down to us from this period; boundaries became effective through these descriptions: "From the old oak tree along the stream as far as the big rock and thence in a straight line uphill to the wall..." This appropriative description of reality began as a jurisprudential method before it became the foundation of natural sciences. + +M.T. Clanchy, on whose work we shall draw, estimates that in twelfth-century England, not more than thirty thousand charters were drawn up. In the period 1250–1350, by contrast, several million were made out in England alone--that amounts to almost five charters for each piece of describable property. Accompanying this change, writing materials increased ten-to twenty-fold in this period. The consumption of sealing wax at the royal chancery in England rose from three pounds per week in 1226, to thirteen pounds in 1256, and thirty-one pounds just ten years later in 1266. More sheep had to give up their skins as parchments for the purposes of documentation during a royal court hearing. At the beginning of the thirteenth century, it was a matter of a few dozen. For a perfectly ordinary session in Suffolk in 1283, over five hundred were skinned. + +Not only the charters but also the _breve_, or brief, and the "letter" came into more common use. This can be shown by the number of such royal mandates that have come down to us from the period 1080–1180: For French kings this rose from 3 to 60; for English kings, from 25 to 115; and for popes, from 22 to 180. After 1180, the growth rate skyrocketed. From the reign of Innocent III (1198–1215), 280 survive; from that of Innocent IV (1243–54), 730; and from that of Boniface VIII (1294–1303), 50,000. + +In the twelfth century, the chancery was an exclusive attribute of the sovereign. Chancellor Becket already had an army of clerks to do his paperwork: Sixteen different hands can be distinguished under his control in the years 1155–1158. But then, beginning around 1200, individual bishops and princes began to join in. They could not manage any longer occasionally summoning a curate to read to them or to write for them. By 1350 the chancery was an essential element of spiritual and temporal dominion. Writing rooms multiplied even faster than mills, first widely used at this time for pumping, crushing, hammering, and darning. In the eleventh century, pieces of writing and articles of jewelry had been preserved in reliquaries as treasures next to the bones of saints. The overflow of charters, briefs, and copies thereof flushed these treasures out of their arks. What had been an heirloom was now an instrument of proof. + +Into the twelfth century, the letter was often the visible indication of the importance, the weight, that attached to the news brought by the messenger. The letter became necessary only when the messenger was unworthy of the sender: When Jaufre Rubel sent a song to his lady by his own court jester, he insisted that he sing without handing her the piece of parchment. Some twelfth-century love letters are works of scholarship or works of art that refer the reader to the messenger for interpretation. + +Only slowly did the missive become a memorial of a promise that the sender places in the hand of the recipient. In 1142, Heloise's letter to Abbot Peter the Venerable clearly implies this. Abelard, her husband and castrated lover, had died as an exemplary monk in Cluny. Abbot Peter had him cooked and boned and the dry remains conveyed to the Paraclete for burial in a grave where Heloise could later join him. With the remains he sent Heloise a deeply moving letter of admiration for Abelard, and of praise for her. But she was not content. In her answer she requests from Abbot Peter a written promise that the monks at Cluny will forever honor and remember her dead husband. In addition to Peter's note having the nature of a sign, she requests an instrument on which the future demands of the recipient are to be based. + +This becomes quite clear in testaments. A person's last will is no longer expressed through the presentation of a symbol, for example, a handful of heritable soil, a key, or a sword. A sealed document now takes the place of the thing. The inheritance is no longer determined by the witnesses of a person's last words spoken from his deathbed, but by a charter. The document itself becomes an instrument of witness. + +"In witness whereof" signified an action, a gesture accompanied by words, an oath, coupled with the transmission of an object, by which sovereignty, or title, or rights of property were ceded. Leaving a dagger or a goblet might serve as a sign for the bequest of a piece of land. Later, the object sometimes bore an inscription. On the pommel of a whip in the possession of St. Albans Abbey we find the words to the effect that "this is a gift of four mares by Gilbert of Novo Castello." In this way the word, in conjunction with a tangible sign, was "witness." In the thirteenth century, word and sign collapsed into a written statement. In an initial step it was a paper record of a past event. In a second step, the preparing of the parchment itself became the event described. Lawyers by 1180 insist that the instrument of witness should record a past agreement, _in perfectum_. One's word, through the signature, constituted assent to a written text. + +Good faith being committed to a written document in this way made it important for the person issuing it and the recipient to have a copy of it. Otherwise, the scriptorium of the monastery that the sovereign had endowed with a gift could turn out unlimited numbers of instruments, attributed to his predecessors, which the sovereign's chancellor would have to honor. Nowadays if one attempted to acquire rights by producing written confirmation of fabricated promises, it would be understood as forgery. This was not so in the eleventh and twelfth centuries; the legal way of conferring rights substantiated by instruments of witness--not just incidentally supported by a memorial--was too new a concept. "Documentation," and the necessity for the issuer to keep a precise copy of the instrument, represent technical discoveries of the late twelfth century. The regest, the catalogue, the copy, the seal, the date, and the signature, are decisive elements of the new technique. + +The making of regests, which are registers of the dictates of the sovereign, was already known to Roman lawyers. One or two popes had practiced it in the fourth century. From Innocent III on, it was the rule in the Roman Curia, but it was not until the fourteenth century that it became established in the chancellory of the Holy Roman Empire. Cataloguing techniques lagged behind the manufacture of copy instruments until well into the fifteenth century. Monastery libraries in the High Middle Ages had monks who remembered where to find manuscripts but as yet had no catalogues. Monks in the older monasteries in particular knew better than their patrons what the latter held in their archives and thus were able to produce forgeries easily. + +The first known _scrutinium_ of a monastery library, a catalogue intended to serve as the annual inventory, dates from around 1170. With this invention, the book became dislocated from the sacristy. The book repository became an archive, pure and simple--a library. A report by a Dominican in 1260 tells of books being set out on shelves so the brothers might consult them _in promptu_--in readiness. It became important to verify the quotation from a theological authority, much as the described border of a forest had to be authenticated by reference to written evidence. In the thirteenth century, the making of catalogues of books owned and the making of regests, or registers, or charters granted proceeded in parallel. + +There was a fundamental difference, however, between making a copy of a book in a monastery scriptorium and making a copy of a charter in a chancellory. The original of the book stayed in the monastery, while the original of the charter left the chancellory. The chancellor was responsible for the copy that remained _iden_--that is, the same as, _identical_ to the original. + +Making exact copies called not only for twice as much writing work but also for correction of the copy. In 1283, Cambridge established the first _beneficium_ for a paid corrector. His job was to check documents according to form (_ratio_), legibility (_lettera_), word order (_dictio_), and spelling (_sillibo_). Two documents being identical thus became a new criterion of their legal validity. Two hundred years before Gutenberg, archives gave rise to the intellectual prototype of printed matter: an original (that might not exist anymore) from which a number of identical copies had been produced and written. In fourteenth-century depictions of a law-court clerk, the corrector is often shown looking over the shoulder of a secretary and a copyist to verify and certify the identity of two documents. The issue of a notary's certificate attesting to the identity of two texts became a flourishing business. Even people now required identification. As early as 1248, Goliards in Burgundy were obliged to carry written credentials: the first step toward the "identification" of a person as an "individual." + +To keep the individual charter identifiable forever, it must not only be vouched for by a copy, but also firmly placed in space and in a new kind of time. The place of issuance is already indicated on most eleventh-century documents. When the documents indicated time, this was usually related to events significant enough to stick in the memory of witnesses to the proceedings described. The document was drawn up on the Feast of St. Severinus, on a market day, at the vigil of a wedding, on the anniversary of the foundation of a monastery, or perhaps on the occasion of a visitation by the sovereign. It was not until some time in the thirteenth century that notaries ventured to place so trivial a proceeding as a change of ownership of a piece of farmland in direct relation to the birth of the Lord and thus to the course of the history of human salvation. Through this method, the history of salvation was chartered as the history of the world. + +As a result of this dating, time through the text became something new: no more the subjective experience of a relative distance in the course of the world or the pilgrimage of the writer, but an axis for absolute reference on which charters could be nailed like labels. By the end of the fourteenth century, the date on a charter could even be tied to the mechanical tower-clock. "Circiter nona pulsatione horologi," announced the contract, and at nine o'clock the document was signed. Memory grew a new dimension. Memories could now be shelved behind each other, not according to their importance or affinity, but according to the date from which they issue. And in the Dance of Death, the skeleton man begins to appear with an hourglass: By the fifteenth century, he insists that time is scarce. + +The signature also changed its function in this transition from the description of an event to the production of an instrument that was essential to the event, because the signature helped render individual will "visible," and thus helped fix it in a universal grid. The swearer's resounding name no longer leaves an impression. + +In the twelfth century, documents still spoke aloud: "The letters are symbols of things and have such power that they bring the speech of the person present to our ear without his voice." So said John of Salisbury (d. 1180), sometime secretary to Thomas à Becket, a sarcastic and elegant writer who with this definition harks back to Isidore of Seville, whose letters "indicate figures speaking with sounds." Until it had been promulgated (by a herald, "heard"), a legislative act had no legal validity. The written copy was as yet no more than a record of that oral promulgation. + +So long as the document was conceived only as a reminder of something proclaimed, its sealing with a signet ring or a signature was an emphatic confirmation of the oral event it described; but not yet its authentication. Because he was not concerned with authentication, the same person arbitrarily used a different signature each time. This changed in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries when documents became legally effective instruments. Courts concerned themselves with the question of authenticity. _Vellum_ (calfskin) was replaced by _membranum_ (sheepskin), which was thinner, did not easily permit erasures, and prevented forgeries. Signed documents were now required to stand as a guarantee. + +The old Frankish _wera_, the old French _warandir_, "guarantor," slowly turned into a written warranty that drew its force from being signed. The seal became a mark of the power of writing. Even a man who could not himself write was empowered by the seal to take legally valid action on his own behalf by issuing documents. If his word was invalid, he could speak through the document, thus exercising his power by taking legal action. In the thirteenth century, even villeins, free peasants, occasionally carried their own seals and so could obtain a description of their property drawn up by a notary. In the twelfth century, the seal was still regarded by its owner much like any other object--a dagger, a chalice, or a whip. Like the St. Albans' whip pommel that stood for four mares, the sealed wax was the object through which a piece of property might change hands. If a document was at all attached to the sealed wax, which sometimes weighed more than a pound, this parchment was mainly a further inscription on the seal, analogous to the inscription scratched on the pommel of the whip. Only slowly did the seal change from a thing (a _res_) into the substitute for a person's handwritten signature. The text itself overshadowed its material vehicle, and threw this shadow deep into the daily life of everyone who purchased, inherited, sold, or lost property. Just as in the transition from orality to literacy, language became detached from the speaker, so the text was no longer viewed as an extension of the event but assumed its own authenticity separate from the event. + +Representations of the Last Judgement appear at this time in the arched spaces above many church doors that show how the book has separated from its writer. The Archangel Michael weighs the soul to establish if it may ascend into Paradise or must be cast into Hell. And, on quite a few of these reliefs, the Judge Himself holds the book, in which every deed and desire, nay every word and thought of the dead has been written down. Without ever having touched a pen or held a book, without ever having dictated a line or sealed a charter, every time he enters the church door the faithful is reminded that, even with his most secret thought, he _writes_ the text of his life, by which he will be judged on that ominous day. + +To write, however, at the time when the Book of Life gained prominence in Christian preaching did not yet mean to clutch a pen and draw letters on a parchment. What it meant to write can be well documented from the manner in which Bernard's scriptorium was organized. Bernard, Abbot of Clairvaux in the early twelfth century, does not write with his hand. Like Cicero, the Abbot spoke emphatically in the presence of a scribe. He spoke clearly, but slower than the Roman, because unlike the latter's slave Tiro, Bernard's amanuensis (his secretary: literally, he who lends him his hand) did not know how to take shorthand. Some of Bernard's dictations survive in two versions that textual criticism is unable to reduce to a single original. These are undoubtedly two different secretaries' notes of the same sermon of which different fair copies were made from a wax tablet. Many of the old texts were prepared by secretaries in this way from statements by their dictators. Once a fair copy had been made of his dictation, Bernard occasionally might have had it read back to him for checking. But there was no question as yet, for him, of a correction from a manuscript. + +Some half dozen technical innovations in writing had to become commonplace before the author himself could become a writer. In this period the usual method of writing, both for copying and for originals, was and remained dictation. + +In the Republican period of ancient Rome, to dictate meant to speak in the elevated, rhythmic manner of the _ductus_; _scribere_ meant the physical act of writing as well as composing. In the Middle Ages the frontier between the two meanings was located quite differently. _Dictate_ referred to the act of creating a text, and _scribere_ simply to the work done with writing materials. It was suggested occasionally that, when he was alone in his cell, a monk could dictate. Up until the twelfth century, the _ars dictaminis_ was the art of reading and composing rather than that of reading and writing. The art of writing was _one_ of the many arts necessary for a manuscript to come into being. The skinner and the parchment maker, the beekeeper who produced the wax tablet, and the painter for the miniatures, were all as necessary as the bookbinder and the lector, or reader, in the copying room. This changed with the division of lines into words. When the copyist saw words in front of him, he was able to copy the original himself, word for word. There is some evidence that in the thirteenth century people who could not read were used for copying because they could copy more accurately. + +In Antiquity, even after the great grammarians such as Varro and Quintillian had mastered the word intellectually and were able to teach its forms and functions in the sentence, writing was still pure _grammatika_: a continuous series of letters. Words were strung together without any physical definition. Not until the sequence of letters was read aloud was it possible to grasp the words of the text. The author might in theory dictate a sequence of words; but for the scribe they became an unbroken series of letters. From that series of letters the ear had to extract not only the words but also the elevated rhythm of polished speech. + +A very timid beginning at dividing up words was made by Jerome. He interrupted his sequence of letters with _cola_ and _commata_ in order to make legible some of his translations from the Hebrew that would otherwise have been almost meaningless in Latin. The first strict division of sentences into separate words occurs in the titles of an early manuscript of the _Etymologiae_ of Isadore. Division into words first came into common use in the seventh century. It happened at the northern frontiers of the known world, where Celtic "ignoramuses" had to prepare for the priesthood and needed to be taught Latin. Division into words was thus introduced as a means of teaching Latin to barbarians as a foreign language. Like the new pronunciation of Latin, it came to the Continent by way of Tours through Alcuin in the late eighth century. Unlike the new pronunciation, however, which was quickly rejected, the innovation of the word as a visual unit in writing won general acceptance. The ninth century provides us with the first reports of schools beginning to observe _distinctiones_, the spaces between words. + +The new graphics of the separated word had an immediate effect on the copying room. Until the eighth century, the writing room was depicted by artists as a dictating room. Then, from the early eighth century, we have a picture of a writing room for which there are no precedents. The scribe sits in front of long strips from which he is copying, although the most usual method of copying was still that of the copier dictating to himself. As early as the ninth century, artists occasionally represented the inspiration of an author--even that of the Evangelists--by showing an angel holding a tome before the writer at his desk; nonetheless, it was not until the thirteenth century that the really radical change occurred. + +The writer depicted in early thirteenth-century miniatures no longer holds a knife in his left hand. Instead of writing on the hard leather membrane that had to be smoothed by scraping and sometimes even nailed to the desk with the point of a knife, he now writes on thin parchment and is even beginning to write on paper. His posture is much more relaxed. Writing is no longer strenuous work. His right hand, too, now has an easier job. The writing surface is smooth, the _ductus_ flows, and at last the Middle Ages has produced its own cursive script--something that had been forgotten since late Antiquity. The master can now become a writer himself. He is shown with a quill in his hand and not, as he had been for centuries, as a dictator. + +Thomas Aquinas, in the middle of the thirteenth century, already had newer writing materials--parchment, penknife, reed, and ink--at his disposal. Drafts in his own hand have come down to us, in the new Gothic cursive which, in its first generation of use, was insufficiently standardized: The master did not yet think that a secretary could copy from his notes. Copying from the master's handwriting by pupils became possible only in the next generation. Thomas still had to dictate in class from his arranged notes, creating his lectures from his written sources. He did not need to limit his notes to a small number of wax tablets. Thomas used notes to assist his trained memory: he drew up a schema of the arguments he was going to deal with. And in many instances, he first dictated his schema and then the execution of it. Earlier teachers did not speak from notes, and they could not check most of their sources. + +When Bernard referred to a source he did so from memory. Albertus Magnus and Thomas, two generations later, were the first to have reference books at hand. They quoted verbatim, and after their death, their own works lay chained to library desks, having become reference books in their turn. The new technique of "reference" enables the thirteenth-century author to check his quotations from sources. He can dictate while looking up a passage. The dictator began to have random access to a memory that was laid out before him. Chaucer obviously had before him the text of Boccaccio's _Il Teseide_, as his source, his _auctoritas_, for "The Knight's Tale." The mnemonic devices the rhetorician taught the pupil to build up in his own imagination had taken shape, hundreds of years later, on the page. The Lindisfarne Gospel comes with sixteen pages of canon tables constructed under decorated arches. In the Book of Kells, the fourth-century Eusabian Tables stand at the beginning and suggest to the reader that Matthew, Luke, Mark, and John can be read as one story, since they provide an inkling of the parallels between the four tales. But only in the late twelfth century is this memory device externalized. Any reader can return to any book he has read whenever he wants to do so. And soon it was no longer the works of one's own monastery that the students could reach: the first Union Catalogue came into being shortly after the foundation of the Sorbonne. + +Much more significant than the creation of accessible library shelves, however, was the new way of arranging written matter within the book. The art of going back to the exact location of a source of Divine Revelation was from the beginning a necessity that distinguished the Christian from the pagan author. This makes it surprising that the techniques to do so took hundreds of years to be shaped. For a thousand years Holy Scripture was not referred to indirectly, but always _quoted_ directly. Saint Augustine had experimented with a device meant to help the readers of the _City of God_ find their way about his vast treatise. For this purpose he prepared a _brevicus_ as a summary to each of the books. Cassiodorus had experimented in the sixth century with the use of key words as glosses: He extracted them from the text and placed them into the margins as he dictated. Isidore of Seville, just before the Arabs established themselves in southern Spain, first provided his vast _Etymologiae_ with chapter headings. But only very slowly did the division of the Bible into chapters become standardized; the division into verses came even more slowly. Gradually the New Testament began to be cited by chapter and verse. Such citation--without the need of quotation--became possible for the Old Testament only after 1200. And then, quite suddenly at the end of the twelfth century, the devices to use the book as a reference tool were there: a subject index to the whole of Holy Scripture. Thus, some 250 years before printing made it possible to refer to the text by page number, a network of grids was laid over the book--a method that had nothing at all to do with the content itself. + +During the twelfth century, written texts were visibly fixed in spatial relations to each other. With this text certain elements were made to stand out: Quotations were now written in a different color. The reader's eye, accustomed by the gloss to move from the body to the margin, had to be trained to move from the index to the page, and from one book to the other. Now the eye encompassed not simply the lines, but the entire text. Quite possibly, some of these techniques were developed under Arabic influence. The Moslems, who were not allowed to draw naturalistic pictures, sought to address the eye through the arrangement of letters alone. As a result, Arabic scribes developed a greater variety of colors and diversity of letter arrangements than contemporary Latin books. Certainly the influx of translations from the Arabic--often prepared by Jews from Toledo and Montpellier--inspired some of the new techniques used by the thirteenth-century monks. But Western bookmaking did not become iconoclastic. Precisely as the new methods allowed the text to take visible shape, this text entered into a new relationship to the painted margin and miniatures. Text and illumination are no longer interwoven in the ambiguous manner of Lindisfarne: the patterns do no more than intrude into the lines of the letters, as in the Book of Kells. To describe and to paint have come to be separate tasks often executed by different hands. And yet, the union of illustration and writing during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries gave rise to the great synthesis of the Western manuscript. + +The world now lay described before the reader's eye. The book is now arbitrarily accessible; the reader can enter at will, wherever the index refers him. He sees what is written, and the illustration assists him in this task of visualization. His authorities are perceived as writers rather than as teachers: The "ipse dixit" is replaced by the "ipse scripsit." The pupils now sit in front of their teacher with their eyes fixed on his text, which lies on their knees. They are no more asked to recall the sound of their teacher's words, but to grasp the architecture of his argument, which they must impress on their minds. By the end of the thirteenth century, students in Paris can borrow manuscripts from lending libraries to read with their teachers in class. Libraries become places of silence. + +Now truly the reader can say what Hugh of St. Victor had said in 1128: "_Trimodium est lectionis genus: docentis, discentis vel per se inspicientis_" (I can read [aloud] to you, you can read [aloud] to me, and I can read contemplatively to myself). Now reading as an activity of the teacher--in other words, reading aloud--and reading as a listening activity are complemented by a third, silent type of reading: contemplative study of the book. + + +# Translation and Language + +_In wordless speech there is no word-for-word reproduction of meaning. Writing had fixed neither the language frontier nor the mono lingual dependence on translation_. + +_One often forgets that the translator is a frontiersman in more than one sense: He creates the very frontier over which he brings his booty. He is like a ferryman whose boat turns the wild beyond of the barbarous babble into the "other" bank. The translator does not exist in orality. In that world there is neither the dragoman, who hangs about the offices of the Turkish Khadi, nor the_ Dolmetscher, _who sees to it that two texts correspond, nor the "simultaneous parrot" at the United Nations. All these are artisans of the text. They start from the assumption that a person who speaks is, by implication, dictating. It is immaterial whether that dictation is then written down or not because the product of it is in any case a "text" Translation today means turning one text into another. The notion that lies behind it is that texts have a content that is capable of being poured from one vessel--with its own lexical, grammatical, phonetic, and con textual peculiarities--into another_. + +One obstacle most modern readers face when they want to study the history of "language" is their belief in monolingual man. From Saussure to Chomsky, "homo monolinguis" is posited as the man who uses language--the man who speaks. This idea had no place in early Greece, or in the Middle Ages; even today it is alien to many people. In their daily life in Java or in the Sahel, a great number of people still feel at home in several kinds of discourse, each of which, to the modern perception, is conducted in a distinct language. But those other people--the Javanese--perceive things differently. They still say "I cannot understand you," rather than "I do not know your language." They are concerned with grasping what the other person has to say by explanation, gesture, or summary; they do not want a translation of that person's statements. As in early Greece, the borders between these cultures, which we moderns are taught to see as "languages," have remained fluid. The idea of "translation" has not yet erected those frontiers that the translator, and only the translator, may bridge. + +The eleventh-century cleric who takes down the witness's testimony in the language of the court--who, for example, writes in Latin what the witness says in Swabian--is a scribe. He has no intention to translate. Neither is the bishop translating who reads out the homily in accordance with the rules of the Council of Tours: He teaches by announcing the word of God and interpreting it. He is helping people understand. But that is a long way from translating. + +Even today, we often say: "Help me, would you--I'd like to understand what the old man or the scientist is saying." Surely, we are not seeking a translator, but someone to help us understand--an interpreter. We rely on the intermediary who understands the mutterings of an old woman, the dialect of Lower Bavaria, scientific language, or Chinese. The question "What did he say?" contains the request "Tell me what he is trying to tell me." We do not even expect our companion to have understood word for word; we only want to understand what _he_ has understood. This understanding of explanations, coupled with the ability to explain what one has understood, is basic to oral discourse. + +For the idealistic language inmate of a language prison this type of intercourse has become either inconceivable or irritating. He finds it hard to accept that the phenomenon to which he refers by the term "language" has a history--that it was once socially created and may also pass away. Just as the word assumed its present form through writing, so did "language" assume its present form through the translation of texts. + +According to George Steiner, translation did not become an issue in the period before Christ. The few literate people were usually bilingual, and for the others, what was said in one language could be retold, summed up, reported, or commented on in the other. Cicero and Horace were among the first to refer to translation as an art. The Greek work was not to be turned into Latin _verbum pro verbo_. Instead, the meaning was to be detached from the words of one language and made to reappear in another; content, stripped of its form, was to be preserved. Theories about translation changed very little--translation was described as an attempt to divulge the secrets of one language into another--until the hermeneutics of the 1950s. Only then did the study of translation as applied linguistic theory become separated from literary theory. In the end, we would agree with Borges: "Ningún problema tan consustancial con las letras y con su modesto misterio como el que propone una traducción" (Translation reflects what is most uncanny about literacy). + +The absence of theory did not hamper the Middle Ages from growing into an age of translation. The age of transiation begins, not only with the Christian desire to preach the Gospel to all people, but to appropriate its Hebrew and Greek books into the culture of late Antiquity, which, in the West with Augustine, became monolingual. Saint Jerome defined his activity as translator in an image to which the monks of Reichenau made allusion: "Quasi captivos sensus in suam linguam victoris iure transposuit" ("As the victor deports his prisoners under the rule of war, so (the translator] carries meaning over into his own language"). And precisely because Jerome was aware of the violence done to the text by translation, he called for limits to be set to the process. He preferred to tolerate meaningless sequences of words in his Latin Bible than have what he regarded as something inexpressible obscured by interpretation: "Alioquin et multa alia quae ineffabilia sunt, et humanus animus capere non potest, hac licentia delebuntur." + +Translation in the Middle Ages carried a unique significance because of the unique status of Latin--the only language used in writing. Latin became the only vessel out of which divine revelation could be drawn. By the time of Charlemagne, it had joined Greek and Hebrew as a holy language out of which translation could be made. + +Monks in the ninth century began to fashion _theotisc_ into a vessel into which they would dare to pour the content of Latin scripture. To enable translations to be made from the now holy Latin language, in Murbach and on the island of Reichenau, the shaping of the German language became an object of scholarly attention. Within less than a generation, these monks had fashioned a German vocabulary that bore comparison with that of Latin, in order to translate their Benedictine Rule. Glossaries were composed in order to find verbalcounterparts for "the last filtration of Latin thought and literary discipline." Through considered new coinings, through precise definition of new fields of meaning, through loan syntax or paronymous new coinings, something entirely new came into being: From German tongues there crystallized a German language that could be regarded as an equivalent of Latin. + +From the middle of the ninth century, a single document written in the Romance language has come down to us, and it happens to be an oath. This Romance text is included in a chronicle written by Nithard in what for the period is unusually good Latin. Nithard, who succeeded his father as Abbot of St. Riquier, was a grandson of Charlemagne through his mother Berta. He served another grandson of Charlemagne, Charles the Bald. He wrote his chronicle at the age of nineteen--two years before his death in battle in 844. In lively terms he describes things that he himself experienced. He complains about the decline of the Holy Roman Empire and that particular year's poor weather. We know from his chronicle that in 841 Charles the Bald and Louis the German conspired against their brother Lothar. Nithard wrote down the oaths of both the rulers and their men by which this conspiracy was effected. Each ruler took an oath on behalf of himself and his men in the other's language. + +Both vernacular oaths were based on an ingenious Latin original that may possibly have been drawn up by Nithard for his master and cousin, but that has not survived. These two versions, known as the Strasbourg Oaths, played crucial though very different roles in the history of the French and German languages. + +The text in _romana lingua_ is the earliest alphabetic representationof colloquial speech in France. For something like a thousand years a dialect had been spoken in France that lent itself perfectly to notation in Latin characters but was never written. + +The "vulgar" living speech of tradesmen, craftsmen, women, and public officials that survived in France for thirty generations is unknown to us. Like Latin, it had come from Italy, but it took root earlier and remained far longer than Latin. However, as in Lombardy and on the Iberian Peninsula, it was neither distinguished from Latin as a separate "language," nor was it ever written down. + +Precise analysis of the Romance text of the Strasbourg Oaths shows beyond any doubt that Nithard's text is not a transcription of a spoken language. It constitutes an attempt to take a carefully worked-out formula, written and conceived in Latin, and to adapt it phonetically and syntactically to the Alsatian mode of expression. The text is a remarkable example of an already developed juridical terminology in learned and complex syntax, with a stilted technical vocabulary, that corresponds exactly to the Latin oaths of Carolingian princes that have come down to us. The conspiracy of the Carolingian princes here became an opportunity to have an army solemnly repeat a text that had been read aloud to them in a facsimile of their own dialect. + +The dialect was not a "Latin" dialect. Even by the time of the eruption of Vesuvius in 79 A.D., the Romans were no longer speaking the way Latin was spelled. The volcanic ash preserved graffiti that people had daubed on the walls of their houses. The word structure of these uneducated scrawls shows signs of shifts that, up until recently, philologists assumed took place a thousand years later. In words ending with _m_, for instance, the final _m_ is often dropped. Probably the _m_ was either not pronounced at all or was fused with the preceding vowel to form a nasal--as occurs in present-day Portuguese. Many researchers believe that this gap between language as it was spoken and language as it was spelled was by no means confined to the poorer classes. The Classical poetry of the period takes on a fresh charm when the _m_ is swallowed--as in Brazilian. And, in 841--seven hundred years after Vesuvius--the Romance spoken in Gaul, like that spoken in Iberia, had moved much farther away from Latin word structure. What was read approximated the local form of _lingua romana_. For the reader, word structure was determined by grammar, and pronunciation by the landscape. In many places, Latin pronunciation was probably as far removed from orthography as is modern English. + +Among the aims of the Carolingian reform had been to have Latin read--and consequently also spoken--in a uniform manner throughout the empire. Charlemagne wished to match the existing unity of spelling with a unity of sound. Such an objective would today tend to be regarded as a call for mutual understanding. But such a change was certainly not necessary for mutual understanding at the time. Every monk learned the Latin pronunciation of his own monastery. If he walked from Subiaco to Fulda, his feet bore him no faster than his ear was able to adjust itself to new pronunciations, just as today's Indian pilgrim still finds his ear adjusting to the landscape with every step he takes. Moreover, despite big differences in accents--today we should say languages--people's readiness to listen and to understand is far greater in a traditional society than present-day schoolteachers imagine. For more than a thousand years, in some sense, Latin lived. + +Charlemagne and his circle of educated monks--Peter the Grammarian, from whom the adult emperor would have liked to learn to write; Paulinus, whose hymns are today still sung in the chancel office; Paul the Deacon, the court historian; the Spaniard, West-Goth Theodolf, wit and art expert; the layman Einhard, Charlemagne's biographer--all of these men together had no less an aim than to mold all the peoples of the empire into a univocal congregation. Sovereignty was interpreted as a gift from God in the service of the Church. Visible unification and standardization of all spheres of life had a symbolic rather than a practical purpose: to correct ingrained habits according to the original text. Mythical "ur-texts" were sought for the Latin Bible, for canon law, for the liturgy, and for monastic life. The plan to standardize Latin pronunciation needs to be seen in the same context, that is to say, as a theologically motivated attempt to create a symbolically effective, uniform, imperial, dead "language"--not to improve a "means of communication." + +On the Continent, no one would have carried out such a plan. The idea that a uniform written language demanded a uniform pronunciation contradicted a basic belief of the Church. The Book of Revelation was one, and had to be understood by all people, each in his own tongue; in the daily performance of this feat, the miracle of Pentecost was constantly repeated. This "miracle" could be performed everywhere in England except in those areas where Romance had never been used as the vernacular, which made it possible for the "correct" pronunciation of written Latin to become a research subject in the eighth century. The Venerable Bede wrote a treatise on orthography. Alcuin the Scot--born in the year of Bede's death (736) and raised among his pupils--was summoned to Charlemagne's court as schoolmaster and placed in charge of the school in Tours. He came from a tradition in which Classical education was rooted, not in the continuity of the _lingua romana_, but in the continuity that stemmed from the systematic adoption of Latin in the monastery and in the liturgy. + +Charlemagne relied on Alcuin to unify the pronunciation of Latin. Unlike his Continental brothers, when Alcuin read a text, he pronounced it as a dead language. He trained his pupils to read Latin the way he had learned to read it in York, with each letter being given its correct value--that is to say, pronounced with the same sound each time. This concern for uniform pronunciation was even reflected in the contractions that appeared in the new, standard Carolingian handwriting. Repeatedly, only that part of a word is written that the Franks would otherwise have stressed insufficiently or swallowed altogether. Forty years before the Strasbourg Oaths, then, Alcuin's school was deliberately trying to make the "reading" of Latin incomprehensible to the vernacular ear. Only in this context can one understand how it could have occurred to Nithard to write _lingua romana_ phonetically. + +Alcuin's phonetic reform was meant to breathe new life into Latin. The immediate consequence, however, was that Latin became incomprehensible to the listener when read aloud. The Carolingian _renovatio_ constituted an obstacle to the Church's preaching. A year before Charlemagne's death the Church's rejection of his unhistorical concept of correct pronunciation found expression at the Council of Tours--the very town in which Alcuin had taught only a few years before. It forbade priests to use the new way of reading during services. The Council enjoins the celebrant to read from this book written in Latin, but to strive in the process to speak in the Romance or _theotisc_ vernacular. Priests in the province of Tours were to continue doing what they had always done without criticism. On the basis of the Latin texts, they were to read out what their congregations could understand. + +The argument between advocates of a revived Latin and the Church's priests hinged on the interpretation of what kind of activity "reading" should be--should it be the spelling out of the letters that correspond to the sounds of a long-dead language, or should it be the transformation of the lines into their own living speech? With this canon, the Council of Tours was reacting against putting a lower limit on standard literary language. Alcuin's idea of Latin implied one formal set of phonetics for the entire Empire. That new phonetics posed a threat to the function of Latin writing, which was to serve all peoples (_gentes_). + +"Easdem omelias quisque aperte transferre studeat in rusticam romanam linguam aut theotiscam, quo facilius possint intellegere quae dicuntur," proclaimed the bishops assembled at Tours. The council wished to hold the door open for congregations to understand the text (_quo facilius possint intellegere_). It therefore required the reader to take pains (_studeat_) to pronounce what he was reading (_quae dicuntur_) in such a way that the collection of Latin texts (_omeliae_) intended to help elucidate the scriptures came across in a manner people could understand (_aperte transferre_ ... _in rusticam linguam_), no matter if that "language" in which the Latin text is read out of is German or French. The emphasis here is on the _rusticam_: The reader was to do his reading in a vernacular, rustic manner. Two such tongues (_linguae_) are mentioned: _romana_ and _theotisca_. Thus, by changing pronunciation (tongue), one could change the Latin, read aloud, into German or French. + +Contemporary usage suggests an opposition between German and French because we think in terms of "languages" as self-contained systems of communication that may be compared one with another, but only in the context of their separateness. Neither this modern notion of a neatly defined language, nor that of equivalent language can be projected into a ninth-century text. The _aut_ between _romana_ and _theotisca_ has much more to do with a polarity than with an either/or sense of exclusion. In the same way as the Council opposed the cultivation of a contradiction between the reading aloud of Latin and a generally comprehensible manner of speaking, this canon is talking, not about a translation process, but about a reading process. Reading aloud comprehensibly--however the book is written--is something different from translating Latin into Old French or Old High German. + +This can be elucidated by considering the word _theotisc_. It was not until shortly before 800 that this word started to become remolded from "popular" to "of German origin," and _theotisca lingua_ from "people's speech" to "Germanic." The efforts of the monks at Reichenau, Fulda, and in Alsace to create the rudiments of a German language gave rise to the idea that _theotisc_ was a language distinct from Latin, potentially equivalent to but heterogenous from it, out of and into which it was possible to translate. However, this idea had not yet won general acceptance. And vernacular languages were still far from being the separate and distinct cages in which we today think we are locked. + +Up until the time of the earliest vernacular grammars--in other words, up until the late fifteenth century--_lingua_ or _tongue_ or _habla_ was less like one drawer in a bureau than one color in a spectrum. The comprehensibility of speech was comparable to the intensity of a color. Just as one color may appear with greater or lesser intensity, may bleed into its neighbor, just as landscapes merge into one another, so it is with the Council's _aut_ in relation to _romanam_ and _theotiscam_. Latin stands in contrast to both "tongues" because it is an orthographic "language." But so long as there was no compulsion to read aloud in an orthophonetic manner, the reader was free to paint the meaning of what he was reading in any color of the rainbow. And it was on this Christian tradition of a logogrammatical reading of a text written in phonetic notation that the canons of Tours insisted. + +By determining the nature of reading in this way, Christianity dissociated itself from the temple at an early stage. As reported by a first-century Jewish source--the Megillah Teanith (The Fasting Scroll)--three days of darkness came over the earth on the day the seventy wise Jews completed their Greek translation of the Torah, the Septuagint. Even today the Koran may not be translated from the Arabic. Christian preaching consists precisely of the fact that every foreigner in Jerusalem was able to hear the Hebrew message in his own native language. Public, vocal meditation during reading is of the essence to the Christian message. The modulation on each syllable that characterizes Gregorian plainchant and the vernacular annunciation of the Gospel are the two extreme forms. Without an appreciation for Mnemosyne it is impossible either to understand the Christian concepts of devout reading, or to grasp what it means that God became the Word that unfolds in Scripture. In the context of these multiple forms of reading, the doctrine of the four-fold interpretation of the sacred text reached its height. + +According to the evidence of the Strasbourg Oaths, however, ideogrammatical reading since the ninth century effected precisely the opposite result. The text that Nithard has preserved does not render what anyone had actually said. The work of a wily chaplain, this cunningly devised chunk of speech became the language in which the chancellory took possession of ancient forms of oath. Alliteration and strong words make the army pay due heed to an unaccustomed vow. Every fighting man was to repeat those sentences after a verbatim recital by a cleric. The sentence structure and phraseology of the Romance version show clearly that this intrusion of stilted Latin formulae into the Romance vernacular was not new in Nithard's day; some set forms of its wording give the impression of having been already polished by chancery use. The oaths provide an example of the manner in which letters can shape people, not only before anyone can trace or decipher them, but before a single song or statement has been written in that people's vernacular. The oath is just one of several ways in which the unwritten literature of popular culture was learned by heart. The memorization of prayers was probably much more effective. Even in the thirteenth century, confession still served as a means for the clergy to see if individuals knew the Pater and the Creed by heart. + +The medieval clergy's habit of taking depositions in the vernacular and writing them down in Latin, and reading Latin oaths, creeds, and statements by formulating them in vernacular utterances that the people had to repeat, throws light on why epic poetry so rarely came to be written down as it was sung. Unlike the Greek scribe who wrote down what he heard "Homer" sing, the Roman cleric wrote down in Latin what he had understood. And when, on occasion, he wrote it down in the vernacular, the literate scribe was trained to "improve" the version as he wrote it down. + + +Another landmark in the history of language occurred on August 18, 1492--just fifteen days after Columbus had set sail--when a Spaniard named Elio Antonio de Nebrija published the first grammar in any modern European language, the _Gramática Castellana_, which attempted to reduce a vernacular tongue to rules of grammar. Nebrija goes beyond the Carolingian scribe, who listened to Frankish depositions and wrote them down in Latin. He demands that Spanish be made into a language that is not spoken, but that serves to record speech. + +The six-page introduction to the _Gramática_ presents a concise and powerful argument why the new age, dawning when Columbus departed, called for the replacement of the vernacular speech of the people by a language--an "artifact"--that all people must henceforth be taught. At this time the Spanish monarchs were engaged in transforming the idea of government. They replaced the old aristocratic advisory bodies by organizations of well-lettered officials. Just recently, and only for a few years, the Crown had seized the Inquisition from the Church, thereby acquiring the power needed to dislodge the sword-carrying nobility who were to be replaced by men of the pen. The conception of government as the machinery that guarantees the execution of the monarch's utterance was now reshaped into one that prepares texts for his signature. The state governed by the management of texts--that is, the modern bureaucratic state--was taking shape. And, under the Hapsburgs, in the late sixteenth century, the transformation became ritually visible. "Ministeriales," high-level scribes, were assigned ritual roles in the court ceremonial of processions and liturgies, often outranking the men of the sword. Nebrija addresses this new secular balance between _armas y letras_. He argues with the queen for a new pact between sword and book and proposes a covenant between two spheres--both within the secular realm of the Crown--a covenant distinct from the medieval pact between Emperor and Pope, which had been a covenant bridging the secular and the sacred. + +Very astutely, Nebrija reminds the queen that a new union of _armas y letras_, complementary to that of Church and State, was essential for gathering and joining the scattered pieces of Spain into a single absolute kingdom: + +> This unified and sovereign body will be of such shape and inner cohesion that centuries will be unable to undo it. Now that the Church has been purified, and we are thus reconciled to God, now that the enemies of the Faith have been subdued by our arms, now that just laws are being enforced, enabling us all to live as equals, what else remains but the flowering of the peaceful arts. And among the arts, foremost are those of language, which sets us apart from the wild animals; language, which is the unique distinction of man, the means for the kind of understanding which can be surpassed only by contemplation. + +Continuing to develop his petition, Nebrija introduces the crucial element of his argument: _La lengua suelta y fuera de regla_--the unbound and ungoverned speech in which people actually live and manage their lives has become a challenge to the Crown. Nebrija thus interprets an unproblematic historical fact as a problem for the architects of a new kind of polity--the modern state: + +> Your majesty, it has been my constant desire to see our nation become great, and to provide the men of my tongue with books worthy of their leisure. Presently, they waste their time on novels and fancy stories full of lies. + +An argument for standardized language is also made today, but the end is now different. Our contemporaries believe that standardized language is a necessary condition to teach people to read, indispensable for the distribution of printed books. Nebrija argues just the opposite: He was upset because people who spoke in dozens of distinct vernacular tongues in 1492 had become the victims of a reading epidemic. They wasted their leisure on books that circulated outside of any possible bureaucratic control. Manuscripts had been so rare and precious that authorities could often suppress the work of an author by literally seizing _all_ the copies, burning them and extirpating the text. Not so books. Even with the small edition of two hundred to a thousand copies--typical for the first generation of print--it was never possible to confiscate an entire run. Printed books called for the exercise of censorship through an _Index of Forbidden Books_. Books could only be proscribed, not destroyed. But Nebrija's proposal appeared more than fifty years before the first _Index_ was published in 1599. And he wished to achieve control over the printed word on a much deeper level than that later attempted by the Church. He wanted to replace the people's vernacular with the grammarian's language. The humanist proposes the standardization of colloquial language to remove the new technology of printing from the vernacular domain--to prevent people from printing and reading in the various languages that, up to that time, they had only spoken. By this monopoly over an official and taught language, he proposes to suppress wild, untaught vernacular reading. + +To grasp the full significance of Nebrija's argument--that compulsory education in a standardized national mother tongue is necessary to prevent people from wanton, pleasureful reading--one must remember the status of print at that time. Nebrija was born before the appearance of moveable type. He was thirteen when the first moveable stock came into use. His conscious adult life coincides with the incunabula. When printing was in its twenty-fifth year, he published his Latin grammar; in its thirty-fifth, he published his Spanish grammar. Nebrija could recall the time before print--as many of us can recall the time before television. Nebrija's text was by coincidence published the year William Caxton died. + +The last paragraph of Nebrija's introduction exudes eloquence. Evidently, the teacher of rhetoric knew what he taught. Nebrija has explained his project; given the queen logical reasons to accept it; frightened her with what would happen if she were not to heed him. Finally, like Columbus, he appeals to her sense of a manifest destiny: + +> Now, Your Majesty, let me come to the last advantage that you shall gain from my grammar. For the purpose, recall the time when I presented you with a draft of this book earlier this year in Salamanca. At this time, you asked me what end such a grammar could possibly serve. Upon this, the Bishop of Avila interrupted to answer in my stead. What he said was this: "Soon Your Majesty will have placed her yoke upon many barbarians who speak outlandish tongues. By this, your victory, these people shall stand in a new need; the need for the laws the victor owes to the vanquished, and the need for the language we shall bring with us." My grammar shall serve to impart them the Castilian tongue, as we have used grammar to teach Latin to our young. + +We can attempt a reconstruction of what happened at Salamanca when Nebrija handed the queen a draft of his forthcoming book. The queen praised the humanist for having provided the Castilian tongue with what had been reserved to the languages of Scripture, Hebrew, Greek, and Latin. But while Isabella was able to grasp the achievement of her _letrado_--the description of a living tongue as rules of grammar--she was unable to see any practical use for such an undertaking. For her, grammar was an instrument designed solely for use by teachers. She believed, moreover, that the vernacular simply could not be taught. In her royal view of linguistics, every subject of her many kingdoms was so made by nature that during his lifetime he would reach perfect dominion over his own tongue _on his own_. In this version of "majestic linguistics" the vernacular is the _subject's_ domain. By the very nature of things, the vernacular is beyond the reach of the ruler's authority. + +Isabella's initial rejection of Nebrija's proposal underscores its originality. Nebrija argued against a traditional and typically Iberian prejudice of Isabella--the notion that the Crown cannot encroach on the variety of customs in the kingdoms--and called up the image of a new, universal mission for a _modern_ Crown. Nebrija overcame Isabella's prejudices by promising to serve her mystical mission. First, he argued that the vernacular must be replaced by an _artificio_ to give the monarch's power increased range and duration; then, to cultivate the arts by decision of the court; also to guard the established order against the threat presented by wanton reading and printing. But he concluded his petition with an appeal to the "Grace of Granada," the queen's destiny, not just to conquer, but to civilize the entire world. + +Both Columbus and Nebrija offered their services to a new kind of empire builder. But Columbus proposed only to use the recently created caravels to the limit of their range for the expansion of royal power in what would become New Spain. Nebrija's appeal was more basic--he argued the use of his grammar for the expansion of the Queen's power in a totally new sphere that he proposed to create through the act of conquest itself. He intended the creation of the sphere of a taught mother tongue--the first invented part of universal education. + +Columbus was to open the way to the New World; Nebrija devised a way to control Spanish subjects by providing a way to standardize their language. + + +# The Self + +_The practical concern in the thirteenth century with the_ identity _of two charters and the spiritual concern with the_ individuality _of each person reflect the new ability to distinguish what is in the book and what is on the page. The word_ individual _itself comes from Antiq uity . In Porphyry's_ Commentaries _on Aristotelian categories, the word carries the meaning of " unambiguousness"; it has a deictic or demonstrative character. It means an ultimately indivisible_ (a-tomos) _something, the subject of which something is predicated--for example, Socrates, to whom we can point as the "bearded, garrulous, son of so-and-so." In this sense,_ in-dividuum _(Cicero's translation of_ a-tomos) _was carried over the bridge of Isidore of Seville's_ Etymologiae _into the Middle Ages. Abelard used the word in the same deictic sense. Albert the Great took the "individual" beyond Classical Antiquity when he grasped the difference between the_ individuum vaguum _and the_ individuum certum, _the frog whose croaking woke him up last night, as opposed to this particular croaker that I catch and am able to skewer_. + +The self is as much an alphabetic construct as word and memory, thought and history, lie and narration. Narration and the self in the twentieth century have become as inseparable as the epos and its singer in oral times: The writer spins the story as part of his self. The twentieth-century citizen sees himself through the eyes of various sciences as a layer cake of texts. From the eighteenth century on, the state has become a corporation of selves that letters examine. + +No language can get by without a first person singular, which in some languages is demonstrative--for example, the Hebrew _ani_ that acts like a finger turned backwards--and in other languages sets the speaker off from the rest. But, unlike the "I," most epochs got along without a self. There was no self in epic times. According to Bruno Snell, there was not even a body: heroes refer to their arm or their "thymos," but do not contextualize these into the kind of body we now have. In oral cultures, one may retain an imge of what has been--yesterday, at the time of the full moon, or last spring, but the person then or now exists only in the doing or the telling, as the suffix comes to life only when it modifies a verb. Like a candle, the "I" lights up only in the activity and is extinguished at other times. But not dead. With the retelling of the story, the candle comes to glow again. No pilot light gives continuity to the first person singular between one story and the next. The "I" can exist only in the act of speaking out loud--or to oneself. + +The idea of a self that continues to glimmer in thought or memory, occasionally retrieved and examined in the light of day, cannot exist without the text. Where there is no alphabet, there can neither be a memory conceived as a storehouse nor the "I" as its appointed watchman. With the alphabet both text and self became possible, but only slowly, and they became the social construct on which we found all our perceptions as literate people. + +Writing the history of the self is as difficult as writing the history of the text. The self is a cloth we have been weaving over centuries in confessions, journals, diaries, memories, and in its most literate incarnation, the autobiography, to tailor the dress in which we see our first person singular. _Beowulf_ dates from the life of Bede (671–735), the time that the Christian alphabet came to England; its hero, Beowulf, has nothing of what we moderns call "self." But by the fourteenth century it is clear that to the two books delineated by someone like St. Bonaventure--the Book of Creation and the Scriptures--has been added a third: the Book of the Self. Hugh of St. Cher refers to the Book of the Heart, which, at the end of time, Hugh declares, Christ will open to reveal all "things secret." Alanus de Insulis calls man's conscience a book hiding things of the soul. These secrets too will be revealed on the Day of Judgement. And in the next several centuries, the self becomes an established literary phenomenon that can be read in popular accounts such as Benvenuto Cellini's supposed autobiography, Rousseau's _Confessions_, and the interminable memoirs of Casanova. At virtually the same moment that James Boswell is lionizing his friend Samuel Johnson, through the biography, Benjamin Franklin is doing the same thing for himself, in his autobiography--though he uses the old term, _memoir_. It is also in America that the newly constituted self quietly reaches its crisis, with Henry Adams. + +We cannot conceive facing each other except as selves. The image of the self that we have inherited seems to us fundamental for western culture. But we notice that some of our students are bred on electronic text composers. "Text" means something entirely different for them than it does for us. And thus we sense its extreme fragility at this moment. We fear that the image of the self made in the image of the text could fade from society, together with the self-destruction of the text. Retracing the sociogenesis of our perception, we want to point to its historical nature. + + +In three thousand lines, _Beowulf_ describes the wondrous adventures of Beowulf, whose patronymic translates as Bee-Wolf, or simply Bear. Like a bear, Beowulf swims vigorously, runs swiftly, and fights fiercely. He possesses the strength of thirty men in his right hand. A mighty animal is his model; though he is quasi-human, the hero is not inarticulate. Indeed, he is adept at reconstructing his genealogical roots: he does so in over fifty lines of well-shaped verse. With deftness he tells the story of his prodigious three-day swimming contest with Breca. The same story about the contest with Breca is told by Unferth completely differently. What to us looks like a contradiction in the two stories never becomes a "problem" for Beowulf and is never "resolved." Unferth's diverging story merely shows Beowulf in another light. Beowulf knows no hesitation, he cannot lie, but neither can he take inventory of his life. He seems incapable of remembering. He suffers no pangs of conscience, no regrets. Larger than life, he is also far removed from it. + +However, during the last hours of _Beowulf_ on the third and final day of his struggle with the dragon, a kink occurs in the story; for eight and one-half lines there is talk of a kind of shame or guilt or causality--what we would not know how to call anything but "conscience." Less than one hundred lines from the end of the poem a young warrior, named Wiglaf, the sole survivor of an ancient tribe called the Waegmundings, sounds this new and discordant note. He chides his comrades for not aiding their king, who has kept them secure for so many years, in his own time of need in this fatal fight with the dragon. + +The death of Beowulf signals more than the simple end of a ruler; it marks the passing away of the heroic way of life and the spirit of _comitatus_ (community) that holds that life together. Young Wiglaf represents the new order in the poem. Perhaps Wiglaf is a Christian interpolation by some monastic scribe, but nonetheless his voice is a new one in English. He wants those cowardly old men to feel bad, and he wants them to carry that feeling around with them. So he scolds: + + +``` + Wergendra tō lȳt + þrong ymbe þēoden, þā hyne sīo þrāg becwōm. + Nū sceal sinc-þego ond swyrd-gifu, + eall ēð el-wyn ēowrum cynne, + lufen ālicgean; lond-rihtes mōt + þǣre mǣg-burge monna ǣghwylc + īdel hweorfan, syððan ǣðelingas + feorran gefricgean flēam ēowerne, + dōm-lēasan dǣd. Dēað bið sēlla + eorla gehwylcum þonne edwīt-līf. + + (Too few defenders + pressed round the king when his worst time came. + Now all treasure, giving and receiving, + all home-joys, ownership, comfort, + shall cease for your kin; deprived of their rights + each man of your families will have to be exiled, + once nobles afar hear of your flight, + a deed of no glory. Death is better + for any warrior than a shameful life!) +``` + +----- + + +| Wergendra tō lȳt + +| þrong ymbe þēoden, þā hyne sīo þrāg becwōm. + +| Nū sceal sinc-þego ond swyrd-gifu, + +| eall ēð el-wyn ēowrum cynne, + +| lufen ālicgean; lond-rihtes mōt + +| þǣre mǣg-burge monna ǣghwylc + +| īdel hweorfan, syððan ǣðelingas + +| feorran gefricgean flēam ēowerne, + +| dōm-lēasan dǣd. Dēað bið sēlla + +| eorla gehwylcum þonne edwīt-līf. + +| + +| (Too few defenders + +| pressed round the king when his worst time came. + +| Now all treasure, giving and receiving, + +| all home-joys, ownership, comfort, + +| shall cease for your kin; deprived of their rights + +| each man of your families will have to be exiled, + +| once nobles afar hear of your flight, + +| a deed of no glory. Death is better + +| for any warrior than a shameful life!) + +| + + +Embarrassed and ashamed--and still too frightened to fight--they do the only thing left to them: skulk off to the woods. + +But Wiglaf will not allow the Waegmundings to forget their betrayal. He wants those warriors to be stuck with their guilt or their shame--or both. Wiglaf implies that each of those men possesses something like a self whose voice is his conscience. He sends a messenger to court to foretell the horror of the feuds that will be caused by their cowardly inaction. For the first and only time in the entire poem, past action is presented as the cause of future grief. Wiglaf interprets the history of feuding tribes as the result of the guilt of forebears. + +Beowulf is then set on a barge, along with all his treasures. Set afire, the barge drifts off to some unknown destination. Women bewail a past epoch and keen over the king. The future looms in grim detail. Wiglaf has erased the present. Warriors are helpless to undo the past while they prepare for what is to come. For the present they can only lament and hide. + + +James Cox, a literary critic concerned with autobiography, argues convincingly that autobiography is not only an American invention, but one that flourishes, as nowhere else, in America. Franklin, the Ur-American portrait of success--founder of a university, a hospital, a library, a philosophical society, the postal system; inventor of the stove, the smokeless street lamp, bifocals, electrical conduction, and the glass harmonica, among other things--"at the age of sixty-five embarked upon what one wants to call his great invention--the invention of himself, not as a fiction, but as a fact and in history." Thus, in Franklin we are not reading some fictional character like Lancelot, or some product of romantic longing like Casanova, but a fictional fact. + +In the _Confessions_, Augustine realizes that hubris must inevitably end in failure; he must, therefore, eschew the things of this world. But autobiography is born out of hubris, it requires that the self be woven into the very design of material society. In Franklin's case, his autobiography grows out of the hubris of America's emerging power--its myths and ideals--a power that actually thrives on mistakes. One merely seizes upon them, as Franklin makes clear, and turns them into substantial financial success. Autobiography amplifies that power: Since a person is literally creating a new being, he can smooth out the rough transitions in his life, clean up the mistakes, to produce a polished and attractive literary self. The writer presents his life as he thinks it should have been. Thus, every autobiography is in some ways a declaration of independence, as the writer bids farewell to his baggy historical self, embracing a new, tidy, authorized, and public one. It marks an act of willful liberation. No wonder, then, the number of powerful American black autobiographies, such as the _Narrative of Frederick Douglass, The Autobiography of Malcolm X_, the story of George Washington Carver, and the _Confessions of Nat Turner_. How fitting that Franklin, so concerned with autobiography, should have been one of the framers of the Declaration of Independence. He was also President of the Executive Council of Pennsylvania, as well as a delegate to the Constitutional Convention. And in his _Autobiography_ Franklin continually measures himself against that singularly American founding document, the constitution. + +_Constitution_ is a word that had been in use for only a hundred or a hundred and fifty years by 1771, the year Franklin began writing his memoirs, to mean the composition of some body or some thing; and Franklin borrows the idea to help enact the "constitution of his own self." This self should not be seen as a mere literary fabrication, Franklin implies, but in some substantive way "constituted" out of the homely virtues of honesty, sobriety, moderation, frugality, and perseverance. A self so constituted knows no limits to its accomplishments: Like everyone else, Franklin pursued life, liberty, and happiness and he shows that hard work pays off in enormous success. + +Franklin's _Autobiography_ charts his climb from raggedy beginnings, in the guise of the frugal and industrious Poor Richard (Saunders), through an encyclopedic and disparate series of selves, to the birth of that star, the Great Doctor Franklin. While the _Autobiography_ breaks off its narration in 1757, the moment that Franklin's career really takes off, John Adams points out that when Franklin began writing the _Autobiography_ he was already an international celebrity: "There was scarcely a citizen who was not familiar with his name and who did not consider him a friend to human kind." + +Poor Richard, it turns out, is rich in wisdom, which he expresses in pithy sayings and maxims. Franklin sprinkles them throughout the _Autobiography:_ A penny saved is a tuppence clear; God helps those who help themselves; A word to the wise is enough. Collected and sold in little pamphlets, Richard's advice became a commodity easily dispensed and digested, a constant reminder of the importance of practical application. Those apothegms helped to mask the real-life Franklin, a sometimes untidy, spendthrift man, at loose ends with his own finances. But more than that, Richard Saunders sired Ben Franklin, a _brand_-new self--we still refer to _Franklin_ stoves, _Franklin_ glasses, _Franklin_ lightning rods. (Franklin patented none of his inventions, saying that "as we enjoy great advantage from the inventions of others, we should be glad of an opportunity to serve others by any invention of ours." Curiously enough, American patent law derives from a provision in the Constitution empowering Congress "to promote the progress of science and useful arts by securing ... to inventors the exclusive right to their ... discoveries.") A public self like Franklin's is essential for the full-time pursuit of success. The question may be: How long can the pursuit be sustained? + +The answer is delivered in the next century, with _The Ed ucation of Henry Adams_, considered by most historians to be the first autobiography, one in which we can actually experience a self crystallizing around the act of writing. We see the struggles and the mistakes; we are present at the moment of crisis. Franklin writes from a position of solid success; he's already made it, and from this position of assuredness glances over his shoulder to document its history. Adams writes out of failure. + +_The Education of Henry Adams_ involves a dialogue between the failed Adams, who hopes to learn from his mistakes, and some other Adams. To make this clear, Adams adopts a curious literary stance: _The Education_ is the life of Henry Adams told by Henry Adams, but narrated in the third person. We are thus made to experience two Adamses: the previous one--actually Adams as a young man--and the new Adams--the writer as an older man. Not only are there two Adamses, however, but more curiously, the young Adams, the literary creation being remembered, or recollected, takes on its own life and begins to educate the new Adams. + +Here is a truly extraordinary development: The literary creation of the self has assumed enough life of its own to instruct and educate its creator. This third-person golem must be disposed of, dealt with, or, ideally, incorporated back into the first person. The young Adams in fact controls the situation so strongly that he turns the old Adams, the writer, into a ghostly fictional character. Adams must figure out how to take back his life. So these two selves travel the entire meandering path of the book as master/pupil; they stand together at the moment of crisis in Paris on April 15, 1900, at the largest exhibition ever held in Europe, the Great Exposition. + +Ben Franklin ransacked his soul to uncover there the multifarious parts of his soul--artist, printer, inventor, educator, designer, statesman, scientist, and so on. Some powerful invisible force drove Franklin toward success. At the Great Exposition, Adams saw that force updated and made concrete in one grand contraption: the forty-foot-high dynamos displayed in the Gallery of Machines. + +For Adams, the Virgin represented the great religious symbol of the twelfth century; for the twentieth century, that symbol was the dynamo. Both stand as "revelations of a mysterious energy like that of the Cross; they were what in terms of medieval science were called immediate modes of the divine substance," symbols of a continuing divine force that has driven the history of man. Just like the Virgin, the dynamo was capable of attracting untold numbers of followers. Puzzling over the connection between these two disparate centuries, Adams begins to perceive the possibilities of education anew; indeed, a hazardous one: "The knife-edge along which he must crawl, like Sir Lancelot in the twelfth century, divided two kingdoms of force which had nothing in common but attraction." + +The new Adams learns from the old Adams that the great invisible force of the twentieth century--producing electricity, X rays, and radium--has been around forever, just like the force of Christianity. At times, this force becomes visible. The Virgin represented a form of faith still felt at Lourdes, at the Louvre, and at Chartres. There, as he knew by the record of work he still could see, existed "the highest energy ever known to man, the creator of four-fifths of his noblest art, exercising vastly more attraction over the human mind than all the steam-engines and dynamos ever dreamed of; and yet this energy was unknown to the American mind. An American virgin would never dare command; an American Venus would never dare exist." Through the dynamo, Adams reckons, the American mind would finally be able to grasp the immensity of a divine force. America tottered on the verge of momentous change, which Adams, in his excitement, can only equate with other revolutionary moments: "Copernicus and Galileo had broken many professional necks about 1600; Columbus had stood the world on its head towards 1500; but the nearest approach to the revolution of 1900 was that of 310, when Constantine set up the Cross." + +In yet another reversal in _The Education_, Adams understands as he actually stands under this dynamo the great lesson of his education: he is a failure. Not that Adams was not born of the proper Brahman, New England stock, not that he had failed to attend the correct schools, or that he had not created elegant and influential works of literature, like the wonderfully seductive _Mont-Saint-Michel and Chartres_, but that he had failed in the invisible world of the spirit. + +Ironically, Adams had created his self with so much clarity and precision--the young Adams had been too much of a literary success--that his current state of failure becomes painfully clear to him. Adams has interpreted the self, analyzed it, and what he finds the literary self telling him is the opposite of what it seems to say. After more than fifty years of study, he was still an ignoramus. The modern way of describing this is to say that Adams psychoanalyzes his soul to determine what it feels or what it means. After all, the therapeutic experience is essentially a literary one: A person is expected to think, reconstruct, maneuver--narrate with shape and interest--his old self to a listening doctor/auditor. A rich imagination is as useful as a sharp memory. Only when this old self is fully understood, in all its complexities and contradictions, the theory goes, can the patient be deemed healthy. + +Adams would have described Franklin's life as wrong-headed, for he desires an inner search, not an outward pursuit. Franklin fixed on success, from the Latin _succedere_--ascending, mounting. As a failure, Adams had plummeted--into himself. He realizes how he must climb back out, and he presents it in the most curious turn taken in _The Education_. He decides to trace the history of force and power from the Middle Ages to the beginning of the twentieth century. In the midst of writing his autobiography he tells us that he must take up writing! Not only has self spawned self, but text has given rise to another, inner text. If the self is a reflexive phenomenon, and its history can be unraveled in writing, then why not a reflexive text as well. These intricacies--self doubling back on self, text on text, first person talking as third--make it appear as if the Book of Kells had provided the pattern for Adams's autobiography. In Adams's words: "In such labyrinths, the staff is a force almost more necessary than the legs; the pen becomes a sort of blind-man's dog, to keep him from falling into the gutters. The pen works for itself, and acts like a hand, modelling the plastic materials over and over again to the form that suits it best. The form is never arbitrary, but is a sort of growth like crystallization, as any artist knows too well; for often the pencil or the pen runs into side-paths and shapelessness, loses its relations, stops or is bogged. Then it has to return on its trail, and recover, if it can, its line of force. The result of a year's work depends more on what is struck out than on what is left in; on the sequence of the main lines of thought, than on their play or variety." + +A chief obstacle to writing a modern autobiography is its ending. How can it end, really, reach its final conclusion, until the writer is dead? Franklin's _Autobiography_ breaks off in his fifty-first year; he dies before its completion. Adams solves the problem by killing off the young Adams, the instructor. Or, perhaps in a more accurate literary image, the two Adamses come together, both holding a single pen. So the end of _The Education_ is in some sense the birth of the Old Adams, complete with a new self. + +After incorporating the idea of force into his writing by developing what he calls the Dynamic Theory of History, he arrives at the last chapter, appropriately titled "Nunc Age," (Now Go). He is ready to reenter the world. But before he does, he pauses to realize that he had accomplished the goal he set for himself in the Preface (which Adams signs as Henry Cabot Lodge): to complete Augustine's _Confessions_. Self-satisfied, Adams no longer needs to talk to himself. He can finally confess, quoting Shakespeare but recalling Augustine, that "the rest is silence." + + +# Untruth and Narration + +_Both literary and moral feigning depend on the author's ability to reshape (in Latin_ fingere, _whence "fiction") his own thoughts of untruth, which in the late Middle Ages is called narration. Only when I have gotten used to thinking as the silent tracing of words on the parchment of my memory, can I detach thought from speech and contra-dict it. A full-blown lie presupposes a self that thinks before it says what it has thought. Only when memory is perceived as a text can thought become a material to be shaped, reshaped, and transformed . Only a self that has thought what it does say, can say_something that it does not think. Neither such a thought as distinct from speech, nor such a thinking self as distinct from the speaker can exist without speech having been transmogrified and frozen into thought that is stored in the literate memory_. + +Like the Text, Untruth also has a history. The Old Testament knows of infidelity, broken promises, betrayals, and perjury. It knows of slander, false witness and, what is worse, false prophecy and the abominable service of false gods. Neither these detestable forms of deceit nor the skillful ruse of a patriarch imply that opposition to an abstract "truth" that is essential to what we today call a lie. Neither the Greek _psuedos_ (used both for the "liar" and the "lie") nor the Latin _mendacium_ (referring also to the emendation of a line on a wax tablet) in Classical times comes close to our idea of the untruthful. Both languages lack the words that could oppose the _Oxford English Dictionary's_ "false statement made with the intent to deceive" to a flight of fancy or feigning. The Classical languages barely contain the seed for the full-fledged Western lie and the full-blown Western fiction. + +The early Greeks took a sporting attitude toward duplicity. George Steiner presents an exchange between Athena and Odysseus as an example: "...mutual deception, the swift saying of 'things that are not,' need be neither evil nor a bare technical constraint. Gods and chosen mortals can be virtuosos of mendacity, contrivers of elaborate untruths for the sake of the verbal craft..." And "untruth" is always the telling of _things_ that are not, not of _thoughts_ that are contradicted! The patron of this cunning craft was Hermes, the trickster, the thief and the inventor of the lyre that urges the singer further into the epos. And the hero of that art is the shrewd and wily, generous and noble Odysseus, who according to Plato _(Hippias Minor)_ is powerful and prudent, knowing and wise in those things about which he is false. + +In the realm of orality one cannot dip twice into the same wave, and therefore the lie is a stranger. My word always travels alongside yours; I stand for my word, and I swear by it. My oath is my truth until well into the twelfth century: The oath puts an end to any case against a freeman. Only in the thirteenth century does Continental canon law make the judge into a reader of the accused man's conscience, an inquisitor into truth, and torture the means by which the confession of truth is extracted from the accused. Truth ceases to be displayed in surface action and is now perceived as the outward expression of inner meaning accessible only to the self. + +In the fifth century Augustine had created a concept that breaks with pagan and Christian antiquity by defining every lie as an assault on truth. Intellectual errors of fact are not a moral issue for him in his treatise _On the Lie_. Only the person who says something with the intent of misleading violates the truth. The offense lies in the _voluntas fallendi_: words used with the intent to contradict the truth that is enshrined in the speaker's heart. Even a statement that is factually correct can turn into an assault on truth if it is proffered with the intent to deceive. Augustine moved the lie into the neighborhood of blasphemy: an act of contempt of God as the only Creator and Author. + +For the next eight hundred years whatever truly exists is there because God has willed it to be. All things man can speak about issue from His creative Word or command. He has brought things into being because He wanted them to be and not because there is something in them that makes it necessary for them to exist. Adam is His "fiction." He molded, shaped, fashioned him out of the virgin soil of Paradise. The world is therefore _contingent_ on God's authorship. By every lie a creature usurps authorship reserved to the Creator. Even in the thirteenth century, a cleric who writes down stories has to state that he is not the story's actual source (_fons ejus_), but only its channel (_canalis_). Likewise, the person who had dictated the story to the scribe must state that he has not "sucked it from his finger" (_ex suo digito suxit_)--that is, has not _invented_ it. The dictator's disclaimer lays bare the connection between fiction and _fingere_. + +Augustine's ban on the arrogation of truth matured, during the Middle Ages, into the new duty to make truth manifest. In the many-tiered, God-willed order of the twelfth century, to be true in word and in deed came to be perceived as a moral debt. The late patristic prohibition against deceiving the listener was turned by the early Scholastics into the moral obligation to reveal the truth. Only against this background can it be understood what it means to say that the Age of European Literacy is the World of Fiction. + +As much as the full-fledged lie, _narratio_ presupposes an author and a text that is contingent on his self--his or her creation. Neither the epic bard, nor the later storyteller, nor even the highly literate poet are fully authors: They do not pretend to create a world that by the standards of the early Middle Ages would be untrue. Chaucer, Defoe, and Twain provide us with landmarks in the history of the author who weaves "lies" into the convincing untruth of fiction. + + +Chaucer, in _The Canterbury Tales_ (1386), is the first English author who recognizes the emerging literate mindset of his courtly audience. Defoe, in the _Journal of the Plague Year_ (1772), takes into account that the mind of his middle-class readership has been shaped by journals and magazines, and writes the first English "novel." And Twain publishes the first great work of fiction from Democratic America, _The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn_, in 1885, just two years after the _New England Journal of Education_ had coined that curious Americanism, "literacy." + +Modern readers take for granted that _The Canterbury Tales_ is a standard book; after all, it is neatly printed and housed between solid boards. Moreover, its pages are filled with stories--eccentric characters involved in dramatic action. And that is, of course, exactly proper activity for books that are intended to be held in our hands and read to ourselves. But medievalists have been compiling convincing textual evidence since the mid thirties to prove that, while Chaucer's poem was written down by a number of scribes, it was in all likelihood delivered orally. + + +Which means that Chaucer's audience was prepared to listen to a long poem, presumably something they had done many times before. The majority of them, in fact, could probably not have read the poem, even if they so desired. Strangely enough, however, the opening lines of _The Canterbury Tales_ demand a sophisticated literacy. Chaucer begins his poem with one of the most difficult syntactic forms for the listener to grasp, the subordinate clause, which requires the listener to hold the sense of the dependent clause steadily in mind, suspending the fulfillment of meaning that the independent clause promises to deliver. Chaucer compounds this highly literate construction--one that never appears in oral formulaic poetry--by beginning "The General Prologue" to _The Canterbury Tales_ with not one but two consecutive subordinate clauses: the first from lines one to four, the second from lines five through eleven. He holds back the independent clause, "Thanne longen folk to goon on pilgrimages"--and hence leaves dangling the meaning of the early part of the poem--until line twelve. + +By line twelve, however, Chaucer's audience would probably have forgotten what came before, or at best retained only a vague sense of it. His audience could only have felt uncomfortable, perhaps even irritated. To use a medieval designation, he has made them feel like _ignoramuses_. It is one thing to recite a poem using oral devices--formulaic constructions, repetitions--so that the audience can keep abreast and understand, but quite another to present the same information through highly literate techniques--in Chaucer's case, by using two sets of subordinate clauses and so forcing his audience to forget. By causing his audience to forget, however, Chaucer introduces one of the major concerns of the poem: the imposition of literacy upon an inherently oral activity--the composition and delivery of poetry. + +If forgetting enables Chaucer to turn his audience into auditor/readers--in a sense, they must envision the page as they hear it aloud--it enables him to turn from storyteller into writer. And so he also points to his own ability to forget. Chaucer the narrator begins by telling us what he remembers about some thirty-three pilgrims with whom he sat one evening at the Tabard Inn and with whom he set out on the road to Canterbury. What is more astonishing, he intends to tell us, before he forgets it all, the four stories those pilgrims told on their round trip, "as it remembreth me," in the distinct voice of each of the pilgrims, utilizing their exact metaphor, image, color of language, and idea. All told, Chaucer will retell this entire event in over eighteen thousand lines, for the most part meticulously rhymed and metered--certainly a prodigious feat. + +Prodigious or not, Chaucer employed this strategy knowing that his medieval audience would have believed him--but only up to a point. Indeed, if, as historians argue, Chaucer was probably educated at the Inns of Court, he would have learned some mnemonic system--his own Man of Laws learns "every statute...plein by rote"--and so would have been able to retell from memory a large amount of detail. But this is not Homer's Mnemosyne, that great treasure bag of phrases and images, into which one could dip, threading now one and now another on his marvelous loom. Chaucer's is a literate memory; many of the stories have been "sucked from his finger." And he boasts of remembering such minutiae that an audience--medieval or modern--is forced to conclude that he must be lying to them. No one could possibly remember that much detail with that much precision--mnemonic devices or not. As auditors, then, they would have been pulled up short. + +Thus Chaucer deliberately undercuts his own demands for believability by presenting a new textual memory. No other writer--not Dante, or Gower, or Boccaccio--had used memory as such a storehouse for fiction. His audience would have been alert to a ploy, for in Chaucer they found such a revolutionary form. In a deliberate way, then, Chaucer focuses his audience's attention, not on his memory, but on forgetting. + +Chaucer is composing his poem at a time when England is making its transition from an oral to a literate culture. And the poem reflects this uneasy shift. Chaucer presents us with details that he says he has overheard; but by the end of the fourteenth century, hearsay, at least in courts of law, was already being supplanted by written testimony. So while Chaucer roots his poem in oral tradition, he does so in such an overblown way that few if any of his contemporary listeners could have taken his boast seriously. Chaucer's strategy is simply to push the limits of orality to absurdity. He forces his medieval audience to hear _The Canterbury Tales_ as a work of _literature_. + +By getting them to think about their own literacy, as well as their own connections with the oral tradition, he has brought them face to face with the process of writing fiction. For if Chaucer could not possibly have remembered all that he says he has, he must be making it up, embellishing and shaping his initial information. He must be telling a story, inventing a tale. That is, he must be writing fiction. Chaucer is forging a working definition of the medieval idea of _auctor_, which he must of absolute necessity separate from the divine _auctoritee_. By assigning to himself the capacity to remember every scrap and nuance, every blink and titter of all thirty-three pilgrims, he sets himself up as a liar: a teller who intends to deceive with fibs and fables. Only by placing himself in this category can he become a mundane author. In any other category of literary creation, Chaucer would be usurping divine authorship. + +Chaucer here becomes entangled in an important philosophical/theological idea of the Middle Ages--the question of "contingency." From Augustine to the end of the thirteenth century, the principle of contingency became the necessary cause for all creation. Contingency represents the state of an essence or nature that admits of, but does not demand, actualization. St. Thomas translated the idea to mean "that which can be and can not be," which he used as the basis for the demonstration of the existence of God. Since the essence of the contingent being does not itself contain its existence, the reason for its existence must be found in an extrinsic efficient cause. Antecedent causes must, likewise, find the reason for _their_ existence in some other antecedent cause. Ultimately, the argument goes, one reaches a first cause whose existence is underived--that is, whose essence includes existence. But only one thing is both necessary and absolute: God. + +This theological idea impinges on literary creation: The Canterbury pilgrims are dependent on Chaucer for their "existence"; he appears to be their absolute and necessary cause--though of course Chaucer's own existence is a contingent one. Still, the question arises: Is it proper in this fuzzy literary area to call Chaucer a creator? Literary creations must be seen, at least in part, as mirror images of heavenly creation. Chaucer falls into a literary trap: If the existence of the world is contingent on the grace of the Word in "divine authorship," then Chaucer can only escape blasphemy by undercutting that singular, tremendous power that enables him to create--literacy. + +Chaucer's task is thus a complicated one. He needs to have his Canterbury story taken as truth--for this is the way readers come to enter into any fictional dream. He gains this sense of verisimilitude in several ways. By making himself one of the traveling group of pilgrims, Chaucer has to tell one of the proposed hundred and thirty or so tales, "The Tale of Sir Thopas," which he uses to further undercut his own literate power by telling a story so dull that the hosts beg him to stop. He adds even more of a sense of realism by drawing some of the other pilgrims--Harry Bailly the Host, for example--from actual citizenry of fourteenth-century London. Finally, there is no better way to imply that all this stuff is real than to say, "I was there, and I remember. I saw all this, I heard them all speak, and let me tell you what they said and did." + +But while he needs to give his poem a sense of realism, for theological reasons he must also see to it that his audience experiences the poem as made up. It is inevitable, then, that the subject of his poem should be--at least in part--the paradoxical nature of literacy. The written word is the authorized version, the authenticated truth. But too much truth can get Chaucer into theological trouble; he must move his creation into another category, into untruth. And he can do this best by letting his audience think of him as a liar. And so the muse for Chaucer can no longer be Mnemosyne, the Goddess of Recollecting, but some other unnamed Goddess--of Forgetting. + + +Fiction reaches its first flowering in the _novel_--a word used initially to stand in opposition to the stuff of romances--when literacy broadened to include more of the middle class of English society in the late eighteenth century. The first successful London daily newspaper, the _Daily Courant_, appeared March 11, 1702. The word _magazine_ was first used to designate a popular literary journal with the publication of the _Gentleman 's Magazine_ in 1704. In this context, the most literate genre, the novel, begins to take shape through the efforts of Daniel Defoe, a man who in 1704 printed his own weekly newspaper, the _Review_. His _Journal of the Plague Year_ is usually referred to as England's first novel. + +Like Chaucer, Defoe needs to establish the veracity of a new form. While Defoe's audience may be more used to reading than Chaucer's, and, in particular, used to reading fictional narratives like romances, the novel is, as its name implies, _new_. Like Chaucer, Defoe wants his story to be taken as true, and so he needs to fabricate a believable lie, which he does by presenting his narrative as ajournal kept by one H. F., who purportedly lived during the plague year of 1665. This H. F. gives an eye- and ear-witness account; in fact, the subtitle of the book reads: "Being observations or memorials of the most remarkable occurences, as well publik as private, which happened in London during the last great visitation in 1665. Written by a citizen who continued all the while in London. Never made publik before." Thus, H. F.'s account derives from what he saw (observations) and remembers (memorials), all of which, he assures us, is true (happened in London). + +Defoe's premise differs from Chaucer's in that the former admits to writing down events daily in a journal and finally making the journal public--that is, publishing his evidence. Between Chaucer and Defoe the printing press has intervened, and it turns out that Defoe's real subject is the bureaucratization of the word, authenticated through the reality of type, and spread like contagion, in hundreds and hundreds of copies, directly from the platen of the press. The printed word impresses its own version of reality. + +Defoe opens his journal by conjecturing on the origin of the plague, surprised that it might have come from Holland, but suggesting that no one really knows, since "we had no such thing as printed newspapers in those days to spread rumors and reports of things..." News traveled by "word of mouth," but the truth of the plague cannot be gotten in that manner. In time, however, as the _Journal_ makes clear, the Secretaries of State "got knowledge of it," and took on the responsibility of determining the truth and making it known to the citizens--a bureaucratic process that will reach its final goal in publication. + +First, the State sends out professionals, two physicians and a surgeon, as certified agents, to examine the corpses of two recently dead Frenchmen. Through an undisclosed procedure, they determine that the Frenchmen both died of the plague. They render their opinion to the parish clerk, who turns over their positive findings to city hall. The last step toward truth involves making public--publishing--the doctors' decisions in the weeky Bill of Mortality: "Plague, 2. Parishes infected, 1." The plague has thus begun, its reality contained in the first Bill of Plague posted at various places around the parish. From this point on, no rumor, no piece of information transmitted orally can counter the truth of the written reports. + +Few people dare question the physicians' verdicts, for these men are certified professionals. Their published reports become automatic testimony in the bureaucratization of the word. And their word helps create the reality of the plague; indeed, as the news travels by the Plague Bill, so does the infection, for people act on the printed reality. Spreading the plague by word of mouth, they close themselves in, huddling closer together, unwittingly serving to infect each other. "Facts" matter very little. The narrator of the _Journal_ actually sees very few dead bodies; he merely reprints the body counts from the weekly Plague Bill. The citizens of London learn that the plague is getting worse or getting better by the numbers of people reported in the weekly Bill. The reality of the plague resides in these figures; the shadow of the medical "truth" of the plague lies somewhere else--in rats or in fleas, or in some other theory. But these "medical facts" interest no one but the historian of disease, or the medical scientist. + +Defoe's narrative account mimics this social construction of the plague. Defoe himself was four years old during the plague--hardly an eye-or ear-witness. That doesn't matter. For he knows he is free to make up the facts, or at least to play with them, keeping only the barest remnant of historical accuracy and molding the rest to fit his aesthetic needs. Defoe invents events, plays with statistics. Compare Defoe's account with other "historical" accounts of the plague and the numbers all differ. Knowing that he is writing both fiction and history, Defoe can call into question the notion of truth. + +His literary task is in some ways more difficult, in some ways easier, than Chaucer's. He knows, for instance, that people firmly believe in the veracity of the _news_--as it is presented in the dailies, in magazines, or now in novels. (Both _news_ and _novel_ thrive on the freshness of the word; each ultimately derives from Latin _nova_, "new.") It is in this period that the idea of story begins to separate itself from history: What constitutes "untruth" and "fact" take separate paths. And _news_ helps forge that separation. Defoe takes advantage of this confusion between story and history: in his own story, he shows us that what people lose faith in are forms of oral discourse. Old wives' tales, rumors, forecasts by astrologers--all of these are stuff, Defoe alleges, of the deluded minds of the common people in eighteenth-century London. Some of these illiterates, Defoe tells us, were even silly enough to run "about the streets with their oral predictions," publishing them as best they could. But he is reporting all of this, of course, in a skillfully made-up work of _fiction_. Thus, like Chaucer, he undercuts a growing reliance on literate forms--testimony, records, numbers--with a literate form, the novel. + +In the _Journal_, literacy impresses itself more and more deeply into the text, crowding out virtually every oral locution. In the early part of the _Journal_, Defoe uses phrases like "it was about the beginning of September, 1664," "some said," "pretty much," "about six weeks," "others said it was brought from Canada; others from Cyprus." These terms of vague approximation are slowly extinguished and replaced by precise numbers. The supposition, of course, is that numbers carry accuracy, precision, and hence the truth. These are things we can believe in and act on. + +Gradually, as we read the _Journal_, we begin to realize that we are being infected--or rather that Defoe's _Journal_, his attempt at establishing the scientific veracity of the plague, is infecting us. He makes us believe, with his reportorial, exact mind, that "oral discourse" does not have the capacity for carrying the truth; oral discourse does not allow for the power of critical analysis. For that, one must have writing, or better yet, the authority of print. One must be able to "think" about the problem through discursive prose. The sentences must stand still, an impossibility with oral discourse. Those who remain outside this literate circle will thus remain incapable of thinking. + +Prose is not democratic. Not everyone can read. But neither is the plague--Defoe tells us that it affects the poor in greater numbers than the wealthy. The irony of this book begins to become apparent. While the majority of Londoners will survive the plague, they will not survive the new literacy. For the plague, this crisis of the State, has been met with the best weapon the State has at its disposal: certification through the word. Through it, in fact, the State has managed to concentrate, solidify, and expand its power. It is one thing to create civil servants, but an entirely other thing both to invest them with power and to coerce the population to believe in that power. + +But we must once again understand the literary trick: Defoe makes his readers fall for the power of the printed word. He not only says he was there--so were a lot of other people--but he wrote all this down. And that is why he now stands in the privileged position of passing on the truth. Where Chaucer was careful to work out a limited sense of his own power as an author, walking a fine line with the ultimate authorial power, Defoe has already assumed the power of the word to create his own historical fabrication with it. But we should note that, as with Chaucer, the trick is two-edged. For at the same time that he establishes the validity of the word, he also distrusts it, and so undercuts it by associating it metaphorically with the plague. This might have been more apparent for an eighteenth-century reader than for a modern one, far removed from the event of the plague. By 1667, there were at least a dozen contemporary accounts of the plague, including the authoritative eight-volume _Loimologia sine pestis nuperae apud populum londinensem narratio_ by Quincey, published in 1720. And Defoe's facts and figures are at best shaky. Not because he is a sloppy historian, but because he understands the true nature of history: That it is a narrative in the best sense of the word and that the "facts" must therefore be constructed. + + +In _The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn_, Mark Twain lays for his readers the nineteenth-century equivalent of this trap of literacy. At the same time that literacy opens the lid a crack to the treasure trove of white, received society--one that is, of course, closed to the Negro Jim--it also exacts a high price, and so Huck flees it. + +_Huckleberry Finn_ is a book about a book. And we won't know about the literary character Huck, Huck himself tells us in the opening line, "without you have read a book by the name of _The Adventures of Tom Sawyer_." Here is a literary creation telling us to read about his past in another book--the genealogy of the Homeric epic transformed into literary pedigree. We have come a long way: Twain achieves his verisimilitude by coming clean, by laying bare the literary lie--this is only a book, these are only characters playing out their parts. Having established Huck's literary credentials, Twain has Huck follow what is now a familiar pattern: He undercuts that literary importance. "But that aint no _matter_," Huck insists, immediately after telling us to read _Tom Sawyer_, pulling off a wonderfully literate pun. It doesn't make any difference is one sense of Huck's line; but it can also mean that books are without substance, _materia_--without matter. + +Huck probably means both things. But we must be more on guard with Twain than with any other author, for he is so disarmingly honest--or rather, his confederate, Huck, tells us his creator is so honest. He's so honest, in fact, Huck confesses, that in his other books "Mister Twain told us the truth, mainly. There was things which he stretched, but mainly he told the truth." + +Standing inside a formal literary tradition, this semiliterate begins his story by telling about his early days with the Widow Douglas and her sister, Miss Watson, who both set out to civilize Huck by teaching him the rules. They do it principally by reading to him from Miss Watson's book about "Moses and the bulrushers." When this fails to impress its mark on Huck, Miss Watson escalates to a spelling book. + +In this emerging world of literacy, correct spelling offers the key to the correct look of literacy, the visual check on a person's education, in much the same way that skin color is a key in this book to freedom or slavery. A person usually knows enough grammar to sound literate; and speech betrays no errors of punctuation or spelling, only mispronunciations. So, for example, Huck speaks the word _civilization_, but in writing the book he spells it _sivilization_. In the twelfth century, Huck would have been classed as a _rustico more_, someone who communicates in an unlearned tongue for which there exists no written counterpart bound by grammatical rules. + +Huck's misspellings are common to the illiterate, who pay more attention to what they hear, without recognizing on the page the words they frequently use. We know what Huck means, but that "aint no matter." And here we step into the first part of Twain's trap. What Huck says takes a secondary position to the _way_ Huck presents--"writes"--it. Anyone who is able to read _Huck Finn_ is obviously literate, literate enough to harbor the impulse to correct Huck's mistakes, for the mistakes loom as boulders impeding the smooth and steady flow of the reader's fluency. To borrow the central image of the book: We need to transform Huck's babbling stream of speech into a smooth flowing river of prose. + +This book forces us to read in an aristocratic way, in a modern obverse of Hugh of Saint Victor's, in which the critic, the inner self that sits in judgement, silently corrects Huck's speech. This is not the reading of contemplative silence, but the busy-ness of critical judging. Twain has made us not only into readers, but editors; and our laughter at Huck's mannerisms must sound haughty--in the sense of high and lofty--as we elevate ourselves over that poor, unlettered boy. Twain provokes that judgement in part because the book seems to be a reproduction of the spoken and not the written word. In precisely the manner that a medieval scribe recorded what he heard in _ductus_, Twain creates the illusion that Huck dictated this novel and that what we have as a result is a raw medieval manuscript, which we read out of literate training as modern critics. After all our years of education about and knowledge of the rules of grammar and syntax and spelling, we simply cannot allow him his sloppy freedom. We need to correct him, keep him in check--even against our wills--as strongly as the Widow Douglas and Miss Watson. + +Twain makes us feel superior to Huck's mistakes. Even though he speaks--and even though he tells us that he has written this book--we can only conclude that he is dumb. In early use, in Old High German, the word _dumb_ meant one who was both mute _and_ stupid. Perhaps the logic went something like this: Because we don't hear what the person knows or understands, we assume he knows nothing. Only saints and sages are assumed in their silence to be wise. In Huck's case, we assume he is dumb precisely because we _see, verbum ad_verbum_, what he is _saying_. In a poignant way, he has been "silenced" by prose. His words have undergone no _re_-vision. He says what he thinks at first glance. And since his story is not, in a traditional sense, authored, what he writes cannot be taken as authority. Even in nineteenth-century society, he might as well be mute. For in his illiterate ignorance, he is as disenfranchised from society as his Negro friend Jim. + +Twain drives home just how strongly we are chained to our own literacy through Huck's illiterate silence. While he allows Huck to live comfortably in orality, he prevents us from entering that world. _The Canterbury Tales_ begs to be read aloud--one can hear it in the easy rhythms of "The General Prologue" and in Chaucer's hilarious rhymes, for instance when he undercuts the romantic _kisse_ in "The Miller's Tale" with the earthy _pisse_. It may not matter if Defoe's _Journal_ is read aloud or not. A journal is a fairly private affair, but one can easily imagine it read aloud to a group of close friends. At any rate, Defoe's subject is a public one. + +There is no question about the way _The Adventures of Huck leberry Finn_ must be read. If the book is not read silently on the page, it loses its meaning. Huck's illiterate phonetic prose ties us to our own literacy. For if we want to get all of the humor Twain intends, we must _see_ Huck's sentences and not _hear_ them. For example, when we read Huck's _sivilization_ aloud, we miss the irony of the mistake. If Twain makes Huck dumb, then he makes us mute. + +Twain shocks us with his anachronistic linguistics: He would have us think that there is only one language--the spoken one that through writing or printing is made visible on the page. And he has pulled this illiterate kid out of the woods to embody this irony, twenty years after the War for Emancipation--that is, the struggle for wholesale American democracy. It is ironic, for, of course, there are two languages--the one that we freely speak and the one, orthographically and grammatically correct, that appears on the printed page. And they are radically different in what they convey. We might expect Huck's brand of speaking from someone like Jim, not yet fully integrated into the educational scheme, but certainly not from Huck, a young white adolescent. He should know better; and Twain forces us, the literate readers, to teach him. To use Hugh of Saint Victor once more as an example, it is as if his comment-- _per se inspectiones_--had become a curse, transforming forever speech into words never to fly free from the text again. + +A text imprisoned in the page also cannot be successfully translated. Huck's idiom and jargon, his mispronunciations and misspellings will not convert in any way to another language. So Twain's text is frozen fast. The second part of Twain's trap snaps on this idea. We may feel smug about correcting that dumb kid's spelling, or dismissing Jim's spells. But in his loose and sloppy jargon, that dumb boy has given us one of the greatest novels in America. This may be the boldest lie in all of American fiction. Huck has created something grander than most of his readers are capable of doing--in their educated prose. God knows what Jim is capable of doing. Aren't we all, Twain may be asking, the ones enslaved by our mannered language, ordered and ruled and in which it may be more difficult to write about freedom and the great meandering Mississippi than in Huck's dialect? + +Twain asks for a broad reading of slavery. For Huck is just as removed, just as cut off from society as Jim. Jim is even more radically illiterate than Huck, but for him every inch of the world is animate--the weather, the fog, the river. His reality breathes strongly through superstition and spells; his knowledge is still gained from what lies around him. Tom Sawyer has developed his perceptions from reading Arthurian romances, and in the course of the novel he passes this on to Huck. Tom's solutions to problems are intricate and complicated, Jim's are immediate. When this book was written, slaves had already been granted their legal freedom; when the narrative begins, Jim has already been granted his by his owner. Twain lumps Huck and Jim together: they both appear to be fugitives; they float on the same raft; they are friends who speak the same sort of dialect. If Huck is stupid, then so is Jim. But if we can appreciate the language--and we do partly because we enjoy the book so much--then we must grant to Huck great brilliance, and we must allow that same possibility for Jim. In a sense, we must see them both as "articulate" human beings. We must grant them their freedom. By stepping into Twain's linguistic trap, we are forced into being abolitionists. We have to come to appreciate the richness and the power and the beauty of that oral culture--both black and white. Freed from rules and regulations, their language unites them: Huck and Jim learn from each other. + +Civilization in this novel resides on the riverbanks--the world of Miss Polly and Widow Douglas and Judge Thatcher. The raft is an island of orality on which these two characters float along, separated from the land. Facts and details from the riverbank fade into metaphor and image on the raft. Like Chaucer and Defoe, Twain is struggling with the phenomenon of literacy. Chaucer adopts a fictional stance--his prodigious memory--that undercuts itself so that his audience can accept a made-up story. Defoe too presents us with a literate form--the journal--and then proceeds to undercut it by showing us that the plague exists in great part only in authorized descriptions on the page, and that perhaps the true victims are those unfortunates who remain illiterate, and who, as a result, will be left behind by the march of progress. In Twain, the process is more complicated, for by presenting us with an illiterate but brilliant character he forces his readers to undercut their _own_ literacy. + +Chaucer is still writing for an audience that is essentially illiterate. He is concerned with the coming of literacy, only to the extent that it forces him to confront what it means to write fiction. For Defoe, literacy is a perceptual problem: How does print affect the way people understand the world? For Twain, in nineteenth-century America, literacy is a problem of the highest political and social order. It gets at the heart of democratic America. Let us understand, he seems to say, that two languages mean two Americas--in terms of the novel, two classes: the Judge Thatchers and the Jims and the Hucks. If we applaud Huck at the end of the novel, then we must also clap our hands for Jim. And if we allow Huck to light out for the territory at the end of the book, then we must set Jim free. + +Thus, Twain brings into focus the trap of literacy. There is a whole world in _Huck Finn_ that is closed to those without literacy. They can't, for ironic example, read this marvelous work, _The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn_. And yet we must recognize a world rich with superstition and folklore, with adventure and beauty, that remains closed to those who are too tightly chained to letters. But Twain forces us also to look forward, for by the end of the nineteenth century, very little territory remained. Only small pockets of orality still survive in the country--mostly rural, mostly poor, mostly black. The rest is literate in the most sweeping way. By 1885 the _New England Journal of Education_ was already conducting surveys to determine levels of literacy in Cambridge, Massachusetts. No one would have thought in the nineteenth century that we would be hanging fast to literacy, as we see it too vanishing: People now becoming enslaved to the power of a machine in their pursuit of computer literacy. So long as we remain as aware as Twain, we have lost nothing. + + +# From Taught Mother Tongue to Newspeak and Uniquack + +_The language that we hear spoken today is full of words of a special type: These words we will call amoeba-words, and the vocabulary that they constitute, Uniquack. Amoeba-words all possess at least three fields of usage; let "energy" serve as an example of such a word. "Energy" has an initial meaning that is traditional. According to the_ Oxford English Dictionary, _in 1599, it means "vigor of expression," and later the impressive capacity of an utterance or of organ music. The term energy is still widely used in this first sense of vigor. During the nineteenth century, energy also became a technical term. At first, it was used quite generally by physicists to denote the body's ability to perform work. Then, precisely at the same time that Marx ascribed "labor force" to the proletariat, several German physicists ascribed to Nature a general potential to perform work, and called it "energy." For the last hundred years, the term has been used in physics to verbalize an increasingly abstract alternative energy, or energy needs. We must be forever conscious of the fact that we do not know what those terms mean. We use the words like words from Scripture, like a gift from above. Furthermore, we gratefully transfer the power to define their meaning to an expertocratic hierarchy to which we do not belong. The word "energy" in this context is used neither with common sense, nor with the senseless precision of science, but almost like a sublinguistic grunt--a nonsense word. Energy, like sexuality, transportation, education, communication, information, crisis, problem, solution, role, and dozens of other words, belong, in this sense, to the same class_. + +When Orwell wrote about Newspeak, no computer language had as yet been named or published. Our theme therefore will not be computer language, but Orwell's attempt to caricature what happens when speakers of ordinary language treat it as if it can be reduced to a code. This perception of Newspeak is not made by Orwell, of course, but by a pair of latecomers, who see the unfolding of a cipher Orwell created over thirty-five years ago. + +Newspeak and Uniquack are two-egged twins. In the fifties, when the computer was a novelty and UNIVAC the trade name of the only machine that could be purchased, James Reston created Uniquack in an editorial aside. We adopted the term Uniquack for the jelly formed of amoeba-words, words that are neither "significant and binding for certain activities" nor "indicative of certain forms of thought"--the two characteristics that together determine Raymond Williams' choice of Key-Words, although like Williams' Key-Words, amoeba-words are often strong and difficult and persuasive in everyday language, and serve to indicate wider areas of experience. As the years went by, Newspeak and Uniquack became useful to name two characteristics that make late twentieth-century, everyday English, French, or German, alike and distinct from ordinary languages in former times. + +Newspeak is a transparent neologism. For Orwell, it is the fictional portrait of the deliberate distortion of an Oldspeak that never was. In this age of computers, which Orwell did not live to see, his Newspeak is an ominous parody of the intent to use English as a "medium of communication." This tendency is fostered by the spread of Uniquack: the degradation that results from the fallout of scientific discourse into ordinary speech. Newspeak thus refers--in our usage--primarily to an attitude of the speaker toward what he does, while Uniquack refers to the predominance of a special kind of vocabulary in his speech. By using the two terms in conjunction when speaking about certain features of contemporary language, we hope to escape the objections that literal-minded professors have raised repeatedly against Orwell: Namely, that we engage in shallow and uncritical linguistics. It is not our intention to oppose a paranoiac vision of today's communication to the romantic utopia of a virgin vernacular that mirrors a factual truth. + +Newspeak and Uniquack are neologisms of very different status. As a foundling, Uniquack can be adopted to our purposes. Newspeak is well-worn. Orwell conceived it as a caricature of his own abandoned belief in a world language and used it as a literary device to make a fable stick. Since his death, it has become the label for a muddled complex of beliefs. Today, it is mostly used to promote the nonsensical belief that language has become useless. + +Orwell used the term on two different levels--as a parody and as an element of his world of 1984. The two main sources for his linguistic parody are Basic English, proposed by Ogden, and Interglossa, conceived by Hogben--both of which had their heyday in the early thirties. Both are attempts to create a world language based on English and containing less than 850 words. In 1939, Ezra Pound praised Basic as "a magnificent system for measuring extant works ... an instrument for the diffusion of ideas ... with advantages ... obvious to any man of intelligence." In the 1940s no less a person than William Empson praised Basic as an instrument to understand poetry and as a vocabulary for pithy poetic creation. Winston Churchill had the British government purchasethe copyright to Basic. And H. G. Wells, in _The Shape of Things to Come_, pictures a utopia in which the rapid diffusion of Basic as the _lingua franca_ of the world is "one of the un-anticipated achievements of the twenty-first century." + +Orwell describes the world that Wells saw coming as a "vision of humanity, liberated by the machine, a race of enlightened sunbathers, whose sole topic of conversation is their own superiority to their ancestors." If he too had once believed in Basic, his parody of it is part of Orwell's lampoon, as Wells describes it, of a "glittering, strangely sinister world, in which the privileged classes live a life of shallow, gutless hedonism, and the workers ... toil like troglodytes in caverns underground." + +The satirical force with which Orwell used Newspeak to serve as his portrait of one of those totalitarian ideas that he saw taking root in the minds of intellectuals everywhere can be understood only if we remember that he speaks with shame about a belief that he formerly held. Just as he had to go to Spain, to Catalonia, to be disabused of his left-wing do-goodism, he had to join the BBC to promote Basic before he understood that it could only be used as a deadly, mechanical substitute for thought. + +From 1942 to 1944, working as a colleague of William Empson's, he produced a series of broadcasts to India written in Basic English, trying to use its programmed simplicity, as a _Tribune_ article put it, "as a sort of corrective to the oratory of statesmen and publicists." Only during the last year of the war did he write "Politics and the English Language," insisting that the "defense of the English language has nothing to do with the setting up of a Standard English." + +Basic is an ultimate effort to standardize speech according to a written model: To put "language," which has come into existence by recording speech sounds through the alphabet, and which then has been corrected by the grammarian, back into the mouths of the people in this new form. The attempt to make people use this artifact whenever they speak has a history. At this point, it seems helpful to look back at this origin. Orwell stumbled on the title for his novel by reversing the date, 1948, when he had completed writing. Taking an Orwellian liberty with 1942, the year that Orwell began broadcasting Basic English on the BBC, we arrive at 1492, the year that Nebrija suggested to the Spanish royalty that they might control their subjects through the use of a taught mother tongue. Six years before the publication of _1984_, Orwell found a descendent of Nebrija's monster in Ogden's Basic English, which he could broadcast through the BBC. The image is one of Orwell setting sail for the Brave New World. Finally, he dropped Basic for its parody in Newspeak. From Nebrija to Orwell: From Spaniards who would speak taught mother tongue, to Proles who are tongue-tied. + +In this movement from the parody of Basic English to the parable of the speechless horror of meaningless utterances, Orwell reveals a new dimension in writings on the future. Orwell was steeped in the genre of Utopian literature; from his own statements, it is clear that he was well aware of the place that Utopian writers had assigned to language. Swift has the people of Laputa fed by their "political projectors" with "invented, simplified language, [who] write books by machines and educate their pupils by inscribing the lesson on wafers ... causing them to swallow it." In the year that he left the BBC, Orwell comments that the "one aim of intellectual totalitarianism cannot but be to make people less conscious." Jack London, whose imagery surfaces frequently in _1984_, describes his "proles" (Orwell uses the same term) as "phrase-slaves" who consider the coinage of such Utopian phrases as "an honest dollar" or "a full dinner pail" strokes of genius. London too has loudspeakers establish and anchor the regime. All the isolated elements out of which Orwell constructed the parable called Newspeak he took either from Ogden or the Utopians. + +What is unique about Newspeak is the same thing that makes the whole of _1984_ into a new kind of horror story. To quote Herbert Read: "_1984_ is a Utopia in reverse: Not an _Erewhon_, which is utopia upside down. _Erewhon_ is still written after the ameliorative pattern of utopia itself: You may paradoxically be punished for being ill, but the ideal is health. In _1984_ the pattern is malevolent..." The malevolence of this pattern is implicit in the existing state and does not result from abuse or the self-serving manipulation by an elite. In Jack London's _Iron Heel_, as in Zamyatin's _Zero_, power is still a means; in _1984_ the power implicit in the State is the ultimate reason for everything that happens. And the State has turned into a book that is constantly rewritten. Power is no longer at the service of the elite; the elite itself is at the service of power, which is a book. The worst that H. G. Wells could imagine was inequality--albeit a monstrous kind. According to Orwell, Wells "was too sane to understand the modern world." + +Orwell's predecessors who wrote upside-down utopias invented horrible abuses of language. Orwell describes communication that takes place after the extinction of language itself. Newspeak is not the language of dystopia, but of the speechless utterances of Kakitopia 1984. Orwell created the parable of human beings compelled to communicate--mostly through organized hatred--and to do so without human language. + +Literary critics and those who use Newspeak as an English word in ordinary conversation usually mean either the corrupt English of propagandists and the ambiguous language of politicians and broadcasters, or the neologisms coined by the adversary. In this imprecise fashion they imply terminological inflation, effective sloganeering, or the antonym of English before the Fall. Orwell's Newspeak, however, is something more sinister than the proliferating _idiotikon_ of technical terms that make conversations in the real 1984, and after, so "noisy." We see Newspeak as a cipher for something that is now called "interpersonal communication‚" for the belief that the terms by which we describe the operations of computers are fit to tell what is going on between you and me. By Newspeak we mean one particular way of thinking and speaking about language--an approach or an attitude that treats language as a system and a code. + + +The equation between man and machine was not entirely unknown to Orwell. He knew Mary Shelley's _Frankenstein_ (1816) and probably also T. H. Huxley's hypothesis that animals are automata (1874). But the new wave, according to which digital-analog computers meaningfully model human "brains" did not hit the press until Orwell was dead. As a novelist, he invented a parable for a scientific hypothesis that hovered in the air. He created the idea of communication without sense or meaning, before he could use the computer to model it on. O'Brian from the Thought Police says to Smith, whom he tortures: "we do not merely destroy our enemies, we change them ... we convert, we shape them ... We make our enemy one of ourselves before we kill him ... make the brain perfect before we blow it out ... the command of old despotisms was 'thou art' ... what happens to you here is forever...." Smith, the novel's antihero, still believes that what happens makes sense to O'Brian. He has to accept that O'Brian's world is senseless and that he must join O'Brian in this powerful nonsense. "There is learning, there is understanding, and there is acceptance. It is time for you [Smith] to enter upon the second stage ... tell me, why we cling to power ... speak." Strapped to the rack, Winston answers: "You are ruling over us for our own good." He gives the answer that would have satisfied Dostoyevski's Grand Inquisitor: "You believe that human beings are not fit to govern themselves and therefore..." As his only response, O'Brian turns the lever to thirty-three degrees of torture. A pang of pain contorts Winston. And then O'Brian instructs Winston: "We seek power entirely for its own sake." And the State, which O'Brian represents, creates and recreates Winston's human nature, according to its own text, and allows Winston to exist only in the context of the State. + +Today, we would say that O'Brian _programs_ Winston for his _role_ in _1984_. Orwell knew these two words only in their theatrical sense: The schedule of performance sold by an attendant, and the text studied by an actor. "To program" was first used in 1945 for the act of expressing an operation in the terms appropriate for the performance of a computer. And "role theory" was then a new trend in sociology. Neither word had fallen from its specialized orbit into ordinary speech to become amoeba-words. Turing's idea of an algorithm that adapts its state according to the outcome of its last calculation was well understood by Wiener and Neumann, who created a machine that made such a formula autonomous from human calculation, but the general public still saw in the computer nothing but a more perfect adding machine. The concept of "role" had been introduced in the same year as Turing's idea by independent publications of Margaret Mead, Ralph Linton, and Murdock, and by 1950 was considered basic to all sociology by Parsons and Merton; but its implied assumption that all social relations can be reduced to power or the interchange of information between individual role-players had certainly never occurred to George Orwell. And yet, as a novelist, he has O'Brian force Winston to become what role-theory and the cybernetic model of human communication assume as "human nature." Kakitopia fits these assumptions: "Power is (precisely) in tearing human minds to pieces and putting them together again in new shapes of your own choosing," O'Brian says to his pupil. Newspeak assumes the existence of plastic human individuals who can be written and rewritten into any role. Thus the Kakitopia of Newspeak, the exchange of communication between nonhuman entities, and the reduction of social action to mere exchanges became thinkable about the same time. + +The proponents of a cybernetic model of social analysis assume that human beings fit their assumptions, but Orwell knows that to fit, each one has to accept what is done to him. And O'Brian knows that no one can perform this acceptance for you. Winston, who had worked in the Ministry of Truth, knew what Newspeak was. Under torture, he understood what nonhuman communication was: mere know-"how" without meaning or "why." O'Brian asked him to understand his message, not him, to abandon the urge to understand what he, the speaker, meant and to let his mind be dictated to--and to be nothing but the result of this dictation. The reduction of an encounter with another person into an exchange of information between two elements of a system--what we today call "system-theory"--Orwell called "collective solipsism." + +Winston understood what O'Brian asked him to do, and he tried hard to do it: He learned to register how things were supposed to be and to spell them out without asking "why," but he did not accept being part of the system, not until he had gone through Room 101. Only there he accepts himself as part of "a fantasy world in which things happen as they should"--namely, on a blank page, that is, as dictation. And to accept being a part of this fantasy of pure senseless power, Winston had to erase his self. But no violence that he inflicted on himself could break his common sense--which Orwell often calls "decency." To turn himself into non-sense he has to betray his love. Not torture, but only self-betrayal could make him like O'Brian. In O'Brian's words, Winston's own acts are "the things from which you could not recover. Something is killed in your breast: burnt out, cauterized out." And this is what Winston does to himself when he has to face the rats in Room 101 and he begs his torturers: "Do it to Julia." This betrayal transformed his habit of Doublethink into a conditioned reflex. Later on, he and Julia meet again, as two burnt-out hulls, knowing that in Room 101 they had both meant what they had said. Self-betrayal was the last thing that Winston _meant_. By becoming the torturer of his last love, in his own mind Winston had become as self-less as O'Brian. Henceforth, the unique mutual intimacy between the executioner and the victim integrated both him and Julia into the system, the solipsism of meaningless communication. + +What we are retelling and commenting on here is a fable, not a mere parody of Esperanto, or a cautionary tale, or linguistic theory dressed up in metaphor. This fable shows a society that survives the radical renunciation of language on the part of its members. We shall not be seduced by Orwell's journalistic genius to take it as something that could happen, or that he himself thought could happen. Newspeak remains an "ideal type," a cipher for language that never could be because its speakers would be totally unlike the men and women we know. And yet, Newspeak has the power to evoke a strange sense of deja vu, because it is modeled not only on Basic English, which has never been spoken, but also on the language of science, which also stands for something that never could be. + +When a physicist writes "_E_" on the blackboard, he proves himself one of the boys. He shows off his competence in using an algorithm, which over several generations, has incorporated all the rules according to which it may be put into a formula. When "_E_" is used this way, it has no meaning outside the context of theoretical physics. The physicist's ability to pronounce the written "_E_" as energy, however, is not the result of a conspiracy, but of careful training, part of which consists in keeping the formalism of theoretical physics apart from the meanings of ordinary life. The difference between the two has often been compared with bilingual existence; but this comparison fosters a mistake. Spoken English, Japanese, and Kwakiutl--all three are meaningful in everyday, sensual life. The so-called "language" of physics is a code, a system of signs, a formal theory, an analytic tool that derives part of its value from its near-independence from ordinary speech. A physicist limited to the use of his technical vocabulary would be totally speechless in a bedroom or kitchen, but his gibberish would not be Newspeak. The tour de force accomplished by Orwell consists in the invention of a malevolent conspiracy that imposes the use of that kind of code in everyday life. Paranoiac assumptions are essential to Orwell's cipher. If we were to call the language of physics a form of Newspeak, that would only frustrate our attempt to reserve this term as the name for an attitude toward ordinary speech. + +There is, however, an important, indirect way by which the proliferation of special codes contributes to our growing tendency to speak at dinner as if we were in the psychology or sociology lab. We increasingly use ordinary words that have been picked up by one or several "codes" and to which technical meanings have been attached. And we tend to use them indiscriminately, giving the impression that their technical meaning is somehow connoted in our use of the term. While we mean to say "screw," we say "having sex" and we imply "sexuality," a scientific construct we had no intention of implying. Good strong words used in this technical way in ordinary speech generate a following of amoeba-words, which can be made to mean anything, like a mathematician's "_E_." And this fallout then fosters the attitude toward language that we have called Newspeak. These waste products from technical word-factories are akin to pollution. Just as the unintended by-products of industry have penetrated, reshaped, and degraded most anything that we see, touch, breathe, or eat, so have these waste products of terminologies affected ordinary language. Much of this terminological waste merely generates noise in everyday conversation and can be compared with the dull expanses of cement that economic growth has produced. But within this waste, many terms are potential amoeba, blown up with hot air, brandished, and loaded with ominous connotations, while losing all denotation. The prudent person who wishes to make sense is often forced to declare a moratorium on their use. + +Again, we are speaking in terms that hardly could have been Orwell's. "Pollution" was as unknown to him as the vocabulary of the computer. Its meaning was "seminal emission apart from coition." The counterpurposive effects of technical decisions were not discussed in the forties. Rachel Carson had not yet published her _Silent Spring_. "Fallout" meant the deferred effects of the Hiroshima bomb, and not the exhaust from belching chimneys. Though he wrote an upside-down utopia, Orwell, like Wells or Huxley or Zamyatin, was still primarily concerned with the intentional misuse of the new powerful means. He went beyond these predecessors because, unlike them, he deciphered and lampooned a new logic inherent in the intellectual project that generated computer, bomb, role-theory. He explored the destructive implications of high-sounding ideals; his witches were intellectual do-gooders and their totalitarian projects. His originality lay in the parody of their intent. He was a prophet, in the Hebrew sense--one who sees clearly into the present--because he discovered the forties. He could not foresee that in the eighties so many people--without having passed through Room 101--would try to convince themselves that they "communicate"--and, in addition, mostly in Uniquack. + + +# Postscript: Silence and the We + +_George Steiner closes_ After Babel, _"in which the problem of Babel and of the nature of language is so insistently examined‚" with the statement that the Kabbalah "knows of a day of redemption on which translation will no longer be necessary. All human tongues will have re-entered the translucent immediacy of that primal, lost speech shared by God and Adam... But the Kabbalah also knows of a more esoteric possibility. It records the conjecture, no doubt heretical, that there shall come a day when translation is not only unnecessary but inconceivable. Words will rebel against man. They will shake off the servitude of meaning. They will 'become only them selves, and as dead stones in our mouths.' In either case, men and women will have been freed forever from the burden and the splendour of the ruin at Babel. But which, one wonders, will be the greater silence?"_ + +Just as much as the word, silence is a creature of the alphabet: the pause between word and word, the silent contemplation of the text, the silence of meditative thought, are all forms of alphabetical silence. Even in our silence we are lettered men, at home on the island of history in the alphabetic domain. Most of us have, at best, only an inkling of the silence before words; and many of us have gone the opposite way, converting silence into something mechanical, into the no that separates beep from beep. + +Genesis I:6–7 tells of the beginning of silence, silence before it became the stuff of history: When He hammered out the first gold foil (a word usually translated as the "firmament"), He separated the roaring waters below from the thundering waters above. With a three inch shard, or a glittering foil, silence began as an interstice, keeping the voices of Heaven and those of the Abyss apart. Silence was the first creature on the Earth. "Earth" grew from it. And that is the silence out of which, later, history took shape, as human voices made it vibrate. + +This silence has vanished from the burnt-out world of Orwell's cipher. The "zero" that separates beeps has replaced it. And this one-zero-one, not silence, is the stuff from which the interface between Winston and Julia is made. After the self-betrayal of Room 101, these two post-humans are not only beyond words, they are also beyond "silence," and equally beyond the ability to refer to their co-presence with the personal pronoun "we." They have turned into an interactive assembly of two. The new Adam and Eve are the critters of a computer. + +The conversation we had begun on the history of the spelled-out word ended for us as the search for the history of both "silence" and the "we." At each stage the "alphabetization of silence" precedes that of speech. Its genesis is the first character of the beta-bet, the Aleph. + +The power of the silence that precedes utterance is described by an eighteenth-century rabbi, Mendel Torum of Rymanov, who asks what the Children of Israel could have actually heard, and what they in fact did hear, when they received the Ten Commandments. Some rabbis maintained that all the Commandments were spoken directly to the Children in the Divine Voice. Others said that the Israelites heard only the first two Commandments--"I am the Lord thy God" and "Thou shalt have no other Gods before me"--before being overwhelmed, no longer able to endure the Divine Voice, obliged to receive the remaining Commandments through Moses. + +Mendel believed that not even the first two Commandments were delivered to the Children, but only silence. They heard only the _aleph_, the Hebrew character with which the first Commandment begins, the _aleph_ of the word _ani_ or _anokhi_: "I." Gershom Scholem comments on this theory: "The consonant _aleph_ represents nothing more than the position taken by the larynx when a word begins with a vowel. Thus the _aleph_ may be said to denote the source of all articulate sound." The _aleph_, then, the first character in the Hebrew phonetic system, itself stands for no sound, but instead commands the mouth to open, fixing the position of the lips for the next sound. The Kabbalists regard the _aleph_ as the spiritual root of all the other characters, and out of that opening of the mouth, that utter silence, springs all human intercourse. Thus, as Scholem tells us, Rabbi Mendel transforms the revelation on Mount Sinai into an event pregnant with infinite meaning, but devoid of any specific meaning. + +In Semitic script, silence cannot be recorded. No rabbi would ask his students to spell out a word; he wants them to know what the root looks like. Only the alphabet can conjure up silence and situate it on the page. First silence creeps between the letters and makes it feasible to spell instead of to read. Then Roman monks in charge of teaching Latin to the Irish put interstices between words. Sentences are literally anatomized, disjointed into their individual words. Silence, recorded as an interval, does for language what the knife will do for the anatomist. It creates books made up of words rather than lines. Utterances, which the ear hears as a whole, are disarticulated into _lemas_, just as physicians in the late Middle Ages dismember bodies to make their organs visible. Like a knife, silence, when it is made visible, creates a text that is suited for the eye. And this is a precondition to grasp the text at one glance--to contemplate it in silence rather than to hear it at the rhythm of speech. Just as the "text" of the thirteenth century emerges from the visual perception of the order among parts of speech, some centuries later the modern organism will come into existence as the (conceptual) result of the physiological order between the path of a dissected organism. + +Having pushed itself between parts of speech, silence now removes the ear from the page. It first created "words," now it creates a new kind of standoffish reader. This new reader looks at the page on the desk in the same attitude in which he looks at his own conscience during the confession that the Fourth Lateran Council exacts every year. The autobiographer engages in self-inquisition: He scrupulously tortures his conscience to give up its stubborn silence. Centuries later even the subconscious has to be brought to light on the couch. All by himself, this modern individual delves into a text written in the past by another, or sets out on the ever more lonely journey into the text that the past has left beneath the surface of his conscious self. + +The alphabetization of silence has brought about the new loneliness of the "I," and of an analytic _we. We_ is now one line in a text brought into being by communication. Not the silence before words but the absence of messages in a chaos of noises precedes the establishment of an interactive pattern. The pretextual _we_ of orality, the "ethnic" _we_ that has been transcended through conscience, has disappeared from reality. We know that the history of silence is reflected in the transition from the ethnic to the analytic _we_. + +The _we_ that we have used emphatically in this book is morphologically an English plural. Semantically, however, it is close to a dual, for which English, some time during the Anglo-Saxon period, has lost a special form. Other Indo-Germanic languages--for instance, the Slavonic ones--have preserved this form. And, like thought and the word, like narration and the lie, _we_ has a history. + +The _we_ on which we want to reflect is not the dual of these two authors, but the personal pronoun, with which he who speaks refers to the first person in the plural. Now, what is that first person? The answer is rather easy when we deal with person in the singular: "I," the first person, speaks to "you," the second person. In doing so, I tell you something about a third, who neither is speaking nor is being addressed. By addressing a person whom I designate "you," I make that person at that moment unique to me--and distinguish that "you" from any third: person or thing. Thus, _you_ is almost as unique as _I_. Even abuse will not detract from the power intrinsic to the spoken _you_ to establish this exquisite bond. Some people who have been tortured report that not pain, but the address of the policeman has broken them. In exact opposition to the tightly bound _you_, the third person has enormous scope. The third person includes whatever the first chooses to tell the second about. Every _you_ contains the germ of a response--not so _her, him_, or _it_. + +The first person usually does not call itself by its name. The first person uses a pro-noun, a word used instead of a name or noun. All languages have such a pronoun by which the speaker refers to himself, though the coloring implied--the gesture associated with the utterance--is different here and there. In Armenian or Iroquoian, the _I_ is like an arrow by which the speaker points at him-or herself; in other languages, the _I_ gives more the impression of a retreat, an act of assuming distance. + +Etymologically, the _I_ can be brazen, as it is in English, but it can just as well be hazy, as in Japanese, in which _I_ is _watakusi domo_, which best translates: Yours Faithfully. But semantically both forms--the direct one and the euphemism--are equally clear self-references by the speaker. Proud or humble, aggressive or meek, depending on status, age, mood, or custom, the pronoun for the first person singular is unequivocal as no other term: It says, "He Who Speaks." + +This univocal precision of the _I_ is a condition for the formation of plurals. In fact, with almost the same directness with which all languages oppose the addressing _I_ with a _you_ who is addressed, they also provide some kind of _we_. Quite arguably, the opposition of _I_ and _we_ is a more fundamental category than the opposition of singular and plural. For the English speaker, it seems natural that the existence of a third person singular--the _he-she-it_--requires that there be a third person plural--a _they_. But this is just not so in all languages. The Turk feels nothing natural in learning the English plural. His noun designates a form of existence, primarily a quality and only then a thing that can be counted. The noun in Turkish turns into an object, in our sense, only when it is qualified by a term indicating enumeration. For the Turk the important difference lies between "dwelling space" and two, five, or even one "house." When he speaks to someone about something, he stresses the difference between essentials and that which can be numbered--not as we do: number one as opposed to any other number. Even in Turkish, however, the difference between the _I_ and the _we_ is clear. No language seems to lack a pronoun that says, "I and..." + +Yet, this "I and..." can contrast in many ways with the _I_. This is true even morphologically: The opposition of two different roots--"ego/no; I/we; ich/wir; ja/mi"--is by no means universal. On every continent there are languages in which the plural of _I_ is *I'*s. From Southeast Asia to the Far East to Finland, to Alaska and to the Great Plains, there are people who have a morphological plural for the _I'_, and often they use it next to another pronoun, derived from a different root. Languages with such a morphologically double _we_ art very common, and frequently the two words are semantically distinct. There may be one pronoun that says, "I, you, and possibly others," and another that says, "I and others, but not you." A language as simple as Malay creates insuperable difficulties for some English speakers, because they cannot get used to this duplicity in the _we_. Kwakiutl seems to have still another _we_, one that excludes _you_ because it stresses our tribe's cohesion--including its dead members. + +The simplest way for the English speaker to get a sense of this semantic proliferation within the first person plural is to look at Neo-Melanesian, as Pidgin English is now proudly called. Pidgin is a "creole" language: its syntax has remained Malayo-Polynesian but most of its words are English. Mi, that's me; you, that's you; yu-pela, that's you and your fellow; mi-pela, that's me and my fellow, my peer--me and those like me, in contrast with yu-pela, you and those like you. Yumi, that's you and me, used when the speaker includes you-others, but wants to stress his tie to you, to keep distance from the fellows. Otherwise, he could just say what comes easiest: yumipela, you people with me and my fellows, all together. But, of course, he could also just pick you, me, and one other, and say yu-mi-tripela, and exclude any others who happen to be within earshot. + +Various languages even draw a time dimension into their _we_. Some Bantu tongues (the N'kosa for example) distinguish between the _we_ that has already come into being, and the _we_ that is hoped for. It can be argued that the Mongols and the Ewe in Dahomey can place the dimension of hope into the pronoun. They seem to have distinct ways of expressing _we_ that depend on _you_ having a chance to be our clansman, or being informed that we will not accept you as an in-law. The _thou_ can thus become a budding _we_. + +As we wrote this book we were aware of the semantic poverty of our pronoun. The modern _we_ tells nothing about the intention of those who are the collective subject. Only in Spanish, men and women still remain distinct as _nosotros y nosotras_, but when men speak, they feel free to include women in _nosotros_. The modern _we_ says nothing about our limits: If _we_ are some, many, or innumerable. Our _we_ reveals nothing to the person we address--if he is a part of us, expected to join us, recognized as a third person, seen as a stranger. And, finally, most importantly, our _we_ is unable to state if each one ought to be taken as the subject of the sentence; or if _we_ are all of us together: _We_ form a subject. + +This plastic _we_ does not tell you who we are. This is the _we_ of propaganda, which can create any subject and demand that the person addressed identify with it; which says "you ought to be one of us"; and which is used by the missionary, the humanist, and the salesman. This impoverished, borderless _we_ enables _us_ to say that _we_ (today) feel, think, and do certain things. A voracious _we_, it incorporates the speaker--even against his will. Publicity presupposes this kind of _we_. This _we_ allows the user to dispense with us, to manage us. It is the _we_ of the normal, of those who fit. + +As the two of us wrote this book, the literary _we_ constantly silenced us, a deafening silence that makes it impossible for the reader to know anything about the writer. Using this contemporary _we_, the speaker engages in semantic violence, incorporating groups, whose way of formulating the _we_ is heterogeneous to that of the observer, and thus driving them into silence. + +We are not fools enough to propose, even as a joke, to return to ethnic silence, the silent co-presence before words, language, and text came into being. We are children of the book. But in our sadness we are silly enough to long for the one silent space that remains open in our examined lives, and that is the silence of friendship.[^n01] + +[^n01]: _For a definition of friendship, see the epigraph to this book_. + diff --git a/contents/book/abc/en.txt b/contents/book/abc/en.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..27758eb --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/abc/en.txt @@ -0,0 +1,1588 @@ +# ABC: The Alphabetization of the Popular Mind + + +## Epistola Prima + +an Ranulphum de Mauricio. + +_Quod charitas nunquam excidit_. + +Dilecto fratri R. HUGO peccator. + +_Charitas nunquam excidit_ (_I Cor_. XIII). Audieram hoc et sciebam quod verum erat. Nunc autem, frater charissime, experimentum accessit, et scio plane quod charitas nunquam excidit. Peregre profectus eram, et veni ad vos in terram alienam; et quasi aliena non erat, quoniam inveni amicos ibi: sed nescio an prius fecerim, an factus sim. Tamen inveni illic charitatem, et dilexi eam; et non potui fastidire, quia dulcis mihi erat; et implevi sacculum cordis mei, et dolui quod augustus inventus est, et non valuit capere totam: tamen implevi quantum potui. Totum implevi quod habui, sed totum capere non valui quod inveni. Accepi ergo quantum capere potui, et onustus pretio pretioso pondus non sensi, quoniam sublevabat me sarcina mea. Nunc autem longo itinere confecto, adhuc sacculum meum plenum reperio, et non excidit quidquam ex eo, quoniam _charitas nunquam excidit_. Illic ergo, frater charissime, inter cætera memoria tui primum inventa est, et signavi ex ea litteras istas, cupiens te sanum esse et salvum in Domino. Tu ergo vicem repende dilectionis, et ora pro me. Dominus + +Jesus Christus tecum sit. Amen. + + + + +## Preface + +This book gives shape to a series of discussions that took place as we were each other's guests in Claremont and Mexico. The continuing theme in our conversations was medieval paleography. From our discussion of the impact of the written word on the mind of the laity in the late twelfth century, we strayed to speculations on two late-twentieth-century issues: the impact of literacy campaigns on the increasing number of people who remain functionally illiterate; and the impact that communication theory has had on our colleagues' perceptions of reality, turning the English language into no more than a code. Our efforts to understand the effect that parchment and seal, ink and pen had on worldview eight hundred years ago led us to the discovery of a paradox: literacy is threatened as much by modern education as by modern communication--and yet, adverse as the side effects of compulsory literacy have been for most of our contemporaries, literacy is still the only bulwark against the dissolution of language into "information systems." + +We decided to retrace the route by which we had arrived at this paradox. We wrote for our own consolation and the pleasure we found in exchanging notes. When our notes turned into chapters, we agreed to make our reflections public. Since we have reached no conclusions and want to make no recommendations, we have only described a history that has jolted us into our new understanding. We cannot speculate about a future that, at least for the two of us, does not exist. + +As students of the Middle Ages we have traveled two separate paths: one starts from Hugh of Saint Victor's discovery that the supreme form of reading consists in the "silent contemplation of the text"; the other leads from Geoffrey Chaucer and his outspoken, even overspoken Wife of Bath to Huckleberry Finn, whose words cannot be contemplated silently. + +We are both "lettered," that is, creatures of the book, and _not_ simply because we know how to write or decipher books. In the society that has come into existence since the Middle Ages, one can always avoid picking up a pen, but one cannot avoid being described, identified, certified, and handled--like a text. Even in reaching out to become one's own "self," one reaches out for a text. + +We are prejudiced in favor of history in trying to understand when and how this society came into existence. The techniques that have constituted alphabetic writing--consonants, vowels, breaks between words, paragraphs, titles--developed historically to become what they are today. Certain constructs that cannot exist without reference to the alphabet--thought and language, lie and memory, translation, and particularly the self--developed parallel to these writing techniques. + +If these categories had a historical beginning then they can also come to an end. Our keen awareness of literacy as a historic construction whose first emergence we can describe deepens our sense of responsibility to preserve it. Standing firmly on the _terra_ of literacy, we can see two epistemological chasms. One of these chasms cuts us off from the domain of orality. The other, which moves like smog to engulf us, equates letters with bits of information, degrading reading and writing. + +We discuss this impending degradation only at the end of this book. Uwe Poerksen examines it in detail elsewhere. He is one of five friends--three of whom are finishing their own manuscripts--whose contributions aided our work. Poerksen is a medievalist and a linguist, known for his history of vernacular language as used in science, when Latin was abandoned as the only scientific tongue. In his new book he deals with the "mathematization" of ordinary speech: what we refer to in chapter seven as _amoeba words_. The fourth friend, Majid Rahnema, left a high United Nations position to call for the redefinition of major development goals rather than the redesign of institutional or technical means. He analyzes the unwanted side effects of literacy programs, while we limit ourselves to the history of the categories out of which these programs are constructed. The fifth friend is Barbara Duden. Her subject is the sociogenesis of the modern human body. In the light of historical studies, she shows that the result of the self's possessive description (or should we say, the possessive self-description) is to make the body into a layer cake of superimposed texts, each "text" lettered by a different profession to define a separate set of needs that only that profession can meet. The body thus appears as the incarnation of "texts." + +In view of this community of collaborators, the reading guide at the end of this book has a narrow scope. It leads to the starting point of our conversations: the alphabetization of the twelfth-century popular mind. + + +## Words and History + +_History becomes possible only when the Word turns into words. Only verbatim traditions enable the historian to reconstruct the past. Only where words that were lost can be found again does the historiographer replace the storyteller. The historian's home is on the island of writing. He furnishes its inhabitants with subject matter about the past. The past that can be seized is related to writing_. + +_Beyond the island's shores, memories do not become words. Where no words are left behind, the historian finds no foundations for his reconstructions. In the absence of words, artifacts are silent. We have often felt frustrated, but we accept that prehistory cannot be read. No bridge can be constructed to span this chasm_. + +History remains a strict discipline only when it stops short, in its description, of the nonverbal past. The critical historian, reading Herodotus or Homer, observes and admires the very creation of Greek words, for the word is a creature of the alphabet and has not always existed. If the historian tries to describe wordless societies, he soon becomes a natural historian, an anthropologist like Aristotle, whose _anthroplogein_ can only be translated as "idle talk" or "tattle tales." + +Herodotus knew how far the writ of the historiographer ran. A thousand years after the death of Polycrates, he wrote that the tyrant of Samos "was the first to set out to control the sea, apart from Minos of Knossos and possibly others who may have done so as well. Certainly Polycrates was the first of those whom we call the human race." Herodotus did not deny the existence of Minos, but for him Minos was not a human being in the literal sense. He let the architect of the labyrinth live on as the father-in-law of the Minotaur. He believed in gods and myths, but he excluded them from the domain of events that could be described historically. His ability cheerfully to place historical truth alongside the qualitatively different truth of myth stemmed from his having set limits on historiography. He did not see it as his job to decipher a core of describable truths in myth, to explain the sacrifice of Athenian boys to Minos as a tribute to please some lecherous Oriental potentate, as later Greek and Roman historians did. Like Plato, he retained the ability to see the myths as stories that spoke to the illiterate, to children, poets, and old women. + +Prior to history, Plato says, there is a narrative that unfolds, not in accordance with the rules of art and knowledge, but out of divine enthusiasm and deep emotion. Corresponding to this prior time is a different truth--namely, myth. In this truly oral culture, before phonetic writing, there can be no words and therefore no text, no original, to which tradition can refer, no subject matter that can be passed on. A new rendering is never just a new version, but always a new song. Thinking itself takes wing; inseparable from speech, it is never there but always gone, like a bird in flight. The storyteller spins his threads, on and on, never repeating himself word for word. No variants can ever be established. This is often overlooked by those who engage in the "reading" of the prehistorical mind, whether their reading is literary, structuralist, or psychoanalytic. They turn Minos into a person, the Minotaur into a dream, and the Labyrinth into a symbol. + +Memories of this prehistory become a historical source, a verbatim tradition, only through historiography. Only the historian, writing it down, freezes the source material for his descendants, as Flavius Josephus stresses in his _Jewish War_: "My task is to write down what I have been told, not to believe everything; and what I am saying here applies to my entire work." Only the original text gives simultaneous rise to source and history. + +Every original text is the record of something heard. Some scribe of genius listened to Homer and the result was the one _Iliad_. Bernardo de Sahagun, the sixteenth-century Franciscan missionary in Mexico, and a pupil of Erasmus, took down hundreds of Aztec songs. He tried to apply the rules of textual criticism to several songs on the same theme all attributed to Prince Netzalhuacoyotl, but failed to reconstruct an original. In their deceptive similarity, each song, when written down, was not a variant but an original. Anthropologists become hunters chasing unwritten materials; tape recorders in hand, they descend on blacks, women, peasants--anyone on whose lips they sense prehistory. Folklorists sieve sagas and legends for fragments of oral phraseology. It is the task of the historian to develop the tools for recognizing which of these records are original sources, that is to say, texts that are not based on other texts, but represent the first fixing of speech. For those records are the flotsam from the oral realm that have washed up on the historiographer's shore, dicta for the first time broken down into words, sung rhythms strung in verses. + +Writing is not the only technique we know of for making the flow of speech coagulate and for carrying clots of language along intact for tens or even hundreds of years. When melody, meter, and rhythm combine with a proverb, the result is often an indestructible nugget of language. The drummers of the Lokele who live in the jungle of Zaire, not far from the former Congo River, still know the sayings that fit their tom-tom rhythms. In fact they need the sayings in order to drum the rhythms. But no one now remembers what they mean--or whether they ever "said" anything. + +In certain rituals practiced in the Isthmus of Panama, sequences of sounds are used, in which rhythm, melody, and articulation form a three-dimensional counterpoint. The counterpoint effectively prevents any change from creeping in, the chants acting as mummified dicta from a forgotten, prehistoric age. Legal maxims, oaths, spells, benedictions and curses, elements of genealogy, the stock epithets attaching to the name of a god, a hero, or a place, are all very often secured against corruption in this way. The utterance can also be tied to a thing. The tally stick that the Maori orator holds in front of him and to which he hitches his solemn oration, the quipu, or knotted bundle of threads that enables the Incan runner to reel off his news like a rosary, the sequence of pictures drawn on a wall, can support the unchanged repetition of sounds that might make no sense to the speaker. The caste organization of preliterate India can be understood as the social organization of a mnemonic device that enables the Brahmins to preserve the Vedas unchanged. Gestures that coalesce with the liturgical murmurs in a sacrificial ceremony fix language to body movements. Through all these techniques, nuggets of frozen speech can be carried along in an oral culture. + +But it would be a grave mistake to view the alphabet primarilyas an immense improvement over these mnemonic devices. Only the alphabet has the power to create "language" and "words," for the word does not emerge until it is written down. Neither the songs of the poets, nor the invocations of the priests, nor the dictates of rulers from prehistoric times are sequences of words. Their immense yet evanescent power eludes description, and those who uttered them were unable, for all their oral skill, to see their own speech as a string on which words are the beads. Prehistory knows nothing of these mono- or polysyllabic atoms of language whose semantic fields we plot with our dictionaries. What prehistory perceives as units can have only _audible_ contours. The sequences of sounds between pauses that characterize speech are not words but syllables, phrases, strophes. It is to these measures of speech alone that the original _word_ or Logos relates. This meaning has become secondary today, although we invoke it when we "give" or "go back on" our word, or when we "have a word" with someone. For us the "real" meaning of _word_ is _grammatical building block_, before and after which our pen breaks contact with the paper. Plato's slayers, barbarians, and children still live in a prelogical, that is, a "word-less" society. + +The historian misreads prehistory when he assumes that "language" can be spoken in that word-less world. In the oral beyond, there is no "content" distinct from the winged word that always rushes by before it has been fully grasped, no "subject matter" that can be conceived of, entrusted to teachers, and acquired by pupils (hence no "education," "learning," and "school"). For it is the record in phonetic writing that first carries what is heard across a chasm separating two heterogenous eras of speech. The alphabetic scribe carries what is spoken from the ever-passing moment and sets down what he has heard in the permanent space of language. Only with this act can knowledge, separate from speech, be born. + +As literates, we think of speech as the use of language, and we think of this language as outliving speech, as leaving traces--if not on paper, then in our selves. Before the concept of recording sounds through the alphabet had come into being, speech could not be imagined to leave such a trail. Without a listener (who might be an angel or God), speech could not be perceived as anything but madness, because speech courts attention. And before this sound-recording through the alphabet, a listener could not be perceived as a recorder. The nod indicated that the other person had understood, not that he had recorded the message, accepted the information. + +How different speech is from language is made clear by the fact that language is always neuter, while speech is always gendered. With every utterance, the speaker refers back to himself and his gender. It is always the total quality of speech that refers the listener to the speaker's gender, not the grammatical gender of the pronoun "I." (Nowhere, with the possible exception of the oasis of Hadramut, does the personal pronoun have grammatical gender.) In a culture, what sounds feminine and what sounds masculine is determined by convention, and not by the biological nature of the vocal cords. The way men and women speak contrasts in many ways: linguists, anthropologists, and sociologists recognize about two dozen criteria describing these contrasts. In no two places is their configuration the same. The gender contrast in speech is just as fundamental as the contrast in phonemes, but it has barely been remarked. At the very best, recently, linguists have examined the discrimination against women in the so-called "use" of language, which is genderless. + +This gender contrast in speech is lost when it congeals as language on the page. It does not survive the jump from pure time of speech into the permanent, spatial dimension of script. To return to Herodotus: The historian's task starts "with those whom we call the human race" that script has brought into being; with men and women when they begin to speak the same language. (We have been tempted to speculate that the story of the Tower of Babel tells of this event.) + + +If alphabetic writing can be spoken of as bringing the human race into existence, it is only because this kind of writing is unique, as a study of the history and phenomenology of phonetic writing will reveal. Pure, mature phonetic writing, which was discovered only once, albeit in stages, is an oddity among writing systems in the same way that the loudspeaker is an oddity among trumpets. The alphabet records only sounds, and it is only through sounds that it provides meaning. The alphabet does exactly the opposite of what most hieroglyphics and ideograms and, most importantly, what Semitic letters were created to do. + +In writing systems using hieroglyphics and ideograms, the reader is expected to speak; the ideogram itself is silent. The statement "1 × 1" says "once one," or "one times one," or even "multiplication table." But it can equally be read "jedan put jedan." In all these scripts the reader must find the spoken expression from recollecting what has been said before: Mayan hieroglyphics, for example, provide the clues so that the reader may speak aloud from memory. Through landmarks that are more than just pictograms, they help him find his way orally along an often-traveled path. Ideograms, too, originally point toward utterance. They presuppose that the reader is familiar with the content of ideas whose individual elements are strung in a row before him to be named. Reading thus means retelling the familiar content depicted in accordance with more or less precise rules. Even when--as in the third millennium B.C.--the individual Egyptian hieroglyph or Mesopotamian ideograph become logograms, so that from that point on they had to be named with one and only one word, the word presents itself to the reader without any indication about its sound; the ending and inflection that make it audible must be supplied by the reader. + +The early part of the second millennium B.C. saw a series of faltering attempts here and there in the Middle East to bind speech more closely to writing. Convention came to dictate that a particular pictogram or ideogram, which had become a logogram, could be used as a syllable sign. The reader put aside any recognizable meaning of the word and read it into the text for its sound only. As a syllable sign it came to be placed beside the thing sign, making it easier to decipher. Reading became somewhat like solving a rebus. Nowhere, however, did a true syllabary evolve out of this custom--the Indian syllabic alphabet is of considerably more recent origin than the Greek. It is an admirable system of phonetic notation that grew out of the Greek invention. + +Quite suddenly, around 1400 B.C., an entirely new kind of script made its appearance on the border between the Egyptian hieroglyphic tradition and the cuneiform of Mesopotamia. This North Semitic alphabet was the first to have signs for sounds only, and only one sign for each group of sounds. Some archaeologists have speculated on a single inventor for this alphabet, so completely does it accomplish both requirements for script from the first moment of its appearance: the universe of heard sounds--an almost infinite variety of sounds in every language, with men and women, children and dotards, singers and ragmen all sounding different--is reduced to a limited number, each of which is then labeled. + +However, this Byblos alphabet whose letters stand only for sounds does not have any letters for vowels. The freely voiced qualities of breathing are not indicated, only the consonants, the harsh or soft obstacles the breath encounters. Its script does not yet transform the page into a mirror of speech, but is rather a burial ground for the skeleton of language. Being a purely phonetic notation, it differs radically from all previous scripts, but it can still be read only by someone trained for a special kind of analysis. Only a person who has developed the ability to recognize within the uninterrupted string of consonants groups of two to five elements that act as "roots" can breathe those roots into life. The roots grow into words only when the reader makes them resound according to the semantic function they ought to play in the environment in which they stand. + +In a prophetic vision, Ezekiel describes the process: "The hand of the Lord carried me out ... in the midst of a valley which was full of bones that, lo, were very dry ... and I prophesied as I was commanded, and the bones came together: bone to bone ... but there was as yet no breath in them ... and the Lord said, 'Breathe upon the slain [literally: Give thy soul, _nefesh_, to them] that they may live' ... and as I did, they stood upon their feet" (Ezek. 37:1-10). It is astounding with what audacity a clutch of pastoral tribes in Canaan claimed the invention as their own. As Exodus relates, Israel overcame "Egypt" intellectually and emotionally with the invention of phonetic writing. The mummies in their tombs are supplanted by roots. No longer is it only priests who can promise the continuation of life after death by deciphering the hieroglyphs. The invention of the Semitic script makes possible a new relationship to the life and death of Osiris. + +From now on the written character rescues a sequence of sounds from ephemerality; and living speech is dismembered by the scribe, who as he listens to dictation ponders the speech, examines it for its inaudible roots, determines the (usually) three consonants that compose it, and engraves these into a clay tablet. The letters he has buried tell what roots have been read into the recorded utterance, and these letters can be resurrected at any time alphabetically by the reader. + +Greek merchants acquired the string of Semitic consonants from Syrian traders on the coast of Asia Minor. They left the sequence of letters undisturbed, with their shapes recognizable and their names unchanged, but they perverted the use of these letters. While for the Semite _beth_ had a semantic association, because for him it means "house," for the Greek it is merely the name of a letter that stands for a sound. Four of the Semitic letters were not needed by the Greeks: To the Greek ear they stood for barbaric noises. The Greeks of the eighth century used them to indicate vowels. The consonants are now placed between vocals, the entire word now lies on the page. No more does the reader have to recognize naked bones that must be properly assembled by the eye and then fleshed out only by breathing life into them. The page has become a record of sounds. + +Phonetic script could now do the opposite of what the string of consonants had so far done. While the consonants had been used to record units of meaning that the scribe had picked from the flow of speech, the Greeks froze the flow of speech itself onto the page. The scroll had been sounded thus far through an act of interpretation of the letters; alphabetic recording that fixed sound on the page brings an utterance from the past into the present, to which the reader can listen, interpreting what he hears. The Jew searches with his eyes for inaudible roots in order to flesh them out with his breath. The Greek picks the sound from the page and searches for the invisible ideas in the sounds the letters command him to make. + +The transformations brought about by Greek literacy are well symbolized by the appearance of Sybil, who replaces her older sister, the Pythia, as the model of the prophetess. Her story is told by Heraclitus, a Pythagorean who, through Cratylus, could claim Plato as a pupil. He was the first to distinguish the consonants (which he divided into the unvoiced _aphthonga_ and the sonant _aphona_) from the vowels. Plutarch has conserved the passage from Heraclitus in which the Sybil makes her first appearance. In the image of the alphabet, she wrests utterance from its temporal context and turns prophecy into a literary genre: "Sybil, in her mania, makes the oracle of the god ring out a whole millennium, joyless, odorless, and unadorned..." She spells out the future. For the Sybil first writes her oracle on leaves, then later on tablets. She brings stone slabs to King Tarquinas, who reigned over the Campagne, south of Rome--over Etruscan towns through which the Romans got their alphabet. No one need strain anymore to hear the ominous murmurings of the Delphic Pythia. The menacing future can now be read. + + +## Memory + +_At the time when heaven still embraced the earth, when Uranus still lay with full-hipped Gaia, an aeon before the Olympian gods, the Titans were born and with them, memory, or Mnemosyne. In the_ Hymns to Hermes, _she is called the Mother of the Muses. She is the earliest of the goddesses, preceding even Apollo with his lyre. Hesiod mentions her as the goddess of the first hour of the world and describes her flowing hair as she stretches out beside Zeus on his couch, there to beget the rest of her nine daughters, the Muses. It is she who adopts the son of Maya, the "shamefaced" or "awful" nymph, and thus makes him the son of two mothers. She provides Hermes with two unique gifts: a lyre and a "soul." When the god Hermes plays to the song of the Muses, its sound leads both poets and gods to Mnemosyne's wellspring of remembrance. In her clear waters float the remains of past lives, the memories that Lethe has washed from the feet of the departed, turning dead men into mere shadows. A mortal who has been blessed by the gods can approach Mnemosyne and listen to the Muses sing in their several voices what is, what was, and what will be. Under the protection of Mnemosyne, he may recollect the residues that have sunk into her bosom by drinking from her waters. When he returns from his visit to the spring--from his dream or vision--he can tell what he has drawn from this source. Philo says that by taking the place of a shadow the poet recollects the deeds that a dead man has forgotten. In this way, the world of the living constantly makes contact with the world of the dead_. + +The modern _memory_ does not derive from the older _Mnemosyne_, but from another, later Latin word, _memoria_. Like words and text, memory is a child of the alphabet. Only after it had become possible to fix the flow of speech in phonetic transcription did the idea emerge that knowledge--information--could be held in the mind as in a store. Today, we take this idea so completely for granted that it is hard for us to reconstruct an age when recollection was not conceived as a trip into the cellar to pick up stores, or a look into a ledger to verify an entry. Since the fourth century B.C., memory has been conceived as such a deposit that can be opened, searched, and used. Philosophers have disputed where this deposit is located--in the heart, the brain, the community, or perhaps in God, but in all these discussions memory has remained a bin, a wax tablet, or a book. + +For turning this idea topsy-turvy, Milman Parry ranks close to Einstein, although it took much longer before the implications of Parry's achievement were grasped, since humanists, as a rule, are much more conservative than physicists. Thanks to research done in the 1930s by this young Harvard classicist and his assistant Albert Lord, it is now clear that a purely oral tradition knows no division between recollecting and doing. The pre-alphabetic bard does not, like his medieval counterpart, draw on a storehouse of memories in order to compose a poem. Rather, he dips into a grab bag of phrases and adjectives and, driven by the rhythms of the lyre, spins the yarn of a tale. + +Parry's thesis, submitted to the Sorbonne in 1928, argued that the _Iliad_ could only have come into being through oral recitation and in the rhythm of spoken hexameters. According to Parry's hypothesis, there are two heterogenous processes by which social continuity is preserved: the flow of prehistoric epic tales that are never repeated word for word; and history that is built on the bedrock of words. In a purely oral tradition, songs, epics, and sayings do not hover above life. That life is a delicate, complex tissue steeped in epic recollections. As soon as the stream of recollections becomes even potentially visible as a narrative, this stream clots and turns into an authority, a point of reference, a socially disembedded rule, the excrement of lived wisdom that a new kind of wise man, called the scribe, can shape. + +This epistemological heterogeneity between history and prehistory only gradually gained acceptance. It contradicts the assumption made by the sciences that categories exist to describe human experience _tout court_. Parry's hypothesis stood up only because the question whether a particular text represents the direct, firsthand transcription of a preliterate tradition can be answered according to strict rules. + +The new field of research Parry marked out makes it possible today to determine with certainty whether a particular text is, in the strict sense, prehistoric--whether it is the faithful record of a preliterate improvisation, or the line of a speaker who uses language or memory to compose a text. During the last fifty years Parry's pupils have applied phonologically governed linguistics to the criticism of literary works and the study of oral tradition. In the course of their research, they observed that surviving elements of oral tradition often complemented the detailed study of the linguistic peculiarities of certain major Greek texts and subsequently of epics in other languages as well. They have developed, tested, and refined a number of criteria that make it possible to distinguish oral poetry from every kind of written compositionwith impressive consistency. Their criteria are the best way we know to evoke the elusive activity of preliterate recollecting in the time before _scripta_ of information, originals, or copies emerged. + +To begin with Parry's thesis about the _Iliad_: The _Iliad_ reveals a mastery in self-limitation within given patterns that cannot be imitated self-conscious literacy. What Eric Havelock calls the "variation within the same" has never been approximated by any poet. Only texts that exhibit five forms of self-limitation simultaneously may be regarded as genuine, firsthand written records of oral improvisation: First, in Greek epics, the hexameters are composed of standard word groups. Second, those word groups are mutually attracted to one another during oral recitation. Purely statistically, there is an increasing probability of finding the same formulae in the same section of the epic. Third, the line usually coincides with a syntactic unit: Many lines could be ended with a full stop or a comma because at least the meaning comes to an end there. Fourth, a uniform--though complicated--pattern occurs at the level of the phoneme; combinations of sounds that fall outside the pattern inevitably point to written composition rather than oral improvisation. Finally, this quantitatively verifiable self-limitation relates even to the pattern of the story as a whole: The return of the hero, for example, is always, in oral improvisation, told in the same phrases within the same culture. + +According to Parry, the question of the origin of Homeric epics had remained unsolved for so long because it had been wrongly framed. Even today much Homeric research is directed toward looking for an author. Who was the parent of those twenty-seven thousand hexameters? Was he an editor of songs that he had collected from people who knew them by heart? Was he a she? Or was he a godlike poet who composed them himself? Did he write them down, or did he get someone else to do it? Or did others learn them from him, memorizing them, so that much later, after the invention of the alphabet, like a Greek Samizdat, they could be written down? + +For Parry, both hypotheses--that of the editor and that of the poet--were equally untenable. Neither learning by heart nor composing were possible in prehistoric times. Before writing, there was no text that could have been internalized and later reproduced like a film script or a part in a play. Not until there was a text could there be a recitation. In Plato's day, there were already people who knew the Homeric epic by heart--in the _Ion_, Plato describes Socrates' dialogue with such a mnemonist. Xenophon also tells of such a rhapsode who knew all of Homer's work by heart and was admired for it. But that very admiration is already Classical, providing proof that the rhapsode's act of memory was regarded as an extraordinary achievement. No oral society supplies accounts of an epic poet being admired for feats of recollection. They were neither prodigies nor super-Brahmanic mnemonists. + +But neither was Homer a man of letters--for the simple reason that there were no letters. The lines of the _Iliad_ do not consist of a series of words. Those who sang it were driven by the rhythm of the lyre. In the twenty-seven thousand hexameters, we can find twenty-nine thousand repetitions of phrases with two or more words. Homer sang as a prehistoric rhapsode--the Greek _rhapsodein_ meaning to stitch together, a linguistic connection that is shared with the _Sutras_, stitched (sutured) together. Homer's art consisted of stitching together a series of stock words and phrases. + +We are so used to drawing a distinction between speaking (and the language that we speak) and thinking (and the language in which it is clothed) that we are no longer capable of composing aloud by improvisation. This difficulty did not exist for the bard: He was composing and reciting simultaneously. As easily as he handles the Greek verb in the rhythm of speech, he finds the first stock word in the poetic vocabulary that leads him on to the next one that will fit in the hexameter. Choosing the one correct verbal inflection from the limited group of forms is as easy for him as selecting the phonetically and syntactically right formula from the vast, but after all finite, group of such formulae in the poetic vocabulary of _his_ time. + +In making his choice, the rhapsode was not so much concerned with the actual meaning of the particular adjective selected. It is therefore a mistake to judge these epics according to the aesthetic canon of the Classical Age. Homer, in contrast with Virgil, was not only word-less, but also languageless. The singer of the _Iliad_, carried along by the beat of the hexameters, was able to locate and use the wonderfully precise nuances of the Greek verb forms and to choose from the enormous store of "winged words." No object remains from this performance. The art of Homer consisted of fluent improvisation within strictly limited means: the art of Classicism gives poetic originality free rein. That originality consists of the deliberate recasting of a given text; that is to say it was based on improving imitation--the mimesis praised by Aristotle. For Virgil, the _Aeneid_ was a work of art: It was an object that he continued improving by changing a word here and there--until, on his deathbed, he wanted to burn it in frustration. The _Aeneid_ allows itself to be paraphrased. In contrast, Homer can only be rendered--the word cannot be pried from the meaning. + +Parry's theory remained mere speculation until he managed to observe the singing of living traditional rhapsodes. In the 1930s, he and his pupil Albert Lord traveled to Serbia, where they made the acquaintance of a number of folksingers who still had their roots in the epic traditions of the Balkans. In Turkish coffeehouses and at peasant weddings they sang all night, telling stories to the rhythms of the _gusla_. Using the complicated equipment of pre-war days, Parry recorded their epics on metal discs in order to check his theory by observation. + +No _guslar_ ever repeated the same epic word for word. Every performance was, as Parry expected, a fresh attiring of the old story. For many years after Parry's death, Lord continued the research. He was able to observe the process whereby a youngster became a _guslar_. First, the young man spent years listening to the master singing. While tending his herds, he practiced using the stock formulae and so gradually became familiar with the poetic vocabulary. With growing assurance he was able, accompanied by the strum of the _gusla_, to fall back more and more upon those set pieces; but only a small number of skilled bards could draw, even in their maturity, upon the full repertoire of rhythmic fragments. The deeper his active mastery of the wealth of formulae, the clearer his understanding of the content of the songs he heard. Once this faculty was fully developed, he needed only one night's listening to a song he did not know in order to be able to reproduce that song himself a week later. No one could do it on the same day: The _guslari_ say that a story needs time to ferment in the bard--at least a day and a night. + +Parry's theory enables us to understand that so complex a structure as the _Iliad_ was sung in a single draft--without the aid of written notes, plans, or drafts. According to Lord's observations in Serbia, it is entirely possible that a single bard assembled from formulae and sang tens of thousands of verses in one outpouring. The riddle of how such work is written down is also solved, according to Lord. In Serbia, he attempted, without tape recorders, to get an accurate written record of long epics. It emerged that collaboration between a clever town clerk and a mature _guslar_ produced surprisingly good results. + +At the start, the bard felt annoyed and uneasy about having to pause repeatedly in his singing and rely on plucking his _gusla_ to keep him in time. Soon, however, the _guslar_ began to enjoy this leisure and to use the additional time to utter the proper formula. And in the clerk he found a listener who allowed him to spin out his material at his own discretion until it was exhausted. The writing down of the _Iliad_ could have taken place under similar circumstances, and Homer probably had the same attitude toward the text as the _guslari_: not one of them was the least bit interested in having so much as a line of the written record read back to him for checking. + +The knowledge gained from this comparison of the Serbian _guslar_ and Homer has proved helpful over the past fifty years in the study of cultures that have persisted beyond the reach of records. It has come to form one of the foundations of scholarly discussion of the epic in the Anglo-Saxon world and has led to entirely new insights in the study of the medieval epic. + +Oral transmission of epics ceases with writing, and with it, at the dawn of history, fades the idea of memory as the goddess of immortal recollection. For the Classical poet of Greece no longer has need of recollections from a "beyond." No longer is each utterance like a piece of driftwood the speaker fished from a streamful of treasures, something cast off in the beyond that had just then washed up onto the beaches of the mind. No longer are thought and memory intertwined in every statement with no distinction between thought and speech. + +When epic tradition becomes a recorded one and custom is transmogrified into written law, the poet's sources are frozen into the texts. He can follow the lines of a written text; the river that feeds its own source is remembered no more. Not one Greek city has preserved an altar dedicated to Mnemosyne. Her name became a technical term for "memory" now imagined as a page: the water of memory turns into the fluency of a writer and a reader. Fixed words on clay tablets acquire authority over the re-evocation of fluid speech. + +Plato, in the early fourth century B.C., stands on the threshold between the oral and written cultures of Greece. The earliest epigraphic and iconographic indications of young boys being taught to write date from Plato's childhood. In his day, people had already been reciting Homer from the text for centuries, but the art of writing was still primarily a handicraft. From the seventh until well into the sixth century B.C., reading and writing were confined, in Greece, to very narrow circles. In the fifth century B.C., craftsmen began to acquire the art of carving or engraving letters of the alphabet. But writing was still not a part of recognized instruction: The most a person was expected to be able to write and spell was his own name. The taking of dictation and the fluent reading of written materials were not yet part of knowledge used for control and education. Until the fifth century B.C., schooling in Athens was purely oral, musical, and gymnastic. _Mousike_ stood at the core of the Greek curriculum: Poems were recited and improvised, rhythmic rhetoric was practiced, pupils learned stringed and wind instruments, singing and dancing. The few pictures in which a teacher is represented with a stylus in his hand show that the alphabet now made it possible for the teacher to read out to the pupils the poems to be learned. Thus a full century before the stylus was imposed on pupils, they were able to learn the texts by heart. That is to say, they gained an understanding of a fixed text that could be listened to, and a respect for the sound of its words, long before they were required to write or read fluently. + +Plato's was the time of great change from instruction in elevated, rhythmic public speech to the predominance of prose speech. What formerly could only be recited or sung, can now be pinned down, penned down. The script can be copied, one copy serving as the source for another. The scroll can freeze "materials" for a teacher. It is not the speech but the language of the past that can be made present. Plato heard the Pythagoreans and Socrates. He does not claim to have dictation from them, but he does boast about his faculty of recollection. He is not a traitor like Hippias, who disclosed the orally transmitted secret teachings of Pythagoras. He is already a writer--however anachronistic that may sound. His dialogues are literary prose. He created the model--never surpassed--of the written dialogue that imitates speech. His literary oeuvre forms a counterpart to the record of Homeric song from prehistoric times. + +Plato was not Greece's first author. But he was the first uneasy man of letters. He was the first to write with the conviction of the superiority of thought unrelated to writing. He was anguished by the effect the alphabet was exerting on his pupils. Their reliance on silent, passive texts could not but narrow the stream of their remembrance, making it shallow and dull. Earlier, this mistrust of the alphabet had been reflected in Aeschylus' _Prometheus Bound_: Zeus punished Prometheus for bringing the alphabet--"the combining of letters, creative mother of the Muses' art, wherewith to hold all things in memory"--to mankind. Zeus had engendered his daughters in the pond of Mnemosyne so that they might bubble and flow, not be locked up in script. + +Plato, who saw writing as a threat to the meditative search, kept coming back to the question of Mnemosyne: memory/recollection. How do we bring the past into the present? He answers the question through Diotima in the _Symposium_, after he has been extolling Eros: "To what does the word _meditation_ refer if not to knowledge that is past? When we forget, knowledge escapes us. Meditation then brings us to new knowledge and gives it the appearance of still being the same." + +Diotima describes the search for truth in terms that very closely parallel the process by which the Serbian _guslar_ repeatedly retrieves the same material from oblivion and spins it into a new song. Plato's intellectual path, his access to truth and ideas, is an epic one. This becomes clearer when we read further in Diotima's speech: It forms part of her answer to Socrates, who wants her to teach him about the secrets of Eros. For Diotima, "meditating" is an expression or form of creative love, which in its search for the immortal is always giving itself anew and always withdrawing. Eros longs for what is permanent, and it takes shape when we meditate on the immortal truth, on _eidos_. Only this kind of loving meditation can lead to wisdom. Plato sees this search for the springs of truth as being threatened by a polymathy based on writing. + +To give form to that threat, Plato "fabricates," as Phaidros puts it, the story of Theuth, the inventor of letters. Theuth seeks to "sell" the letters to King Thamus of Thebes as a _pharmakon_, a medicine to strengthen the power of recollection and intellect of his subjects. The word _pharmakon_ carries a suggestion of magic and the vegetable kingdom. It can be translated as "drug"--either a healing potion or a poison, depending on how it is used. Which of the two was meant was decided by the epithet: In some sayings _pharmakon_ means "boon," in others "mischief." Theuth not only presents himself as the inventor of a new means, he also presents a new kind of end. + +Thamus thanks him, but he refuses. "O skillful Theuth," he says, "being the inventor of an art is different from being the person who has to decide what advantages and disadvantages that art will bring to those who employ it. You stand before me as the father of letters. With a father's favor, you attribute to letters a fortune that they cannot possess. This facility will make souls forgetful because they will no longer school themselves to meditate. They will rely on letters. Things will be recollected from outside by means of alien symbols; they will not remember on their own. What you are offering me is a drug for recollection, not for memory... Your instruction will give them only a semblance of truth, not the truth itself. You will train ignorant know-alls, nosey know-nothings, boring wiseacres." + +Thus in the Classical period memory became divided into two sorts: The natural--that which was born simultaneously with thought--and the artificial--that which could be improved, through precise techniques, or devices, and exercises. The Classical teacher of rhetoric still viewed recollection as the result of a journey, but not to the shore of a river to pick up a piece of driftwood that Plato called "similar" to another piece that had been lost beyond recall. The trip now led to a storage room, as Aristotle says, "to recover knowledge through previous sensations _held_ in one's memory." + +Each of the three primary works of rhetoric (the anonymous _Rhetorica Ad Herennium_ [82–81 B.C.], on which later Western traditions of memory training were based and which was attributed to Tullius; Cicero's _De Oratore_ [55 B.C.]; and Quintillian's _Instituto oratoria_ [first century A.D.]) describes essentially the same mnemonic technique. A person tries to imprint on his memory the interior of a building, preferably a spacious one, visualizing each location--stores, attics, stairs, fore-and antechambers--complete with accessories, such as furniture, paintings, and sculpture. The person then equates the ideas to be remembered with certain images (_imagines agentes_); Quintillian uses the example of an anchor and weapon, perhaps to signify ships and war. These _imagines agentes_ are mentally placed into various _loci_ within the building. When the person wishes to "recollect" certain facts, he merely revisits these pre-designated places in the building, and gathers them up once again. + +The construction of a memory palace met the needs of the rhetorical arts. To deliver a convincing speech, the speaker must remember it in a planned order; and to prepare for arguments, he must remember points that he has previously connected. (The idea of a planned order would have been, of course, alien to the epic poet, the story unfolding as inevitably as each note followed the next on his musical instrument.) The "palace" of memories provides not only the recollected facts, but also the shape, essential to a well-constructed rhetorical argument. + +These architectonic images are suited to the shift from the aural to the visual emphasis that a script culture, like Greece by the end of the fifth century B.C., demands. In fact, Plutarch mentions that Simonides of Ceos, who was believed to have invented the "artificial" mnemonic devices, called painting "silent poetry," equating the visual aspect of the two arts that Horace summarizes as _ut pictura poesis_. For the writers of the three Latin memory texts, memory is a signet ring leaving its impression on wax. Aristotle, in his _De Memoria et reminiscentia_, puts down the old waters of Mnemosyne using virtually the same image: "Some men in the presence of considerable stimulus cannot remember owing to disease or age, just as if a stylus or a seal were impressed on flowing water." + +Martianus Capella, a contemporary of Augustine, goes even further. It is Capella who once and for all replaces the cut stone of a sealing ring with the stylus, the image impressed on the wax of memory by letters traced on an invisible tablet. The three-dimensional pictogram of Classical memory thus appears as the arrangement of logograms on the slate of the mind. Capella's _Marriage of Philology to Mercury_ was read in the Middle Ages; the monastic curriculum built around the seven liberal arts has been shaped in part by Capella's fanciful summary of antique learning. He served as one of the bridges between Cicero and Alcuin, to Aquinas, over which the conception of memory as a store has reached us. + +And while in antiquity this image of memory as an archive referred primarily to a device used by the rhetor, scholasticism made of memory a faculty of every soul, like will and intelligence. Thus, each soul was also burdened with a conscience--a record of its own doings that could be read and examined by clergy and laity, literate and illiterate alike. The rhetorical device provided the foundation for a new activity, confession, the verbal manifestation of a secret kept in one's own heart. And not only deeds left traces that could be admitted; past words and even past thoughts that inspired the deeds could soon be read in an examination of conscience. + + +## Text + +_The Lindisfarne Gospel, painted and lettered around 697 A.D., brings into sight the watershed that separates the oral from the de scriptive mind. Opposite the beginning of each Gospel in the Lindisfarne Book stands a wordless ornamental page, decorated in the style of Irish and Saxon sword handles, silver cups, and fibulae, that balances the lettered page to the right. The initial letter of the text appears on the ornamental page, but it also both frames and penetrates the strings of uncial letters on the lettered page. It looks as if the calligraphic outpourings of one capital had the task of weaving the texture that supports the sentences. Occasionally the interwoven colored lines take the appearance of elongated dogs or birds, only to dissolve again into infinitely prolonged tongues, tails, and ears. Only the portraits of the four Evangelists rise from this painted warp and written woof: not symbols but strong individuals shown in the style of late antique coins rendered in sharp, northern lines_. + +_In the Book of Kells, written one hundred years later, it is easier to speak separately of its lettering and drawings. The form of the letters reveals its date: no longer roman capitals and not yet medieval minuscules. Historians are still in disagreement about the place at which it was written and the origin of the stylistic elements it com bines. Around 1185, Geraldus Cambrensis was still impressed by its beauty: The designs are "so deliberate and subtle, so exact and compact, so full of knots and links, with colors so fresh and vivid, that you might say that all this was the work of an angel and not of a man."_ + +_Art historians have talked about barbaric instincts surfacing on these "Baroque" pages, which react against the reforms attempted by Charlemagne. We should say: The book talks as if literacy had not yet settled in. It talks through the style of its meandering threads. They challenge the reader to weave the one story of Christ's life out of four tales, thereby fleshing out the "Word of God," the Gospel Truth. Seen in this way, the Book of Kells is a kind of "Homeric page" in which, at an early date in England, oral storytelling has been for a moment visibly frozen in the cadence of knot and link that punctuates the series of letters--just as the strum of the lyre punctuates the utterance of the singer. The Good News becomes visible. Like a stream of fiber s that is drawn from the distaff, twisted between the fingers and turned into a yarn, so the Good News is embodied in the spinning out of a yarn, knitting up of a tale, weaving the tales into a story. The metaphors of narration are taken from yarn and spindle and loom, used by oral societies to embody and share their unspeakable perception. Even today the Navajos and Aymara women weave each tribe's cosmography into one reality with its social geography. Both in the mesas and in the Andes the seeds must be brought to the field in kerchiefs that tell the unspoken story of the spot at which they will grow. During the final years of intense oral tradition in the north of the British Islands, the pages of the Book of Kells make a wordless tale of this kind visible, even to the unlettered. But for the reader, what is on the page is not the same as what is in the book. The letters and the lines tell the same story in dissymmetric, mutually untranslatable ways. The knotted lines that occasionally spawn figures are not yet illustrations to the text, for the texture of the lettered rows has not yet arranged itself to be perceived by the eyes as a visible "text."_ + +_The idea of the "text" that is_ in the book _could not come about without major changes in the elements that are visible_ on the page. _By pointing to the arrangement of lines and colors on the page, the emergence of a "text" can be followed, even by a modern illiterate--one who cannot decipher the insular majuscule in which the Book of Kells is written, or who cannot understand a single sentence in Latin. The transformation of the manuscript page during the eight hundred years that precede Gutenberg illustrates the steps through which the mind of the West has come into being_. + +It was not until the Middle Ages that letters ushered in a new type of society. The role played by letters in the birth of this new kind of society can be studied on two levels. On one level, new ways of doing business, nourishing prayer life, and administering justice all became feasible through the written preservation of words. In the twelfth century neither the heresies nor the new orders, neither the new towns nor their universities could be understood without the new and broad spread of the word that was now not only said but read. + +The second way letters changed a society--by their own symbolism getting under a culture's skin and changing social perception in terms of the written word--has been much less studied and is much more difficult to talk about. The reason for this research lacuna is probably that all the categories by which we talk about past societies have been acquired by reading. By their very nature they serve to _describe_. They are directly suited to saying things about a society in which social relations are governed by a reliance on written language. Even as poets, we are men of letters. What we call science originates from description. Absurdly, we speak of the surviving body of oral traditions as "oral literature," which literally means "oral writing." Consequently, it is very difficult to convey how society was turned inside out by the spread of writing in the Middle Ages. + +In the part of Europe lying north of the Alps, between the middle of the twelfth century and the end of the thirteenth, an unprecedented change occurred in the nature of social relations: Trust, power, possession, and everyday status were henceforth functions of the alphabet. The use of documents, together with a new way of shaping the written page, turned writing, which in the Early and High Middle Ages had been extolled and honored as a mysterious embodiment of the Word of God, into a constituent element in the mediation of mundane relations. + +So long as literacy was confined to minorities, as was the case until the High Middle Ages, power was exercised in the form of foreign rule. Relying on his _Calendarium_, in 1186--scarcely four years after his election--Abbot Samson, a foreigner, knew every bushel owed on every hide of St. Edmund's land. Even though the tenant knew no letters--the Abbot's means of recollection was as foreign to him as the book of the Day of Judgement--writing had left an impression on his soul as if it were a whip. He was now under the coercion of writing to pay those debts that he did not care to remember. + +As literacy became more general and, by the end of the medieval period, embraced large sections of society, changes began to seep into everyone's everyday life. Without obliterating social relations based on orality in a uniform way, it engendered a growing tension between custom and legality. + +In the committing of oaths to writing, we can trace the shift of trust from the validly given word to a document exerting legal force. An oath is a ceremonial giving of one's word, a spoken promise. This kind of emphatic utterance seems to occur among all peoples. An oath swears to a given word. The truth or intention of the thing sworn to is reinforced by a ritual association between word and gesture, both traditional in form. The latter invests the former with a peculiar power. Oaths are among the forms of utterance most carefully guarded against change. Their formulation in terms of rhythm, alliteration, and repetition keeps them from falling into oblivion, like unforgettable fragments of a forgotten past. Often the form of the oath was recited to the person making it--in the Germanic world with the oath stick held out. While taking the oath, the swearer laid his hand on the temple stele, on a clod of earth, or on his sword, or he raised his weapon skyward and placed a foot on a stone. "By the ship's side and the shield's rim, by the sword's edge and the horse's thigh" was how the Danes swore fealty. The swearing of an oath took place in the open air--in eighteenth-century Polish courtrooms, oaths were still sworn by an open window--in order to make the oath manifest to the gods, the spirits, or the dead. While swearing to fulfill his oath, the swearer raised his sword or raised three fingers or laid them against his beard or testicles, and in many places he sullied himself with the blood of a sacrificed animal. Women swore with different gestures than men, laying a hand on their breast or braids or belly. + +A man who makes an oath pronounces a conditional curse against himself; he asks to be maimed, withered, or blinded, if he is pronouncing a falsehood or should ever break his word. He swears his own body, his limbs, his eyes, his honor, even his descendents, by putting them up as a pledge. Through the medium of co-jurors, he physically makes his whole tribe a party to his oath, involving them all in his pledge. May lightning strike them, may the devil take them, may his wife bear him a crippled child if he is lying. + +For the onlookers, the unity of word and gesture has something of the effect of a sacrament. The swearing of an oath makes the word visible--not on paper, but in the living body of the person concerned. It incarnates the veracity of what he is saying. In the context of orality, truth is inseparable from veracity. The oath reveals an epiphany of this unity of form and content that captures the essence of the oral mentality. + +The oath survived tenaciously in written law despite being in fundamental contradiction to the nature of the letter. Written law seeks to legitimatize itself by controlling the oath, which it does by monopolizing it. When strict laws were passed against oath taking and cursing outside the courts, the oath's function was reversed, as can be seen in medieval records. + +When the splendidly bound Book of the Gospels replaced the oath-taker's own beard, the rim of his shield, or the pommel of his sword in solemnifying the oath, a new relationship began between the oath and writing: The book as object was incorporated into the gestures accompanying the self-curse, while its contents, oddly enough, remained outside the wording of the oath. What makes this even more peculiar is the fact that Matthew 5:33-36 contains an unqualified prohibition of oaths of any kind: "You have learned that they were told, 'Do not break your oath,' and 'Oaths sworn to the Lord must be kept.' But what I tell you is this: You are not to swear at all--not by heaven, for it is God's throne, nor by earth, for it is His footstool, nor by Jerusalem, for it is the city of the great King, nor by your own head..." In spite of this unambiguous passage in the Sermon on the Mount, Emperor Justinian's legal reforms require those taking oaths to place a hand on the Gospels. + +This innovation is all the more instructive for the fact that the reform by the Christian Byzantine Emperor, in 528 A.D., first elevated the oath in Roman law to the status of a general obligation in legal proceedings. Missionaries then introduced the oath with the Gospels to traditional courts north of the Alps. Litigants in these courts were no longer to swear on a ring that had been dipped in the blood of a sacrificial animal, but on the cross, on relics, on the altar--and on the Gospels. This was required by the Lex Ribuaria in 803. The Church assumed the divine task of punishing the breaking of an oath. + +The use of the book in the pantomime of legal gesture soon led to the form of words used in the ceremony being committed to writing. The traditional cursing of oneself was replaced by an ingenious formula. In England it had become so complicated and strange that the plaintiff preferred to grasp the red-hot iron of ordeal rather than take the Gospels in his hand. He knew that he could never repeat the formula without making a mistake, and that would have been tantamount to a breach of oath. + +Not only the oath but also broad areas of everyday life that had previously been governed by oral usage were made subject to a new formal and legal kind of literacy in the Middle Ages. A large section of the population discovered in this period that, before objects could be owned or rights made use of, they first had to be described, and held on a parchment: trust shifted from the given word to a sealed document. + +Objects could now properly be "held" rather than possessed. The world that the theologians had represented as a book, the Book of God that man must decipher, now through the document became an object that only description could appropriate. Thousands of topographical descriptions have come down to us from this period; boundaries became effective through these descriptions: "From the old oak tree along the stream as far as the big rock and thence in a straight line uphill to the wall..." This appropriative description of reality began as a jurisprudential method before it became the foundation of natural sciences. + +M.T. Clanchy, on whose work we shall draw, estimates that in twelfth-century England, not more than thirty thousand charters were drawn up. In the period 1250–1350, by contrast, several million were made out in England alone--that amounts to almost five charters for each piece of describable property. Accompanying this change, writing materials increased ten-to twenty-fold in this period. The consumption of sealing wax at the royal chancery in England rose from three pounds per week in 1226, to thirteen pounds in 1256, and thirty-one pounds just ten years later in 1266. More sheep had to give up their skins as parchments for the purposes of documentation during a royal court hearing. At the beginning of the thirteenth century, it was a matter of a few dozen. For a perfectly ordinary session in Suffolk in 1283, over five hundred were skinned. + +Not only the charters but also the _breve_, or brief, and the "letter" came into more common use. This can be shown by the number of such royal mandates that have come down to us from the period 1080–1180: For French kings this rose from 3 to 60; for English kings, from 25 to 115; and for popes, from 22 to 180. After 1180, the growth rate skyrocketed. From the reign of Innocent III (1198–1215), 280 survive; from that of Innocent IV (1243–54), 730; and from that of Boniface VIII (1294–1303), 50,000. + +In the twelfth century, the chancery was an exclusive attribute of the sovereign. Chancellor Becket already had an army of clerks to do his paperwork: Sixteen different hands can be distinguished under his control in the years 1155–1158. But then, beginning around 1200, individual bishops and princes began to join in. They could not manage any longer occasionally summoning a curate to read to them or to write for them. By 1350 the chancery was an essential element of spiritual and temporal dominion. Writing rooms multiplied even faster than mills, first widely used at this time for pumping, crushing, hammering, and darning. In the eleventh century, pieces of writing and articles of jewelry had been preserved in reliquaries as treasures next to the bones of saints. The overflow of charters, briefs, and copies thereof flushed these treasures out of their arks. What had been an heirloom was now an instrument of proof. + +Into the twelfth century, the letter was often the visible indication of the importance, the weight, that attached to the news brought by the messenger. The letter became necessary only when the messenger was unworthy of the sender: When Jaufre Rubel sent a song to his lady by his own court jester, he insisted that he sing without handing her the piece of parchment. Some twelfth-century love letters are works of scholarship or works of art that refer the reader to the messenger for interpretation. + +Only slowly did the missive become a memorial of a promise that the sender places in the hand of the recipient. In 1142, Heloise's letter to Abbot Peter the Venerable clearly implies this. Abelard, her husband and castrated lover, had died as an exemplary monk in Cluny. Abbot Peter had him cooked and boned and the dry remains conveyed to the Paraclete for burial in a grave where Heloise could later join him. With the remains he sent Heloise a deeply moving letter of admiration for Abelard, and of praise for her. But she was not content. In her answer she requests from Abbot Peter a written promise that the monks at Cluny will forever honor and remember her dead husband. In addition to Peter's note having the nature of a sign, she requests an instrument on which the future demands of the recipient are to be based. + +This becomes quite clear in testaments. A person's last will is no longer expressed through the presentation of a symbol, for example, a handful of heritable soil, a key, or a sword. A sealed document now takes the place of the thing. The inheritance is no longer determined by the witnesses of a person's last words spoken from his deathbed, but by a charter. The document itself becomes an instrument of witness. + +"In witness whereof" signified an action, a gesture accompanied by words, an oath, coupled with the transmission of an object, by which sovereignty, or title, or rights of property were ceded. Leaving a dagger or a goblet might serve as a sign for the bequest of a piece of land. Later, the object sometimes bore an inscription. On the pommel of a whip in the possession of St. Albans Abbey we find the words to the effect that "this is a gift of four mares by Gilbert of Novo Castello." In this way the word, in conjunction with a tangible sign, was "witness." In the thirteenth century, word and sign collapsed into a written statement. In an initial step it was a paper record of a past event. In a second step, the preparing of the parchment itself became the event described. Lawyers by 1180 insist that the instrument of witness should record a past agreement, _in perfectum_. One's word, through the signature, constituted assent to a written text. + +Good faith being committed to a written document in this way made it important for the person issuing it and the recipient to have a copy of it. Otherwise, the scriptorium of the monastery that the sovereign had endowed with a gift could turn out unlimited numbers of instruments, attributed to his predecessors, which the sovereign's chancellor would have to honor. Nowadays if one attempted to acquire rights by producing written confirmation of fabricated promises, it would be understood as forgery. This was not so in the eleventh and twelfth centuries; the legal way of conferring rights substantiated by instruments of witness--not just incidentally supported by a memorial--was too new a concept. "Documentation," and the necessity for the issuer to keep a precise copy of the instrument, represent technical discoveries of the late twelfth century. The regest, the catalogue, the copy, the seal, the date, and the signature, are decisive elements of the new technique. + +The making of regests, which are registers of the dictates of the sovereign, was already known to Roman lawyers. One or two popes had practiced it in the fourth century. From Innocent III on, it was the rule in the Roman Curia, but it was not until the fourteenth century that it became established in the chancellory of the Holy Roman Empire. Cataloguing techniques lagged behind the manufacture of copy instruments until well into the fifteenth century. Monastery libraries in the High Middle Ages had monks who remembered where to find manuscripts but as yet had no catalogues. Monks in the older monasteries in particular knew better than their patrons what the latter held in their archives and thus were able to produce forgeries easily. + +The first known _scrutinium_ of a monastery library, a catalogue intended to serve as the annual inventory, dates from around 1170. With this invention, the book became dislocated from the sacristy. The book repository became an archive, pure and simple--a library. A report by a Dominican in 1260 tells of books being set out on shelves so the brothers might consult them _in promptu_--in readiness. It became important to verify the quotation from a theological authority, much as the described border of a forest had to be authenticated by reference to written evidence. In the thirteenth century, the making of catalogues of books owned and the making of regests, or registers, or charters granted proceeded in parallel. + +There was a fundamental difference, however, between making a copy of a book in a monastery scriptorium and making a copy of a charter in a chancellory. The original of the book stayed in the monastery, while the original of the charter left the chancellory. The chancellor was responsible for the copy that remained _iden_--that is, the same as, _identical_ to the original. + +Making exact copies called not only for twice as much writing work but also for correction of the copy. In 1283, Cambridge established the first _beneficium_ for a paid corrector. His job was to check documents according to form (_ratio_), legibility (_lettera_), word order (_dictio_), and spelling (_sillibo_). Two documents being identical thus became a new criterion of their legal validity. Two hundred years before Gutenberg, archives gave rise to the intellectual prototype of printed matter: an original (that might not exist anymore) from which a number of identical copies had been produced and written. In fourteenth-century depictions of a law-court clerk, the corrector is often shown looking over the shoulder of a secretary and a copyist to verify and certify the identity of two documents. The issue of a notary's certificate attesting to the identity of two texts became a flourishing business. Even people now required identification. As early as 1248, Goliards in Burgundy were obliged to carry written credentials: the first step toward the "identification" of a person as an "individual." + +To keep the individual charter identifiable forever, it must not only be vouched for by a copy, but also firmly placed in space and in a new kind of time. The place of issuance is already indicated on most eleventh-century documents. When the documents indicated time, this was usually related to events significant enough to stick in the memory of witnesses to the proceedings described. The document was drawn up on the Feast of St. Severinus, on a market day, at the vigil of a wedding, on the anniversary of the foundation of a monastery, or perhaps on the occasion of a visitation by the sovereign. It was not until some time in the thirteenth century that notaries ventured to place so trivial a proceeding as a change of ownership of a piece of farmland in direct relation to the birth of the Lord and thus to the course of the history of human salvation. Through this method, the history of salvation was chartered as the history of the world. + +As a result of this dating, time through the text became something new: no more the subjective experience of a relative distance in the course of the world or the pilgrimage of the writer, but an axis for absolute reference on which charters could be nailed like labels. By the end of the fourteenth century, the date on a charter could even be tied to the mechanical tower-clock. "Circiter nona pulsatione horologi," announced the contract, and at nine o'clock the document was signed. Memory grew a new dimension. Memories could now be shelved behind each other, not according to their importance or affinity, but according to the date from which they issue. And in the Dance of Death, the skeleton man begins to appear with an hourglass: By the fifteenth century, he insists that time is scarce. + +The signature also changed its function in this transition from the description of an event to the production of an instrument that was essential to the event, because the signature helped render individual will "visible," and thus helped fix it in a universal grid. The swearer's resounding name no longer leaves an impression. + +In the twelfth century, documents still spoke aloud: "The letters are symbols of things and have such power that they bring the speech of the person present to our ear without his voice." So said John of Salisbury (d. 1180), sometime secretary to Thomas à Becket, a sarcastic and elegant writer who with this definition harks back to Isidore of Seville, whose letters "indicate figures speaking with sounds." Until it had been promulgated (by a herald, "heard"), a legislative act had no legal validity. The written copy was as yet no more than a record of that oral promulgation. + +So long as the document was conceived only as a reminder of something proclaimed, its sealing with a signet ring or a signature was an emphatic confirmation of the oral event it described; but not yet its authentication. Because he was not concerned with authentication, the same person arbitrarily used a different signature each time. This changed in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries when documents became legally effective instruments. Courts concerned themselves with the question of authenticity. _Vellum_ (calfskin) was replaced by _membranum_ (sheepskin), which was thinner, did not easily permit erasures, and prevented forgeries. Signed documents were now required to stand as a guarantee. + +The old Frankish _wera_, the old French _warandir_, "guarantor," slowly turned into a written warranty that drew its force from being signed. The seal became a mark of the power of writing. Even a man who could not himself write was empowered by the seal to take legally valid action on his own behalf by issuing documents. If his word was invalid, he could speak through the document, thus exercising his power by taking legal action. In the thirteenth century, even villeins, free peasants, occasionally carried their own seals and so could obtain a description of their property drawn up by a notary. In the twelfth century, the seal was still regarded by its owner much like any other object--a dagger, a chalice, or a whip. Like the St. Albans' whip pommel that stood for four mares, the sealed wax was the object through which a piece of property might change hands. If a document was at all attached to the sealed wax, which sometimes weighed more than a pound, this parchment was mainly a further inscription on the seal, analogous to the inscription scratched on the pommel of the whip. Only slowly did the seal change from a thing (a _res_) into the substitute for a person's handwritten signature. The text itself overshadowed its material vehicle, and threw this shadow deep into the daily life of everyone who purchased, inherited, sold, or lost property. Just as in the transition from orality to literacy, language became detached from the speaker, so the text was no longer viewed as an extension of the event but assumed its own authenticity separate from the event. + +Representations of the Last Judgement appear at this time in the arched spaces above many church doors that show how the book has separated from its writer. The Archangel Michael weighs the soul to establish if it may ascend into Paradise or must be cast into Hell. And, on quite a few of these reliefs, the Judge Himself holds the book, in which every deed and desire, nay every word and thought of the dead has been written down. Without ever having touched a pen or held a book, without ever having dictated a line or sealed a charter, every time he enters the church door the faithful is reminded that, even with his most secret thought, he _writes_ the text of his life, by which he will be judged on that ominous day. + +To write, however, at the time when the Book of Life gained prominence in Christian preaching did not yet mean to clutch a pen and draw letters on a parchment. What it meant to write can be well documented from the manner in which Bernard's scriptorium was organized. Bernard, Abbot of Clairvaux in the early twelfth century, does not write with his hand. Like Cicero, the Abbot spoke emphatically in the presence of a scribe. He spoke clearly, but slower than the Roman, because unlike the latter's slave Tiro, Bernard's amanuensis (his secretary: literally, he who lends him his hand) did not know how to take shorthand. Some of Bernard's dictations survive in two versions that textual criticism is unable to reduce to a single original. These are undoubtedly two different secretaries' notes of the same sermon of which different fair copies were made from a wax tablet. Many of the old texts were prepared by secretaries in this way from statements by their dictators. Once a fair copy had been made of his dictation, Bernard occasionally might have had it read back to him for checking. But there was no question as yet, for him, of a correction from a manuscript. + +Some half dozen technical innovations in writing had to become commonplace before the author himself could become a writer. In this period the usual method of writing, both for copying and for originals, was and remained dictation. + +In the Republican period of ancient Rome, to dictate meant to speak in the elevated, rhythmic manner of the _ductus_; _scribere_ meant the physical act of writing as well as composing. In the Middle Ages the frontier between the two meanings was located quite differently. _Dictate_ referred to the act of creating a text, and _scribere_ simply to the work done with writing materials. It was suggested occasionally that, when he was alone in his cell, a monk could dictate. Up until the twelfth century, the _ars dictaminis_ was the art of reading and composing rather than that of reading and writing. The art of writing was _one_ of the many arts necessary for a manuscript to come into being. The skinner and the parchment maker, the beekeeper who produced the wax tablet, and the painter for the miniatures, were all as necessary as the bookbinder and the lector, or reader, in the copying room. This changed with the division of lines into words. When the copyist saw words in front of him, he was able to copy the original himself, word for word. There is some evidence that in the thirteenth century people who could not read were used for copying because they could copy more accurately. + +In Antiquity, even after the great grammarians such as Varro and Quintillian had mastered the word intellectually and were able to teach its forms and functions in the sentence, writing was still pure _grammatika_: a continuous series of letters. Words were strung together without any physical definition. Not until the sequence of letters was read aloud was it possible to grasp the words of the text. The author might in theory dictate a sequence of words; but for the scribe they became an unbroken series of letters. From that series of letters the ear had to extract not only the words but also the elevated rhythm of polished speech. + +A very timid beginning at dividing up words was made by Jerome. He interrupted his sequence of letters with _cola_ and _commata_ in order to make legible some of his translations from the Hebrew that would otherwise have been almost meaningless in Latin. The first strict division of sentences into separate words occurs in the titles of an early manuscript of the _Etymologiae_ of Isadore. Division into words first came into common use in the seventh century. It happened at the northern frontiers of the known world, where Celtic "ignoramuses" had to prepare for the priesthood and needed to be taught Latin. Division into words was thus introduced as a means of teaching Latin to barbarians as a foreign language. Like the new pronunciation of Latin, it came to the Continent by way of Tours through Alcuin in the late eighth century. Unlike the new pronunciation, however, which was quickly rejected, the innovation of the word as a visual unit in writing won general acceptance. The ninth century provides us with the first reports of schools beginning to observe _distinctiones_, the spaces between words. + +The new graphics of the separated word had an immediate effect on the copying room. Until the eighth century, the writing room was depicted by artists as a dictating room. Then, from the early eighth century, we have a picture of a writing room for which there are no precedents. The scribe sits in front of long strips from which he is copying, although the most usual method of copying was still that of the copier dictating to himself. As early as the ninth century, artists occasionally represented the inspiration of an author--even that of the Evangelists--by showing an angel holding a tome before the writer at his desk; nonetheless, it was not until the thirteenth century that the really radical change occurred. + +The writer depicted in early thirteenth-century miniatures no longer holds a knife in his left hand. Instead of writing on the hard leather membrane that had to be smoothed by scraping and sometimes even nailed to the desk with the point of a knife, he now writes on thin parchment and is even beginning to write on paper. His posture is much more relaxed. Writing is no longer strenuous work. His right hand, too, now has an easier job. The writing surface is smooth, the _ductus_ flows, and at last the Middle Ages has produced its own cursive script--something that had been forgotten since late Antiquity. The master can now become a writer himself. He is shown with a quill in his hand and not, as he had been for centuries, as a dictator. + +Thomas Aquinas, in the middle of the thirteenth century, already had newer writing materials--parchment, penknife, reed, and ink--at his disposal. Drafts in his own hand have come down to us, in the new Gothic cursive which, in its first generation of use, was insufficiently standardized: The master did not yet think that a secretary could copy from his notes. Copying from the master's handwriting by pupils became possible only in the next generation. Thomas still had to dictate in class from his arranged notes, creating his lectures from his written sources. He did not need to limit his notes to a small number of wax tablets. Thomas used notes to assist his trained memory: he drew up a schema of the arguments he was going to deal with. And in many instances, he first dictated his schema and then the execution of it. Earlier teachers did not speak from notes, and they could not check most of their sources. + +When Bernard referred to a source he did so from memory. Albertus Magnus and Thomas, two generations later, were the first to have reference books at hand. They quoted verbatim, and after their death, their own works lay chained to library desks, having become reference books in their turn. The new technique of "reference" enables the thirteenth-century author to check his quotations from sources. He can dictate while looking up a passage. The dictator began to have random access to a memory that was laid out before him. Chaucer obviously had before him the text of Boccaccio's _Il Teseide_, as his source, his _auctoritas_, for "The Knight's Tale." The mnemonic devices the rhetorician taught the pupil to build up in his own imagination had taken shape, hundreds of years later, on the page. The Lindisfarne Gospel comes with sixteen pages of canon tables constructed under decorated arches. In the Book of Kells, the fourth-century Eusabian Tables stand at the beginning and suggest to the reader that Matthew, Luke, Mark, and John can be read as one story, since they provide an inkling of the parallels between the four tales. But only in the late twelfth century is this memory device externalized. Any reader can return to any book he has read whenever he wants to do so. And soon it was no longer the works of one's own monastery that the students could reach: the first Union Catalogue came into being shortly after the foundation of the Sorbonne. + +Much more significant than the creation of accessible library shelves, however, was the new way of arranging written matter within the book. The art of going back to the exact location of a source of Divine Revelation was from the beginning a necessity that distinguished the Christian from the pagan author. This makes it surprising that the techniques to do so took hundreds of years to be shaped. For a thousand years Holy Scripture was not referred to indirectly, but always _quoted_ directly. Saint Augustine had experimented with a device meant to help the readers of the _City of God_ find their way about his vast treatise. For this purpose he prepared a _brevicus_ as a summary to each of the books. Cassiodorus had experimented in the sixth century with the use of key words as glosses: He extracted them from the text and placed them into the margins as he dictated. Isidore of Seville, just before the Arabs established themselves in southern Spain, first provided his vast _Etymologiae_ with chapter headings. But only very slowly did the division of the Bible into chapters become standardized; the division into verses came even more slowly. Gradually the New Testament began to be cited by chapter and verse. Such citation--without the need of quotation--became possible for the Old Testament only after 1200. And then, quite suddenly at the end of the twelfth century, the devices to use the book as a reference tool were there: a subject index to the whole of Holy Scripture. Thus, some 250 years before printing made it possible to refer to the text by page number, a network of grids was laid over the book--a method that had nothing at all to do with the content itself. + +During the twelfth century, written texts were visibly fixed in spatial relations to each other. With this text certain elements were made to stand out: Quotations were now written in a different color. The reader's eye, accustomed by the gloss to move from the body to the margin, had to be trained to move from the index to the page, and from one book to the other. Now the eye encompassed not simply the lines, but the entire text. Quite possibly, some of these techniques were developed under Arabic influence. The Moslems, who were not allowed to draw naturalistic pictures, sought to address the eye through the arrangement of letters alone. As a result, Arabic scribes developed a greater variety of colors and diversity of letter arrangements than contemporary Latin books. Certainly the influx of translations from the Arabic--often prepared by Jews from Toledo and Montpellier--inspired some of the new techniques used by the thirteenth-century monks. But Western bookmaking did not become iconoclastic. Precisely as the new methods allowed the text to take visible shape, this text entered into a new relationship to the painted margin and miniatures. Text and illumination are no longer interwoven in the ambiguous manner of Lindisfarne: the patterns do no more than intrude into the lines of the letters, as in the Book of Kells. To describe and to paint have come to be separate tasks often executed by different hands. And yet, the union of illustration and writing during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries gave rise to the great synthesis of the Western manuscript. + +The world now lay described before the reader's eye. The book is now arbitrarily accessible; the reader can enter at will, wherever the index refers him. He sees what is written, and the illustration assists him in this task of visualization. His authorities are perceived as writers rather than as teachers: The "ipse dixit" is replaced by the "ipse scripsit." The pupils now sit in front of their teacher with their eyes fixed on his text, which lies on their knees. They are no more asked to recall the sound of their teacher's words, but to grasp the architecture of his argument, which they must impress on their minds. By the end of the thirteenth century, students in Paris can borrow manuscripts from lending libraries to read with their teachers in class. Libraries become places of silence. + +Now truly the reader can say what Hugh of St. Victor had said in 1128: "_Trimodium est lectionis genus: docentis, discentis vel per se inspicientis_" (I can read [aloud] to you, you can read [aloud] to me, and I can read contemplatively to myself). Now reading as an activity of the teacher--in other words, reading aloud--and reading as a listening activity are complemented by a third, silent type of reading: contemplative study of the book. + + +## Translation and Language + +_In wordless speech there is no word-for-word reproduction of meaning. Writing had fixed neither the language frontier nor the mono lingual dependence on translation_. + +_One often forgets that the translator is a frontiersman in more than one sense: He creates the very frontier over which he brings his booty. He is like a ferryman whose boat turns the wild beyond of the barbarous babble into the "other" bank. The translator does not exist in orality. In that world there is neither the dragoman, who hangs about the offices of the Turkish Khadi, nor the_ Dolmetscher, _who sees to it that two texts correspond, nor the "simultaneous parrot" at the United Nations. All these are artisans of the text. They start from the assumption that a person who speaks is, by implication, dictating. It is immaterial whether that dictation is then written down or not because the product of it is in any case a "text" Translation today means turning one text into another. The notion that lies behind it is that texts have a content that is capable of being poured from one vessel--with its own lexical, grammatical, phonetic, and con textual peculiarities--into another_. + +One obstacle most modern readers face when they want to study the history of "language" is their belief in monolingual man. From Saussure to Chomsky, "homo monolinguis" is posited as the man who uses language--the man who speaks. This idea had no place in early Greece, or in the Middle Ages; even today it is alien to many people. In their daily life in Java or in the Sahel, a great number of people still feel at home in several kinds of discourse, each of which, to the modern perception, is conducted in a distinct language. But those other people--the Javanese--perceive things differently. They still say "I cannot understand you," rather than "I do not know your language." They are concerned with grasping what the other person has to say by explanation, gesture, or summary; they do not want a translation of that person's statements. As in early Greece, the borders between these cultures, which we moderns are taught to see as "languages," have remained fluid. The idea of "translation" has not yet erected those frontiers that the translator, and only the translator, may bridge. + +The eleventh-century cleric who takes down the witness's testimony in the language of the court--who, for example, writes in Latin what the witness says in Swabian--is a scribe. He has no intention to translate. Neither is the bishop translating who reads out the homily in accordance with the rules of the Council of Tours: He teaches by announcing the word of God and interpreting it. He is helping people understand. But that is a long way from translating. + +Even today, we often say: "Help me, would you--I'd like to understand what the old man or the scientist is saying." Surely, we are not seeking a translator, but someone to help us understand--an interpreter. We rely on the intermediary who understands the mutterings of an old woman, the dialect of Lower Bavaria, scientific language, or Chinese. The question "What did he say?" contains the request "Tell me what he is trying to tell me." We do not even expect our companion to have understood word for word; we only want to understand what _he_ has understood. This understanding of explanations, coupled with the ability to explain what one has understood, is basic to oral discourse. + +For the idealistic language inmate of a language prison this type of intercourse has become either inconceivable or irritating. He finds it hard to accept that the phenomenon to which he refers by the term "language" has a history--that it was once socially created and may also pass away. Just as the word assumed its present form through writing, so did "language" assume its present form through the translation of texts. + +According to George Steiner, translation did not become an issue in the period before Christ. The few literate people were usually bilingual, and for the others, what was said in one language could be retold, summed up, reported, or commented on in the other. Cicero and Horace were among the first to refer to translation as an art. The Greek work was not to be turned into Latin _verbum pro verbo_. Instead, the meaning was to be detached from the words of one language and made to reappear in another; content, stripped of its form, was to be preserved. Theories about translation changed very little--translation was described as an attempt to divulge the secrets of one language into another--until the hermeneutics of the 1950s. Only then did the study of translation as applied linguistic theory become separated from literary theory. In the end, we would agree with Borges: "Ningún problema tan consustancial con las letras y con su modesto misterio como el que propone una traducción" (Translation reflects what is most uncanny about literacy). + +The absence of theory did not hamper the Middle Ages from growing into an age of translation. The age of transiation begins, not only with the Christian desire to preach the Gospel to all people, but to appropriate its Hebrew and Greek books into the culture of late Antiquity, which, in the West with Augustine, became monolingual. Saint Jerome defined his activity as translator in an image to which the monks of Reichenau made allusion: "Quasi captivos sensus in suam linguam victoris iure transposuit" ("As the victor deports his prisoners under the rule of war, so (the translator] carries meaning over into his own language"). And precisely because Jerome was aware of the violence done to the text by translation, he called for limits to be set to the process. He preferred to tolerate meaningless sequences of words in his Latin Bible than have what he regarded as something inexpressible obscured by interpretation: "Alioquin et multa alia quae ineffabilia sunt, et humanus animus capere non potest, hac licentia delebuntur." + +Translation in the Middle Ages carried a unique significance because of the unique status of Latin--the only language used in writing. Latin became the only vessel out of which divine revelation could be drawn. By the time of Charlemagne, it had joined Greek and Hebrew as a holy language out of which translation could be made. + +Monks in the ninth century began to fashion _theotisc_ into a vessel into which they would dare to pour the content of Latin scripture. To enable translations to be made from the now holy Latin language, in Murbach and on the island of Reichenau, the shaping of the German language became an object of scholarly attention. Within less than a generation, these monks had fashioned a German vocabulary that bore comparison with that of Latin, in order to translate their Benedictine Rule. Glossaries were composed in order to find verbalcounterparts for "the last filtration of Latin thought and literary discipline." Through considered new coinings, through precise definition of new fields of meaning, through loan syntax or paronymous new coinings, something entirely new came into being: From German tongues there crystallized a German language that could be regarded as an equivalent of Latin. + +From the middle of the ninth century, a single document written in the Romance language has come down to us, and it happens to be an oath. This Romance text is included in a chronicle written by Nithard in what for the period is unusually good Latin. Nithard, who succeeded his father as Abbot of St. Riquier, was a grandson of Charlemagne through his mother Berta. He served another grandson of Charlemagne, Charles the Bald. He wrote his chronicle at the age of nineteen--two years before his death in battle in 844. In lively terms he describes things that he himself experienced. He complains about the decline of the Holy Roman Empire and that particular year's poor weather. We know from his chronicle that in 841 Charles the Bald and Louis the German conspired against their brother Lothar. Nithard wrote down the oaths of both the rulers and their men by which this conspiracy was effected. Each ruler took an oath on behalf of himself and his men in the other's language. + +Both vernacular oaths were based on an ingenious Latin original that may possibly have been drawn up by Nithard for his master and cousin, but that has not survived. These two versions, known as the Strasbourg Oaths, played crucial though very different roles in the history of the French and German languages. + +The text in _romana lingua_ is the earliest alphabetic representationof colloquial speech in France. For something like a thousand years a dialect had been spoken in France that lent itself perfectly to notation in Latin characters but was never written. + +The "vulgar" living speech of tradesmen, craftsmen, women, and public officials that survived in France for thirty generations is unknown to us. Like Latin, it had come from Italy, but it took root earlier and remained far longer than Latin. However, as in Lombardy and on the Iberian Peninsula, it was neither distinguished from Latin as a separate "language," nor was it ever written down. + +Precise analysis of the Romance text of the Strasbourg Oaths shows beyond any doubt that Nithard's text is not a transcription of a spoken language. It constitutes an attempt to take a carefully worked-out formula, written and conceived in Latin, and to adapt it phonetically and syntactically to the Alsatian mode of expression. The text is a remarkable example of an already developed juridical terminology in learned and complex syntax, with a stilted technical vocabulary, that corresponds exactly to the Latin oaths of Carolingian princes that have come down to us. The conspiracy of the Carolingian princes here became an opportunity to have an army solemnly repeat a text that had been read aloud to them in a facsimile of their own dialect. + +The dialect was not a "Latin" dialect. Even by the time of the eruption of Vesuvius in 79 A.D., the Romans were no longer speaking the way Latin was spelled. The volcanic ash preserved graffiti that people had daubed on the walls of their houses. The word structure of these uneducated scrawls shows signs of shifts that, up until recently, philologists assumed took place a thousand years later. In words ending with _m_, for instance, the final _m_ is often dropped. Probably the _m_ was either not pronounced at all or was fused with the preceding vowel to form a nasal--as occurs in present-day Portuguese. Many researchers believe that this gap between language as it was spoken and language as it was spelled was by no means confined to the poorer classes. The Classical poetry of the period takes on a fresh charm when the _m_ is swallowed--as in Brazilian. And, in 841--seven hundred years after Vesuvius--the Romance spoken in Gaul, like that spoken in Iberia, had moved much farther away from Latin word structure. What was read approximated the local form of _lingua romana_. For the reader, word structure was determined by grammar, and pronunciation by the landscape. In many places, Latin pronunciation was probably as far removed from orthography as is modern English. + +Among the aims of the Carolingian reform had been to have Latin read--and consequently also spoken--in a uniform manner throughout the empire. Charlemagne wished to match the existing unity of spelling with a unity of sound. Such an objective would today tend to be regarded as a call for mutual understanding. But such a change was certainly not necessary for mutual understanding at the time. Every monk learned the Latin pronunciation of his own monastery. If he walked from Subiaco to Fulda, his feet bore him no faster than his ear was able to adjust itself to new pronunciations, just as today's Indian pilgrim still finds his ear adjusting to the landscape with every step he takes. Moreover, despite big differences in accents--today we should say languages--people's readiness to listen and to understand is far greater in a traditional society than present-day schoolteachers imagine. For more than a thousand years, in some sense, Latin lived. + +Charlemagne and his circle of educated monks--Peter the Grammarian, from whom the adult emperor would have liked to learn to write; Paulinus, whose hymns are today still sung in the chancel office; Paul the Deacon, the court historian; the Spaniard, West-Goth Theodolf, wit and art expert; the layman Einhard, Charlemagne's biographer--all of these men together had no less an aim than to mold all the peoples of the empire into a univocal congregation. Sovereignty was interpreted as a gift from God in the service of the Church. Visible unification and standardization of all spheres of life had a symbolic rather than a practical purpose: to correct ingrained habits according to the original text. Mythical "ur-texts" were sought for the Latin Bible, for canon law, for the liturgy, and for monastic life. The plan to standardize Latin pronunciation needs to be seen in the same context, that is to say, as a theologically motivated attempt to create a symbolically effective, uniform, imperial, dead "language"--not to improve a "means of communication." + +On the Continent, no one would have carried out such a plan. The idea that a uniform written language demanded a uniform pronunciation contradicted a basic belief of the Church. The Book of Revelation was one, and had to be understood by all people, each in his own tongue; in the daily performance of this feat, the miracle of Pentecost was constantly repeated. This "miracle" could be performed everywhere in England except in those areas where Romance had never been used as the vernacular, which made it possible for the "correct" pronunciation of written Latin to become a research subject in the eighth century. The Venerable Bede wrote a treatise on orthography. Alcuin the Scot--born in the year of Bede's death (736) and raised among his pupils--was summoned to Charlemagne's court as schoolmaster and placed in charge of the school in Tours. He came from a tradition in which Classical education was rooted, not in the continuity of the _lingua romana_, but in the continuity that stemmed from the systematic adoption of Latin in the monastery and in the liturgy. + +Charlemagne relied on Alcuin to unify the pronunciation of Latin. Unlike his Continental brothers, when Alcuin read a text, he pronounced it as a dead language. He trained his pupils to read Latin the way he had learned to read it in York, with each letter being given its correct value--that is to say, pronounced with the same sound each time. This concern for uniform pronunciation was even reflected in the contractions that appeared in the new, standard Carolingian handwriting. Repeatedly, only that part of a word is written that the Franks would otherwise have stressed insufficiently or swallowed altogether. Forty years before the Strasbourg Oaths, then, Alcuin's school was deliberately trying to make the "reading" of Latin incomprehensible to the vernacular ear. Only in this context can one understand how it could have occurred to Nithard to write _lingua romana_ phonetically. + +Alcuin's phonetic reform was meant to breathe new life into Latin. The immediate consequence, however, was that Latin became incomprehensible to the listener when read aloud. The Carolingian _renovatio_ constituted an obstacle to the Church's preaching. A year before Charlemagne's death the Church's rejection of his unhistorical concept of correct pronunciation found expression at the Council of Tours--the very town in which Alcuin had taught only a few years before. It forbade priests to use the new way of reading during services. The Council enjoins the celebrant to read from this book written in Latin, but to strive in the process to speak in the Romance or _theotisc_ vernacular. Priests in the province of Tours were to continue doing what they had always done without criticism. On the basis of the Latin texts, they were to read out what their congregations could understand. + +The argument between advocates of a revived Latin and the Church's priests hinged on the interpretation of what kind of activity "reading" should be--should it be the spelling out of the letters that correspond to the sounds of a long-dead language, or should it be the transformation of the lines into their own living speech? With this canon, the Council of Tours was reacting against putting a lower limit on standard literary language. Alcuin's idea of Latin implied one formal set of phonetics for the entire Empire. That new phonetics posed a threat to the function of Latin writing, which was to serve all peoples (_gentes_). + +"Easdem omelias quisque aperte transferre studeat in rusticam romanam linguam aut theotiscam, quo facilius possint intellegere quae dicuntur," proclaimed the bishops assembled at Tours. The council wished to hold the door open for congregations to understand the text (_quo facilius possint intellegere_). It therefore required the reader to take pains (_studeat_) to pronounce what he was reading (_quae dicuntur_) in such a way that the collection of Latin texts (_omeliae_) intended to help elucidate the scriptures came across in a manner people could understand (_aperte transferre_ ... _in rusticam linguam_), no matter if that "language" in which the Latin text is read out of is German or French. The emphasis here is on the _rusticam_: The reader was to do his reading in a vernacular, rustic manner. Two such tongues (_linguae_) are mentioned: _romana_ and _theotisca_. Thus, by changing pronunciation (tongue), one could change the Latin, read aloud, into German or French. + +Contemporary usage suggests an opposition between German and French because we think in terms of "languages" as self-contained systems of communication that may be compared one with another, but only in the context of their separateness. Neither this modern notion of a neatly defined language, nor that of equivalent language can be projected into a ninth-century text. The _aut_ between _romana_ and _theotisca_ has much more to do with a polarity than with an either/or sense of exclusion. In the same way as the Council opposed the cultivation of a contradiction between the reading aloud of Latin and a generally comprehensible manner of speaking, this canon is talking, not about a translation process, but about a reading process. Reading aloud comprehensibly--however the book is written--is something different from translating Latin into Old French or Old High German. + +This can be elucidated by considering the word _theotisc_. It was not until shortly before 800 that this word started to become remolded from "popular" to "of German origin," and _theotisca lingua_ from "people's speech" to "Germanic." The efforts of the monks at Reichenau, Fulda, and in Alsace to create the rudiments of a German language gave rise to the idea that _theotisc_ was a language distinct from Latin, potentially equivalent to but heterogenous from it, out of and into which it was possible to translate. However, this idea had not yet won general acceptance. And vernacular languages were still far from being the separate and distinct cages in which we today think we are locked. + +Up until the time of the earliest vernacular grammars--in other words, up until the late fifteenth century--_lingua_ or _tongue_ or _habla_ was less like one drawer in a bureau than one color in a spectrum. The comprehensibility of speech was comparable to the intensity of a color. Just as one color may appear with greater or lesser intensity, may bleed into its neighbor, just as landscapes merge into one another, so it is with the Council's _aut_ in relation to _romanam_ and _theotiscam_. Latin stands in contrast to both "tongues" because it is an orthographic "language." But so long as there was no compulsion to read aloud in an orthophonetic manner, the reader was free to paint the meaning of what he was reading in any color of the rainbow. And it was on this Christian tradition of a logogrammatical reading of a text written in phonetic notation that the canons of Tours insisted. + +By determining the nature of reading in this way, Christianity dissociated itself from the temple at an early stage. As reported by a first-century Jewish source--the Megillah Teanith (The Fasting Scroll)--three days of darkness came over the earth on the day the seventy wise Jews completed their Greek translation of the Torah, the Septuagint. Even today the Koran may not be translated from the Arabic. Christian preaching consists precisely of the fact that every foreigner in Jerusalem was able to hear the Hebrew message in his own native language. Public, vocal meditation during reading is of the essence to the Christian message. The modulation on each syllable that characterizes Gregorian plainchant and the vernacular annunciation of the Gospel are the two extreme forms. Without an appreciation for Mnemosyne it is impossible either to understand the Christian concepts of devout reading, or to grasp what it means that God became the Word that unfolds in Scripture. In the context of these multiple forms of reading, the doctrine of the four-fold interpretation of the sacred text reached its height. + +According to the evidence of the Strasbourg Oaths, however, ideogrammatical reading since the ninth century effected precisely the opposite result. The text that Nithard has preserved does not render what anyone had actually said. The work of a wily chaplain, this cunningly devised chunk of speech became the language in which the chancellory took possession of ancient forms of oath. Alliteration and strong words make the army pay due heed to an unaccustomed vow. Every fighting man was to repeat those sentences after a verbatim recital by a cleric. The sentence structure and phraseology of the Romance version show clearly that this intrusion of stilted Latin formulae into the Romance vernacular was not new in Nithard's day; some set forms of its wording give the impression of having been already polished by chancery use. The oaths provide an example of the manner in which letters can shape people, not only before anyone can trace or decipher them, but before a single song or statement has been written in that people's vernacular. The oath is just one of several ways in which the unwritten literature of popular culture was learned by heart. The memorization of prayers was probably much more effective. Even in the thirteenth century, confession still served as a means for the clergy to see if individuals knew the Pater and the Creed by heart. + +The medieval clergy's habit of taking depositions in the vernacular and writing them down in Latin, and reading Latin oaths, creeds, and statements by formulating them in vernacular utterances that the people had to repeat, throws light on why epic poetry so rarely came to be written down as it was sung. Unlike the Greek scribe who wrote down what he heard "Homer" sing, the Roman cleric wrote down in Latin what he had understood. And when, on occasion, he wrote it down in the vernacular, the literate scribe was trained to "improve" the version as he wrote it down. + + +Another landmark in the history of language occurred on August 18, 1492--just fifteen days after Columbus had set sail--when a Spaniard named Elio Antonio de Nebrija published the first grammar in any modern European language, the _Gramática Castellana_, which attempted to reduce a vernacular tongue to rules of grammar. Nebrija goes beyond the Carolingian scribe, who listened to Frankish depositions and wrote them down in Latin. He demands that Spanish be made into a language that is not spoken, but that serves to record speech. + +The six-page introduction to the _Gramática_ presents a concise and powerful argument why the new age, dawning when Columbus departed, called for the replacement of the vernacular speech of the people by a language--an "artifact"--that all people must henceforth be taught. At this time the Spanish monarchs were engaged in transforming the idea of government. They replaced the old aristocratic advisory bodies by organizations of well-lettered officials. Just recently, and only for a few years, the Crown had seized the Inquisition from the Church, thereby acquiring the power needed to dislodge the sword-carrying nobility who were to be replaced by men of the pen. The conception of government as the machinery that guarantees the execution of the monarch's utterance was now reshaped into one that prepares texts for his signature. The state governed by the management of texts--that is, the modern bureaucratic state--was taking shape. And, under the Hapsburgs, in the late sixteenth century, the transformation became ritually visible. "Ministeriales," high-level scribes, were assigned ritual roles in the court ceremonial of processions and liturgies, often outranking the men of the sword. Nebrija addresses this new secular balance between _armas y letras_. He argues with the queen for a new pact between sword and book and proposes a covenant between two spheres--both within the secular realm of the Crown--a covenant distinct from the medieval pact between Emperor and Pope, which had been a covenant bridging the secular and the sacred. + +Very astutely, Nebrija reminds the queen that a new union of _armas y letras_, complementary to that of Church and State, was essential for gathering and joining the scattered pieces of Spain into a single absolute kingdom: + +> This unified and sovereign body will be of such shape and inner cohesion that centuries will be unable to undo it. Now that the Church has been purified, and we are thus reconciled to God, now that the enemies of the Faith have been subdued by our arms, now that just laws are being enforced, enabling us all to live as equals, what else remains but the flowering of the peaceful arts. And among the arts, foremost are those of language, which sets us apart from the wild animals; language, which is the unique distinction of man, the means for the kind of understanding which can be surpassed only by contemplation. + +Continuing to develop his petition, Nebrija introduces the crucial element of his argument: _La lengua suelta y fuera de regla_--the unbound and ungoverned speech in which people actually live and manage their lives has become a challenge to the Crown. Nebrija thus interprets an unproblematic historical fact as a problem for the architects of a new kind of polity--the modern state: + +> Your majesty, it has been my constant desire to see our nation become great, and to provide the men of my tongue with books worthy of their leisure. Presently, they waste their time on novels and fancy stories full of lies. + +An argument for standardized language is also made today, but the end is now different. Our contemporaries believe that standardized language is a necessary condition to teach people to read, indispensable for the distribution of printed books. Nebrija argues just the opposite: He was upset because people who spoke in dozens of distinct vernacular tongues in 1492 had become the victims of a reading epidemic. They wasted their leisure on books that circulated outside of any possible bureaucratic control. Manuscripts had been so rare and precious that authorities could often suppress the work of an author by literally seizing _all_ the copies, burning them and extirpating the text. Not so books. Even with the small edition of two hundred to a thousand copies--typical for the first generation of print--it was never possible to confiscate an entire run. Printed books called for the exercise of censorship through an _Index of Forbidden Books_. Books could only be proscribed, not destroyed. But Nebrija's proposal appeared more than fifty years before the first _Index_ was published in 1599. And he wished to achieve control over the printed word on a much deeper level than that later attempted by the Church. He wanted to replace the people's vernacular with the grammarian's language. The humanist proposes the standardization of colloquial language to remove the new technology of printing from the vernacular domain--to prevent people from printing and reading in the various languages that, up to that time, they had only spoken. By this monopoly over an official and taught language, he proposes to suppress wild, untaught vernacular reading. + +To grasp the full significance of Nebrija's argument--that compulsory education in a standardized national mother tongue is necessary to prevent people from wanton, pleasureful reading--one must remember the status of print at that time. Nebrija was born before the appearance of moveable type. He was thirteen when the first moveable stock came into use. His conscious adult life coincides with the incunabula. When printing was in its twenty-fifth year, he published his Latin grammar; in its thirty-fifth, he published his Spanish grammar. Nebrija could recall the time before print--as many of us can recall the time before television. Nebrija's text was by coincidence published the year William Caxton died. + +The last paragraph of Nebrija's introduction exudes eloquence. Evidently, the teacher of rhetoric knew what he taught. Nebrija has explained his project; given the queen logical reasons to accept it; frightened her with what would happen if she were not to heed him. Finally, like Columbus, he appeals to her sense of a manifest destiny: + +> Now, Your Majesty, let me come to the last advantage that you shall gain from my grammar. For the purpose, recall the time when I presented you with a draft of this book earlier this year in Salamanca. At this time, you asked me what end such a grammar could possibly serve. Upon this, the Bishop of Avila interrupted to answer in my stead. What he said was this: "Soon Your Majesty will have placed her yoke upon many barbarians who speak outlandish tongues. By this, your victory, these people shall stand in a new need; the need for the laws the victor owes to the vanquished, and the need for the language we shall bring with us." My grammar shall serve to impart them the Castilian tongue, as we have used grammar to teach Latin to our young. + +We can attempt a reconstruction of what happened at Salamanca when Nebrija handed the queen a draft of his forthcoming book. The queen praised the humanist for having provided the Castilian tongue with what had been reserved to the languages of Scripture, Hebrew, Greek, and Latin. But while Isabella was able to grasp the achievement of her _letrado_--the description of a living tongue as rules of grammar--she was unable to see any practical use for such an undertaking. For her, grammar was an instrument designed solely for use by teachers. She believed, moreover, that the vernacular simply could not be taught. In her royal view of linguistics, every subject of her many kingdoms was so made by nature that during his lifetime he would reach perfect dominion over his own tongue _on his own_. In this version of "majestic linguistics" the vernacular is the _subject's_ domain. By the very nature of things, the vernacular is beyond the reach of the ruler's authority. + +Isabella's initial rejection of Nebrija's proposal underscores its originality. Nebrija argued against a traditional and typically Iberian prejudice of Isabella--the notion that the Crown cannot encroach on the variety of customs in the kingdoms--and called up the image of a new, universal mission for a _modern_ Crown. Nebrija overcame Isabella's prejudices by promising to serve her mystical mission. First, he argued that the vernacular must be replaced by an _artificio_ to give the monarch's power increased range and duration; then, to cultivate the arts by decision of the court; also to guard the established order against the threat presented by wanton reading and printing. But he concluded his petition with an appeal to the "Grace of Granada," the queen's destiny, not just to conquer, but to civilize the entire world. + +Both Columbus and Nebrija offered their services to a new kind of empire builder. But Columbus proposed only to use the recently created caravels to the limit of their range for the expansion of royal power in what would become New Spain. Nebrija's appeal was more basic--he argued the use of his grammar for the expansion of the Queen's power in a totally new sphere that he proposed to create through the act of conquest itself. He intended the creation of the sphere of a taught mother tongue--the first invented part of universal education. + +Columbus was to open the way to the New World; Nebrija devised a way to control Spanish subjects by providing a way to standardize their language. + + +## The Self + +_The practical concern in the thirteenth century with the_ identity _of two charters and the spiritual concern with the_ individuality _of each person reflect the new ability to distinguish what is in the book and what is on the page. The word_ individual _itself comes from Antiq uity . In Porphyry's_ Commentaries _on Aristotelian categories, the word carries the meaning of " unambiguousness"; it has a deictic or demonstrative character. It means an ultimately indivisible_ (a-tomos) _something, the subject of which something is predicated--for example, Socrates, to whom we can point as the "bearded, garrulous, son of so-and-so." In this sense,_ in-dividuum _(Cicero's translation of_ a-tomos) _was carried over the bridge of Isidore of Seville's_ Etymologiae _into the Middle Ages. Abelard used the word in the same deictic sense. Albert the Great took the "individual" beyond Classical Antiquity when he grasped the difference between the_ individuum vaguum _and the_ individuum certum, _the frog whose croaking woke him up last night, as opposed to this particular croaker that I catch and am able to skewer_. + +The self is as much an alphabetic construct as word and memory, thought and history, lie and narration. Narration and the self in the twentieth century have become as inseparable as the epos and its singer in oral times: The writer spins the story as part of his self. The twentieth-century citizen sees himself through the eyes of various sciences as a layer cake of texts. From the eighteenth century on, the state has become a corporation of selves that letters examine. + +No language can get by without a first person singular, which in some languages is demonstrative--for example, the Hebrew _ani_ that acts like a finger turned backwards--and in other languages sets the speaker off from the rest. But, unlike the "I," most epochs got along without a self. There was no self in epic times. According to Bruno Snell, there was not even a body: heroes refer to their arm or their "thymos," but do not contextualize these into the kind of body we now have. In oral cultures, one may retain an imge of what has been--yesterday, at the time of the full moon, or last spring, but the person then or now exists only in the doing or the telling, as the suffix comes to life only when it modifies a verb. Like a candle, the "I" lights up only in the activity and is extinguished at other times. But not dead. With the retelling of the story, the candle comes to glow again. No pilot light gives continuity to the first person singular between one story and the next. The "I" can exist only in the act of speaking out loud--or to oneself. + +The idea of a self that continues to glimmer in thought or memory, occasionally retrieved and examined in the light of day, cannot exist without the text. Where there is no alphabet, there can neither be a memory conceived as a storehouse nor the "I" as its appointed watchman. With the alphabet both text and self became possible, but only slowly, and they became the social construct on which we found all our perceptions as literate people. + +Writing the history of the self is as difficult as writing the history of the text. The self is a cloth we have been weaving over centuries in confessions, journals, diaries, memories, and in its most literate incarnation, the autobiography, to tailor the dress in which we see our first person singular. _Beowulf_ dates from the life of Bede (671–735), the time that the Christian alphabet came to England; its hero, Beowulf, has nothing of what we moderns call "self." But by the fourteenth century it is clear that to the two books delineated by someone like St. Bonaventure--the Book of Creation and the Scriptures--has been added a third: the Book of the Self. Hugh of St. Cher refers to the Book of the Heart, which, at the end of time, Hugh declares, Christ will open to reveal all "things secret." Alanus de Insulis calls man's conscience a book hiding things of the soul. These secrets too will be revealed on the Day of Judgement. And in the next several centuries, the self becomes an established literary phenomenon that can be read in popular accounts such as Benvenuto Cellini's supposed autobiography, Rousseau's _Confessions_, and the interminable memoirs of Casanova. At virtually the same moment that James Boswell is lionizing his friend Samuel Johnson, through the biography, Benjamin Franklin is doing the same thing for himself, in his autobiography--though he uses the old term, _memoir_. It is also in America that the newly constituted self quietly reaches its crisis, with Henry Adams. + +We cannot conceive facing each other except as selves. The image of the self that we have inherited seems to us fundamental for western culture. But we notice that some of our students are bred on electronic text composers. "Text" means something entirely different for them than it does for us. And thus we sense its extreme fragility at this moment. We fear that the image of the self made in the image of the text could fade from society, together with the self-destruction of the text. Retracing the sociogenesis of our perception, we want to point to its historical nature. + + +In three thousand lines, _Beowulf_ describes the wondrous adventures of Beowulf, whose patronymic translates as Bee-Wolf, or simply Bear. Like a bear, Beowulf swims vigorously, runs swiftly, and fights fiercely. He possesses the strength of thirty men in his right hand. A mighty animal is his model; though he is quasi-human, the hero is not inarticulate. Indeed, he is adept at reconstructing his genealogical roots: he does so in over fifty lines of well-shaped verse. With deftness he tells the story of his prodigious three-day swimming contest with Breca. The same story about the contest with Breca is told by Unferth completely differently. What to us looks like a contradiction in the two stories never becomes a "problem" for Beowulf and is never "resolved." Unferth's diverging story merely shows Beowulf in another light. Beowulf knows no hesitation, he cannot lie, but neither can he take inventory of his life. He seems incapable of remembering. He suffers no pangs of conscience, no regrets. Larger than life, he is also far removed from it. + +However, during the last hours of _Beowulf_ on the third and final day of his struggle with the dragon, a kink occurs in the story; for eight and one-half lines there is talk of a kind of shame or guilt or causality--what we would not know how to call anything but "conscience." Less than one hundred lines from the end of the poem a young warrior, named Wiglaf, the sole survivor of an ancient tribe called the Waegmundings, sounds this new and discordant note. He chides his comrades for not aiding their king, who has kept them secure for so many years, in his own time of need in this fatal fight with the dragon. + +The death of Beowulf signals more than the simple end of a ruler; it marks the passing away of the heroic way of life and the spirit of _comitatus_ (community) that holds that life together. Young Wiglaf represents the new order in the poem. Perhaps Wiglaf is a Christian interpolation by some monastic scribe, but nonetheless his voice is a new one in English. He wants those cowardly old men to feel bad, and he wants them to carry that feeling around with them. So he scolds: + + +``` + Wergendra tō lȳt + þrong ymbe þēoden, þā hyne sīo þrāg becwōm. + Nū sceal sinc-þego ond swyrd-gifu, + eall ēð el-wyn ēowrum cynne, + lufen ālicgean; lond-rihtes mōt + þǣre mǣg-burge monna ǣghwylc + īdel hweorfan, syððan ǣðelingas + feorran gefricgean flēam ēowerne, + dōm-lēasan dǣd. Dēað bið sēlla + eorla gehwylcum þonne edwīt-līf. + + (Too few defenders + pressed round the king when his worst time came. + Now all treasure, giving and receiving, + all home-joys, ownership, comfort, + shall cease for your kin; deprived of their rights + each man of your families will have to be exiled, + once nobles afar hear of your flight, + a deed of no glory. Death is better + for any warrior than a shameful life!) +``` + +----- + + +| Wergendra tō lȳt + +| þrong ymbe þēoden, þā hyne sīo þrāg becwōm. + +| Nū sceal sinc-þego ond swyrd-gifu, + +| eall ēð el-wyn ēowrum cynne, + +| lufen ālicgean; lond-rihtes mōt + +| þǣre mǣg-burge monna ǣghwylc + +| īdel hweorfan, syððan ǣðelingas + +| feorran gefricgean flēam ēowerne, + +| dōm-lēasan dǣd. Dēað bið sēlla + +| eorla gehwylcum þonne edwīt-līf. + +| + +| (Too few defenders + +| pressed round the king when his worst time came. + +| Now all treasure, giving and receiving, + +| all home-joys, ownership, comfort, + +| shall cease for your kin; deprived of their rights + +| each man of your families will have to be exiled, + +| once nobles afar hear of your flight, + +| a deed of no glory. Death is better + +| for any warrior than a shameful life!) + +| + + +Embarrassed and ashamed--and still too frightened to fight--they do the only thing left to them: skulk off to the woods. + +But Wiglaf will not allow the Waegmundings to forget their betrayal. He wants those warriors to be stuck with their guilt or their shame--or both. Wiglaf implies that each of those men possesses something like a self whose voice is his conscience. He sends a messenger to court to foretell the horror of the feuds that will be caused by their cowardly inaction. For the first and only time in the entire poem, past action is presented as the cause of future grief. Wiglaf interprets the history of feuding tribes as the result of the guilt of forebears. + +Beowulf is then set on a barge, along with all his treasures. Set afire, the barge drifts off to some unknown destination. Women bewail a past epoch and keen over the king. The future looms in grim detail. Wiglaf has erased the present. Warriors are helpless to undo the past while they prepare for what is to come. For the present they can only lament and hide. + + +James Cox, a literary critic concerned with autobiography, argues convincingly that autobiography is not only an American invention, but one that flourishes, as nowhere else, in America. Franklin, the Ur-American portrait of success--founder of a university, a hospital, a library, a philosophical society, the postal system; inventor of the stove, the smokeless street lamp, bifocals, electrical conduction, and the glass harmonica, among other things--"at the age of sixty-five embarked upon what one wants to call his great invention--the invention of himself, not as a fiction, but as a fact and in history." Thus, in Franklin we are not reading some fictional character like Lancelot, or some product of romantic longing like Casanova, but a fictional fact. + +In the _Confessions_, Augustine realizes that hubris must inevitably end in failure; he must, therefore, eschew the things of this world. But autobiography is born out of hubris, it requires that the self be woven into the very design of material society. In Franklin's case, his autobiography grows out of the hubris of America's emerging power--its myths and ideals--a power that actually thrives on mistakes. One merely seizes upon them, as Franklin makes clear, and turns them into substantial financial success. Autobiography amplifies that power: Since a person is literally creating a new being, he can smooth out the rough transitions in his life, clean up the mistakes, to produce a polished and attractive literary self. The writer presents his life as he thinks it should have been. Thus, every autobiography is in some ways a declaration of independence, as the writer bids farewell to his baggy historical self, embracing a new, tidy, authorized, and public one. It marks an act of willful liberation. No wonder, then, the number of powerful American black autobiographies, such as the _Narrative of Frederick Douglass, The Autobiography of Malcolm X_, the story of George Washington Carver, and the _Confessions of Nat Turner_. How fitting that Franklin, so concerned with autobiography, should have been one of the framers of the Declaration of Independence. He was also President of the Executive Council of Pennsylvania, as well as a delegate to the Constitutional Convention. And in his _Autobiography_ Franklin continually measures himself against that singularly American founding document, the constitution. + +_Constitution_ is a word that had been in use for only a hundred or a hundred and fifty years by 1771, the year Franklin began writing his memoirs, to mean the composition of some body or some thing; and Franklin borrows the idea to help enact the "constitution of his own self." This self should not be seen as a mere literary fabrication, Franklin implies, but in some substantive way "constituted" out of the homely virtues of honesty, sobriety, moderation, frugality, and perseverance. A self so constituted knows no limits to its accomplishments: Like everyone else, Franklin pursued life, liberty, and happiness and he shows that hard work pays off in enormous success. + +Franklin's _Autobiography_ charts his climb from raggedy beginnings, in the guise of the frugal and industrious Poor Richard (Saunders), through an encyclopedic and disparate series of selves, to the birth of that star, the Great Doctor Franklin. While the _Autobiography_ breaks off its narration in 1757, the moment that Franklin's career really takes off, John Adams points out that when Franklin began writing the _Autobiography_ he was already an international celebrity: "There was scarcely a citizen who was not familiar with his name and who did not consider him a friend to human kind." + +Poor Richard, it turns out, is rich in wisdom, which he expresses in pithy sayings and maxims. Franklin sprinkles them throughout the _Autobiography:_ A penny saved is a tuppence clear; God helps those who help themselves; A word to the wise is enough. Collected and sold in little pamphlets, Richard's advice became a commodity easily dispensed and digested, a constant reminder of the importance of practical application. Those apothegms helped to mask the real-life Franklin, a sometimes untidy, spendthrift man, at loose ends with his own finances. But more than that, Richard Saunders sired Ben Franklin, a _brand_-new self--we still refer to _Franklin_ stoves, _Franklin_ glasses, _Franklin_ lightning rods. (Franklin patented none of his inventions, saying that "as we enjoy great advantage from the inventions of others, we should be glad of an opportunity to serve others by any invention of ours." Curiously enough, American patent law derives from a provision in the Constitution empowering Congress "to promote the progress of science and useful arts by securing ... to inventors the exclusive right to their ... discoveries.") A public self like Franklin's is essential for the full-time pursuit of success. The question may be: How long can the pursuit be sustained? + +The answer is delivered in the next century, with _The Ed ucation of Henry Adams_, considered by most historians to be the first autobiography, one in which we can actually experience a self crystallizing around the act of writing. We see the struggles and the mistakes; we are present at the moment of crisis. Franklin writes from a position of solid success; he's already made it, and from this position of assuredness glances over his shoulder to document its history. Adams writes out of failure. + +_The Education of Henry Adams_ involves a dialogue between the failed Adams, who hopes to learn from his mistakes, and some other Adams. To make this clear, Adams adopts a curious literary stance: _The Education_ is the life of Henry Adams told by Henry Adams, but narrated in the third person. We are thus made to experience two Adamses: the previous one--actually Adams as a young man--and the new Adams--the writer as an older man. Not only are there two Adamses, however, but more curiously, the young Adams, the literary creation being remembered, or recollected, takes on its own life and begins to educate the new Adams. + +Here is a truly extraordinary development: The literary creation of the self has assumed enough life of its own to instruct and educate its creator. This third-person golem must be disposed of, dealt with, or, ideally, incorporated back into the first person. The young Adams in fact controls the situation so strongly that he turns the old Adams, the writer, into a ghostly fictional character. Adams must figure out how to take back his life. So these two selves travel the entire meandering path of the book as master/pupil; they stand together at the moment of crisis in Paris on April 15, 1900, at the largest exhibition ever held in Europe, the Great Exposition. + +Ben Franklin ransacked his soul to uncover there the multifarious parts of his soul--artist, printer, inventor, educator, designer, statesman, scientist, and so on. Some powerful invisible force drove Franklin toward success. At the Great Exposition, Adams saw that force updated and made concrete in one grand contraption: the forty-foot-high dynamos displayed in the Gallery of Machines. + +For Adams, the Virgin represented the great religious symbol of the twelfth century; for the twentieth century, that symbol was the dynamo. Both stand as "revelations of a mysterious energy like that of the Cross; they were what in terms of medieval science were called immediate modes of the divine substance," symbols of a continuing divine force that has driven the history of man. Just like the Virgin, the dynamo was capable of attracting untold numbers of followers. Puzzling over the connection between these two disparate centuries, Adams begins to perceive the possibilities of education anew; indeed, a hazardous one: "The knife-edge along which he must crawl, like Sir Lancelot in the twelfth century, divided two kingdoms of force which had nothing in common but attraction." + +The new Adams learns from the old Adams that the great invisible force of the twentieth century--producing electricity, X rays, and radium--has been around forever, just like the force of Christianity. At times, this force becomes visible. The Virgin represented a form of faith still felt at Lourdes, at the Louvre, and at Chartres. There, as he knew by the record of work he still could see, existed "the highest energy ever known to man, the creator of four-fifths of his noblest art, exercising vastly more attraction over the human mind than all the steam-engines and dynamos ever dreamed of; and yet this energy was unknown to the American mind. An American virgin would never dare command; an American Venus would never dare exist." Through the dynamo, Adams reckons, the American mind would finally be able to grasp the immensity of a divine force. America tottered on the verge of momentous change, which Adams, in his excitement, can only equate with other revolutionary moments: "Copernicus and Galileo had broken many professional necks about 1600; Columbus had stood the world on its head towards 1500; but the nearest approach to the revolution of 1900 was that of 310, when Constantine set up the Cross." + +In yet another reversal in _The Education_, Adams understands as he actually stands under this dynamo the great lesson of his education: he is a failure. Not that Adams was not born of the proper Brahman, New England stock, not that he had failed to attend the correct schools, or that he had not created elegant and influential works of literature, like the wonderfully seductive _Mont-Saint-Michel and Chartres_, but that he had failed in the invisible world of the spirit. + +Ironically, Adams had created his self with so much clarity and precision--the young Adams had been too much of a literary success--that his current state of failure becomes painfully clear to him. Adams has interpreted the self, analyzed it, and what he finds the literary self telling him is the opposite of what it seems to say. After more than fifty years of study, he was still an ignoramus. The modern way of describing this is to say that Adams psychoanalyzes his soul to determine what it feels or what it means. After all, the therapeutic experience is essentially a literary one: A person is expected to think, reconstruct, maneuver--narrate with shape and interest--his old self to a listening doctor/auditor. A rich imagination is as useful as a sharp memory. Only when this old self is fully understood, in all its complexities and contradictions, the theory goes, can the patient be deemed healthy. + +Adams would have described Franklin's life as wrong-headed, for he desires an inner search, not an outward pursuit. Franklin fixed on success, from the Latin _succedere_--ascending, mounting. As a failure, Adams had plummeted--into himself. He realizes how he must climb back out, and he presents it in the most curious turn taken in _The Education_. He decides to trace the history of force and power from the Middle Ages to the beginning of the twentieth century. In the midst of writing his autobiography he tells us that he must take up writing! Not only has self spawned self, but text has given rise to another, inner text. If the self is a reflexive phenomenon, and its history can be unraveled in writing, then why not a reflexive text as well. These intricacies--self doubling back on self, text on text, first person talking as third--make it appear as if the Book of Kells had provided the pattern for Adams's autobiography. In Adams's words: "In such labyrinths, the staff is a force almost more necessary than the legs; the pen becomes a sort of blind-man's dog, to keep him from falling into the gutters. The pen works for itself, and acts like a hand, modelling the plastic materials over and over again to the form that suits it best. The form is never arbitrary, but is a sort of growth like crystallization, as any artist knows too well; for often the pencil or the pen runs into side-paths and shapelessness, loses its relations, stops or is bogged. Then it has to return on its trail, and recover, if it can, its line of force. The result of a year's work depends more on what is struck out than on what is left in; on the sequence of the main lines of thought, than on their play or variety." + +A chief obstacle to writing a modern autobiography is its ending. How can it end, really, reach its final conclusion, until the writer is dead? Franklin's _Autobiography_ breaks off in his fifty-first year; he dies before its completion. Adams solves the problem by killing off the young Adams, the instructor. Or, perhaps in a more accurate literary image, the two Adamses come together, both holding a single pen. So the end of _The Education_ is in some sense the birth of the Old Adams, complete with a new self. + +After incorporating the idea of force into his writing by developing what he calls the Dynamic Theory of History, he arrives at the last chapter, appropriately titled "Nunc Age," (Now Go). He is ready to reenter the world. But before he does, he pauses to realize that he had accomplished the goal he set for himself in the Preface (which Adams signs as Henry Cabot Lodge): to complete Augustine's _Confessions_. Self-satisfied, Adams no longer needs to talk to himself. He can finally confess, quoting Shakespeare but recalling Augustine, that "the rest is silence." + + +## Untruth and Narration + +_Both literary and moral feigning depend on the author's ability to reshape (in Latin_ fingere, _whence "fiction") his own thoughts of untruth, which in the late Middle Ages is called narration. Only when I have gotten used to thinking as the silent tracing of words on the parchment of my memory, can I detach thought from speech and contra-dict it. A full-blown lie presupposes a self that thinks before it says what it has thought. Only when memory is perceived as a text can thought become a material to be shaped, reshaped, and transformed . Only a self that has thought what it does say, can say_something that it does not think. Neither such a thought as distinct from speech, nor such a thinking self as distinct from the speaker can exist without speech having been transmogrified and frozen into thought that is stored in the literate memory_. + +Like the Text, Untruth also has a history. The Old Testament knows of infidelity, broken promises, betrayals, and perjury. It knows of slander, false witness and, what is worse, false prophecy and the abominable service of false gods. Neither these detestable forms of deceit nor the skillful ruse of a patriarch imply that opposition to an abstract "truth" that is essential to what we today call a lie. Neither the Greek _psuedos_ (used both for the "liar" and the "lie") nor the Latin _mendacium_ (referring also to the emendation of a line on a wax tablet) in Classical times comes close to our idea of the untruthful. Both languages lack the words that could oppose the _Oxford English Dictionary's_ "false statement made with the intent to deceive" to a flight of fancy or feigning. The Classical languages barely contain the seed for the full-fledged Western lie and the full-blown Western fiction. + +The early Greeks took a sporting attitude toward duplicity. George Steiner presents an exchange between Athena and Odysseus as an example: "...mutual deception, the swift saying of 'things that are not,' need be neither evil nor a bare technical constraint. Gods and chosen mortals can be virtuosos of mendacity, contrivers of elaborate untruths for the sake of the verbal craft..." And "untruth" is always the telling of _things_ that are not, not of _thoughts_ that are contradicted! The patron of this cunning craft was Hermes, the trickster, the thief and the inventor of the lyre that urges the singer further into the epos. And the hero of that art is the shrewd and wily, generous and noble Odysseus, who according to Plato _(Hippias Minor)_ is powerful and prudent, knowing and wise in those things about which he is false. + +In the realm of orality one cannot dip twice into the same wave, and therefore the lie is a stranger. My word always travels alongside yours; I stand for my word, and I swear by it. My oath is my truth until well into the twelfth century: The oath puts an end to any case against a freeman. Only in the thirteenth century does Continental canon law make the judge into a reader of the accused man's conscience, an inquisitor into truth, and torture the means by which the confession of truth is extracted from the accused. Truth ceases to be displayed in surface action and is now perceived as the outward expression of inner meaning accessible only to the self. + +In the fifth century Augustine had created a concept that breaks with pagan and Christian antiquity by defining every lie as an assault on truth. Intellectual errors of fact are not a moral issue for him in his treatise _On the Lie_. Only the person who says something with the intent of misleading violates the truth. The offense lies in the _voluntas fallendi_: words used with the intent to contradict the truth that is enshrined in the speaker's heart. Even a statement that is factually correct can turn into an assault on truth if it is proffered with the intent to deceive. Augustine moved the lie into the neighborhood of blasphemy: an act of contempt of God as the only Creator and Author. + +For the next eight hundred years whatever truly exists is there because God has willed it to be. All things man can speak about issue from His creative Word or command. He has brought things into being because He wanted them to be and not because there is something in them that makes it necessary for them to exist. Adam is His "fiction." He molded, shaped, fashioned him out of the virgin soil of Paradise. The world is therefore _contingent_ on God's authorship. By every lie a creature usurps authorship reserved to the Creator. Even in the thirteenth century, a cleric who writes down stories has to state that he is not the story's actual source (_fons ejus_), but only its channel (_canalis_). Likewise, the person who had dictated the story to the scribe must state that he has not "sucked it from his finger" (_ex suo digito suxit_)--that is, has not _invented_ it. The dictator's disclaimer lays bare the connection between fiction and _fingere_. + +Augustine's ban on the arrogation of truth matured, during the Middle Ages, into the new duty to make truth manifest. In the many-tiered, God-willed order of the twelfth century, to be true in word and in deed came to be perceived as a moral debt. The late patristic prohibition against deceiving the listener was turned by the early Scholastics into the moral obligation to reveal the truth. Only against this background can it be understood what it means to say that the Age of European Literacy is the World of Fiction. + +As much as the full-fledged lie, _narratio_ presupposes an author and a text that is contingent on his self--his or her creation. Neither the epic bard, nor the later storyteller, nor even the highly literate poet are fully authors: They do not pretend to create a world that by the standards of the early Middle Ages would be untrue. Chaucer, Defoe, and Twain provide us with landmarks in the history of the author who weaves "lies" into the convincing untruth of fiction. + + +Chaucer, in _The Canterbury Tales_ (1386), is the first English author who recognizes the emerging literate mindset of his courtly audience. Defoe, in the _Journal of the Plague Year_ (1772), takes into account that the mind of his middle-class readership has been shaped by journals and magazines, and writes the first English "novel." And Twain publishes the first great work of fiction from Democratic America, _The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn_, in 1885, just two years after the _New England Journal of Education_ had coined that curious Americanism, "literacy." + +Modern readers take for granted that _The Canterbury Tales_ is a standard book; after all, it is neatly printed and housed between solid boards. Moreover, its pages are filled with stories--eccentric characters involved in dramatic action. And that is, of course, exactly proper activity for books that are intended to be held in our hands and read to ourselves. But medievalists have been compiling convincing textual evidence since the mid thirties to prove that, while Chaucer's poem was written down by a number of scribes, it was in all likelihood delivered orally. + + +Which means that Chaucer's audience was prepared to listen to a long poem, presumably something they had done many times before. The majority of them, in fact, could probably not have read the poem, even if they so desired. Strangely enough, however, the opening lines of _The Canterbury Tales_ demand a sophisticated literacy. Chaucer begins his poem with one of the most difficult syntactic forms for the listener to grasp, the subordinate clause, which requires the listener to hold the sense of the dependent clause steadily in mind, suspending the fulfillment of meaning that the independent clause promises to deliver. Chaucer compounds this highly literate construction--one that never appears in oral formulaic poetry--by beginning "The General Prologue" to _The Canterbury Tales_ with not one but two consecutive subordinate clauses: the first from lines one to four, the second from lines five through eleven. He holds back the independent clause, "Thanne longen folk to goon on pilgrimages"--and hence leaves dangling the meaning of the early part of the poem--until line twelve. + +By line twelve, however, Chaucer's audience would probably have forgotten what came before, or at best retained only a vague sense of it. His audience could only have felt uncomfortable, perhaps even irritated. To use a medieval designation, he has made them feel like _ignoramuses_. It is one thing to recite a poem using oral devices--formulaic constructions, repetitions--so that the audience can keep abreast and understand, but quite another to present the same information through highly literate techniques--in Chaucer's case, by using two sets of subordinate clauses and so forcing his audience to forget. By causing his audience to forget, however, Chaucer introduces one of the major concerns of the poem: the imposition of literacy upon an inherently oral activity--the composition and delivery of poetry. + +If forgetting enables Chaucer to turn his audience into auditor/readers--in a sense, they must envision the page as they hear it aloud--it enables him to turn from storyteller into writer. And so he also points to his own ability to forget. Chaucer the narrator begins by telling us what he remembers about some thirty-three pilgrims with whom he sat one evening at the Tabard Inn and with whom he set out on the road to Canterbury. What is more astonishing, he intends to tell us, before he forgets it all, the four stories those pilgrims told on their round trip, "as it remembreth me," in the distinct voice of each of the pilgrims, utilizing their exact metaphor, image, color of language, and idea. All told, Chaucer will retell this entire event in over eighteen thousand lines, for the most part meticulously rhymed and metered--certainly a prodigious feat. + +Prodigious or not, Chaucer employed this strategy knowing that his medieval audience would have believed him--but only up to a point. Indeed, if, as historians argue, Chaucer was probably educated at the Inns of Court, he would have learned some mnemonic system--his own Man of Laws learns "every statute...plein by rote"--and so would have been able to retell from memory a large amount of detail. But this is not Homer's Mnemosyne, that great treasure bag of phrases and images, into which one could dip, threading now one and now another on his marvelous loom. Chaucer's is a literate memory; many of the stories have been "sucked from his finger." And he boasts of remembering such minutiae that an audience--medieval or modern--is forced to conclude that he must be lying to them. No one could possibly remember that much detail with that much precision--mnemonic devices or not. As auditors, then, they would have been pulled up short. + +Thus Chaucer deliberately undercuts his own demands for believability by presenting a new textual memory. No other writer--not Dante, or Gower, or Boccaccio--had used memory as such a storehouse for fiction. His audience would have been alert to a ploy, for in Chaucer they found such a revolutionary form. In a deliberate way, then, Chaucer focuses his audience's attention, not on his memory, but on forgetting. + +Chaucer is composing his poem at a time when England is making its transition from an oral to a literate culture. And the poem reflects this uneasy shift. Chaucer presents us with details that he says he has overheard; but by the end of the fourteenth century, hearsay, at least in courts of law, was already being supplanted by written testimony. So while Chaucer roots his poem in oral tradition, he does so in such an overblown way that few if any of his contemporary listeners could have taken his boast seriously. Chaucer's strategy is simply to push the limits of orality to absurdity. He forces his medieval audience to hear _The Canterbury Tales_ as a work of _literature_. + +By getting them to think about their own literacy, as well as their own connections with the oral tradition, he has brought them face to face with the process of writing fiction. For if Chaucer could not possibly have remembered all that he says he has, he must be making it up, embellishing and shaping his initial information. He must be telling a story, inventing a tale. That is, he must be writing fiction. Chaucer is forging a working definition of the medieval idea of _auctor_, which he must of absolute necessity separate from the divine _auctoritee_. By assigning to himself the capacity to remember every scrap and nuance, every blink and titter of all thirty-three pilgrims, he sets himself up as a liar: a teller who intends to deceive with fibs and fables. Only by placing himself in this category can he become a mundane author. In any other category of literary creation, Chaucer would be usurping divine authorship. + +Chaucer here becomes entangled in an important philosophical/theological idea of the Middle Ages--the question of "contingency." From Augustine to the end of the thirteenth century, the principle of contingency became the necessary cause for all creation. Contingency represents the state of an essence or nature that admits of, but does not demand, actualization. St. Thomas translated the idea to mean "that which can be and can not be," which he used as the basis for the demonstration of the existence of God. Since the essence of the contingent being does not itself contain its existence, the reason for its existence must be found in an extrinsic efficient cause. Antecedent causes must, likewise, find the reason for _their_ existence in some other antecedent cause. Ultimately, the argument goes, one reaches a first cause whose existence is underived--that is, whose essence includes existence. But only one thing is both necessary and absolute: God. + +This theological idea impinges on literary creation: The Canterbury pilgrims are dependent on Chaucer for their "existence"; he appears to be their absolute and necessary cause--though of course Chaucer's own existence is a contingent one. Still, the question arises: Is it proper in this fuzzy literary area to call Chaucer a creator? Literary creations must be seen, at least in part, as mirror images of heavenly creation. Chaucer falls into a literary trap: If the existence of the world is contingent on the grace of the Word in "divine authorship," then Chaucer can only escape blasphemy by undercutting that singular, tremendous power that enables him to create--literacy. + +Chaucer's task is thus a complicated one. He needs to have his Canterbury story taken as truth--for this is the way readers come to enter into any fictional dream. He gains this sense of verisimilitude in several ways. By making himself one of the traveling group of pilgrims, Chaucer has to tell one of the proposed hundred and thirty or so tales, "The Tale of Sir Thopas," which he uses to further undercut his own literate power by telling a story so dull that the hosts beg him to stop. He adds even more of a sense of realism by drawing some of the other pilgrims--Harry Bailly the Host, for example--from actual citizenry of fourteenth-century London. Finally, there is no better way to imply that all this stuff is real than to say, "I was there, and I remember. I saw all this, I heard them all speak, and let me tell you what they said and did." + +But while he needs to give his poem a sense of realism, for theological reasons he must also see to it that his audience experiences the poem as made up. It is inevitable, then, that the subject of his poem should be--at least in part--the paradoxical nature of literacy. The written word is the authorized version, the authenticated truth. But too much truth can get Chaucer into theological trouble; he must move his creation into another category, into untruth. And he can do this best by letting his audience think of him as a liar. And so the muse for Chaucer can no longer be Mnemosyne, the Goddess of Recollecting, but some other unnamed Goddess--of Forgetting. + + +Fiction reaches its first flowering in the _novel_--a word used initially to stand in opposition to the stuff of romances--when literacy broadened to include more of the middle class of English society in the late eighteenth century. The first successful London daily newspaper, the _Daily Courant_, appeared March 11, 1702. The word _magazine_ was first used to designate a popular literary journal with the publication of the _Gentleman 's Magazine_ in 1704. In this context, the most literate genre, the novel, begins to take shape through the efforts of Daniel Defoe, a man who in 1704 printed his own weekly newspaper, the _Review_. His _Journal of the Plague Year_ is usually referred to as England's first novel. + +Like Chaucer, Defoe needs to establish the veracity of a new form. While Defoe's audience may be more used to reading than Chaucer's, and, in particular, used to reading fictional narratives like romances, the novel is, as its name implies, _new_. Like Chaucer, Defoe wants his story to be taken as true, and so he needs to fabricate a believable lie, which he does by presenting his narrative as ajournal kept by one H. F., who purportedly lived during the plague year of 1665. This H. F. gives an eye- and ear-witness account; in fact, the subtitle of the book reads: "Being observations or memorials of the most remarkable occurences, as well publik as private, which happened in London during the last great visitation in 1665. Written by a citizen who continued all the while in London. Never made publik before." Thus, H. F.'s account derives from what he saw (observations) and remembers (memorials), all of which, he assures us, is true (happened in London). + +Defoe's premise differs from Chaucer's in that the former admits to writing down events daily in a journal and finally making the journal public--that is, publishing his evidence. Between Chaucer and Defoe the printing press has intervened, and it turns out that Defoe's real subject is the bureaucratization of the word, authenticated through the reality of type, and spread like contagion, in hundreds and hundreds of copies, directly from the platen of the press. The printed word impresses its own version of reality. + +Defoe opens his journal by conjecturing on the origin of the plague, surprised that it might have come from Holland, but suggesting that no one really knows, since "we had no such thing as printed newspapers in those days to spread rumors and reports of things..." News traveled by "word of mouth," but the truth of the plague cannot be gotten in that manner. In time, however, as the _Journal_ makes clear, the Secretaries of State "got knowledge of it," and took on the responsibility of determining the truth and making it known to the citizens--a bureaucratic process that will reach its final goal in publication. + +First, the State sends out professionals, two physicians and a surgeon, as certified agents, to examine the corpses of two recently dead Frenchmen. Through an undisclosed procedure, they determine that the Frenchmen both died of the plague. They render their opinion to the parish clerk, who turns over their positive findings to city hall. The last step toward truth involves making public--publishing--the doctors' decisions in the weeky Bill of Mortality: "Plague, 2. Parishes infected, 1." The plague has thus begun, its reality contained in the first Bill of Plague posted at various places around the parish. From this point on, no rumor, no piece of information transmitted orally can counter the truth of the written reports. + +Few people dare question the physicians' verdicts, for these men are certified professionals. Their published reports become automatic testimony in the bureaucratization of the word. And their word helps create the reality of the plague; indeed, as the news travels by the Plague Bill, so does the infection, for people act on the printed reality. Spreading the plague by word of mouth, they close themselves in, huddling closer together, unwittingly serving to infect each other. "Facts" matter very little. The narrator of the _Journal_ actually sees very few dead bodies; he merely reprints the body counts from the weekly Plague Bill. The citizens of London learn that the plague is getting worse or getting better by the numbers of people reported in the weekly Bill. The reality of the plague resides in these figures; the shadow of the medical "truth" of the plague lies somewhere else--in rats or in fleas, or in some other theory. But these "medical facts" interest no one but the historian of disease, or the medical scientist. + +Defoe's narrative account mimics this social construction of the plague. Defoe himself was four years old during the plague--hardly an eye-or ear-witness. That doesn't matter. For he knows he is free to make up the facts, or at least to play with them, keeping only the barest remnant of historical accuracy and molding the rest to fit his aesthetic needs. Defoe invents events, plays with statistics. Compare Defoe's account with other "historical" accounts of the plague and the numbers all differ. Knowing that he is writing both fiction and history, Defoe can call into question the notion of truth. + +His literary task is in some ways more difficult, in some ways easier, than Chaucer's. He knows, for instance, that people firmly believe in the veracity of the _news_--as it is presented in the dailies, in magazines, or now in novels. (Both _news_ and _novel_ thrive on the freshness of the word; each ultimately derives from Latin _nova_, "new.") It is in this period that the idea of story begins to separate itself from history: What constitutes "untruth" and "fact" take separate paths. And _news_ helps forge that separation. Defoe takes advantage of this confusion between story and history: in his own story, he shows us that what people lose faith in are forms of oral discourse. Old wives' tales, rumors, forecasts by astrologers--all of these are stuff, Defoe alleges, of the deluded minds of the common people in eighteenth-century London. Some of these illiterates, Defoe tells us, were even silly enough to run "about the streets with their oral predictions," publishing them as best they could. But he is reporting all of this, of course, in a skillfully made-up work of _fiction_. Thus, like Chaucer, he undercuts a growing reliance on literate forms--testimony, records, numbers--with a literate form, the novel. + +In the _Journal_, literacy impresses itself more and more deeply into the text, crowding out virtually every oral locution. In the early part of the _Journal_, Defoe uses phrases like "it was about the beginning of September, 1664," "some said," "pretty much," "about six weeks," "others said it was brought from Canada; others from Cyprus." These terms of vague approximation are slowly extinguished and replaced by precise numbers. The supposition, of course, is that numbers carry accuracy, precision, and hence the truth. These are things we can believe in and act on. + +Gradually, as we read the _Journal_, we begin to realize that we are being infected--or rather that Defoe's _Journal_, his attempt at establishing the scientific veracity of the plague, is infecting us. He makes us believe, with his reportorial, exact mind, that "oral discourse" does not have the capacity for carrying the truth; oral discourse does not allow for the power of critical analysis. For that, one must have writing, or better yet, the authority of print. One must be able to "think" about the problem through discursive prose. The sentences must stand still, an impossibility with oral discourse. Those who remain outside this literate circle will thus remain incapable of thinking. + +Prose is not democratic. Not everyone can read. But neither is the plague--Defoe tells us that it affects the poor in greater numbers than the wealthy. The irony of this book begins to become apparent. While the majority of Londoners will survive the plague, they will not survive the new literacy. For the plague, this crisis of the State, has been met with the best weapon the State has at its disposal: certification through the word. Through it, in fact, the State has managed to concentrate, solidify, and expand its power. It is one thing to create civil servants, but an entirely other thing both to invest them with power and to coerce the population to believe in that power. + +But we must once again understand the literary trick: Defoe makes his readers fall for the power of the printed word. He not only says he was there--so were a lot of other people--but he wrote all this down. And that is why he now stands in the privileged position of passing on the truth. Where Chaucer was careful to work out a limited sense of his own power as an author, walking a fine line with the ultimate authorial power, Defoe has already assumed the power of the word to create his own historical fabrication with it. But we should note that, as with Chaucer, the trick is two-edged. For at the same time that he establishes the validity of the word, he also distrusts it, and so undercuts it by associating it metaphorically with the plague. This might have been more apparent for an eighteenth-century reader than for a modern one, far removed from the event of the plague. By 1667, there were at least a dozen contemporary accounts of the plague, including the authoritative eight-volume _Loimologia sine pestis nuperae apud populum londinensem narratio_ by Quincey, published in 1720. And Defoe's facts and figures are at best shaky. Not because he is a sloppy historian, but because he understands the true nature of history: That it is a narrative in the best sense of the word and that the "facts" must therefore be constructed. + + +In _The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn_, Mark Twain lays for his readers the nineteenth-century equivalent of this trap of literacy. At the same time that literacy opens the lid a crack to the treasure trove of white, received society--one that is, of course, closed to the Negro Jim--it also exacts a high price, and so Huck flees it. + +_Huckleberry Finn_ is a book about a book. And we won't know about the literary character Huck, Huck himself tells us in the opening line, "without you have read a book by the name of _The Adventures of Tom Sawyer_." Here is a literary creation telling us to read about his past in another book--the genealogy of the Homeric epic transformed into literary pedigree. We have come a long way: Twain achieves his verisimilitude by coming clean, by laying bare the literary lie--this is only a book, these are only characters playing out their parts. Having established Huck's literary credentials, Twain has Huck follow what is now a familiar pattern: He undercuts that literary importance. "But that aint no _matter_," Huck insists, immediately after telling us to read _Tom Sawyer_, pulling off a wonderfully literate pun. It doesn't make any difference is one sense of Huck's line; but it can also mean that books are without substance, _materia_--without matter. + +Huck probably means both things. But we must be more on guard with Twain than with any other author, for he is so disarmingly honest--or rather, his confederate, Huck, tells us his creator is so honest. He's so honest, in fact, Huck confesses, that in his other books "Mister Twain told us the truth, mainly. There was things which he stretched, but mainly he told the truth." + +Standing inside a formal literary tradition, this semiliterate begins his story by telling about his early days with the Widow Douglas and her sister, Miss Watson, who both set out to civilize Huck by teaching him the rules. They do it principally by reading to him from Miss Watson's book about "Moses and the bulrushers." When this fails to impress its mark on Huck, Miss Watson escalates to a spelling book. + +In this emerging world of literacy, correct spelling offers the key to the correct look of literacy, the visual check on a person's education, in much the same way that skin color is a key in this book to freedom or slavery. A person usually knows enough grammar to sound literate; and speech betrays no errors of punctuation or spelling, only mispronunciations. So, for example, Huck speaks the word _civilization_, but in writing the book he spells it _sivilization_. In the twelfth century, Huck would have been classed as a _rustico more_, someone who communicates in an unlearned tongue for which there exists no written counterpart bound by grammatical rules. + +Huck's misspellings are common to the illiterate, who pay more attention to what they hear, without recognizing on the page the words they frequently use. We know what Huck means, but that "aint no matter." And here we step into the first part of Twain's trap. What Huck says takes a secondary position to the _way_ Huck presents--"writes"--it. Anyone who is able to read _Huck Finn_ is obviously literate, literate enough to harbor the impulse to correct Huck's mistakes, for the mistakes loom as boulders impeding the smooth and steady flow of the reader's fluency. To borrow the central image of the book: We need to transform Huck's babbling stream of speech into a smooth flowing river of prose. + +This book forces us to read in an aristocratic way, in a modern obverse of Hugh of Saint Victor's, in which the critic, the inner self that sits in judgement, silently corrects Huck's speech. This is not the reading of contemplative silence, but the busy-ness of critical judging. Twain has made us not only into readers, but editors; and our laughter at Huck's mannerisms must sound haughty--in the sense of high and lofty--as we elevate ourselves over that poor, unlettered boy. Twain provokes that judgement in part because the book seems to be a reproduction of the spoken and not the written word. In precisely the manner that a medieval scribe recorded what he heard in _ductus_, Twain creates the illusion that Huck dictated this novel and that what we have as a result is a raw medieval manuscript, which we read out of literate training as modern critics. After all our years of education about and knowledge of the rules of grammar and syntax and spelling, we simply cannot allow him his sloppy freedom. We need to correct him, keep him in check--even against our wills--as strongly as the Widow Douglas and Miss Watson. + +Twain makes us feel superior to Huck's mistakes. Even though he speaks--and even though he tells us that he has written this book--we can only conclude that he is dumb. In early use, in Old High German, the word _dumb_ meant one who was both mute _and_ stupid. Perhaps the logic went something like this: Because we don't hear what the person knows or understands, we assume he knows nothing. Only saints and sages are assumed in their silence to be wise. In Huck's case, we assume he is dumb precisely because we _see, verbum ad_verbum_, what he is _saying_. In a poignant way, he has been "silenced" by prose. His words have undergone no _re_-vision. He says what he thinks at first glance. And since his story is not, in a traditional sense, authored, what he writes cannot be taken as authority. Even in nineteenth-century society, he might as well be mute. For in his illiterate ignorance, he is as disenfranchised from society as his Negro friend Jim. + +Twain drives home just how strongly we are chained to our own literacy through Huck's illiterate silence. While he allows Huck to live comfortably in orality, he prevents us from entering that world. _The Canterbury Tales_ begs to be read aloud--one can hear it in the easy rhythms of "The General Prologue" and in Chaucer's hilarious rhymes, for instance when he undercuts the romantic _kisse_ in "The Miller's Tale" with the earthy _pisse_. It may not matter if Defoe's _Journal_ is read aloud or not. A journal is a fairly private affair, but one can easily imagine it read aloud to a group of close friends. At any rate, Defoe's subject is a public one. + +There is no question about the way _The Adventures of Huck leberry Finn_ must be read. If the book is not read silently on the page, it loses its meaning. Huck's illiterate phonetic prose ties us to our own literacy. For if we want to get all of the humor Twain intends, we must _see_ Huck's sentences and not _hear_ them. For example, when we read Huck's _sivilization_ aloud, we miss the irony of the mistake. If Twain makes Huck dumb, then he makes us mute. + +Twain shocks us with his anachronistic linguistics: He would have us think that there is only one language--the spoken one that through writing or printing is made visible on the page. And he has pulled this illiterate kid out of the woods to embody this irony, twenty years after the War for Emancipation--that is, the struggle for wholesale American democracy. It is ironic, for, of course, there are two languages--the one that we freely speak and the one, orthographically and grammatically correct, that appears on the printed page. And they are radically different in what they convey. We might expect Huck's brand of speaking from someone like Jim, not yet fully integrated into the educational scheme, but certainly not from Huck, a young white adolescent. He should know better; and Twain forces us, the literate readers, to teach him. To use Hugh of Saint Victor once more as an example, it is as if his comment-- _per se inspectiones_--had become a curse, transforming forever speech into words never to fly free from the text again. + +A text imprisoned in the page also cannot be successfully translated. Huck's idiom and jargon, his mispronunciations and misspellings will not convert in any way to another language. So Twain's text is frozen fast. The second part of Twain's trap snaps on this idea. We may feel smug about correcting that dumb kid's spelling, or dismissing Jim's spells. But in his loose and sloppy jargon, that dumb boy has given us one of the greatest novels in America. This may be the boldest lie in all of American fiction. Huck has created something grander than most of his readers are capable of doing--in their educated prose. God knows what Jim is capable of doing. Aren't we all, Twain may be asking, the ones enslaved by our mannered language, ordered and ruled and in which it may be more difficult to write about freedom and the great meandering Mississippi than in Huck's dialect? + +Twain asks for a broad reading of slavery. For Huck is just as removed, just as cut off from society as Jim. Jim is even more radically illiterate than Huck, but for him every inch of the world is animate--the weather, the fog, the river. His reality breathes strongly through superstition and spells; his knowledge is still gained from what lies around him. Tom Sawyer has developed his perceptions from reading Arthurian romances, and in the course of the novel he passes this on to Huck. Tom's solutions to problems are intricate and complicated, Jim's are immediate. When this book was written, slaves had already been granted their legal freedom; when the narrative begins, Jim has already been granted his by his owner. Twain lumps Huck and Jim together: they both appear to be fugitives; they float on the same raft; they are friends who speak the same sort of dialect. If Huck is stupid, then so is Jim. But if we can appreciate the language--and we do partly because we enjoy the book so much--then we must grant to Huck great brilliance, and we must allow that same possibility for Jim. In a sense, we must see them both as "articulate" human beings. We must grant them their freedom. By stepping into Twain's linguistic trap, we are forced into being abolitionists. We have to come to appreciate the richness and the power and the beauty of that oral culture--both black and white. Freed from rules and regulations, their language unites them: Huck and Jim learn from each other. + +Civilization in this novel resides on the riverbanks--the world of Miss Polly and Widow Douglas and Judge Thatcher. The raft is an island of orality on which these two characters float along, separated from the land. Facts and details from the riverbank fade into metaphor and image on the raft. Like Chaucer and Defoe, Twain is struggling with the phenomenon of literacy. Chaucer adopts a fictional stance--his prodigious memory--that undercuts itself so that his audience can accept a made-up story. Defoe too presents us with a literate form--the journal--and then proceeds to undercut it by showing us that the plague exists in great part only in authorized descriptions on the page, and that perhaps the true victims are those unfortunates who remain illiterate, and who, as a result, will be left behind by the march of progress. In Twain, the process is more complicated, for by presenting us with an illiterate but brilliant character he forces his readers to undercut their _own_ literacy. + +Chaucer is still writing for an audience that is essentially illiterate. He is concerned with the coming of literacy, only to the extent that it forces him to confront what it means to write fiction. For Defoe, literacy is a perceptual problem: How does print affect the way people understand the world? For Twain, in nineteenth-century America, literacy is a problem of the highest political and social order. It gets at the heart of democratic America. Let us understand, he seems to say, that two languages mean two Americas--in terms of the novel, two classes: the Judge Thatchers and the Jims and the Hucks. If we applaud Huck at the end of the novel, then we must also clap our hands for Jim. And if we allow Huck to light out for the territory at the end of the book, then we must set Jim free. + +Thus, Twain brings into focus the trap of literacy. There is a whole world in _Huck Finn_ that is closed to those without literacy. They can't, for ironic example, read this marvelous work, _The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn_. And yet we must recognize a world rich with superstition and folklore, with adventure and beauty, that remains closed to those who are too tightly chained to letters. But Twain forces us also to look forward, for by the end of the nineteenth century, very little territory remained. Only small pockets of orality still survive in the country--mostly rural, mostly poor, mostly black. The rest is literate in the most sweeping way. By 1885 the _New England Journal of Education_ was already conducting surveys to determine levels of literacy in Cambridge, Massachusetts. No one would have thought in the nineteenth century that we would be hanging fast to literacy, as we see it too vanishing: People now becoming enslaved to the power of a machine in their pursuit of computer literacy. So long as we remain as aware as Twain, we have lost nothing. + + +## From Taught Mother Tongue to Newspeak and Uniquack + +_The language that we hear spoken today is full of words of a special type: These words we will call amoeba-words, and the vocabulary that they constitute, Uniquack. Amoeba-words all possess at least three fields of usage; let "energy" serve as an example of such a word. "Energy" has an initial meaning that is traditional. According to the_ Oxford English Dictionary, _in 1599, it means "vigor of expression," and later the impressive capacity of an utterance or of organ music. The term energy is still widely used in this first sense of vigor. During the nineteenth century, energy also became a technical term. At first, it was used quite generally by physicists to denote the body's ability to perform work. Then, precisely at the same time that Marx ascribed "labor force" to the proletariat, several German physicists ascribed to Nature a general potential to perform work, and called it "energy." For the last hundred years, the term has been used in physics to verbalize an increasingly abstract alternative energy, or energy needs. We must be forever conscious of the fact that we do not know what those terms mean. We use the words like words from Scripture, like a gift from above. Furthermore, we gratefully transfer the power to define their meaning to an expertocratic hierarchy to which we do not belong. The word "energy" in this context is used neither with common sense, nor with the senseless precision of science, but almost like a sublinguistic grunt--a nonsense word. Energy, like sexuality, transportation, education, communication, information, crisis, problem, solution, role, and dozens of other words, belong, in this sense, to the same class_. + +When Orwell wrote about Newspeak, no computer language had as yet been named or published. Our theme therefore will not be computer language, but Orwell's attempt to caricature what happens when speakers of ordinary language treat it as if it can be reduced to a code. This perception of Newspeak is not made by Orwell, of course, but by a pair of latecomers, who see the unfolding of a cipher Orwell created over thirty-five years ago. + +Newspeak and Uniquack are two-egged twins. In the fifties, when the computer was a novelty and UNIVAC the trade name of the only machine that could be purchased, James Reston created Uniquack in an editorial aside. We adopted the term Uniquack for the jelly formed of amoeba-words, words that are neither "significant and binding for certain activities" nor "indicative of certain forms of thought"--the two characteristics that together determine Raymond Williams' choice of Key-Words, although like Williams' Key-Words, amoeba-words are often strong and difficult and persuasive in everyday language, and serve to indicate wider areas of experience. As the years went by, Newspeak and Uniquack became useful to name two characteristics that make late twentieth-century, everyday English, French, or German, alike and distinct from ordinary languages in former times. + +Newspeak is a transparent neologism. For Orwell, it is the fictional portrait of the deliberate distortion of an Oldspeak that never was. In this age of computers, which Orwell did not live to see, his Newspeak is an ominous parody of the intent to use English as a "medium of communication." This tendency is fostered by the spread of Uniquack: the degradation that results from the fallout of scientific discourse into ordinary speech. Newspeak thus refers--in our usage--primarily to an attitude of the speaker toward what he does, while Uniquack refers to the predominance of a special kind of vocabulary in his speech. By using the two terms in conjunction when speaking about certain features of contemporary language, we hope to escape the objections that literal-minded professors have raised repeatedly against Orwell: Namely, that we engage in shallow and uncritical linguistics. It is not our intention to oppose a paranoiac vision of today's communication to the romantic utopia of a virgin vernacular that mirrors a factual truth. + +Newspeak and Uniquack are neologisms of very different status. As a foundling, Uniquack can be adopted to our purposes. Newspeak is well-worn. Orwell conceived it as a caricature of his own abandoned belief in a world language and used it as a literary device to make a fable stick. Since his death, it has become the label for a muddled complex of beliefs. Today, it is mostly used to promote the nonsensical belief that language has become useless. + +Orwell used the term on two different levels--as a parody and as an element of his world of 1984. The two main sources for his linguistic parody are Basic English, proposed by Ogden, and Interglossa, conceived by Hogben--both of which had their heyday in the early thirties. Both are attempts to create a world language based on English and containing less than 850 words. In 1939, Ezra Pound praised Basic as "a magnificent system for measuring extant works ... an instrument for the diffusion of ideas ... with advantages ... obvious to any man of intelligence." In the 1940s no less a person than William Empson praised Basic as an instrument to understand poetry and as a vocabulary for pithy poetic creation. Winston Churchill had the British government purchasethe copyright to Basic. And H. G. Wells, in _The Shape of Things to Come_, pictures a utopia in which the rapid diffusion of Basic as the _lingua franca_ of the world is "one of the un-anticipated achievements of the twenty-first century." + +Orwell describes the world that Wells saw coming as a "vision of humanity, liberated by the machine, a race of enlightened sunbathers, whose sole topic of conversation is their own superiority to their ancestors." If he too had once believed in Basic, his parody of it is part of Orwell's lampoon, as Wells describes it, of a "glittering, strangely sinister world, in which the privileged classes live a life of shallow, gutless hedonism, and the workers ... toil like troglodytes in caverns underground." + +The satirical force with which Orwell used Newspeak to serve as his portrait of one of those totalitarian ideas that he saw taking root in the minds of intellectuals everywhere can be understood only if we remember that he speaks with shame about a belief that he formerly held. Just as he had to go to Spain, to Catalonia, to be disabused of his left-wing do-goodism, he had to join the BBC to promote Basic before he understood that it could only be used as a deadly, mechanical substitute for thought. + +From 1942 to 1944, working as a colleague of William Empson's, he produced a series of broadcasts to India written in Basic English, trying to use its programmed simplicity, as a _Tribune_ article put it, "as a sort of corrective to the oratory of statesmen and publicists." Only during the last year of the war did he write "Politics and the English Language," insisting that the "defense of the English language has nothing to do with the setting up of a Standard English." + +Basic is an ultimate effort to standardize speech according to a written model: To put "language," which has come into existence by recording speech sounds through the alphabet, and which then has been corrected by the grammarian, back into the mouths of the people in this new form. The attempt to make people use this artifact whenever they speak has a history. At this point, it seems helpful to look back at this origin. Orwell stumbled on the title for his novel by reversing the date, 1948, when he had completed writing. Taking an Orwellian liberty with 1942, the year that Orwell began broadcasting Basic English on the BBC, we arrive at 1492, the year that Nebrija suggested to the Spanish royalty that they might control their subjects through the use of a taught mother tongue. Six years before the publication of _1984_, Orwell found a descendent of Nebrija's monster in Ogden's Basic English, which he could broadcast through the BBC. The image is one of Orwell setting sail for the Brave New World. Finally, he dropped Basic for its parody in Newspeak. From Nebrija to Orwell: From Spaniards who would speak taught mother tongue, to Proles who are tongue-tied. + +In this movement from the parody of Basic English to the parable of the speechless horror of meaningless utterances, Orwell reveals a new dimension in writings on the future. Orwell was steeped in the genre of Utopian literature; from his own statements, it is clear that he was well aware of the place that Utopian writers had assigned to language. Swift has the people of Laputa fed by their "political projectors" with "invented, simplified language, [who] write books by machines and educate their pupils by inscribing the lesson on wafers ... causing them to swallow it." In the year that he left the BBC, Orwell comments that the "one aim of intellectual totalitarianism cannot but be to make people less conscious." Jack London, whose imagery surfaces frequently in _1984_, describes his "proles" (Orwell uses the same term) as "phrase-slaves" who consider the coinage of such Utopian phrases as "an honest dollar" or "a full dinner pail" strokes of genius. London too has loudspeakers establish and anchor the regime. All the isolated elements out of which Orwell constructed the parable called Newspeak he took either from Ogden or the Utopians. + +What is unique about Newspeak is the same thing that makes the whole of _1984_ into a new kind of horror story. To quote Herbert Read: "_1984_ is a Utopia in reverse: Not an _Erewhon_, which is utopia upside down. _Erewhon_ is still written after the ameliorative pattern of utopia itself: You may paradoxically be punished for being ill, but the ideal is health. In _1984_ the pattern is malevolent..." The malevolence of this pattern is implicit in the existing state and does not result from abuse or the self-serving manipulation by an elite. In Jack London's _Iron Heel_, as in Zamyatin's _Zero_, power is still a means; in _1984_ the power implicit in the State is the ultimate reason for everything that happens. And the State has turned into a book that is constantly rewritten. Power is no longer at the service of the elite; the elite itself is at the service of power, which is a book. The worst that H. G. Wells could imagine was inequality--albeit a monstrous kind. According to Orwell, Wells "was too sane to understand the modern world." + +Orwell's predecessors who wrote upside-down utopias invented horrible abuses of language. Orwell describes communication that takes place after the extinction of language itself. Newspeak is not the language of dystopia, but of the speechless utterances of Kakitopia 1984. Orwell created the parable of human beings compelled to communicate--mostly through organized hatred--and to do so without human language. + +Literary critics and those who use Newspeak as an English word in ordinary conversation usually mean either the corrupt English of propagandists and the ambiguous language of politicians and broadcasters, or the neologisms coined by the adversary. In this imprecise fashion they imply terminological inflation, effective sloganeering, or the antonym of English before the Fall. Orwell's Newspeak, however, is something more sinister than the proliferating _idiotikon_ of technical terms that make conversations in the real 1984, and after, so "noisy." We see Newspeak as a cipher for something that is now called "interpersonal communication‚" for the belief that the terms by which we describe the operations of computers are fit to tell what is going on between you and me. By Newspeak we mean one particular way of thinking and speaking about language--an approach or an attitude that treats language as a system and a code. + + +The equation between man and machine was not entirely unknown to Orwell. He knew Mary Shelley's _Frankenstein_ (1816) and probably also T. H. Huxley's hypothesis that animals are automata (1874). But the new wave, according to which digital-analog computers meaningfully model human "brains" did not hit the press until Orwell was dead. As a novelist, he invented a parable for a scientific hypothesis that hovered in the air. He created the idea of communication without sense or meaning, before he could use the computer to model it on. O'Brian from the Thought Police says to Smith, whom he tortures: "we do not merely destroy our enemies, we change them ... we convert, we shape them ... We make our enemy one of ourselves before we kill him ... make the brain perfect before we blow it out ... the command of old despotisms was 'thou art' ... what happens to you here is forever...." Smith, the novel's antihero, still believes that what happens makes sense to O'Brian. He has to accept that O'Brian's world is senseless and that he must join O'Brian in this powerful nonsense. "There is learning, there is understanding, and there is acceptance. It is time for you [Smith] to enter upon the second stage ... tell me, why we cling to power ... speak." Strapped to the rack, Winston answers: "You are ruling over us for our own good." He gives the answer that would have satisfied Dostoyevski's Grand Inquisitor: "You believe that human beings are not fit to govern themselves and therefore..." As his only response, O'Brian turns the lever to thirty-three degrees of torture. A pang of pain contorts Winston. And then O'Brian instructs Winston: "We seek power entirely for its own sake." And the State, which O'Brian represents, creates and recreates Winston's human nature, according to its own text, and allows Winston to exist only in the context of the State. + +Today, we would say that O'Brian _programs_ Winston for his _role_ in _1984_. Orwell knew these two words only in their theatrical sense: The schedule of performance sold by an attendant, and the text studied by an actor. "To program" was first used in 1945 for the act of expressing an operation in the terms appropriate for the performance of a computer. And "role theory" was then a new trend in sociology. Neither word had fallen from its specialized orbit into ordinary speech to become amoeba-words. Turing's idea of an algorithm that adapts its state according to the outcome of its last calculation was well understood by Wiener and Neumann, who created a machine that made such a formula autonomous from human calculation, but the general public still saw in the computer nothing but a more perfect adding machine. The concept of "role" had been introduced in the same year as Turing's idea by independent publications of Margaret Mead, Ralph Linton, and Murdock, and by 1950 was considered basic to all sociology by Parsons and Merton; but its implied assumption that all social relations can be reduced to power or the interchange of information between individual role-players had certainly never occurred to George Orwell. And yet, as a novelist, he has O'Brian force Winston to become what role-theory and the cybernetic model of human communication assume as "human nature." Kakitopia fits these assumptions: "Power is (precisely) in tearing human minds to pieces and putting them together again in new shapes of your own choosing," O'Brian says to his pupil. Newspeak assumes the existence of plastic human individuals who can be written and rewritten into any role. Thus the Kakitopia of Newspeak, the exchange of communication between nonhuman entities, and the reduction of social action to mere exchanges became thinkable about the same time. + +The proponents of a cybernetic model of social analysis assume that human beings fit their assumptions, but Orwell knows that to fit, each one has to accept what is done to him. And O'Brian knows that no one can perform this acceptance for you. Winston, who had worked in the Ministry of Truth, knew what Newspeak was. Under torture, he understood what nonhuman communication was: mere know-"how" without meaning or "why." O'Brian asked him to understand his message, not him, to abandon the urge to understand what he, the speaker, meant and to let his mind be dictated to--and to be nothing but the result of this dictation. The reduction of an encounter with another person into an exchange of information between two elements of a system--what we today call "system-theory"--Orwell called "collective solipsism." + +Winston understood what O'Brian asked him to do, and he tried hard to do it: He learned to register how things were supposed to be and to spell them out without asking "why," but he did not accept being part of the system, not until he had gone through Room 101. Only there he accepts himself as part of "a fantasy world in which things happen as they should"--namely, on a blank page, that is, as dictation. And to accept being a part of this fantasy of pure senseless power, Winston had to erase his self. But no violence that he inflicted on himself could break his common sense--which Orwell often calls "decency." To turn himself into non-sense he has to betray his love. Not torture, but only self-betrayal could make him like O'Brian. In O'Brian's words, Winston's own acts are "the things from which you could not recover. Something is killed in your breast: burnt out, cauterized out." And this is what Winston does to himself when he has to face the rats in Room 101 and he begs his torturers: "Do it to Julia." This betrayal transformed his habit of Doublethink into a conditioned reflex. Later on, he and Julia meet again, as two burnt-out hulls, knowing that in Room 101 they had both meant what they had said. Self-betrayal was the last thing that Winston _meant_. By becoming the torturer of his last love, in his own mind Winston had become as self-less as O'Brian. Henceforth, the unique mutual intimacy between the executioner and the victim integrated both him and Julia into the system, the solipsism of meaningless communication. + +What we are retelling and commenting on here is a fable, not a mere parody of Esperanto, or a cautionary tale, or linguistic theory dressed up in metaphor. This fable shows a society that survives the radical renunciation of language on the part of its members. We shall not be seduced by Orwell's journalistic genius to take it as something that could happen, or that he himself thought could happen. Newspeak remains an "ideal type," a cipher for language that never could be because its speakers would be totally unlike the men and women we know. And yet, Newspeak has the power to evoke a strange sense of deja vu, because it is modeled not only on Basic English, which has never been spoken, but also on the language of science, which also stands for something that never could be. + +When a physicist writes "_E_" on the blackboard, he proves himself one of the boys. He shows off his competence in using an algorithm, which over several generations, has incorporated all the rules according to which it may be put into a formula. When "_E_" is used this way, it has no meaning outside the context of theoretical physics. The physicist's ability to pronounce the written "_E_" as energy, however, is not the result of a conspiracy, but of careful training, part of which consists in keeping the formalism of theoretical physics apart from the meanings of ordinary life. The difference between the two has often been compared with bilingual existence; but this comparison fosters a mistake. Spoken English, Japanese, and Kwakiutl--all three are meaningful in everyday, sensual life. The so-called "language" of physics is a code, a system of signs, a formal theory, an analytic tool that derives part of its value from its near-independence from ordinary speech. A physicist limited to the use of his technical vocabulary would be totally speechless in a bedroom or kitchen, but his gibberish would not be Newspeak. The tour de force accomplished by Orwell consists in the invention of a malevolent conspiracy that imposes the use of that kind of code in everyday life. Paranoiac assumptions are essential to Orwell's cipher. If we were to call the language of physics a form of Newspeak, that would only frustrate our attempt to reserve this term as the name for an attitude toward ordinary speech. + +There is, however, an important, indirect way by which the proliferation of special codes contributes to our growing tendency to speak at dinner as if we were in the psychology or sociology lab. We increasingly use ordinary words that have been picked up by one or several "codes" and to which technical meanings have been attached. And we tend to use them indiscriminately, giving the impression that their technical meaning is somehow connoted in our use of the term. While we mean to say "screw," we say "having sex" and we imply "sexuality," a scientific construct we had no intention of implying. Good strong words used in this technical way in ordinary speech generate a following of amoeba-words, which can be made to mean anything, like a mathematician's "_E_." And this fallout then fosters the attitude toward language that we have called Newspeak. These waste products from technical word-factories are akin to pollution. Just as the unintended by-products of industry have penetrated, reshaped, and degraded most anything that we see, touch, breathe, or eat, so have these waste products of terminologies affected ordinary language. Much of this terminological waste merely generates noise in everyday conversation and can be compared with the dull expanses of cement that economic growth has produced. But within this waste, many terms are potential amoeba, blown up with hot air, brandished, and loaded with ominous connotations, while losing all denotation. The prudent person who wishes to make sense is often forced to declare a moratorium on their use. + +Again, we are speaking in terms that hardly could have been Orwell's. "Pollution" was as unknown to him as the vocabulary of the computer. Its meaning was "seminal emission apart from coition." The counterpurposive effects of technical decisions were not discussed in the forties. Rachel Carson had not yet published her _Silent Spring_. "Fallout" meant the deferred effects of the Hiroshima bomb, and not the exhaust from belching chimneys. Though he wrote an upside-down utopia, Orwell, like Wells or Huxley or Zamyatin, was still primarily concerned with the intentional misuse of the new powerful means. He went beyond these predecessors because, unlike them, he deciphered and lampooned a new logic inherent in the intellectual project that generated computer, bomb, role-theory. He explored the destructive implications of high-sounding ideals; his witches were intellectual do-gooders and their totalitarian projects. His originality lay in the parody of their intent. He was a prophet, in the Hebrew sense--one who sees clearly into the present--because he discovered the forties. He could not foresee that in the eighties so many people--without having passed through Room 101--would try to convince themselves that they "communicate"--and, in addition, mostly in Uniquack. + + +## Postscript: Silence and the We + +_George Steiner closes_ After Babel, _"in which the problem of Babel and of the nature of language is so insistently examined‚" with the statement that the Kabbalah "knows of a day of redemption on which translation will no longer be necessary. All human tongues will have re-entered the translucent immediacy of that primal, lost speech shared by God and Adam... But the Kabbalah also knows of a more esoteric possibility. It records the conjecture, no doubt heretical, that there shall come a day when translation is not only unnecessary but inconceivable. Words will rebel against man. They will shake off the servitude of meaning. They will 'become only them selves, and as dead stones in our mouths.' In either case, men and women will have been freed forever from the burden and the splendour of the ruin at Babel. But which, one wonders, will be the greater silence?"_ + +Just as much as the word, silence is a creature of the alphabet: the pause between word and word, the silent contemplation of the text, the silence of meditative thought, are all forms of alphabetical silence. Even in our silence we are lettered men, at home on the island of history in the alphabetic domain. Most of us have, at best, only an inkling of the silence before words; and many of us have gone the opposite way, converting silence into something mechanical, into the no that separates beep from beep. + +Genesis I:6–7 tells of the beginning of silence, silence before it became the stuff of history: When He hammered out the first gold foil (a word usually translated as the "firmament"), He separated the roaring waters below from the thundering waters above. With a three inch shard, or a glittering foil, silence began as an interstice, keeping the voices of Heaven and those of the Abyss apart. Silence was the first creature on the Earth. "Earth" grew from it. And that is the silence out of which, later, history took shape, as human voices made it vibrate. + +This silence has vanished from the burnt-out world of Orwell's cipher. The "zero" that separates beeps has replaced it. And this one-zero-one, not silence, is the stuff from which the interface between Winston and Julia is made. After the self-betrayal of Room 101, these two post-humans are not only beyond words, they are also beyond "silence," and equally beyond the ability to refer to their co-presence with the personal pronoun "we." They have turned into an interactive assembly of two. The new Adam and Eve are the critters of a computer. + +The conversation we had begun on the history of the spelled-out word ended for us as the search for the history of both "silence" and the "we." At each stage the "alphabetization of silence" precedes that of speech. Its genesis is the first character of the beta-bet, the Aleph. + +The power of the silence that precedes utterance is described by an eighteenth-century rabbi, Mendel Torum of Rymanov, who asks what the Children of Israel could have actually heard, and what they in fact did hear, when they received the Ten Commandments. Some rabbis maintained that all the Commandments were spoken directly to the Children in the Divine Voice. Others said that the Israelites heard only the first two Commandments--"I am the Lord thy God" and "Thou shalt have no other Gods before me"--before being overwhelmed, no longer able to endure the Divine Voice, obliged to receive the remaining Commandments through Moses. + +Mendel believed that not even the first two Commandments were delivered to the Children, but only silence. They heard only the _aleph_, the Hebrew character with which the first Commandment begins, the _aleph_ of the word _ani_ or _anokhi_: "I." Gershom Scholem comments on this theory: "The consonant _aleph_ represents nothing more than the position taken by the larynx when a word begins with a vowel. Thus the _aleph_ may be said to denote the source of all articulate sound." The _aleph_, then, the first character in the Hebrew phonetic system, itself stands for no sound, but instead commands the mouth to open, fixing the position of the lips for the next sound. The Kabbalists regard the _aleph_ as the spiritual root of all the other characters, and out of that opening of the mouth, that utter silence, springs all human intercourse. Thus, as Scholem tells us, Rabbi Mendel transforms the revelation on Mount Sinai into an event pregnant with infinite meaning, but devoid of any specific meaning. + +In Semitic script, silence cannot be recorded. No rabbi would ask his students to spell out a word; he wants them to know what the root looks like. Only the alphabet can conjure up silence and situate it on the page. First silence creeps between the letters and makes it feasible to spell instead of to read. Then Roman monks in charge of teaching Latin to the Irish put interstices between words. Sentences are literally anatomized, disjointed into their individual words. Silence, recorded as an interval, does for language what the knife will do for the anatomist. It creates books made up of words rather than lines. Utterances, which the ear hears as a whole, are disarticulated into _lemas_, just as physicians in the late Middle Ages dismember bodies to make their organs visible. Like a knife, silence, when it is made visible, creates a text that is suited for the eye. And this is a precondition to grasp the text at one glance--to contemplate it in silence rather than to hear it at the rhythm of speech. Just as the "text" of the thirteenth century emerges from the visual perception of the order among parts of speech, some centuries later the modern organism will come into existence as the (conceptual) result of the physiological order between the path of a dissected organism. + +Having pushed itself between parts of speech, silence now removes the ear from the page. It first created "words," now it creates a new kind of standoffish reader. This new reader looks at the page on the desk in the same attitude in which he looks at his own conscience during the confession that the Fourth Lateran Council exacts every year. The autobiographer engages in self-inquisition: He scrupulously tortures his conscience to give up its stubborn silence. Centuries later even the subconscious has to be brought to light on the couch. All by himself, this modern individual delves into a text written in the past by another, or sets out on the ever more lonely journey into the text that the past has left beneath the surface of his conscious self. + +The alphabetization of silence has brought about the new loneliness of the "I," and of an analytic _we. We_ is now one line in a text brought into being by communication. Not the silence before words but the absence of messages in a chaos of noises precedes the establishment of an interactive pattern. The pretextual _we_ of orality, the "ethnic" _we_ that has been transcended through conscience, has disappeared from reality. We know that the history of silence is reflected in the transition from the ethnic to the analytic _we_. + +The _we_ that we have used emphatically in this book is morphologically an English plural. Semantically, however, it is close to a dual, for which English, some time during the Anglo-Saxon period, has lost a special form. Other Indo-Germanic languages--for instance, the Slavonic ones--have preserved this form. And, like thought and the word, like narration and the lie, _we_ has a history. + +The _we_ on which we want to reflect is not the dual of these two authors, but the personal pronoun, with which he who speaks refers to the first person in the plural. Now, what is that first person? The answer is rather easy when we deal with person in the singular: "I," the first person, speaks to "you," the second person. In doing so, I tell you something about a third, who neither is speaking nor is being addressed. By addressing a person whom I designate "you," I make that person at that moment unique to me--and distinguish that "you" from any third: person or thing. Thus, _you_ is almost as unique as _I_. Even abuse will not detract from the power intrinsic to the spoken _you_ to establish this exquisite bond. Some people who have been tortured report that not pain, but the address of the policeman has broken them. In exact opposition to the tightly bound _you_, the third person has enormous scope. The third person includes whatever the first chooses to tell the second about. Every _you_ contains the germ of a response--not so _her, him_, or _it_. + +The first person usually does not call itself by its name. The first person uses a pro-noun, a word used instead of a name or noun. All languages have such a pronoun by which the speaker refers to himself, though the coloring implied--the gesture associated with the utterance--is different here and there. In Armenian or Iroquoian, the _I_ is like an arrow by which the speaker points at him-or herself; in other languages, the _I_ gives more the impression of a retreat, an act of assuming distance. + +Etymologically, the _I_ can be brazen, as it is in English, but it can just as well be hazy, as in Japanese, in which _I_ is _watakusi domo_, which best translates: Yours Faithfully. But semantically both forms--the direct one and the euphemism--are equally clear self-references by the speaker. Proud or humble, aggressive or meek, depending on status, age, mood, or custom, the pronoun for the first person singular is unequivocal as no other term: It says, "He Who Speaks." + +This univocal precision of the _I_ is a condition for the formation of plurals. In fact, with almost the same directness with which all languages oppose the addressing _I_ with a _you_ who is addressed, they also provide some kind of _we_. Quite arguably, the opposition of _I_ and _we_ is a more fundamental category than the opposition of singular and plural. For the English speaker, it seems natural that the existence of a third person singular--the _he-she-it_--requires that there be a third person plural--a _they_. But this is just not so in all languages. The Turk feels nothing natural in learning the English plural. His noun designates a form of existence, primarily a quality and only then a thing that can be counted. The noun in Turkish turns into an object, in our sense, only when it is qualified by a term indicating enumeration. For the Turk the important difference lies between "dwelling space" and two, five, or even one "house." When he speaks to someone about something, he stresses the difference between essentials and that which can be numbered--not as we do: number one as opposed to any other number. Even in Turkish, however, the difference between the _I_ and the _we_ is clear. No language seems to lack a pronoun that says, "I and..." + +Yet, this "I and..." can contrast in many ways with the _I_. This is true even morphologically: The opposition of two different roots--"ego/no; I/we; ich/wir; ja/mi"--is by no means universal. On every continent there are languages in which the plural of _I_ is *I'*s. From Southeast Asia to the Far East to Finland, to Alaska and to the Great Plains, there are people who have a morphological plural for the _I'_, and often they use it next to another pronoun, derived from a different root. Languages with such a morphologically double _we_ art very common, and frequently the two words are semantically distinct. There may be one pronoun that says, "I, you, and possibly others," and another that says, "I and others, but not you." A language as simple as Malay creates insuperable difficulties for some English speakers, because they cannot get used to this duplicity in the _we_. Kwakiutl seems to have still another _we_, one that excludes _you_ because it stresses our tribe's cohesion--including its dead members. + +The simplest way for the English speaker to get a sense of this semantic proliferation within the first person plural is to look at Neo-Melanesian, as Pidgin English is now proudly called. Pidgin is a "creole" language: its syntax has remained Malayo-Polynesian but most of its words are English. Mi, that's me; you, that's you; yu-pela, that's you and your fellow; mi-pela, that's me and my fellow, my peer--me and those like me, in contrast with yu-pela, you and those like you. Yumi, that's you and me, used when the speaker includes you-others, but wants to stress his tie to you, to keep distance from the fellows. Otherwise, he could just say what comes easiest: yumipela, you people with me and my fellows, all together. But, of course, he could also just pick you, me, and one other, and say yu-mi-tripela, and exclude any others who happen to be within earshot. + +Various languages even draw a time dimension into their _we_. Some Bantu tongues (the N'kosa for example) distinguish between the _we_ that has already come into being, and the _we_ that is hoped for. It can be argued that the Mongols and the Ewe in Dahomey can place the dimension of hope into the pronoun. They seem to have distinct ways of expressing _we_ that depend on _you_ having a chance to be our clansman, or being informed that we will not accept you as an in-law. The _thou_ can thus become a budding _we_. + +As we wrote this book we were aware of the semantic poverty of our pronoun. The modern _we_ tells nothing about the intention of those who are the collective subject. Only in Spanish, men and women still remain distinct as _nosotros y nosotras_, but when men speak, they feel free to include women in _nosotros_. The modern _we_ says nothing about our limits: If _we_ are some, many, or innumerable. Our _we_ reveals nothing to the person we address--if he is a part of us, expected to join us, recognized as a third person, seen as a stranger. And, finally, most importantly, our _we_ is unable to state if each one ought to be taken as the subject of the sentence; or if _we_ are all of us together: _We_ form a subject. + +This plastic _we_ does not tell you who we are. This is the _we_ of propaganda, which can create any subject and demand that the person addressed identify with it; which says "you ought to be one of us"; and which is used by the missionary, the humanist, and the salesman. This impoverished, borderless _we_ enables _us_ to say that _we_ (today) feel, think, and do certain things. A voracious _we_, it incorporates the speaker--even against his will. Publicity presupposes this kind of _we_. This _we_ allows the user to dispense with us, to manage us. It is the _we_ of the normal, of those who fit. + +As the two of us wrote this book, the literary _we_ constantly silenced us, a deafening silence that makes it impossible for the reader to know anything about the writer. Using this contemporary _we_, the speaker engages in semantic violence, incorporating groups, whose way of formulating the _we_ is heterogeneous to that of the observer, and thus driving them into silence. + +We are not fools enough to propose, even as a joke, to return to ethnic silence, the silent co-presence before words, language, and text came into being. We are children of the book. But in our sadness we are silly enough to long for the one silent space that remains open in our examined lives, and that is the silence of friendship.[^n01] + +[^n01:] _For a definition of friendship, see the epigraph to this book_.] + + +## Select Bibliography + +> "...while utilizing and including these texts, I do not depart from the conviction that a work of synthesis must rest mainly upon facts already gathered and critically digested by the relevant specialists: In other words upon what, from the standpoint of scholars hip, must be classed as secondary sources. Those who are suspicious of this foundation show a distaste for the function of interpretation rather than a rationally grounded distrust of the method. All general views are, of course, open to correction, both as to fact and as to interpretation..." + +> Lewis Mumford, _The Culture of Cities_ + +_This bibliography contains mainly two types of books: the kind that will enable the reader to deepen and widen his knowledge of the subject, and those which, though not covering specifically the field of the present volume, have been drawn upon for special documentation_. + +- Abernethy, Seonaid. "The Decisions Themselves: China, Vernacular Procedures; Japan, Vernacular Agreements." Unpublished typescript, 1985. + +- Adamson, J. W. "The Extent of Literacy in England in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries." _The Library_ 10, no. 2 (September 1929): 163. + + | In 1489, the rule concerning the "benefit of the clergy" was changed; it was a privilege that laymen who could read had enjoyed with the clergy. By 1489, so many laymen had become literate that a distinction was drawn between them and the ordained clergy. + +- Altaner, Berthold. "Die Heransbildung eines einheimischen Klerus in der Mission des 13. and 14. Jahrhunderts." _Zeitschrift für Missionswissenshaft_ 18 (1928): 193–208. + +- ------. "Sprachstudien und Sprachkenntnisse im Dienste der Mission des 13. und 14. Jahrhunderts." _Zeitschrift für Missions - Wissenschaft_ 21 (1931): 113–36. + +- ------. "Die fremdsprachliche Ausbildung der Dominikanermissionare während des 13. und 14. Jahrhunderts." _Zeitschrift für Missionswissenschaft_ 23 (1933): 233–71. + +- ------. "Raymundus Lullus und der Sprachenkanon (can. 11) des Konzils von Vienne (1312)." _Historisches Jahrbuch_ 53 (1933): 190–219. + +- ------. "Zur Kenntnis des Arabischen im 13. und 14. Jahrhunderts." _Orientalia Christiana Periodica_ (Rome) 2 (1936): 437–52. + + | See Steiner. + +- Amelotti, M., and G. Costamagna. "Alle origini del notariato italiano." _Studi storici sul notariato italiano_ 2 (Rome) (1975). + + | See Clanchy. + +- Asensio, Eugenio. "La lengua compañera del imperio: Historia de una idea de Nebrija en España y Portugal." _Revista de Filología Española_ 43 (1960): 399–413. + + | See Heisig. + +- Auerbach, Erich. "Dante's Address to the Reader." _Romance Philology 7_ (1954): 268–78. + +- ------. _Li teratursprache und Publikum in der lateinischen Spätantike und im Mittelalter_. Bern: 1958. + +- Bahner, Werner. "Beitrag zum Sprachbewusstsein in der spanischen Literature des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts." _Neue Beiträge zur Literaturwissenschaft_. Berlin: Rüttner, 1956. + + | See Heisig. + +- Balogh, Joseph. "Voces paginorum." _Philologus_ 82 (1926/27): 84–109 and 202–40. + + | See Saenger. + +- Battisti, Carlo. "Secoli Illetterati. Appunti sulla crisi del Latino prima delia riforma carolingia." _Studi Medievali_ (1960): 369–96. + +- Bauml, Franz. "Der Uebergang muendlicher zur artes-bestimmten Literatur des Mittelalters. Gedanken und Bedenken." _Fach literatur des Mittelalters: Festschrift für Gerhard Eis_, 1–10. Stuttgart: Metzler, 1968. + +- ------. "Varieties and Consequences of Medieval Literacy and Illiteracy." _Speculum_ 55, no. 2 (1980): 237–65. + +- Bauml, Franz, and Edda Spielmann. "From Illiteracy to Literacy: Prologomena to a Study of the Nibelungenlied." In Duggan, _Oral Literature_, 62–73. + +- Bayer, Hans. "Zur Soziologie des mittelalterlichen Individualisie-rungsprosesses: Ein Beitrag zu einer wirklichkeitsbezogenen Geistesgeschichte." _Archiv fuer Kulturgeschichte_ 58 (1976): 115–53. + + | See Morris. + +- Beardsley, Monroe C. "Aspects of Orality: A Short Commentary." _New Literary History_ 8, no. 3 (1977): 521–34. + +- Belting, Hans. _Das Bild und sein Publikum im Mittelalter Form und Funktion früher Bildtafeln der Passion Gebr_. Reihe: Mann Studio, 1981. + + | See Daly. + +- Benson, Larry D. "The Literary Character of Anglo-Saxon Formulaic Poetry." _Publication of the Modern Language Association_ 81 (1966): 334–41. + +- Berman, Harold J. "The Background of the Western Legal Tradition in the Folklaw of the Peoples of Europe." _University of Chicago Law Review_ 45, no. 3 (Spring 1978): 553–97. + + | Deals with the _disembedding_ of the law, through codification, since the late eleventh century: "There was a time, prior to the late eleventh century when the peoples of Western Europe were not conscious of any clear distinction between legal institutions and other institutions of social coherence..." + + | See Watkins. + +- Berthold, Luise. "Mittelalterliche Sprachwörter und das moderne Mundartwörterbuch." _Hessische Blätter für Volkskunde_ 39(1940): 64–67. + + | Many proverbs for which we have evidence from medieval sources are carried almost unchanged into contemporary dialects as dialectological dictionaries will show. + + | See Ohly. + +- Best, Edward E. "Attitudes Toward Literacy Reflected in Petronius." _Transactions of the American Philosophical Association_ 81 (1955): 112–39. + + | Tries to take an intermediary position between Frederick G. Kenyon, _Books and Readers in Ancient Greece and Rome_ (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1951, 2d ed.), who believed that few people read to themselves, and Helen Tanzer, _The Common People of Pompeii: A Study of the Graffiti_ (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1939), who after examining 15,000 such graffiti came to believe that almost everyone could read and write. + + | See Riché. + +- Betz, Werner. _Deutsch und lateinische: Die Lehnbildungen der althochdeutschen Benediktinerregel_. Bonn: Bouvier, 1965. + + | Examines the ninth-century translation of St. Benedict's Rule into Old German, focusing attention on the German expressions that had to be coined or reinterpreted in the process. With much more detail, Ibach and Schwarz follow the same events in the formation of Frankish. + +- Bien, G. "Lüge." _Historisches Wörterbuch der Philosophie_. Eds. Joachim Ritter and K. Grunder. Vol. 5. Basel: Schwabe, 1980. + + | See Furhmann. + +- Bischoff, Bernard. _Die südostdeutschen Schreib schulen and Bibliothek en in der Karolingerzeit_. Vols. 1 and 2. Leipzig: O. Harrassowitz, 1940. + + | See Riché. + +- ------. "The Study of Foreign Languages in the Middle Ages." _Speculum_ 36, no. 2 (April 1961): 209–24. + + | See Steiner. + +- ------. "Elementarunterricht und probationes pennae in der ersten Hälfte des Mittelalters." _Mittelalteriche Studien_ 1 (1966): 74–87. + + | See Riché. + +- ------. _Paläographie des römischen Altertums und des abendlän dischen Mittelalters. Grundlagen der Germanistik 24_. Berlin: Eric Schmidt, 1979. + + | See Wattenbach. + +- Bischoff, Bernard, and Joseph Hoffman. _Libri Sancti Kyliani: die Würzburger Schreibschule und die Dombibliothek im 8. und 9. Jahr hunderts_. Würzburg: Schonigh, 1952. + + | See Riché. + +- Blidstein, Gerald. "Maimonides on 'Oral Law.'" _The Jewish Law Annual_ 1 (1978): 108–22. + + | See Watkins. + +- Bloch, R. Howard. _Etymologies and Genealogies: A Literary Anthro pology of the French Middle Ages_. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983. + +- Bonaventure, Brother. "The Teaching of Latin in Later Medieval England." _Mediaeval Studies_ 23 (1961): 1–20. + + | See Riché. + +- Borst, Arno. _Der Turmbau von Babel: Geschichte der Meinungen über Ursprung und Vielfalt der Sprachen und Völker_. 4 vols. Stuttgart: Hierseman, 1957–63. + + | The commentary on the Genesis story about the Tower of Babel has given rise to a vast and rich outpouring of opinion about language. In an encyclopedic fashion, the author gathers and orders the issues discussed: Is language a gift from God or a creation of man? Did Adam speak Hebrew or some tongue like German? What relationship is there between a people and a tongue? What does the multiplicity of tongues "mean"? A complementary question is treated by Pinborg: the thirteenth-century philosophical theories about the "modes of meaning." + +- Bossong, Georg. _Probleme der Übersetzung wissenschaftlicher Werke aus dem Arabischen in das Altspanische zur Zeit Alfons des Weisen_. Tübingen: Max Niemeyer, 1979. + + | See Steiner. + +- Bowra, C. M. _Heroic Poetry_. London: Macmillan, 1951. + +- ------. _In General and Particular_. Clayton Memorial Lecture Delivered Before the Manchester Literary and Philosophical Society. Cleveland and New York: The World Publishing Company, 1959. + +- Boyd, Beverly. _Chaucer and the Medieval Book_. San Marino: The Huntington Library Publications, 1973. + +- Brach, Carla Casetti. "Donne copiste nella leggenda di Bisanzio." _Orientalia Christiana Periodica_ 39 (1973): 478–89. + + | See Grundmann. + +- Braybrooke, E. K. "Custom as a Source of English Law." _Michigan Law Review_ 50, no. 1 (1951): 71–94. + + | See Watkins. + +- Bresslau, Harry. _Handbuch der Urkundlenlehre für Deutschland und Italien_. 2 vols. Leipzig: Veit and Company, 1912. + + | Remains the fundamental handbook for all studies of medieval literacy. + + | See Wattenbach. + +- Brincken, Anna Dorothee von den. "Zur Universalkarthographie des Mittelalters." _Miscellanea Mediaevalia_ 7 (1970): 249–78. + + | See Daly. + +- ------. "Tabula alphabetica: von den Anfängen alphabetische Registerarbeiten zu Geschichtswerken." In _Festschrift für Her mann Heimpel_. Max Planck Institut für Geschichte. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1972. + + | See Daly. + +- Bynum, David E. "The Generic Nature of Oral Epic Poetry." _Genre_ Five, 2, no. 3 (September 1969): 236–58. + + | For Homer and much of pre-Platonic Greece _aoide_ means both the art of epic singing and the song itself. Where the song does not survive the singing, no distinction between the two can be made. And _epos_ means "words" or "utterances." Using the term in this sense, the "epic" and the "oral" tradition coincide. Parry's criteria to recognize the epic nature of a text directly apply only to one small segment of the world's epic treasures: those which, like Homer, can be classified with Aristotle as having a simple meter and unlimited narration. Bynum argues that the epic tradition is much wider than that, has been accumulated by different hands, for over 150 years, by different methods, belongs to different genres, with some appearing here, others only there. No one specialist can know more than one of the other languages in which it has been noted down. + +- ------. _The Daemon in the Wood: A Study of Oral Narrative Patterns_. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1978. Published by the Center for the Study of Oral Literature. + + | This study represents a search for the kind of ideas that find their expression in oral tradition, and the web of their concatenations. It is interested in the narrative per se, and not as a vehicle reflecting social structure, manifesting dynamics of character, reinforcing custom or law. Discovers "a protean ability of one finite complex of oral traditional fictions to conform with any mode of action or being that men have adopted." Bynum searches for these ideas also in puzzles, sayings, and tales. + +- Carpenter, Rhys. "The Antiquity of the Greek Alphabet." _American Journal of Anthropology_ 37 (1933): 8–29. + +- Certeau, Michel de, Dominique Julia, and Jacques Revel. _Une Politique de la langue: la Révolution française et les patois: L'enquête de Grégoire_. Paris: Gallimard, 1975. + + | Between 1792 and 1794, the unification of the French language had top priority within the Revolution. Abbé Grégoire was charged with a national survey of vernaculars, and the attitudes toward them are analyzed by the authors: "La langue française et plus faite pour prier le Créateur suprême et chanter ses langages." The French language is much better suited than the dialects to sing the praises of the supreme creator ... it is necessary to sacrifice these on the altar of the Revolution ... one can feel that the "patois" is too heavy, too rough and too dull: not quite worthy of God. The patois encourages laziness, superstition, and inquisition. Its destruction can only be agreeable to God and politics will not lose anything by it. + + | See Heisig. + +- Chaytor, H. J. "The Medieval Reader and Textual Criticism." _Bulletin of the John_ (Rylands University Library) 26 (1941): 49–56. + + | See Saenger. + +- ------. _From Script to Print: An Introduction to Medieval Vernacular Literature_. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1945. + +Pages 5–21 develop his previously stated idea that the invention of printing was the main factor leading from loud to silent reading. + + | See Saenger. + +- Cheney, Christopher Robert. _Notaries Public in England in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries_. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972. See Clanchy. + +- Chenu, Marie Dominique. _L'éveil de la conscience dans la civilisation médiévale_. Conference Albert-Le-Grand 1968. Montreal: Institut d'études médiévales, 1969. + + | See Clanchy. + +- Christin, Anne-Marie, ed. _Ecriture: systèmes idéographiques et pratique expressive_. Paris: Le Sycamore, 1982. + +- Clanchy, M. T. "Remembering the Past and the Good Old Law." _History_ 40 (1970): 165–76. + +- ------. _From Memory to Written Record: England 1 066–1307_. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1979. + + | Reviews what we know of growing literacy in the West during a 250-year period from a new point of view, stressing not what it contributed to literature and "science," but the way it changed (or reflected a change) in self-perception and the perception of society. The conversation that started _ABC_ grew out of our attempt to bring insights, acquired from the school of Milman Parry, into the questions asked by Clanchy. For the history of the notaries who did much of the writing, see Cheney and Amelotti. Sheehan focuses on just one of their major tasks: the alphabetization of the last will. Franklin observes a rapid increase of lay literacy between 1050 and 1200 in Russia, even though charters have much less importance there than in the West. Vollrath looks at the vernacular records of Anglo-Saxon laws. She believes that effective legislation was to a large extent independent from the written record, which was often made much later. She points to the difficulties of reconstructing from Latin records the Germanic expression behind the Latin formula that is preserved. In Paravicini, volume 5, pages 71–116 deal with the impact of increasing literary activity on the style of administration in the Middle Ages. + +- Classen, Peter, ed. _Recht und Schrift im Mittelalter_. Vorträge und Forschungen 23 . Sigmaringen: Thorbecke, 1977. + + | See Watkins. + +- Constable, Giles. _The Letters of Peter the Venerable_. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1967. + +- Contamine, Philippe. "L'écrit et l'oral en France à la fin du Moyen Age." In Paravicini, pp. 102–115. + + | See Clanchy. + +- Cormier, Raymond J. "The Problem of Anachronism: Recent Scholarship on the French Medieval Romances of Antiquity." _Philological Quarterly_ 53 (1974): 145–57. + +- Cox, James M. "Autobiography and America." _The Virginia Quarterly Review_ 47, no. 2 (Spring 1971): 252–77. + +- Cressy, David, _Literacy and the Social Order: Reading and Writing in Tudor and Stuart England_. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980. + +- Crosby, Ruth. "Oral Delivery in the Middle Ages." _Speculum_ 11, no. 1 (January 1936): 88–110. + + | Points out that the direct address to the _reader_ as opposed to the _listener_ first becomes popular in literature in the fifteenth century; with Lydgate's Troy Book. + +- ------. "Chaucer and the Custom of Oral Delivery." _Speculum_ 13, no. 4 (October 1938): 413–32. + +- Culley, Robert C. _Oral-Formulaic Language in the Biblical Psalms_. Toronto: Toronto University Press, 1967. + +- Curshmann, Michael. "Oral Poetry in Medieval English, French, and German Literature: Some Notes on Recent Research." _Speculum_ 42 (1967): 36–52. + +- ------. "The Concept of Oral Formula as Impediment to Our Understanding of Medieval Oral Poetry." _Medievalia et Humanistica_. New Series 8: 63–76. + +- Curtius, Ernst Robert. _European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages_. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1973. + + | He covers the book, page, and letters as symbols in Western culture up to the thirteenth century. Much more detail and quotations can be found in Koep, Rauch, and Rothacker. Nobis presents a short survey. Weinerich analyzes the metaphors used for "remembrance," and finds two ideal types: the storage room and the wax tablet. + + | Meier examines the symbols used by Hildegard von Bingen to speak of "forgetting"; mainly man forgetting God and God forgetting man. + + | However, Meier's article is the best critical guide to research on such symbols in the Middle Ages for remembrance and forgetting in general. Harms focuses only on nature insofar as it "speaks," mainly through the voice of God's writing that speaks to illiterate and literate alike. Nobis addresses the contrast between de-ciphering the Creator's handwriting in nature and the description of nature that constitutes modern science and turns the "book" topsy-turvy. Krafft, Schilling, and Ohly pursue the literary use of the book as symbol and as emblematic element during the following centuries. The use of the book as a symbol for spiritual reality can be found in Leclercq and Kretzenbacher. That God has revealed himself not only through letters but also through ruler and circle is a point made by Ohly (_Deus Geometra_). Meier ("Verhaeltnis") studies the relationship between the text of Hildegard and the miniatures by which it is illustrated. + +- Daly, L. W., and B. A. Daly. "Some Techniques in Mediaeval Latin Lexicography." _Speculum_ 39 (1964): 231–39. + + | Isidore of Seville in his _Etymologiae_ had already tried an alphabetic arrangement by first and second letters. But only in 1053 did Papias begin to arrange entries in his dictionary in a fully alphabetic order; for quotations he used abbreviations indicated in a table at the beginning of his work. Brincken deals with the first alphabetic indices starting in the early thirteenth century. Rouse, pp. 29–40, provides a full introduction to the history of the chapter and the verse in the Bible, and reference methods in the late Middle Ages; his work is complemented by Halporn. Rouse ("Early Library") reports on the origins of random access to library books, and Goetz on the appearance of encyclopedias. The world map might be considered as a particular form of random access description (see Brincken). On library buildings, see Knowles. For the contents of a private library (1271), belonging to Gérard d'Abéville, the adversary of Thomas Aquinas, see Grabmann, pp. 16ff. + +- D'Angelo, Frank J. "Luria and Literacy: The Cognitive Consequences of Reading and Writing." In _Literacy as a Human Problem_, ed. James C. Raymond. + +- David, M. "Le serment du sacre du IXe au XVe siècle. Contribution à l'étude des limites juridiques de la souveraineté." _Revue du moyen âge Latin_ 6 (1950): 5–272. + +- Davison, J. A. "Literature and Literacy in Ancient Greece." _Phoenix_ 16 (1962): 141–56 and 219–33. + +- De Ghellinck, S. _L'essort de la litterature latine au 12. siècle_. Brussels: Desclée de Brouwer, 1954. + + | See Leclercq. + +- Diamond, Stanley. "The Rule of Law Versus the Order of Custom." In _The Rule of Law_, ed. R. P. Wolf. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1971. + + | This article comments on the distinction made by Paul Gohannan that law has no essence, but only a definable historical nature. Compare this with the comment of Paul Radin: "A custom is in no sense a part of our properly functioning culture. It belongs definitely to the past. At best it is moribund." + + | See Watkins. + +- Diringer, David. _The Alphabet: A Key to the History of Mankind_. 2d ed., rev. New York: Philosophical Library, 1953. + +- Duby, Georges. "Structures de parente et noblesse dans la France du Nord au Xle et Xlle siècles." In _Hommes et structures du Moyen Âge_, ed. Georges Duby. Paris: Mouton, 1973. + + | See pp. 282–83 for notion of restructuring and reordering of aristocratic lineage from horizontal to vertical due to influence of the _text_. + +- Duggan, Joseph, ed. _Oral Literature. Seven Essays_. Edinburgh and London: Scottish Academic Press, 1975. + +- Duggan, Joseph J. _The Song of Roland: Formulaic Style and Poetic Craft_. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1973. + +- Eickelman, Dale E. "The Art of Memory: Islamic Education and its Social Reproduction." _Comparative Studies in Society and History_ 20 (1978): 485–516. + +- Eisenstein, Elisabeth. _The Printing Press as an Agent of Change: Com munications and Cultural Transformations in Early-Modern Europe_. 2 vols. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979. + + | The author was upset by the oracular style with which McLuhan raised an obviously important and so far little understood event: the effect of printing on written records, and on the views of elites. Her theme is not the shift from an oral to a literate culture, but the shift from one kind of literate culture to another during the fifteenth century: the move from "scribal" or "chirographic" to print or typographic culture. + + | On the way in which scribal procedures and the changing appearance of the handwritten page affected twelfth-to-fourteenth-century literature, see Chaytor. The most brilliantly illustrated history showing the development of writing styles, binding, illustrations, and reference methods, the changing role of the unprinted book in the monastery, university, and in general culture, its relation to lay piety and enjoyment and self-perception are the pages devoted to the manuscript in Martin. + + | See also Steinberg. + +- Ernout, A. "Dictáre, 'dicter,' allem, dichten." _Revue des Etudes La tines_ 29 (1951): 155–61. + +- Ewert, A. "Dante's Theory of Language." _Modern Language Review_ 35 (1940): 355–65. + +- Febvre, Lucien, and Henry-Jean Martin. _L' Apparition du Livre_. Paris: Editions Albin Michel, 1958. + +- Feigl, Helmuth. "Von der mundlichen Rechtsweisung zur Aufzeichnung. Die Entstehung der Weistumer und verwandter Quellen." In Classen, _Recht und Schrift_. See Watkins. + +- Felder, Hilarin. _Geschichte der wissenschaftlichen Studien im Franzis kanerorden b is um die Mitte des 13. Jahrhunderts_. Freiburg im Breisgau: Herder, 1904. + + | See Steiner. + +- Finnegan, Ruth, ed. _A World Treasury of Oral Poetry_. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1978. + +- Foley, John Miles. "The Traditional Oral Audience." _Balkan Studies_ 18 (1977): 145–53. + +- ------. "Oral Literature: Premises and Problems." _Choice_ 18 (1980): 487–96. + + | This article is written primarily with the acquisition librarian of a college library in mind, and includes a list of easily available sound recordings of oral texts. For orientation on the ramifications of studies generated by Parry's history of controversies and progress. For partly unpublished research on oral traditions around the globe, see Lord ("Perspectives"). The footnotes in Peabody are an excellent introduction to the state of knowledge. + +- Fraenger, Wilhelm. _Der Bauernbruegel and das deutsche Sprichwort_. Munich and Leipzig: E. Rentsch, 1923. + + | Analyzes a painting in which Peter Brueghel the Elder in 1559 has preserved a dozen sayings about the world upside down. + + | See Ohly. + +- Franklin, Simon. "Literacy and Documentation in Early Medieval Russia." _Speculum_ 60, no. 1 (1985): 1–38. + + | See Clanchy. + +- Fry, Donald K. "Themes and Type-Scenes in Elene: 1–113." _Speculum_ 44 (1969): 34–45. + +Hypothesizes a survival of formulaic techniques in written poetry from an earlier tradition. + +- Frye, Northrop. _The Great Code: The Bible and Literature_. New York and London: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1982. + +- Fuhrmann, Horst. "Die Fälschungen im Mittelalter: Überlegungen zum mittelalterlichen Wahrheitsbegriff." _Historische Zeitschrift_ 197 (1963): 529–34. + + | Forgeries abound during the Middle Ages--not only forgeries of charters, but those of relics and of "authorships." Many works are ascribed to Augustine, Ambrose, and Cicero that they could not have written. This raises two questions: What is the motive for these forgeries, and why were they accepted? The author sees this mainly as a result of the medieval desire to correct the "order of things" to fit the forger's opinion of how the order should be. The increase of documents during the twelfth century lends itself particularly to this corrective enterprise. For a short introduction to the history of _falsiloquium_ and _mendacium_ see Bien; and for more extensive historical documentation see Müller. About Herodotus on lying, see Hartog. + +- Galbraith, Vivian Hunter. "The Literacy of the Medieval English Kings." Raleigh Lecture on History 10 July 1935. In _Proceedings of the British Academy_, XXI (1935): 201–38. + +- Gannim, John M. _Style and Consciousness in Middle English Narrative_. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983. + +- Ganshof, François L. "Charlemagne et l'usage de l'écrit en matière administrative." _Le Moyen Age_ 57 (1951): 1–25. + + | See Clanchy. + +- Gellrich, Jesse M. _The Idea of the Book in the Middle Ages: Language Theory, Mythology, and Fiction_. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1985. + +- Giesecke, Michael. "'Volkssprache' und 'Verschriftlichung des Lebens' im Spätmittelalter--am Beispiel der Genese der ged-rukten Frachprosa in Deutschland." In Gumbrecht, _Literatur_, 39–67. + +- Gilson, Etienne. _Heloise and Abelard_. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1960. + +- Glauche, Günther. "Schullektüren im Mittelalter. Entstehung und Wandlung des Lektürenkanons bis 1200 an Quellen dargestellt." _Muenchner Beiträge zur Medievistik und Renaissanceforschung_ 5. Munich, 1970. + + | See Riché. + +- Goetz, Walter. "Die Enzyklopädien des 13. Jahrhundert: Ein Beitrag zur Entstehung der Laienbildung." _Zeitschrift fuer deutsche Geistesgeschichte_ 2, no. 6 (1936): 227–50. + + | See Daly. + +- Goody, Jack. "The Consequences of Literacy." In Jack Goody, ed. _Literacy in Traditional Societies_. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1968. + +- ------. _The Domestication of the Savage Mind_. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977. + +- ------, ed. _Literacy in Traditional Societies_. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1968. + +- Grabmann, Martin. _Mittelalterliches Geistesleben_. Munich: Huebner, 1926. + + | Reconstructs the library of an adversary of Thomas A. Gerard d' Abéville, who donated his library in 1271. A catalogue was made in 1338. + + | See Daly. + +- Graff, Harvey J. _The Literacy Myth: Literacy and Social Structure in the Nineteenth Century_. New York, San Francisco, and London: Academic Press, 1979. + +- ------, ed. _Literacy and Social Development in the West_. Cambridge Studies in Oral and Literate Culture. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981. + +- Greenfield, Kathleen. "Changing Emphasis in English Vernacular Homiletic Literature." _Journal of Medieval History_ 7, no. 3 (1981): 283–97. + +- Grundmann, Herbert. "Die Frauen und die Literatur im Mittelalter. Ein Beitrag zur Frage nach der Entstehung des Schrifttums in der Volkssprache." _Archiv fuer Kulturgeschichte_ 26 (1935): 129–61. + +- ------. "Litteratus--illiteratus. Der Wandel einer Bildungsnorm vom Altertum zum Mittelalter." _Archiv fuer Kulturgeschi chte_ 40 (1958): 1–65. + +- ------. _Religiöse Bewegungen im Mittelalter. Untersuchungen über die geschichtlichen Zusammenhänge zwischen der Ketzerei, den Bettelorden und der religiösen Frauenbewegung im 12. und 13. Jahrhunderts und über die geschichtlichen Grundlagen der Deutschen Mystik_. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftel Buchges, 1970. + + | The spread of literacy in the twelfth century cannot be separated from the religious movements, especially among the laity. Grundmann strongly reacts against interpretations that explain these movements stressing predominantly social and economic causes; for him Church-bound and heretic movements are ultimately motivated by the desire to effect religious reform based on the reading of scriptures. In the course of this movement, the relationship between clerical status and literacy changed in a complex fashion. + + | See Grundmann (_Litteratus_) and Thompson on the possibility of combining lay-status with emerging literacy, versus Clanchy, part II, 7 and Gilson's discussion of Abelard's status. _I Laici_ contains several papers referring to this point; see in particular, Huyghebaert on the status of women, and Grundmann (_Frauen_) on the contribution of women toward literacy in the vernacular tongues. Also, in Eastern Europe, Franklin notices the increase in lay literacy, and Brach notices the increase of women scribes--at least in the legends of Byzantium. + +- Gumbrecht, Hans Ulrich. _Literatur in der Gesellschaft des Spätmit telalters_. (Grundriss der romanischen Literaturen des Mittelalters), Vol. 1. Heidelberg: Carl Winter, 1980. + + | See Clanchy. + +- Hajdu, Helga. _Das Mnemotechnische Schrifttum des Mittelalters_. Amsterdam: E. J. Bonset, 1967. + +- Hajnal, István. _L' Enseignement de l'écriture aux universités médiévales_. Budapest: Academia ScientiarumHungarica Budapestini, 1954. + +- Halporn, J. W. "Methods of Reference in Cassiodorus." _Journal of Library History_ 16 (1981): 71–91. + +- Hanning, R. W. _The Individual in the Twelfth-Century Romances_. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1977. + +- Harms, Wolfgang, and Heimo Reinitzer. _Natura Loquax: Natur kunde und allegorische Naturdeutung vom Mittelalter bis zur f ruehen Neuzeit_. Mikrokosmos: Beitraege zur Literatur-wissenschaft und Bedeutungsforschung Bd. 7. Frankfort: Lang, 1981. + + | Nature speaks; in fact, Nature might be chatty. But how to learn Nature's language? And who are those who can understand its language and make it understandable? + + | See Curtius. + +- Hartog, François. _Le miroir d'Hérodote: Essai sur la représentation de l'autre_. Paris: Gallimard, 1980. + + | Cicero (_Laws_ I, 1, 5) calls Herodotus both the Father of History, and a Liar: "Quamquam et apud Herodtum, patrem Historiae ... sunt innumerabilis fabulae..." Hartog retraces the histographic stages in which "Herodotus' lies" were differently understood: as a propagandist, a plagiarist, and only slowly as a maturing author, as he has been known for three successive generations since the mid-nineteenth century. + + | Veyne, however, might be more correct: the father of history was in no way bound by history's supposed rules. Herodotus still _knows_ equally well what he has seen, been told of, or has understood. Somewhat like Plato, he sits on the watershed at which our kind of "lie" starts as a tiny brook. + +- Harvey, David. "Greeks and Romans Learn to Write." In Havelock and Hershbell, _Communication Arts_, 63–80. + + | See Riché. + +- Harvey, F. D. "Literacy in the Athenian Democracy." _Revue des Études Grecques_ 79 (1966): 585–635. + + | See Riché. + +- Harvey, L. P. "Oral Composition and the Performance of Novels of Chivalry in Spain." In Duggan, _Oral Literature_, 84–100. + +- Hatcher, Elisabeth R. "The Moon and Parchment: Paradiso II, 73–78." _Dante Studies_ 89 (1971): 55–60. + +- Havelock, Eric. _Preface to Plato_. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1963. + + | Suggests that even after the waning of the epic tradition, and the rise of specific literary forms of poetry, oral culture substantially prevailed until Plato, whose "war against the poets" in _The Republic_ is to be explained as an attack on the bases of the older civilization of the spoken word by the greatest representative of the new age of prose, science, abstract thought, and writing. Havelock goes far beyond Parry, who could not have admitted that an "oral culture" could exist without the living tradition of oral poetry which determines its character. + +- ------. "Prologue to Greek Literacy." In _Lectures in Memory of Louise Taft Sample. University of Cincinnati Classical Studies_, vol. 2. Norman, Oklahoma: University of Oklahoma Press, 1973: 331–91. + +- ------. "The Preliteracy of the Greeks." _New Literary History_ 8, no. 3 (1977): 369–91. + +- ------. "The Ancient Art of Oral Poetry." _Philosophy and Rhetoric_ 12, no. 3 (Summer 1979): 187–202. + +- ------. _The Literate Revolution in Greece and Its Cultural Consequences_. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982. + +- Havelock, Eric A., and Jackson P. Hershbell, eds. _Communication Arts in the Ancient World_. Humanistic Studies in the Communication Arts. New York: Hastings House, 1978. + +- Haymes, Edward R. _A Bibliography of Studies Relating to Parry's and Lord's Oral Theory_. Publications of the Milman Parry Collection. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1973. + + | See Foley. + +- Heck, Philipp. _Uebersetzungsprobleme im fruehen Mittelalter_. Tübingen: Mohr, 1931. + + | Analyzes early medieval Latin texts in which Germanic vernacular custom or law has been codified. Searches for the vernacular expressions that may have given rise to the use of the Latin formulas, an activity in which Heck has to engage in order to interpret the text. Insists, however, on sticking to the Latin terminology when translating this text into German, fully aware that some other Germanic expression than the one he has guessed at might have been lying behind the Latin term. + +- Hedwig, Klaus. _Sphaera Lucis. Studien zur Intelligibilität des seienden im Kontext der mittelalterlichen Lichtspekulation_. Beiträge zur Geschichte der Philosophie und Theologie des Mittelalters NF Bd. 18. Munster: Aschendorf, 1980. + + | See Curtius. + +- Heer, Friedrich. _The Medieval World: Europe 1100–1500_. New York and Toronto: New American Library, 1961. + + | See Morris. + +- Heisig, Karl. "Muttersprache: ein romanistischer Beitrag zur Genesis eines deutschen Wortes und zur Entstehung der deutsch-franzoesischen Sprachgrenze." _Muttersprache_ 22, no. 3 (1954): 144–74. + + | The connection between "mother" and "tongue" is first made in Lorraine in the tenth century, at the time of a retreat of the Frankish and the advance of neo-Latin speaking populations. Monks of the reform abbey of Gorz used it in opposition to _patrius sermo. Lingua materna_ appealed to the women to maintain their speechform. It appears in Latin sermon notes meant to be delivered in vernacular tongues. During the twelfth to fourteenth centuries, the term--if used--was opposed to Latin, used to designate a lower type of language. In the fourteenth century, it was used only in the business language of the Hansa. Asensio examines Nebrija's idea of the national language being a camp follower. Weissberger retraces the rise of the idea of "mother tongue" in European cultures. Josten and Bahner give easy access to source material on the subject. We know of not one attempt to retrace the history of the corresponding idea: that _homo_ is naturally _monolinguis_. + +- Hilty, G. "Die Romanisierungen in den Strassburger Eiden." _Vox Romanica_ 25 (1966): 227–35. + + | See Schmidt-Wiegand. + +- Hoekstra, A. _Homeric Modifications of Formulaic Prototypes, Studies in the Development of Greek Epic Diction_. Amsterdam: North-Holland Publishing Co., 1965. + +- Holoka, James P. "Homeric Originality: A Survey." _Classical World_ 66, no. 5 (1973): 257–93. See Foley. + +- Horner, Winifred Bryan, ed. _The Present State of Scholarship in Historical and Contemporary Rhetoric_. Columbia and London: University of Missouri Press, 1983. + + | See Chapter 2, "The Middle Ages," by James J. Murphy. + +- Howard, Donald R. "The Canterbury Tales: Memory and Form." _English Language History_ 38 ( 1971 ): 319–28. + +- ------. _The Idea of the Canterbury Tales_. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1976. + +- Huyghebaert, Nicolas. "Les femmes laïques dans la vie religieuse des 11e et 12e siècles dans la province Ecclésiastique de Reims." In _I Laici nella Societas Christiana_, 345–95. + + | See Grundmann. + +- Ibach, Helmut. "Zu Wortschatz und Begriftswelt der althochdeutschen Benediktinerregel." _Beiträge zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und Literatur_ (Halle). 78 (1956): 1"110; 79 (1957): 106–85; 80 (1958): 190–271; 81 (1959): 123–73; 82 (1960): + + | See Betz. + +- _I Laici nella Societas Christiana_. De sec. 11 and 12. Atti della terza Settimana internazionale di studio, Mendola agosto 1965. Publicazioni dell Universitá Cattolica del Sacro uore, ser. III, varia 5. Milan, 1966. + + | See Grundmann. + +- Inter Documentation Publishing Company. _Emblem Books_. 354 Titles on microfiche. Zurich, 1983. + + | See Ohly. + +- Jaeger, Werner. _Platos Stellung Aufbau der griechischen Bildung_. Berlin, 1928. + + | See Riché. + +- Jarecki, Walter. _Signa Loquendi. Die cluniscensischen Signa-Listen eingeleitet und herausgegeben_. Saecula Spiritalia Bd. 4. Baden-Baden: Korner, 1981. + + | Monastic sign language of the High Middle Ages. + +- Jeggrey, David. _By Things Seen: Reference and Recognition in Medieval Thought_. Ottawa: University of Ottawa Press, 1979. + + | See Daly. + +- Josten, Dirk. _Sprachvorbild und Sprachnorm im Urteil des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts. Sprachlandschertliche Prioritäten, Sprachautoritäten, Sprachimmanente Argumentation_. Europ. Hochschulschriften R 1, 152. Bern: Frankfurt, 1976. + + | Critical and annotated collection of opinions expressed by German poets and savants--see Heisig. + +- Jousse, Marcel. _Le Style oral rhythmique et mnémotechnique chez les Verbomoteurs_. Paris: G. Beauchesne, 1925. + +- Kailaspathy, K. _Tamil Heroic Poetry_. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1968. + +- Kelber, Werner. _The Oral and the Written Gospel: The Hermeneutics of Speaking and Writing in the Synoptic Tradition: Mark, Paul and Q_. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1984. + +- Kirschbaum, Engelbert. _Lexikon der Christlichen Ikonographie_. ("Art," "Bildnis" und "Evangelisten") Bd. 1. Rome: Herder, 1968. 301, 696ff. + + | See Leclercq. + +- Klinkenberg, Hans Martin. "Der Verfall des Quadriviums im frühen Mittelalter." _Studien und Texte zur Geistesgeschichte des Mit telalters_ 5 (1959): 1–32. + + | See Riché. + +- Knowles, Dom David. _The Monastic Order in England. A History of Its Development from the Times of St. Dunstan to the Fourth Lateran Council, 943–1216_. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1941. + + | See Riché. + +- Koep, Leo. _Das himmlische Buch in Antike und Christentum_. Bonn: P. Hanstein, 1952. + + | See Curtius. + +- Krafft, F. "Der Naturwissenschaftler und das Buch der Renaissance." In _Das Verhältnis der Humanisten zum Buch_, eds. F. Krafft and D. Wuttke, 23–41. Boppard: Boldt, 1977. + + | See Curtius. + +- Kretzenbacher, L. _Versoehnung im Jenseits. Zur Widerspiegelung des Apokatastasis-Denkens in Glaube, Hochdichtung und Legende_. Sitzungsbericht der Akademie. Munich: Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1971. + + | See Curtius. + +- Kuhn, Alvin. "Schriftsprache und Dialekt." _Cultura Neolatina_ 16 (1956), fasc. 1: 35–51. + +- Ladner, Gerhart B. _The Idea of Reform: Its Impact on Christian Thought and Action in the Age of the Fathers_. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1959. + +- Lain Entralgo, Pedro. _The Therapy of the Word in Classical Antiquity_. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1970. + +- Lanza, Diego. _Lingua e discorso nell'Atene delle professioni_. Naples: Liguori, 1979. + + | Shows the slow penetration of documentation into the different circles of Athens during the fifth century. + +- Lares, Micheline-Maurice. "Types et optiques de traductions et adaptions de l'ancien Testament en Anglais du Haut Moyen Age." In _Bible and Medieval Culture_, ed. W. Lourdaux, 70ff. Leuven: Leuven University Press, 1979. + + | See Betz. + +- Leclercq, Jean. "Saint Bernhard et ses secrétaires." _Revue Bene dectine_ 61 (1951): 208–29. + + | Leclercq possesses an encyclopedic knowledge of the meaning given by twelfth-century monks to their gestures and words (_Otia_ and _Vocabulaire_). On the habits of composing and dictating, see _l'amour_, especially pages 21ff. and 164ff., as well as De Ghellinck, _L'essort_, pp. 270ff. On the etymology of "dictation," see the linguist Ernout. Kirschbaum notices the transformation in the representation of Evangelists: from secretaries who listen to the voice of God frequently represented by a bird speaking in their ear, into secretaries copying from a scroll that descends from heaven. Dictation remained the only form of copying (Skeat) until word-division made silent copying possible (Saenger). + +- ------. _Étude sur le vocabulaire monastique du Moyen Age_. Rome: Herder, 1961. + +- ------. _L'amour des lettres et le désir de Dieu_. Paris: Aubier, 1963. + +- ------. _Otia monastica: étude sur le vocabulaire de la contemplation au moyen âge_. Freiburg: Herder, 1963. + +- ------. "Aspects spirituels de la symbolique du livre au XIIe siècle." In _L'homme devant Dieu II_, 63ff. Mélanges de Lubac. Paris: Aubier, 1964. + +- Lesky, A. "Homeros II: Oral Poetry; III: Mündlichkeit und Schriftlichkeit." In Pauy's _Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft_, ed. Wilhelm Kroll, 693–709. Supplementband XI, Stuttgart: 1968. + +- Lohmann, Johannes. "Verhältnis des abendländischen Menschen zur Sprache (Bewusstsein und unbewusste Form der Rede)." _Lexisi_ 3 (1953): 5–49. + + | The Greeks had no language, but only a way of life. Thought was embedded in the Logos. Classical science was critical but not yet judgmental. Truth still in the presence of Being. The two begin to separate only with Cicero: thought separates from language. However, the thinker remains argumentative; he does not become immediately judgmental. Only with nominalism does thought move away from language. It is only during the thirteenth century that language can be conceived of as a tool, an instrument that designates outside things. Rhetoric takes the place of logic. Modern language appears, a form for content. Language has changed from an organ of reflection into a sign of thought. Now with structuralism, the cycle is complete: language operates in persons. + +- Lord, Albert. "Homer, Parry and Huso." _American Journal of Archaeology_ 53 (1948): 34–44. + +- ------. _The Singer of Tales_. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1960. + +- ------. "Perspectives on Recent Work on Oral Literature." In Duggan, _Oral Literature_, 1–24. + +- Luria, Aleksandr Romanovich. _Cognitive Development: Its Cultural and Social Foundations_. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1976. + +- Lynd, Helen Merrill. _On Shame and the Search for Identity_. New York: Science Editions, 1958. + +- Magoun, Francis Peabody. "The Oral Formulaic Character of Anglo-Saxon Narrative Poetry." _Speculum_ 28 (1953): 446–67. The first to apply Parry to _Beowulf_; challenged by Benson. + +- Manzaneres de Cirre, Manuela. _Arabistas españolas del siglo XIX_. Madrid: Instituto Hispano-Árabe de Cultura, 1971. + + | Pages 7–15 provide a good introduction to the literature on Arabic translation in the thirteenth century. + +- Marrou, Henri Irenée. _A History of Education in Antiquity_. New York: Sheed and Ward, 1956. + + | See Riché. + +- ------. _Saint Augustin et la fin de la culture antique_. 4th ed. Paris: Ed. Boccard, 1958. + + | Augustine is not only the first major thinker who no longer writes in Greek, he is also the first whose entire philosophical formation was Latin. And it is a particular Latin, marked by the rhetoric of the late empire and its philosophers, full of enthusiastic diatribe, and technical artifices particularly attractive to the age. But his Latin remains in many ways the same kind of language for all antiquity: Reading is done out loud, and more often than not the author listens to a lector reading back to him what he has dictated. The scroll and the book--when it comes into existence--by their very nature prevent the reader from returning to a passage already read, and make scanning or leafing impossible. + + | During the sixth and seventh centuries, dialects have a strong influence on the written "Latin." Battisti and Wright oppose the often-voiced opinion "that Latin and Romance co-existed as spoken forms since Imperial times and were mutually unintelligible by the year 813" as untenable. Since the time of Augustine, the letters ceased to reflect the sounds--Väänänen. Menéndez speaks of neo-Latin speech forms during the whole first millennium (pp. 1–5). Norberg explores its relations to the text of the Strasbourg Oaths. Pulgram speaks of the Council of Tours as a "resigned recognition that you cannot talk to people in a language that they have long ago ceased to speak nor thereby save their souls"--by the year 1000 the spoken Latin word had ceased to influence the orthography of Latin. Latin had become a historically quite unique language (Steiner and also Bischoff). Mohrmann gives an encyclopedic access to Latin's unique characteristics, and the history of its perception. + +- Martin, Henri-Jean, Roger Chartier, and Jean-Pierre Vivet. _His torie de l'édition française_. Tome I. _Le Livre conquérant du moyen âge au milieu du XVII siècle_. Paris: Promodis Français, 1984. + + | Many pages devoted to the manuscript, with many illustrations, which show the development of writing styles, binding, illustration, indices, and reference systems. Explores the changing role of the book in monastery, university, and in general culture. Also explores relations of lay piety to the book, written text, silent reading, and private study--all leading to individualism. + +- McKeon, Richard. "The Organization of Sciences and the Relation to Cultures in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries." In _The Cultural Context of Learning and Thinking_, ed. Michael Cole, 151–92. New York: Basic Books, 1971. + +- McLuhan, Marshall. _The Gutenberg Galaxy: The Making of Typographic Man_. Toronto: Toronto University Press, 1962. + +- Meier, Christl. "Vergessen, Erinnern, Gedächtnis im Gott-Mensch Bezug: zu einem Grenzbereich der Allegorese bei Hildegard von Bingen und anderen Autoren des Mittelalters." In _Verbum et Signum_, ed. Hans Fromm, Wolfgang Harms, Uwe Ruberg, 143–94. Munich: W. Fink, 1975. + + | See Curtius. + +- ------. "Zu Verhaeltnis von Text und Illustration bei Hildegard von Bingen." In _Hildegard von Bingen 1179–1979_, ed. A. Bruek, 159–69. Festschrift zum 800. Mainz: Todestag, 1979. + + | See Curtius. + +- ------, ed. _Text und Bild. Aspekte des Zusammenwirkens Zweir Kuenste im Mittelalter und Frueher Neuzeite_. Wiesbaden: Reichert, 1980. + +- Menéndez Pidal, Ramón. _Manual de gramática histórica española_. Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1958. + +- Mezey, Laszló, ed. _L'enseignement de l'écriture aux universités médiévales_. 2d ed. Budapest: Academie des Sciences de Hongrie, 1959. + + | See Riché. + +- Momiglianó, A. "The Historians of the Classical World and Their Audiences." _Annali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa_ 8, no. 1 (1057): 59–75. + + | Underlines the dissynchronicity of cultural alphabetization. After Herodotus, historians quickly adopted mental conventions that devalued hearsay against documented evidence. But the readers much more slowly asked for proof supporting those statements. + +- Morris, Collin. _The Discovery of the Individual 1050–1200_. The Church Historical Society. London: SPVC, 1972. + + | Without recourse to the apparatus of learned study, the author has mapped recent scholarship on the theme in an authoritative manner. He highlights (especially pp. 64–68) the relationship between various forms of self-description and the new style of self-perception. Chenu points with great competence to the decisive step in the discovery of the self (le sujet de soi-même) in Abelard: That intention determines the value of the act and therefore its sinfulness. The Church discipline demanding penance for the action had to be replaced by the confession of the evil intention: Each one had to learn to examine his own conscience, perceived as a book. Though the author is mainly concerned with the later fourteenth century, the historian Tentler documents the page-like perception of conscience. On the reflection of Individualism in literature, see Hanning and _Typus und Individudlitaet_. + +- Müller, Gregor. _Die Wahrhaftigkeitspflicht und die Problematik der Lüge_. Freiburg: Herder, 1962. + + | See Fuhrmann. + +- Murphy, James J. _Medieval Rhetoric: A Select Bibliography_. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1971. + +- ------. _Rhetoric in the Middle Ages: A History of Rhetorical Theory from St. Augustine to the Renaissance_. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974. + +- Naveh, Joseph. _Early History of the Alphabet: An Introduction to West Semitic Epigraphy and Paleography_. Jerusalem: Hebrew University, 1982. + +- Nelson, H. L. W. "Die Latinisierungen in den Strassburger Eiden." _Vox Romanica_ 25 (1966): 193–226. + +- _New Literary History. Aspects of Orality_: Vol. 8, no. 3 (1977). _Oral and Written Traditions in the Middle Ages_: Vol. 16, no. 1 (1984). + +- Nilgen, U. "Evangelisten." In Kirschbaum, _Lexikon_. + +- Nobis, H. M. "Die Umwandlung der mittelalterlichen Naturvorstellung. Ihre Ursachen and ihre Wissenschaftsgeschichten Folgen." _Archiv fuer Begriffsgeschichte_ 13 (1960): 34–57. + + | Stresses the contrast between de-ciphering the Creator's handwriting in nature, and the de-scription of nature, which constitutes modern science. The metaphor is turned topsy-turvy in the transition from contemplation to description. + + | See Curtius. + +- Norberg, Dag. "A quelle époque a-t-on cessé de parler latin en Gaule?" _Annales Economies Sociétés Civilizations_ 21(1966): 346–55. + +- Notopoulos, James A. "Mnemosyne in Oral Literature." _Translations of the American Philosophical Association_ 69 (1938): 465–93. + +- O'Connor, Michael Patrick. _Hebrew Verse Structure_. Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns, 1980. + +- Oediger, F. W. _Über die Bildung der Geistlichen im späten Mittelalter_. Studien und Texte zur Geistesgeschichte des Mittelalters. Cologne: Brill, 1953. + + | See Riché. + +- Ohly, Friedrich. "Vom Sprichwort im Leben eines Dorfes." In _Volk, Sprache, Dichtung_, ed. Karl Bischoff and Lutz Röhrich, 276–93. Festgabe fuer Kurt Wagner, 1960. + + | Ohly's major intellectual influence lies in the field of medieval metaphor and semantics. In one exceptional paper ("Vom Sprichwort"), Ohly explicates the form and use of sayings as formulas in everyday village life--even today--and the delicate way in which variation from valley to valley contributes to the sense of local community. + + | Schmidt-Wiegand ("Rechtssprichwörter") examines the illustrations of legal proverbs in one of the earliest Germanic collections, and through her comments introduces the literature of the oral maxim. An attempt to classify the conversion of speech into equivalent sounds observed in many parts of the world is made by the linguist Stern. Ong's "Talking Drums" is interesting here. Taylor has made the proverb and its transmission into his life's work. While languages change, proverbs are often carried unchanged over centuries, as can be seen from a comparison of medieval sources with modern dialect-dictionaries (Berthold). This might be due to their formulaic character (Rothstein). They inspire artistic imagination, as Fraenger shows by analyzing a painting in which Peter Brueghel the Elder in 1559 has preserved about a dozen sayings that refer to the "world upside down." The Baroque use of sayings and proverbs in the creation of emblems, however, can be considered much more an "alphabetization" of these oral formulas than its interpretation. _InterDocumentation Company_ now gives access to these. The riddle has a formulaic character that can be compared with that of the proverb and is part of every oral culture known (Taylor). Röhrich is an excellent critical introduction to the current state of "paroemiology"--the scientific study of proverbs. See there especially pages 75–77, an international bibliography on the study of legal maxims and their transmission. + +- ------. "Das Buch der Natur bei Jean Paul." Studien zur Goethezeit. Erich Trunz zum 75. Geburtstag. _Beihefte zu Euphorion_ 18, 177–232. Heidelberg, 1981. + + | See Curtius. + +- ------. "Deus Geometra: Skizzen zur Geschichte einer Vorstellung von Gott." _Tradition als historische Kraft_. Festschrift Karl Hauk. Berlin, 1981. + +- Cassiodorus, _Institutiones_ II, 5, 11: "geometra, quae est descriptio contemplativa formarum, documentum etiam visibile philosophorum." + + | See Curtius. + +- Ong, Walter J. _Ramus: Method, and the Decay of Dialogue_. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1958. + +- ------. _The Presence of the Word_. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1967. + +- ------. _Romance and Technology: Studies in the Interaction of Expression and Culture_. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1971. + +- ------. "African Talking Drums and Oral Poetics." _New Literary History_ 8, no. 3 ( 1972): 411–29. + + +- ------. "The Writer's Audience Is Always a Fiction." _Publications of the Modern Language Association_ 90 (1975): 9–21. + +- ------. _Interfaces of the Word_. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1977. + +- ------. _Orality and Literacy: The Technologizing of the Word_. London: Methuen and Co., Ltd., 1982. + + | The best book on this subject. + +- ------. "Reading, Technology and Human Consciousness." In _Literacy as a Human Problem_, Raymond, 17–201. + +- Paravicini, Werener, and Karl Ferdinand Werner, eds. _Histoire comparée de l'administration (4e–18 siècles). Actes du 14 colloque his torique franco-allemand_. Beihefte der Francia Vol. 9. Munich: Artemis, 1980. + + | See Clanchy. + +- Parry, Adam, ed. _The Making of Homeric Verse: The Collected Papers of Milman Parry_. Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1971. + +- Peabody, Berkley. _The Winged Word: A Study in the Technique of Ancient Greek Oral Composition as Seen Principally Through Hesiod's_ Works and Days. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1975. + +- Percival, W. Keith. "The Applicability of Kuhn's Paradigm to the History of Linguistics." _Language_ 52 (1976): 285–94. + +- Pinborg, Jan. _Die Entwicklung der Sprachtheorie im Mittelalter_. Beiträge zur Geschichte der Philosophie und Theologie des Mittelalters. Bd. 42, Heft 2. Aschendorff im Verbindung mit dem Verlag. Arne Frost-Hansen, Munster and Copenhagen, 1967. + + | See Borst. + +- Pörkesen, Uwe. _Der Erzähler im mittelhochdeutschen Epos. Formen seines Herrortretens bei Lamprecht, Konrad, Hartmann, in Worlframs Willehalm und in den "Spielmannseper."_ Berlin: Schmidt, 1971. + + | "The medieval story-teller in many ways interrupts his story to tell us what he is doing: He gives a bird's-eye view of what he will be telling, tries to make people curious, insists on the importance of the subject he will deal with. He refers to authorities that make him believable. Gets himself into the act. He is not afraid of preaching and being didactic. He praises his heroes, is sympathetic with them, berates them... Nothing of the kind happens in the novel. To find a comparison we must turn today to a scientific paper. There the author tells us how important and unsolved the problem is, gives a summary, indicates connections, puts authorities into footnotes, thanks the teachers and colleagues..." + +- Pulgram, E. "Spoken and Written Latin." _Language_ 26 (1950): 458–66. + +- Quinn, William A., and Audrey S. Hall. _Jongleur: A Modified Theory of Oral Improvisation and Its Effects on the Performance and Transmission of Middle English Romances_. Washington: University Press of America, 1982. + +- Rabinowitz, Isaak. "Word and Literature in Ancient Greece." _New Literary History_ 4 (1974): 119–39. + +- Radding, Charles M. "Evolution of Medieval Mentalities: A Cognitive-Structural Approach." _The American Historical Review_ 83 (1978): 577–97. + + | In the transition from government by custom to government by law (written) during the twelfth century, increasingly the intention of the self was taken into account: the _mens rea_ became of interest to the judge. + + | See Watkins. + +- Rassow, P. "Die Kanzlei St. Bernhards von Clairvaux." _Studien und Mitteilungen zur Geschichte des Benediktiner-Ordens und seiner Zweige_ 34 (1913): 63–103 and 243–93. + + | See Leclercq. + +- Rauch, Winthir. _Das Buch Gottes_. Munich: M. Hueber, 1961. + + | See Curtius. + +- Raymond, James C, ed. _Literacy as a Human Problem_. Mobile, Alabama: University of Alabama Press, 1982. + +- Redlich, Oswald. "Die Privaturkunden des Mittelalters." In _Urkundenlehre_, eds. Wilhelm Erben, L. Schmitz-Kallenberg, and O. Redlich. Munich and Berlin: Verlag Oldenbourg, 1911. + + | See Wattenbach. + +- Riché, Pierre. _Éducation et culture dans l'Occident barbare. 6. -8. siècles_. Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1962. + + | Encyclopedic orientation to the theme. + +- ------. _Écoles et enseignement dans le Haute Moyen Age_. Paris: Aubier, 1976. + +- ------. _Les écoles et l'enseignement dans l'Occident chrétien de la fin du 10 siècle au milieu du 11 siècle_. Paris: Aubier, 1979. + +- ------. "La Formation des scribes dans le monde merovingien et carolingien." In Paravicini and Werner, _Histoire_, 75–80. + +- ------. "Recherches sur l'instruction des laies du 9 au 12 siècle." In _Instruction et vie religieuse dans le Haut Moyen Age_. Section 10. Paris: Variorum Reprints, 1981. + + | Riché's work has become the standard handbook on education throughout the Middle Ages with reference also to elementary instruction in reading and writing--of course--mostly in Latin. For literacy among the Greeks, see F. D. Harvey. For the ideal of growing up, see the Classicist Jaeger (_Paideia_), and for the transformation of this ideal through growing literacy, see Marrou (_A History_) and Marrou (_Augustine_, the last chapter), in comparison with Jaeger (_Plato_). The latter two items introduce the transformation of early Classical Paideia into the Roman and then the Christian ideal of education. Best introduces the controversy about the spread of reading and writing abilities in Pompeii; see also Väänänen. Bischoff (_Schreibschule_) provides a detailed picture of elementary education in the Carolingian period in one area: Southeast Germany. See also in this same context Riché (_La Formation des scribes_). Bonaventura has some additional details on the method of teaching Latin, the only language in which writing was possible. Oediger gives easy access to texts relating to medieval clerical formation, and Glauche to the change in "textbooks." + +- Richter, Michael. "Latina Lingua--Sacra seu Vulgaris?" In _The Bible and Medieval Culture_, eds. W. Lourdaux and D. Verheles, 16–34. Leuven, 1979. + + | Deals with spoken Italian. See both Ewert and Steiner. + +- ------. _Sprache und Gesellschaft im Mittelalter: Untersuchungen zur mundlichen Kommunikation in England von der Mitte des elften bis zum Beginn des vierzehnten Jahrhunderts_. Monographien zur Geschichte des Mittelalters, Band 18. Stuttgart: Hiersmann, 1979. + + | He argues that the attempt to reconstruct the spoken language cannot be left solely to philologists. As a historian, Richter attempts to sieve the sources for evidence of spoken language. + + | See Steiner. + +- Röhrich, Lutz, and Wolfgang Mieder. _Sprichwort_. Sammlung Metzler Bd. 154. Realien zur Literatur, 1977. + + | See Ohly. + +- Roncaglia, Martiniano. "I frati minori e lo studio delia lingue orientali nel secolo 13." _Studi Francescani_ 25 (1953): 169–84. + + | See Steiner. + +- Rothacker, E. _Das "Buch" der Natur. Materialien und Grund sätzliches zur Metapherngeschichte. Aus dem Nachlass herausgegeben von Wilhelm Perpeet_. Bonn: Grundmann, 1979. + + | See Curtius. + + | Rothstein, Robert A. "The Poetics of Proverbs." In _Studies Presented to Professor Roman Jakobson by His Students_, ed. Charles E. Gribble, 265–74. Cambridge: Slavica Publishers, 1968. + + | Examines the formulaic character of sayings. + + | See Ohly. + +- Rouse, Richard H. "The Early Library of the Sorbonne." _Scriptorium_ 21 (1967): 42–71 and 227–52. See Daly. + +- Rouse, Richard H., and Mary A. Rouse. _Preachers, Florilegia and Sermons: Studies on the "Manipulus florum" of Thomas of Ireland_. Toronto: Toronto University Press, 1979. + + | See Daly. + +- Ruberg, Uwe. "Mappae Mundi des Mittelalters im Zusammenwirken von Text und Bild." In C. Meier, _Text und Bild_, 550–92. 1980. + +- Russo, Joseph A. "A Closer Look at Homeric Formulas." _Trans actions of the American Philosophical Association_ 94 (1963): 235–47. + +- Saenger, Paul. "Silent Reading: Its Impact on Late Medieval Script and Society." _Viator_ 13 (1982): 367–414. + + | A brilliant summary with 274 footnotes leading to whatever is known about reading and writing activities, techniques and styles used, and the relationship of cultural history to the written page. Also useful to find representations of reading and writing activities during the period. For texts describing these activities, see Crosby and Scholz. Balogh very early argued that contemplative monks since the seventh century had tried to engage in the silent contemplation of pages. On the other hand, Chaytor (as McLuhan) holds to the idea that the invention of printing was the main factor that led to silent reading. The same idea is held from a Marxist point of view by Hajnal who marshals a rich array of sources. Some of the seeming contradictions might be due to the difficulty of defining what constitutes "silent" reading. Certainly silence was kept in the scriptorium of Cluny (Constable). Sign language was highly developed (Jarecki). For literature on the difference between composing and tracing the letters on the page, see Leclercq. Scholz analyzes vernacular literature, and not only in the Middle High German--of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries--but for all references to the _perception of a text:_ read, hear, search, pick up, see. Believes that many texts were written for readers rather than listeners. The value of this work is its huge bibliographic coverage of the subject. + +- Schiller, A. Arthur. "Custom in Classical Roman Law." _Virginia Law Review_ 24 (1938): 268–82. + + | A pithy introduction to the shifting meaning in Classical antiquity of the difference between custom/law; _nomos egraphos/nomos agraphos; mos-consuetudo/lex;_ and so on. + + | See Watkins. + +- Schilling, Michael. _Imagines Mundi. Metaphorische Darstellung der Welt in der Emblematik_. Mikrokosmos 4. Frankfurt/Cirencester, England: Lang, 1979. + + | Deals with representations of the world as a book; especially pp. 71–81. + + | See Curtius. + +- Schmidt-Wiegand, Ruth. "Eid und Gelöbnis, Formel und Formular im mittelalterlichen Recht." In Classen, _Recht und Schrift_. A thoroughly documented study on the transition from oral to recorded oaths. One of the several texts commented on is the oaths of Strasbourg; for these, see also Hilty, Nelson, and David. + +- ------. "Rechtssprichwörter und ihre Wiedergabe in dem Bildhandschriften des Sachsenspiegels." In C. Meier, _Text und Bild_, 593–629. + + | See Ohly. + +- Scholz, Manfred Gunter. _Horen und Lesen. Studien zur primaren Rezeption der Literatur im 12. und 13. Jahrhunderts_. Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1980. + +- Schwarz, Alexander. "Die Bibel und die Grundlegung einer fränkischen Literatur." In _The Bible and Medieval Culture_, ed. W. Lourdaux and D. Verhelst. Mediaevalis Lovaniensia, Series I, Studia VII, 58–69. Leuven: Leuven University Press, 1979. + + | See Betz. + +- Sheehan, M. M. _The Will in Medieval England. From the Conversion of the Anglo-Saxons to the End of the Thirteenth Century_. Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies and Texts, Vol. 6. Toronto, 1963. + +- Skeat, T. C. "The Use of Dictation in Ancient Book Production." _Proceedings of the British Academy_ 42 (1956). + + | See Leclercq. + +- Spence, Jonathan D. _The Memory Palace of Matteo Ricci_. New York: Viking Penguin Publishers, Inc., 1984. + + | Matteo Ricci is a sixteenth-century Jesuit missionary who journeyed to China with ancient Greek memory systems--to aid Chinese in learning the Bible. + +- Steinberg, S. H. _Five Hundred Years of Printing_. 3d ed. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1975. + + | See Steiner. + +- Steinen, W. von den. "Das mittelalterliche Latein als historisches Phaenomen." _Schweizer Zeitschrift für Geschichte_ 7 (1957): 1–27. + +- Steiner, George. _Language and Silence: Essays on Language, Literature , and the Inhuman_. New York: Atheneum, 1970. + +- ------. _After Babel: Aspects of Language and Translation_. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1977. + + | "List Saint Jerome, Luther, Dryden, Hölderlin, Novalis, Schleiermacher, Nietzsche, Ezra Pound, Valéry, MacKenna, Franz Rosenzweig, Walter Benjamin, Quine--and you have very nearly the sum total of those who have said anything fundamental or new about translation. The range of theoretic ideas, as distinct from the wealth of pragmatic notation, remains very small..."-- _Babel_, p. 269. "Translation" presupposes two "languages": One of them, during the twelfth century, was always Latin. The majority of the population was ignorant of Latin, incapable of translating, but whoever learned Latin became a member of the European community (Grundmann, _Litteratus_). Literature translated from provençal into German was first turned into Latin, then into Mittelhochdeutsch (Pörkesen). During the twelfth century, new "languages" (that is, languages besides Hebrew, Greek, and Latin) move onto the horizon from several directions (Bischoff). German, for instance, "created" during the ninth and tenth centuries (see Borst) like Provençal, Catalan, and Italian, acquired the status of language. + + | Franciscans, during the first half of the thirteenth century, began to prepare missionaries for Islamic countries (Altaner, Manzaneres). Arabic was discovered as a language equivalent to Latin and Greek (Bossong). Finally, pilgrimage and crusade gave rise to the first guidebooks on elementary "language instructions." On the attempt to translate German customs in legal Latin, see Heck. On the Middle High German poet as "reteller," rather than translator, see Lofmark. + +- Stock, Brian. _The Implications of Literacy. Written Language and Models of Interpretation in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries_. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983. + +- Strauss, Leo. _Persecution and the Art of Writing_. Glencoe, Ill.: The Free Press, 1959. + +- Talbot, C. H. "The Universities and the Medieval Library." In _The English Library before 1700_, ed. Francis Wormald and C. E. Wright, 76–79. London: The Athlone Press, 1958. + + | Suggests that Friars were the force behind making books smaller, since they needed to travel, and were also expected to be well read. + + | See Daly. + +- Taylor, Archer. _Selected Writings on Proverbs_. Ed. Wolfgang Mieder. Helsinki: Suomalainen Tiedeakatemia, 1975. + + | See Ohly. + +- Taylor, C. H., ed. _Anniversary Essays in Medieval History_. Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1929. + + | See especially Chapter One, "Libraries in the Twelfth Century: Their Catalogs and Contents." + + | See Daly. + +- Thompson, James Westfall. _The Literacy of the Laity in the Middle Ages_. University of California Publications in Education. Volume 9\. New York: Burt Franklin, 1960. + + | See Grundmann. + +- Thomson, R. M. "The Library of Bury St. Edmunds in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries." _Speculum_ 47 (1972): 617–45. + + | This library was built up--through gifts and purchases and by copying in the _scriptorium_--by one abbot, Anselm, between 1121 and 1148. By the end of the twelfth century, Bury contained bibles and liturgical books, texts of the main Church Fathers, pagan Latin classics, histories (Bede, Anglo-Saxon Chronicle), twelfth-century scholastic textbooks in divinity and law, and some "modern" Latin literature, such as the poems of Walter of Châtillon. + + | See Daly. + +- _Typus und Individualitaet im Mittelalter_. Report on a Conference About Middle-High German Literature. Munich: Fink, 1983. + + | See Morris. + +- Väänänen, Eva. _Le Latin vulgaire des Inscriptions Pompeiiennes_. Berlin: Auflage, 1966. + +- Vale, Malcolm Graham Allen. _Piety, Charity and Literacy Among the Yorkshire Gentry 1370–1480_. Borthwick Institute of Historical Research, Borthwick Papers number 50. York: St. Anthony's Press, 1976. + +- Veyne, Paul. _Les Grecs ont-ils cru à leurs mythes? Essai sur l'imagination constituante_. Paris: Du Sueil, 1983. + + | The author maintains that even today historians mainly tell not what is true, but what is interesting, or what they succeed in making sound so. Classical historians do not quote their sources, because they are convinced that they themselves constitute one. In a source, what happened and what could not but have happened fuse (p. 21) in the _Word_ of the author. The author constitutes a mirror. He can neither lie nor be wrong. + +- Vinogradoff, Paul. "Customary Law." In _Legacy of the Middle Ages_, ed. C. G. Crump, 287–319. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1927. + + | Men's conduct is regulated by two forces: by their habits of mind and by compulsion from outside authority--"laws" require generally a measure of support from the union and habit of people... Charlemagne and other rulers were powerless so far as systematic legislation was concerned, although they left many traces in the form of particular institutions. Again in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, writers on law explained that they had to deal mainly with customs and not with rules established by express legislation and embodied in an official code. + + | Medieval judges had to a great extent to discover the customary views and arrangements prevailing among the people; it became necessary to ascertain the nature and details of customs by applying for information to representatives or experts belonging to the community where the custom was in use. Judges settled disputes and rulers issued statutes in accordance with professional training, but their operations had to conform in one way or another to the customs of the folk. + + | See Watkins. + +- Vollrath, Hanna. "Gesetzgebung und Schriftlichkeit: Das Beispiel der angelsächsische Gesetze." _Historisches Jahrbuch_ 99 (1979): 8–54. + +- Wang, Ching-Hsien. _Bell and Drum: A Study of Shi-Ching as Formulaic Language_. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975. Analysis of the formulaic content of pre-Confucian lyrical poetry. + +- Watkins, Calvert. "Studies in Indo-European Legal Language, Institutions and Mythology." _Indo-European and Indo-Europeans: Papers Presented at the Third Indo-European Conference at the University of Pennsylvania, 1966_. Ninth Publication in the Haney Foundation Series. Ed. by George Cardona, et al., 321–45. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1968. + + | Legal texts are often among the earliest documents preserved. Their conservatism has been long recognized. However, the implications of this for the study of oral traditions has hardly been realized. Nuggets of "epic" formulation about customs are often carried unchanged through successive textual reformulation. Vinogradoff, long ago, pointed out that human conduct is regulated by two forces: habits and authority. In oral societies, habits can no more be separated from their perception as custom, than the rule they imply can be separated from the onetime concrete statement about it. A legislator like Charlemagne was powerless to shape behavior through statutes, even if he could leave some traces on particular institutions. + + | Even during what we here call the period of "intensive alphabetization"--during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries--writers on law explained that they had to deal mainly with customs. Judges settled disputes according to the law, but the reality conformed to nondescribable folk custom. During the twelfth century, folk customs were increasingly mis-represented as local "law" that was nonwritten. On the difference between unwritten law and custom, see Braybrooke and Diamond. Codification not only misread the nature of custom: retroactively, it "disembedded" the law. + + | Berman says, "There was a time prior to the late eleventh century when the peoples of Western Europe were not conscious of any clear distinction between legal institutions and other institutions of social coherence." The jurist is he who imputes this distinction to them: Schiller deals with this distinction in Roman law. The legal historian Michaud points out that the legal, written creation of an institution that results from a sworn pact among citizens (the corporation) of the twelfth century representsa significant step beyond the concept of a "moral person" present in the text of Ulpian quoted in Gratian's _Decretum_. + + | Classen is a source of valuable contributions on the impact of writing on the law of the Middle Ages. + +- Wattenbach, Wilhelm. _Das Schriftwesen im Mittelalter_. Leipzig: Auflage, 1896. + + | After four generations, this is still the reference manual for medieval script, as Bresslau and Redlich are on charters, and the much more recent Bischoff (1979) is on paleography. + +- Weinerich, H. "Typen der Gedaechtnismetaphorik." _Archiv fuer Begriffsgeschichte_ (1964): 106–19. + + | Focuses on two key metaphors: The storage room and the Wax Tablet. + + | See Curtius. + +- Weissberger, L. "Ist Muttersprache eine germanische oder eine romantische Wortpraegung," _PBB_ 62 (1938): 428–37. + +- Whitman, Cedric M. _Homer and the Homeric Tradition_. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1958. + + | "Geometrie" structure of the _Iliad_. + +- Wolf, Ferdinand. _Über die Lais, Sequenzen und Leiche. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Rythmischen Formen und Singweisen des Volksliedes und volksmassigen Kirchen und Kunstlieder im Mittelalter_. Original 1841. Reprinted Osnabruck: Zeller, 1965. + +- Wright, Roger. "Speaking, Reading and Writing Late Latin and Early Romance." _Neophilologus_ 60, no. 17 (1976): 178–89. + +- Yates, Francis. _The Art of Memory_. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1966. + + | The principal text on Ancient Mnemo-technical devices. + +- Zwettler, Michael J. _The Oral Tradition of Classical Arabic Poetry_. Columbus, Ohio: Ohio State University Press, 1977. diff --git a/contents/book/abc/es.bib b/contents/book/abc/es.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..55252b7 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/abc/es.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-abc-es, + author = {Ivan Illich and Barrie Sanders}, + title = {ABC - La alfabetización de la Mente Popular}, + year = {1985}, + date = {1985}, + origdate = {1985}, + language = {es}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/book/abc:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-19} +} diff --git a/contents/book/abc/es.md b/contents/book/abc/es.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..c4ef507 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/abc/es.md @@ -0,0 +1,20 @@ +--- + title: "ABC - La alfabetización de la Mente Popular" + author: "Ivan Illich; Barrie Sanders" + date: "1985" + lang: "" + documentclass: book + classoption: + - oneside + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + newtxmathoptions: + - cmintegrals + - cmbraces + toc: true + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue + titlepage: true +--- diff --git a/contents/book/abc/es.txt b/contents/book/abc/es.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..4eb4e69 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/abc/es.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +# ABC - La alfabetización de la Mente Popular diff --git a/contents/book/abc/index b/contents/book/abc/index new file mode 100644 index 0000000..576e2e8 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/abc/index @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _ABC - The Alphabetization of the Popular Mind_ +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1985 +* **#@LANG_authors@#**: Ivan Illich; Barrie Sanders +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# diff --git a/contents/book/abc/tags b/contents/book/abc/tags new file mode 100644 index 0000000..b0f07e2 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/abc/tags @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +compilation diff --git a/contents/book/awareness/en.bib b/contents/book/awareness/en.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..5c385a3 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/awareness/en.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-awareness-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Celebration of Awareness}, + year = {1969}, + date = {1969}, + origdate = {1969}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/book/awareness:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-19} +} diff --git a/contents/book/awareness/en.md b/contents/book/awareness/en.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..f25c5d9 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/awareness/en.md @@ -0,0 +1,1007 @@ +--- + title: "Celebration of Awareness" + author: "Ivan Illich" + date: "1969" + lang: "" + documentclass: book + classoption: + - oneside + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + newtxmathoptions: + - cmintegrals + - cmbraces + toc: true + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue + titlepage: true +--- + +# Introduction + +There is no need for an introduction of the following papers or of their author. If, nevertheless, Dr. Illich has honored me by the invitation to write such an introduction, and if I gladly accepted, the reason in both our minds seems to be that this introduction offers an occasion that permits clarifying the nature of a common attitude and faith, in spite of the fact that some of our views differ considerably. Even the author's own views today are not always the same as those he held at the time he wrote these papers, on different occasions, over the course of the years. But he has remained true to himself in the very core of his approach and it is this core that we share. + +It is not easy to find the proper word to describe this core. How can a fundamental approach to life be caught in a concept without distorting and twisting it? Yet since we need to communicate with words, the most adequate —or rather, the least inadequate—term seems to be "humanist radicalism." + +What is meant by radicalism? What does humanist radicalism imply? + +By radicalism I do not refer primarily to a certain set of ideas, but rather to an attitude, to an "approach," as it were. To begin with this approach can be characterized by the motto: de omnibus dubitandum; everything must be doubted, particularly the ideological concepts which are virtually shared by everybody and have consequently assumed the role of indubitable common-sensical axioms. + +To "doubt" in this sense does not imply a psychological state of inability to arrive at decisions or convictions, as is the case in obsessional doubt, but the readiness and capacity for critical questioning of all assumptions and institutions which have become idols under the name of common sense, logic, and what is supposed to be "natural." This radical questioning is possible only if one does not take the concepts of one's own society or even of an entire historical period—like Western culture since the Renaissance—for granted, and furthermore if one enlarges the scope of one's awareness and penetrates into the unconscious aspects of one's thinking. Radical doubt is an act of uncovering and discovering; it is the dawning of the awareness that the Emperor is naked, and that his splendid garments are nothing but the product of one's phantasy. + +Radical doubt means to question; it does not necessarily mean to negate. It is easy to negate by simply positing the opposite of what exists; radical doubt is dialectical inasmuch as it comprehends the process of the unfolding of oppositions and aims at a new synthesis which negates and affirms. + +Radical doubt is a process; a process of liberation from idolatrous thinking; a widening of awareness, of imaginative, creative vision of our possibilities and options. The radical approach does not occur in a vacuum. It does not start from nothing, but it starts from the roots, and the root, as Marx once said, is man. But to say "the root is man" is not meant in a positivistic, descriptive sense. When we speak of man we speak of him not as a thing but as a process; we speak of his potential for developing all his powers; those for greater intensity of being, greater harmony, greater love, greater awareness. We also speak of man with a potential to be corrupted, of his power to act being transformed into the passion for power over others, of his love of life degenerating into the passion to destroy life. + +Humanistic radicalism is radical questioning guided by insight into the dynamics of man's nature; and by concern for man's growth and full unfolding. In contrast to contemporary positivistic thinking it is not "objective," if objectivity means theorizing without a passionately held aim which impels and nourishes the process of thinking. But it is exceedingly objective if it means that every step in the process of thinking is based on critically sifted evidence, and furthermore if it takes a critical attitude toward common-sensical premises. All this means that humanist radicalism questions every idea and every institution from the standpoint of whether it helps or hinders man's capacity for greater aliveness and joy. This is not the place to give lengthy examples for the kind of common-sensical premises that are questioned by humanist radicalism. It is not necessary to do so either, since Dr. Illich's papers deal precisely with such examples as the usefulness of compulsive schooling, or of the present function of priests. Many more could be added, some of which are implied in the author's papers. I want to mention only a few like the modern concept of "progress," which means the principle of ever-increasing production, consumption, timesaving, maximal efficiency and profit, and calculability of all economic activities without regard to their effect on the quality of living and the unfolding of man; or the dogma that increasing consumption makes man happy, that the management of large-scale enterprises must necessarily be bureaucratic and alienated; that the aim of life is having (and using), not being; that reason resides in the intellect and is split from the affective life; that the newer is always better than the older; that radicalism is the negation of tradition; that the opposite of "law and order" is lack of structure. In short, that the ideas and categories that have arisen during the development of modern science and industrialism are superior to those of all former cultures and indispensable for the progress of the human race. + +Humanistic radicalism questions all these premises and is not afraid of arriving at ideas and solutions that may sound absurd. I see the great value in the writings of Dr. Illich precisely in the fact that they represent humanistic radicalism in its fullest and most imaginative aspect. The author is a man of rare courage, great aliveness, extraordinary erudition and brilliance, and fertile imaginativeness, whose whole thinking is based on his concern for man's unfolding—physically, spiritually, and intellectually. The importance of his thoughts in this as well as his other writings lies in the fact that they have a liberating effect on the mind by showing entirely new possibilities; they make the reader more alive because they open the door that leads out of the prison of routinized, sterile, preconceived notions. By the creative shock they communicate —except to those who react only with anger at so much nonsense—they help to stimulate energy and hope for a new beginning. + +Erich Fromm + +# Foreword + +Each chapter in this volume records an effort of mine to question the nature of some certainty. Each therefore deals with deception—the deception embodied in one of our institutions. Institutions create certainties, and taken seriously, certainties deaden the heart and shackle the imagination. It is always my hope that my statements, angry or passionate, artful or innocent, will also provoke a smile, and thus a new freedom—even though the freedom comes at a cost. + +Shortly after original publication most of these papers became notorious. This was not accident. Each essay was written in a different language, addressed to a different group of believers, meant to hit home at a particular crisis of confidence. Each rubbed some well-established bureaucrats the wrong way, at the moment the latter were finding it difficult to rationalize a "business as usual" position. + +These pieces were, therefore, literally written for the moment. The passage of time since some of them appeared has qualified an occasional detail: statistics, or the situation discussed—even my own attitude—may have altered since, in some manner or degree. But I have purposely not, in the journalistic phrase, "updated" the articles for presentation in this book form. They constitute a point of view on a phenomenon of a time, and should stand thus. Their compilation has also inevitably resulted in some repetitive statements of fact and some + +duplications of expressions. These too I leave as stated, for emphasis and for the record—though I would have avoided them had I thought originally that one day I would gather my occasional writings under one cover. + +Ivan D. Illich + +Cuernavaca, Morelos Mexico 1970 + +# A call to celebration + +This "call to celebration" was a manifesto jointly enunciated by and reflecting the mood of a group of friends in 1967, among them Robert Fox and Robert Theobald. It was written at the time of the March on the Pentagon. This call to face facts, rather than deal in illusions—to live change, rather than rely on engineering-is an attempt to re-introduce the word "celebration into ordinary English. + +I and many others known and unknown to me call upon you + +— to celebrate our joint power to provide all human beings with the food, clothing, and shelter they need to delight in living; + +— to discover, together with us, what we must do to use mankind's power to create the humanity, the dignity, and the joyfulness of each one of us; + +— to be responsibly aware of your personal ability to express your true feelings and to gather us together in their expression. + +We can only live these changes: we cannot think our way to humanity. Every one of us, and every group with which we live and work, must become the model of the era which we desire to create. The many models which will develop should give each one of us an environment in which we can celebrate our potential—and discover the way into a more humane world. + +We are challenged to break the obsolete social and economic systems which divide our world between the overprivileged and the underprivileged. All of us, whether governmental leader or protester, businessman or worker, professor or student share a common guilt. We have failed to discover how the necessary changes in our ideals and our social structures can be made. Each of us, therefore, through our ineffectiveness and our lack of responsible awareness, causes the suffering around the world. + +All of us are crippled—some physically, some mentally, some emotionally. We must therefore strive cooperatively to create the new world. There is no time left for destruction, for hatred, for anger. We must build, in hope and joy and celebration. Let us meet the new era of abundance with self-chosen work and freedom to follow the drum of one's own heart. Let us recognize that a striving for self-realization, for poetry and play, is basic to man once his needs for food, clothing, and shelter have been met—that we will choose those areas of activity which will contribute to our own development and will be meaningful to our society. + +But we must also recognize that our thrust toward self-realization is profoundly hampered by outmoded, industrial age structures. We are presently constrained and driven by the impact of man's ever growing powers. Our existing systems force us to develop and accept any weaponry system which may be technologically possible; our present systems force us to develop and accept any improvement in machinery, equipment, materials, and supplies which will increase production and lower costs; our present systems force us to develop and accept advertising and consumer seduction. + +In order to persuade the citizen that he controls his destiny, that morality informs decisions, and that technology is the servant rather than the driving force, it is necessary today to distort information. The ideal of informing the public has given way to trying to convince the public that forced actions are actually desirable actions. + +Miscalculations in these increasingly complex rationalizations and consequent scandal, account for the increasing preoccupation with the honesty of both private and public decision makers. It is therefore tempting to attack those holding roles such as national leader, administrator, manager, executive, labor leader, professor, student, parent. But such attacks on individuals often disguise the real nature of the crisis we confront: the demonic nature of present systems which force man to consent to his own deepening self-destruction. + +We can escape from these dehumanizing systems. The way ahead will be found by those who are unwilling to be constrained by the apparently all-deterrnining forces and structures of the industrial age. Our freedom and power are determined by our willingness to accept responsibility for the future. + +Indeed the future has already broken into the present. We each live in many times. The present of one is the past of another, and the future of yet another. We are called to live, knowing and showing that the future exists and that each one of us can call it in, when we are willing, to redress the balance of the past. + +In the future we must end the use of coercive power and authority: the ability to demand action on the basis of one's hierarchical position. If any one phrase can sum up the nature of the new era, it is the end of privilege and license. + +We must abandon our attempt to solve our problems through shifting power balances or attempting to create more efficient bureaucratic machines. + +We call you to join man's race to maturity, to work with us in inventing the future. We believe that a human adventure is just beginning: that mankind has so far been restricted in developing its innovative and creative powers because it was overwhelmed by toil. Now we are free to be as human as we will. + +The celebration of man's humanity through joining together in the healing expression of one's relationships with others, and one's growing acceptance of one's own nature and needs, will clearly create major confrontations with existing values and systems. The expanding dignity of each man and each human relationship must necessarily challenge existing systems. + +The call is to live the future. Let us join together joyfully to celebrate our awareness that we can make our life today the shape of tomorrow's future. + + +# Violence a mirror for americans + +The compulsion to do good is an innate American trait. Only North Americans seem to believe that they always should, may, and actually can choose somebody with whom to share their blessings. Ultimately this attitude leads to bombing people into the acceptance of gifts. + +In early 19681 tried with insistence to make some of my friends understand this image of the American overseas. I was speaking mainly to resisters engaged in organizing the march on the Pentagon. I wanted to share with them a profound fear: the fear that the end of the war in Vietnam would permit hawks and doves to unite in a destructive war on poverty in the Third World. + +The qualified failure of the war on poverty, with its fruits of urban riots, has begun to open the eyes of Americans to the reasons for the failure of the Alliance for Progress, with its fruits of threatened rebellion. Both are related to the failure to win the hearts and minds of the people of Asia by an outpouring of money and human lives that Americans perceive as an expression of heroic generosity, in the defense of South Vietnam. Failure in Harlem, Guatemala, and Vietnam has a common root. All three have miscarried because the United States gospel of massive material achievement lacks credibility for the world's overwhelming majorities. I believe that insight into the meaning of United States good will as perceived by Latin Americans or Asians would enable Americans to perceive the meaning of the problem of their own slums; it could even lead to the perception of a new and more effective policy. + +I have had the opportunity to observe this growing awareness of a common root of failure in my contacts with students at Cuernavaca. There, at the Center of Inter-cultural Documentation, for the past two years we have offered a sequence of workshops to compare the experience of poverty in capital-rich and capital-starved societies. We have witnessed the initial shock in many Americans dedicated to the war against poverty, when they observed and studied Latin America and realized for the first time that there is a link between minority marginality at home and mass marginatum overseas. Their emotional reaction is usually more acute than the intellectual insight that produces it. We have seen more than one man lose his balance as he suddenly lost the faith that for him had previously supported that balance, the faith that says: "The American way is the solution for all." For any good man, whether he is a social worker in Watts or a missioner on his way to Bolivia, it means pain and panic to realize that he is seen by 90 per cent of mankind as the exploiting outsider who shores up his privilege by promoting a delusive belief in the ideals of democracy, equal opportunity, and free enterprise among people who haven't a remote possibility of profiting from them. + +At this stage of the war in Vietnam the violent symptoms are too horrible to permit a lucid analysis of the causes that produce them. It is therefore more important to focus United States attention on the other two programs, the war on poverty and the Alliance for Progress: one, a war conducted by social workers; the other, an alliance that has maintained or swept into power military regimes in two-thirds of the Latin American countries. Both originated in the name of good will; both are now seen as pacification programs; both are pregnant with violence. + +The war on poverty aims at the integration of the so-called underprivileged minorities of the United States into the mainstream of the American way of life; the Alliance for Progress aims at the integration of the so-called underdeveloped countries of Latin America into the community of industrialized nations. Both programs were designed to have the poor join in the American dream. Both programs failed. The poor refused to dream on command. The order to dream and the money they got only made them rambunctious. Huge funds were appropriated to start the United States minorities and the Latin American majorities on the way of integration into a United States-style middle class: the world of college attendance, universal consumer credit, the world of household appliances and insurance, the world of church and movie attendance. An army of generous volunteers swarmed through New York ghettos and Latin American jungle canyons, pushing the persuasion that makes America tick. + +The frustrated social worker and the former Peace Corps volunteer are now among the few who explain to mainline America that the poor are right in rejecting forced conversion to the American gospel. Only seven years after the majority missionary enterprise of the Alliance was launched, riot squads at home, military governments in Latin America, and the army in Vietnam keep asking for more funds. But now it can be seen that the money is needed not for the uplift of the poor, but to protect the frail beachhead into the middle class that has been gained by the few converts who have benefited here or there by the American way of life. + +Comparison of these three theaters of United States missionary effort and war will help bring home a truism: the American society of achievers and consumers, with its two-party system and its universal schooling, perhaps befits those who have got it, but certainly not the rest of the world. A 15 per cent minority at home who earn less than $3,000 a year, and an 80 per cent majority abroad who earn less than $300 a year are prone to react with violence to the schemes by which they are fitted into coexistence with affluence. This is the moment to bring home to the people of the United States the fact that the way of life they have chosen is not viable enough to be shared. Eight years ago I told the late Bishop Manuel Larrain, the president of the Conference of Latin American Bishops, that I was prepared if necessary to dedicate my efforts to stop the coming of missionaries to Latin America. His answer still rings in my ears: "They may be useless to us in Latin America, but they are the only North Americans whom we will have the opportunity to educate. We owe them that much." + +At this moment, when neither the allure of money nor the power of persuasion nor control through weapons can efface the prospect of violence, during the summer in the slums and throughout the year in Guatemala, Bolivia, or Venezuela, we can analyze the analogies in the reactions to United States policy in the three main theaters of its defensive war: the war by which it defends its quasi-religious persuasion in Watts, Latin America, and Vietnam. Fundamentally this is the same war fought on three fronts; it is the war to "preserve the values of the West." Its origin and expression are associated with generous motives and a high ideal to provide a richer life for all men. But as the threatening implications of that ideal begin to emerge, the enterprise grinds down to one compelling purpose: to protect the style of life and the style of death that affluence makes possible for a very few; and since that style cannot be protected without being expanded, the affluent declare it obligatory for all. "That they may have more" begins to be seen in its real perspective: "That I may not have less." + +In all three theaters of war the same strategies are used: money, troopers, teachers. But money can benefit only a few in the ghettos, and a few in Latin America, and a few in Vietnam; and the consequent concentration of imported benefits on a few requires their ever tighter protection against the many. For the majority of marginal people, the economic growth of their surroundings means rising levels of frustration. On all three frontiers of affluence, therefore, the gun becomes important to protect the achiever. Police reinforcements go hand in hand with bands of armed citizens in the United States. In Guatemala the recently murdered military attache of the United States had just admitted that the American Embassy had to assist in arming right-wing goon squads because they are more efficient in maintaining order (and certainly more cruel) than the army. + +Next to money and guns, the United States idealist turns up in every theater of the war; the teacher, the volunteer, the missioner, the community organizer, the economic developer. Such men define their role as service. Actually they frequently wind up numbing the damage done by money and weapons, or seducing the "underdeveloped" to the benefits of the world of affluence and achievement. They especially are the ones for whom "ingratitude" is the bitter reward. They are the personifications of Good Old Charlie Brown: "How can you lose when you are so sincere?" + +I submit that, if present trends continue, from now on the violence in Harlem, in Latin America, in Asia, will increasingly be directed against the foreign and native "persuasion pusher" of this kind. Increasingly the "poor" will slam the door in the face of salesmen for the United States system of politics, education, and economics as an answer to their needs. This rejection goes hand in hand with a growing loss of faith in his own tenets on the part of the salesman of United States social consensus. Disaffection, helplessness, and the response of anger at the United States have undermined the thrust of the formerly guileless enthusiast of the American way and American methods. + +I submit that foreign gods (ideals, idols, ideologies, persuasions, values) are more offensive to the "poor" than the military or economic power of the foreigner. It is more irritating to feel seduced to the consumption of overpriced sugar-water called Coca-Cola than to submit helplessly to doing the same job an American does, only at half the pay. It angers a person more to hear a priest preach cleanliness, thrift, resistance to socialism, or obedience to unjust authority, than to accept military rule. If I read present trends correctiy, and I am confident I do, during the next few years violence will break out mostly against symbols of foreign ideas and the attempt to sell these. And I fear that this violence, which is fundamentally a healthy though angry and turbulent rejection of alienating symbols, will be exploited and will harden into hatred and crime. The recent violence in Detroit, Washington, and Cincinnati after the murder of Martin Luther King shows how the impatience of the ghetto dwellers in the United States can erupt into violence and vandalism at the slightest spark. + +Violence, therefore, covers a broad spectrum of experience: from the explosion of frustrated vitality to the fanatical rejection of alienating idols. It is important to stress this distinction. But as United States thinkers are horrified by the heartless slaughter in Vietnam, and fascinated by the inability of a white majority to suppress the life of a people, it is not easy to keep the distinction clear. The emotional involvement of the average United States student with Vietnam and the ghettos is so deep, it is almost taboo to call his attention to the distinction. For this reason we must welcome any educational effort that allows United States students to perceive reactions to the United States way of life in the third theater of the war against poverty: Latin America. + +In the mirror of Latin America, violence in American ghettos and on the borders of China can be seen in its new meaning, as a rejection of American values. From experience of years in Cuernavaca, dealing with United States "idea salesmen," I know this insight is costly to come by. There is no exit from a way of life built on $5,000-plus per year, and there is no possible road leading into this way of life for nine out of ten men in our generation and the next. And for the nine it is revolting to hear a message of economic and social salvation presented by the affluent that, however sincerely expressed, leads the "poor" to believe that it is their fault that they do not fit into God's world as it should be and as it has been decreed that it should be around the North Atlantic. + +It is not the American way of life lived by a handful of millions that sickens the billions, but rather the growing awareness that those who live the American way will not tire until the superiority of their quasi-religious persuasion is accepted by the underdogs. Living violence always breaks out against the demand that a man submit to idols. Planned violence is then promoted as justified by the need to reduce a man or a people to the service of the idol they threaten to reject. Francisco Juliao, the peasant leader from Northeast Brazil who now lives in exile in Cuernavaca, recently made a statement that clarifies these principles. "Never," he said, "but never put weapons into the hands of the people. Whosoever puts weapons into the hands of the people destroys. Weapons put into the hands of the people will always be used against them. Weapons always defeat the poor who receive them. Only the brick and the stick a man picks up in anger will not defile him as a man." + +In this light it is important for the North American citizen to learn from the insight gained these years by Latin American thinkers. Let him look at Colombia where there are bandits who kill for gain, and soldiers and guerrilleros who kill each other for the sake of discipline or in the service of a flag, and there is the angry man who kills in a mob that erupts in riot; and finally there is the witness, like Camilo Torres, who purposefully withdraws to the mountains to demonstrate his ability to survive in the face of an oppressive regime and thus wants to prove its illegitimacy. Soldier and bandit can organize; riots can be incited and their frustrated vitality can go stale or be channeled with deadly rationality into the service of some "ideal." Testimony will always remain a lonely task that ends up on a hill like Calvary. True testimony of profound nonconformity arouses the fiercest violence against it, but I do not see how such witness could ever be organized or institutionalized. + +The study of violence in Latin America deeply touches the life of the United States observer, but—for a moment still—allows him to stay disengaged. It is always easier to see the illusions in one's neighbor's eyes than the delusions in one's own. A critical examination of the effect that intense social change has on the intimacy of the human heart in Latin America is a fruitful way to insight into the intimacy of the human heart in the United States. In the capital-starved economies of Latin America, a great majority live excluded, now and forever, from the benefits of a thriving United States-style elite middle class. In the immensely rich economy of the United States, a small minority clamors that, in the same way, it is excluded from the mass of the middle class. The comparison should enable the United States observer to understand the world-wide growth of two societies, separate and unequal, and to appreciate the dynamics that provoke violence between them. + +# Not foreigners yet foreign + +From 1951 to 1956 I lived as a priest in Incarnation Parish on the West Side of New York's Manhattan. Puerto Ricans were then being crowded into the walk-ups between Amsterdam Avenue and Broadway. They were displacing many families who had moved a generation earlier straight from Ireland to this area. I became involved in the inevitable conflict between these peoples and also in the controversy about its meaning. + +As a newcomer to the United States I was surprised to see how New Yorkers, from druggist to mayor, fell back upon ready stereotypes to guide their policy decisions. Whatever was worth understanding about Puerto Ricans, they apparently felt, could be explained in old categorical terms coined for preceding groups of immigrants. That which had served for the Poles or Italians should fit the Puerto Ricans. + +At that time I tried to obtain recognition of the fact that, at least for the Roman Catholic Church, the Puerto Rican immigration represented a phenomenon without precedent. Amazingly, I found an inquisitive listener to my opinion in Cardinal Spellman. + +After the introduction of the quota system in 1924, it seemed that the melting process in New York City was finally about to catch up with the number of people tossed into the pot. Then in the late forties, the city was presented with a novel challenge, an invasion of American-born "foreigners," the Puerto Ricans. In Vito Marcantonio's heyday (1943) there were less than thirty-five thousand Puerto Ricans in New York; at present (1956) there are more than half a million, and indications are that the migration has not yet reached its peak. + +These Puerto Ricans are not foreigners, and yet they are more foreign than most of the immigrants who preceded them. About this seeming paradox the well-meaning should be well-informed, since to be received kindly merely because one is a foreigner is a cold kind of condescension: the chances are that the man who thus receives you is determined never really to know you. + +If on the one hand a man consistently designates you a foreigner, he usually precludes any possibility of appreciating that which is unique to your group—besides the fact that it is not his own. If on the other hand, misunderstanding St. Paul's instruction to make himself Jew with the Jews and Greek with the Greeks, he approaches you with an exegesis such as "We are all Americans," he denies your right, and his, to a heritage, to be human, with roots reaching back in history. + +This fallacy is at the bottom of the attitude of many well-meaning people toward the Puerto Rican immigrants: let them do what the Irish or Italians did, or let them attempt what the Jews attempted; let them grow gradually through their own national parishes, territorial ghettos, and political machines to full "Americanization"; let them vociferously assert that they are as good Americans as the man next door. These attitudes are very common in New York, where the arrival of successive migratory waves is taken for granted. It is too often gratuitously assumed that the future novel about the Puerto Rican journey will be fashioned after either The Last Hurrah or Marjorie Morningstar, or will be a combination of both. + +The welfare investigator who says to Jose Rivera, "My parents went through the same experience," neither lies nor expresses xenophobia—he just misunderstands, like the politician who tries again to use methods which worked when Italian was spoken in Harlem. + +When the Irish and the Germans came here a century ago, New York City was faced with a challenge of a kind never experienced before and of a size never to be duplicated. In 1855 one-third of the city's population (500,000) consisted of immigrants who had arrived in the previous decade; against this proportion the one-fifteenth of the city's population which in 1955 consisted of recently arrived Puerto Ricans (again 500,000) seems insignificant. + +In the days of the heavy influx to America, wave after wave of immigrants arrived, settled, and became accustomed to new patterns of life. The newcomers spoke different languages, worshiped in different churches, came from different climates, wooed in different fashions, ate different dishes, sang different songs. But under these apparent differences they had much in common. They came from the Old Continent and arrived as refugees or settlers to become Americans and to stay for good. They brought their own clergy-rabbi, priest, or minister—and the symbols of past millennia which were their own, Saint Patrick, the Mafia, or Loretto, no less than the Turnverein. They settled in special sections of the city and kept to themselves for years before they ventured to take part in that experience new to all of diem: life in a pluralistic society. They fell into a common pattern, and it is no wonder that those who had been here long enough to consider themselves part of a settled stratum fell into the habit of assuming a priori that each new incoming group would be analogous to theirs. This assumption, in fact, proved to be true until after World War II, with the exception of two groups, the Orientals and the Southern Negroes. + +Then suddenly the Puerto Ricans arrived en masse. New York had never before known such an invasion, an invasion of Americans who came from an older part of the New World into New York, which by the way had been part of the diocese of San Juan long before Henry Hudson discovered Manhattan. And New York had never had to deal with born American citizens who in their schools had learned English as a foreign language. + +These strange Americans were sons of a Catholic country where for centuries slaves had found refuge, where the population of a little over two million is overwhelmingly white but where a difference in the shade of the skin is no impediment, either to success or to marriage. Yet theirs was the first sizable group coming from overseas into New York to be tagged by many as "colored," much less because of the racial heredity of some than for the vaguely sensed great difference between them and former new arrivals. + +This was a new type of immigrant: not a European who had left home for good and strove to become an American, but an American citizen, who could come here for the time between one harvest and another and return home for vacation with a week's salary spent on an air coach ticket. This was not the fugitive from racial or religious persecution in his own country, but the child of "natives" in a Spanish colony or perhaps the descendant of a Spanish official in the colonial service; not a man accustomed to be led by men of his own stock—priest, politician, rebel, or professor—but for four hundred years a subject in a territory administered by foreigners, first Spanish, then American, only recently come into its own. + +The new arrival from Puerto Rico was not the Christian in his own right who received the Faith from the sons of his own neighbors, but the fruit of missionary labor typical of the Spanish Empire. He was a Catholic, born of parents who were also Catholics, yet he received the Sacraments from a foreigner because the government was afraid that to train native priests might be to train political rebels. + +Even the physical configuration of the world from which he came was different. He was a man from an island where nature is provident and a friend, where field labor means much more harvesting than planting. When nature rebels every few decades, he is powerless; in the hurricanes he cannot but see the finger of God. + +Until recently nobody in Puerto Rico built a house with the idea that it should survive the elements or withstand the climate by air conditioning. What a difference from the Pole and the Sicilian, both of whom built houses to withstand nature, climate, and time, both of whom built houses to separate their lives from that of nature. One might have come from the Russian steppe or the ghetto and the other from an olive grove on the coast, but both knew what winter meant; they knew that a house was there to protect them from the cold, a place within which to make a home. It was easy for the Pole and the Sicilian to settle in tenements and to live confined there. But the new immigrant from the tropics knew no winter, and the home he left was a hut in which you slept but around which you lived with your family. The hut was the center of his day's activities, not their limit. To come to a tenement, to need heat, to need glass in your windows, to be frowned on for tending to live beyond your doors—this was all contrary to the Puerto Rican's traditional habits, and as surprising to him as it is for the New Yorker to realize that for any immigrants these basic assumptions of his life should be surprising. + +The new Puerto Rico, the Puerto Rico of 1956, is studded with concrete houses and opens a new factory every day. It is a proving ground for the most advanced forms of community organizations, and it has the fastest-declining rate for illiteracy and the fastest-falling mortality in the world. Yet these facts must not make us think that the traditional outlook of its people has changed or will change tomorrow. These material improvements are the outcome of the first decade of Munoz Marin's administration, but they do not wipe out the Island's past nor are they intended to make of San Juan a suburb of New York. + +The differences between the Puerto Rican migration and the influx of Europeans are fundamental. Indeed, in the shortness of its history Puerto Rico is more foreign to Europe than to America. These differences account for much of the distinctive behavior characteristics of Puerto Ricans in New York, and the lack of knowledge of these differences accounts for many misunderstandings on the part of old New Yorkers. + +Many a Puerto Rican does not leave the Island with a clear plan of settling on the mainland. How can a man who leaves on the spur of the moment, planning to make a fast dollar in New York and be back as soon as he has enough to buy a store, take roots in New York? I remember one woman who was in despair because her husband had disappeared on his way to the cane fields, carrying his machete. She thought, of course, that a rival had grabbed him from her. And then, after a week, she got a money order from Chicago. On the way to the cane field he had run into a hiring gang and decided to try his luck—and that was the reason he neglected to come home for dinner. In a case like this, in which a man "drops in" on New York, with no intentions of staying but of eventually commuting "home," how can the transient have the same effect on his neighborhood in New York as the old immigrant who came to stay? Yet the statistical curve of emigration from the Island is in exact correlation with the curve of employment on the mainland. If employment is scarce, the reflux increases correspondingly. Many, even after years in New York, feel they got stuck there because of money. + +With the arrival of hundreds of thousands from Puerto Rico and the other Central American states (it is estimated that more than one-fourth of New York's Spanish-American population is not Puerto Rican), not only a new language but a new pattern of living has been added to the city. Instead of the strangers speaking only a foreign tongue who formerly arrived exhausted from the long journey, American citizens, all of whom know some basic English, arrive in airplanes within six hours of leaving their tropical island. + +The old immigrants settled in national neighborhoods; the new transatlantic commuter spreads out all over the city; ten years after the beginning of the Puerto Rican mass influx Spanish has already become ubiquitous in New York. Unlike European immigrants, all Puerto Ri-cans know some English, and this helped, but there is another factor that has contributed to Latin Americans spreading to all quarters of the city. In former times when a neighborhood became a center for the newest immigrant group, it was either a slum or tended to become one. And once a neighborhood had deteriorated it hardly ever was redeemed. The great immigration from Puerto Rico started after World War II, due to such factors as cheap air transportation, acquaintance with the mainland acquired by many during service in the army, rising education under the new political order on the island, and, last but not least, the growing pressure of a population which has more than doubled since the beginning of the century. At that same time the city was embarking on its great slum clearance program and the first blocks to be torn down were almost invariably those where the newest and poorest immigrant had just settled. As a result, the Puerto Ricans began to be resettled all around town in new projects and on a non-discriminatory basis. + +Considering this dispersal and the tendency to commute to the Island, it is no wonder that there are hardly any Puerto Rican national neighborhoods in the traditional sense in New York. One result is that it is difficult for Puerto Ricans to develop local grass-roots leadership within their own group; either their concentration per city block is too thin, or the intention to stick to the neighborhood is absent, or the necessity to organize in association with their own is weak because all are citizens who at least understand some English and have official "protection" from the Commonwealth government labor office-the first instance of something like a "Consulate for American Nationals." And there is no doubt that another factor contributing to the relative lack of leadership is caused by hundreds of years of colonial administration. + +Thus Puerto Ricans in New York find it more difficult than groups which came before them to form their own in-group leadership, if they do not find it completely impossible. This fact gives them a very real advantage over former migrations in one sense, because it almost forces them into an active participation in the established community. On the other hand, the sudden challenge of having to participate in a settled New York community proves too arduous for many who might have been able to become leaders in their own cliques. + +A lack of consideration on the part of New York civic leaders for the distinctive character of this new Puerto Rican migration, as compared to previous immigrant experiences, can do real damage to the community by either retarding or injuring the new pattern of assimilation which will have to form. If this lack of understanding should be present in the leaders of the Catholic Church, it can seriously damage souls. + +One-third of the baptized Catholics in Manhattan and the lower Bronx are Spanish-Americans at this moment. The Puerto Ricans are the first group of Catholics with a distinctly non-European tradition of Catholicism to come to the East Coast. The lack of native priests, due to the colonial and imperialistic atmosphere of more than four hundred years of the Island's history, and also the special approaches due to missionary conditions, have profoundly molded the behavior of Puerto Ricans as Catholics. + +Notwithstanding the very recent trend toward rapid urbanization, the majority of Puerto Ricans are dispersed over the steep hills of the interior, living in huts in the midst of small clearings among bananas and flamboyants, with magnificent views, but too far from church to attend Mass every Sunday. Traditionally, they take the Sacraments on those rare occasions when the priest comes to visit them in the chapel in their barrio—but for generations they have had to baptize their own children because the priest came so seldom. Under such circumstances regular attendance at Sunday Mass is not a confirmed element of Catholic practice. Living habits of the tropics, feudal-colonial social organization, and the confluence of Indian, African, and European cultures played their part. The Church's law declaring a marriage between two Catholics valid even when not entered into before a priest, if a priest could not be available in less than a month, made people forget the need for a priest. It had an adverse effect on the frequency of marriages in church, and still has today. + +"Bad habits" like these are not a sign of lack of Catholic spirit, but rather the effects of a peculiar ecclesiastical history. Many United States Catholics are used to a wide variety of national customs in national parishes and a great difference in practices among various ethnic groups; when faced with the lack of "practice" of their faith by Puerto Ricans, they might be tempted to identify them with some other foreign group in whom the effects of a different background show up in similar behavior, or might even deny altogether that Puerto Ricans are Catholic. But for anybody who has ever breathed the atmosphere of the Island there is no doubt that theirs is a Catholic folk-culture: children who might never make their First Communion will regularly ask their parents' blessing before leaving the house; people who might never have been taught the catechism will devotedly invoke the names of Our Lord or the Virgin and plaster their homes with holy pictures and sign themselves with the Cross before leaving home. Even the fact that a man refuses to get married in church sometimes testifies for rather than against his Catholicity; he does not want to bind himself forever by a Church marriage. + +In Puerto Rico God's house extends from the church into the plaza. Not only do the processions or posedas require the out-of-doors as a continuation of the church, but also the church is often too small, and throngs attend Mass by looking through doors and windows. Unless his neighbor on the mainland understands the different meaning "family," "church," or "home" has for a man from the tropics, he will not understand why Jose plays the guitar on his doorstep, or why Maria walks from statue to statue during Mass for a little chat with the saints or perhaps enters church only after service, because she is repelled by the formality of the ushers. + +All of this points toward the need the Puerto Ricans have to win some respect for their background. What they need is not more help but less categorization according to previous schemes, and more understanding. Only thus will they be able to make the unique cultural, political, and economic contribution for which they seem destined: Spanish-Christian tradition, a Catholicism in which is taken for granted an eminently Christian attitude toward the mixing of races, a freshness and simplicity of outlook proper to the tropics, a new pattern of political freedom in association with the United States, a bridge between the hemispheres politically and culturally no less than economically—these are only a few of the assets that the mass migration of Puerto Ricans to the mainland can contribute to New York and the United States. + + +# The eloquence of silence + +Five years on the streets of New York made me aware of the need for some method of bringing native New Yorkers to friendship with Puerto Ricans. Minister, teachers, social workers, all were submerged in a Spanish-speaking crowd. They needed to learn the language, but even more they needed to attune their ears and open their hearts to the anguish of a people who were lonely, frightened, and powerless. + +Quite evidently the mere study of Spanish was not enough. The man who can construct sentences with words and grammar may be much further from reality than he who knows that he does not speak a language. I saw how intensely Puerto Ricans rejected the Americano who studied them for the purpose of "integrating them" in the city. They even refused to answer in Spanish, because behind his benevolence they sensed the condescension, and often the contempt. A program was needed to help native New Yorkers to enter into the spirit of poverty. + +In 1956 I became Vice Rector of the Catholic University of Puerto Rico and this gave me a chance to prepare people for work in the Spanish ghettos. We offered workshops combining the very intensive study of spoken Spanish with field experience and with the academic study of Puerto Rican poetry, history, songs, and social reality. Many of my students came at great personal sacrifice. More than half were priests, mostly below the age of thirty-five. They had decided to spend their lives among the poor in the inner city. It is now difficult to remember how the Catholic clergy then felt about its duty. It was hard to convince an Irish-American pastor to permit his curate to spend his time on people who never came to church. The Spanish language was a potent tool for curates who wanted to use their time and the resources of the Church for work among the poor. Because—presumably—the Spanish language identified those poor who were born Catholics, and to whom the Church under no circumstances could deny an equal share of its ministry. When seven years later the war on poverty broke out, a substantial number of recognized leaders and critics were these men who had met each other in Puerto Rico. With this group of students I could explore the deeper meaning involved in the learning of a foreign language. In fact, I believe that properly conducted language learning is one of the few occasions in which an adult can go through a deep experience of poverty, of weakness, and of dependence on the good will of another. Every evening we gathered for an hour of silent prayer. At the beginning of the hour one of us would offer points for meditation. The following is one of the sessions recorded by a participant. + +The science of linguistics has brought into view new horizons in the understanding of human communications. An objective study of the ways in which meanings are transmitted has shown that much more is relayed from one man to another through and in silence than in words. Words and sentences are composed of silences more meaningful than the sounds. The pregnant pauses between sounds and utterances become luminous points in an incredible void: as electrons in the atom, as planets in the solar system. Language is as a cord of silence with sounds the knots-as nodes in a Peruvian quipu, in which the empty spaces speak. With Confucius we can see language as a wheel. The spokes centralize, but the empty spaces make the wheel. + +It is thus not so much the other man's words as his silences which we have to learn in order to understand him. It is not so much our sounds which give meaning, but it is through the pauses that we will make ourselves understood. The learning of a language is more the learning of its silences than of its sounds. Only the Christian believes in the Word as coeternal Silence. Among men in time, rhythm is a law through which our conversation becomes a yang-yin of silence and sound. + +To learn a language in a human and mature way, therefore, is to accept the responsibility for its silences and for its sounds. The gift a people gives us in teaching us their language is more a gift of the rhythm, the mode, and the subtleties of its system of silences than of its system of sounds. It is an intimate gift for which we are accountable to the people who have entrusted us with their tongue. A language of which I know only the words and not the pauses is a continuous offense. It is as the caricature of a photographic negative. + +It takes more time and effort and delicacy to learn the silence of a people than to learn its sounds. Some people have a special gift for this. Perhaps this explains why some missioners, notwithstanding their efforts, never come to speak properly, to communicate delicately through silences. Although they "speak with the accent of natives" they remain forever thousands of miles away. The learning of the grammar of silence is an art much more difficult to learn than the grammar of sounds. + +As words must be learned by listening and by painful attempts at imitation of a native speaker, so silences must be acquired through a delicate openness to them. Silence has its pauses and hesitations, its rhythms and expressions and inflections; its durations and pitches, and times to be and not to be. Just as with our words, there is an analogy between our silence with men and with God. To learn the full meaning of one, we must practice and deepen the other. + +First among the classification of silences is the silence of the pure listener, of womanly passivity; the silence through which the message of the other becomes "he in us," the silence of deep interest. It is threatened by another silence—the silence of indifference, the silence of disinterest which assumes that there is nothing I want or can receive through the communication of the other. This is the ominous silence of the wife who woodenly listens to her husband relating the little things he so earnestly wants to tell her. It is the silence of the Christian who reads the gospel with the attitude that he knows it backward and forward. It is the silence of the stone—dead because it is unrelated to life. It is the silence of the missioner who never understood the miracle of a foreigner whose listening is a greater testimony of love than that of another who speaks. The man who shows us that he knows the rhythm of our silence is much closer to us than one who thinks that he knows how to speak. + +The greater the distance between the two worlds, the more this silence of interest is a sign of love. It is easy for most Americans to listen to chitchat about football; but it is a sign of love for a Midwesterner to listen to the jai alai reports. The silence of the city priest on a bus listening to the report of the sickness of a goat is a gift, truly the fruit of a missionary form of long training in patience. + +There is no greater distance than that between a man in prayer and God. Only when this distance dawns on consciousness can the grateful silence of patient readiness develop. This must have been the silence of the Virgin before the Ave which enabled her to become the eternal model of openness to the Word. Through her deep silence the Word could take Flesh. + +In the prayer of silent listening, and nowhere else, can the Christian acquire the habit of this first silence from which the Word can be born in a foreign culture. This Word conceived in silence is grown in silence too. + +A second great class in the grammar of silence is the silence of the Virgin after she conceived the Word—the silence from which not so much the Fiat as the Magnificat was born. It is the silence which nourishes the Word conceived rather than opening man to conception. It is the silence which closes man in on himself to allow him to prepare the Word for others. It is the silence of syntony; the silence in which we await the proper moment for the Word to be born into the world. + +This silence too is threatened, not only by hurry and by desecration of multiplicity of action, but by the habit of verbal confection and mass production which has no time for it. It is threatened by the silence of cheapness which means that one word is as good as another and that words need no nursing. + +The missioner, or foreigner, who uses words as they are in the dictionary does not know this silence. He is the man who looks up English words in himself when he wants to find a Spanish equivalent, rather than seeking the word which would syntonize; rather than finding the word or gesture or silence which would be understood, even if it has no equivalent in his own language or culture or background; the man who does not give the seed of a new language time to grow on the foreign soil of his soul. This is a silence before words, or between them; the silence within which words live or die. It is the silence of the slow prayer of hesitation; of prayer in which words have the courage to swim in a sea of silence. It is diametrically opposed to other forms of silence before words —the silence of the artificial flower which serves as a remembrance of words which do not grow, the pause in between repetition. It is the silence of the missioner who waits for the dispensation of the next memorized platitude because he has not made the effort to penetrate into the living language of others. The silence before words is also opposed to the silence of brewing aggression which can hardly be called silence—this too an interval used for the preparation of words, but words which divide rather than bring together. This is the silence to which the missioner is tempted who clings to the idea that in Spanish nothing means what he wants to say. It is the silence in which one verbal aggression — even though veiled — prepares the other. + +The next great class in the grammar of silence we will call the silence beyond words. The farther we go, the farther apart does good and bad silence grow in each classification. We now have reached the silence which does not prepare any further talk. It is the silence which has said everything because there is nothing more to say. This is the silence beyond a final yes or a final no. This is the silence of love beyond words, as well as the silence of no, forever; the silence of heaven or of hell. It is the definite attitude of a man who faces the Word which is Silence, or the silence of a man who has obstinately turned away from Him. + +Hell is this silence, deadly silence. Death in this silence is neither the deadness of a stone, indifferent to life, nor the deadness of a pressed flower, memory of life. It is the death after life, a final refusal to live. There can be noise and agitation and many words in this silence. It has only one meaning which is common to the noises it makes and the gaps between them. No. + +There is a way in which this silence of hell threatens missionary existence. In fact with the unusual possibilities of witnessing through silence, unusual ability to destroy through it are open to the man charged with the Word in a world not his own. Missionary silence risks more: it risks becoming a hell on earth. + +Ultimately missionary silence is a gift, a gift of prayer —learned in prayer by one infinitely distant, infinitely foreign and experienced in love for men, much more distant and foreign ever than men at home. The missioner can come to forget that his silence is a gift, a gift in its deepest sense gratuitously given, a gift concretely transmitted to us by those who are willing to teach us their language. If the missioner forgets this and attempts to conquer by his own power that which only others can bestow, then his existence begins to be threatened. The man who tries to buy the language like a suit, the man who tries to conquer the language through grammar so as to speak it "better than the natives around here," the man who forgets the analogy of the silence of God and the silence of others and does not seek its growth in prayer, is a man who tries basically to rape the culture into which he is sent, and he must expect the corresponding reactions. If he is human at all he will realize that he is in a spiritual prison, but he will not admit that he has built it around himself; rather he will accuse others of being his jailers. The wall between himself and those to whom he was sent will become ever more impenetrable. As long as he sees himself as "missioner" he will know that he is frustrated, that he was sent but got nowhere; that he is away from home but has never landed anywhere; that he left his home and never reached another. + +He continues to preach and is ever more aware that he is not understood, because he says what he thinks and speaks in a foreign farce of his own language. He continues to "do things for people" and considers them ungrateful because they understand that he does these things to bolster his ego. His words become a mockery of language, an expression of the silence of death. + +It requires much courage at this point to return to the patient silence of interest or to the delicacy of the silence within which words grow. Out of numbness, muteness has grown. Often out of the fear of facing the difficulty late in life of trying again to learn a language, a habit of despair is born. The silence of hell—a typically missionary version of it has been born in his heart. + +At the pole opposed to despair there is the silence of love, the holding of hands of the lovers. The prayer in which the vagueness before words has given place to the pure emptiness after them. The form of communication which opens the simple depth of the soul. It comes in flashes and it can become a lifetime—in prayer just as much as with people. Perhaps it is the only truly universal aspect of language, the only means of communication which was not touched by the curse of Babel. Perhaps it is the one way of being together with others and with the Word in which we have no more foreign accent. + +There is still another silence beyond words, but the silence of the Pieta. It is not a silence of death but the silence of the mystery of death. It is not the silence of active acceptance of the will of God out of which the Fiat is born nor the silence of manly acceptance of Geth-semane in which obedience has its roots. The silence you as missioners seek to acquire in this Spanish course is the silence beyond bewilderment and questions; it is a silence beyond the possibility of an answer, or even reference to a word which preceded. It is the mysterious silence through which the Lord could descend into the silence of hell, the acceptance without frustration of a life, useless and wasted on Judas, a silence of freely willed powerless-ness through which the world was saved. Born to redeem the world, Mary's Son had died at the hands of His people, abandoned by His friends and betrayed by Judas whom He loved but could not save—silent contemplation of the culminating paradox of the Incarnation which was useless for the redemption of at least one personal friend. The opening of the soul to this ultimate silence of the Pieta is the culmination of the slow maturing of the three previous forms of missionary silence. + +# Seamy side of charity + +In 1960 Pope John XXIII enjoined all United States and Canadian religious superiors to send, within ten years, 10 per cent of their effective strength in priests and nuns to Latin America. This papal request was interpreted by most United States Catholics as a call to help modernize the Latin American Church along the lines of the North American model The continent on which half of all Catholics live had to be saved from "Castro-Communism." + +I was opposed to the execution of this order: I was convinced that it would do serious damage to those sent, to their clients, and to their sponsors back home. I had learned in Puerto Rico that there are only a few people who are not stunted, or wholly destroyed, by lifelong work "for the poor" in a foreign country. The transfer of United States living standards and expectations could only impede the revolutionary changes needed, and the use of the gospel in the service of capitalism or any other ideology was wrong. Finally 1 knew that while the United States needed much information about all aspects of Latin America, "missionaries" would only hamper its collection: the feedback from missionaries is notoriously bizarre. The projected crusade had to be stopped. + +With two friends, Miss Feodora Standoff and Brother Gerry Morris, I set up a center in Cuernavaca. (We chose this spot because of its climate, location, and logistics.) Upon the opening of our center I stated two of the purposes of our undertaking. The first was to help diminish the damage threatened by the papal order. Through our educational program for missionaries we intended to challenge them to face reality and themselves, and either refuse their assignments or-if they accepted-to be a little bit less unprepared. Secondly, we wanted to gather sufficient influence among the decision-making bodies of mission-sponsoring agencies to dissuade them from implementing the plan. + +Throughout the 1960s our experience and reputation in the intensive training of foreign professionals for assignment to South America, and the fact that we continued to be the only center specializing in this type of education, ensured a continuing flow of students through our center—notwithstanding our stated, basically subversive purposes. + +By 1966, instead of the 10 per cent called for in 1960, barely 0.7 per cent of United States and Canadian clergy had moved south. Among the educated groups within the United States Church serious doubts had arisen about the desirability of the entire enterprise. But among bishops and the great majority of uneducated Catholics the lachrymose feedback from Latin America and an intense public relations campaign conducted from Washington continued to raise enthusiasm for the "Help Save Latin America" cause. Under these circumstances public and intensive controversy had to be sponsored, and for that purpose I wrote the following article for the Jesuit magazine America in January 1967. It was deliberate timing: I knew that at the end of that month three thousand churchmen—Catholic and Protestant, from the United States and Latin America—would meet in Boston to give new impetus to their programs, and that Ramparts was about to publish its expose on Central Intelligence Agency help to student movements, especially in Latin America. + +Five years ago, United States Catholics undertook a peculiar alliance for the progress of the Latin American church. By 1970, 10 per cent of more than 225,000 priests, brothers, and sisters would volunteer to be shipped south of the border. In those five years the combined United States male and female "clergy" in South America has increased by only 1,622. Halfway is a good time to determine whether a program launched is still sailing on course, and more importantly, if its destination still seems worth while. Numerically, the program was certainly a flop. Should this fact be a source of disappointment or relief? + +The project relied on an impulse supported by uncritical imagination and sentimental judgment. A pointed finger and a "call for 20,000" convinced many that "Latin America needs You." Nobody dared state clearly why, though the first published propaganda included several references to the "Red danger" in four pages of text. The Latin America Bureau of the National Catholic Welfare Conference attached the word "papal" to the program, the volunteers, and the call itself. + +A campaign for more funds is now being proposed. This is the moment, therefore, at which the call for 20,000 persons and the need for millions of dollars should be re-examined. Both appeals must be submitted to a public debate among United States Catholics, from bishop to widow, since they are the ones asked to supply the personnel and pay the bill. Critical thinking must prevail. Fancy and colorful campaign slogans for another collection, with their appeal to emotion, will only cloud the real issues. Let us coldly examine the American Church's outburst of charitable frenzy which resulted in the creation of "papal" volunteers, student "mission crusades," the annual Catholic Inter-American Cooperation Program mass assemblies, numerous diocesan missions, and new religious communities. + +I will not focus on details. The above programs themselves continually study and revise minutiae. Rather I dare to point out some fundamental facts and implications of the so-called papal plan-part of the many-faceted effort to keep Latin America within the ideologies of the West. Church policy makers in the United States must face up to the sociopolitical consequences involved in their well-intentioned missionary ventures. They must review their vocation as Christian theologians and their actions as Western politicians. + +Men and money sent with missionary motivation carry a foreign Christian image, a foreign pastoral approach, and a foreign political message. They also bear the mark of North American capitalism of the 1950s. Why not, for once, consider the seamy side of charity; weigh the inevitable burdens foreign help imposes on the South American Church; taste the bitterness of the damage done by our sacrifices? If, for example, United States Catholics would simply turn from the dream of "10 per cent," and do some honest thinking about the implication of their help, the awakened awareness of intrinsic fallacies could lead to sober, meaningful generosity. + +But let me be more precise. The unquestionable joys of giving and the fruits of receiving should be treated as two distinctly separate chapters. I propose to delineate only the negative results that foreign money, men, and ideas produce in the South American Church, in order that the future United States program may be tailored accordingly. + +During the past five years, the cost of operating the Church in Latin America has multiplied many times. There is no precedent for a similar rate of increase in Church expenses on a continental scale. Today one Catholic university, mission society, or radio chain may cost more to operate than the whole country's Church a decade ago. Most of the funds for this kind of growth came from outside and flowed from two types of sources. The first is the Church itself, which raised its income in three ways: + +1\. Dollar by dollar, appealing to the generosity of the faithful, as was done in Germany and the Low Countries by Adveniat, Misereor, and Oostpriesterhulp. These contributions reach more than twenty-five million dollars a year. + +2\. Through lump sum contributions, made by individual churchmen-such as Cardinal Cushing, the outstanding example; or by institutions-such as the National Catholic Welfare Conference, transferring one million dollars from the home missions to the Latin America Bureau. + +3\. By assigning priests, religious and laymen, all trained at considerable cost and often backed financially in their apostolic undertakings. + +This kind of foreign generosity has enticed the Latin American Church into becoming a satellite to North Atlantic cultural phenomena and policy. Increased apostolic resources intensified the need for this continued flow and created islands of apostolic well-being, each day further beyond the capacity of local support. The Latin American Church flowers anew by returning to what the Conquest stamped her: a colonial plant that blooms because of foreign cultivation. Instead of learning how to get along with less money or else close up shop, bishops are being trapped into needing more money now and bequeathing an institution impossible to run in the future. Education, the one type of investment that could give long-range returns, is conceived mostly as training for bureaucrats who will maintain the existing apparatus. + +Recently I saw an example of this in a large group of Latin American priests who had been sent to Europe for advanced degrees. In order to relate the Church to the world, nine-tenths of these men were studying teaching methods—catechetics, pastoral theology, or canon law— and thereby not directly advancing their knowledge of either the Church or the world. Only a few studied the Church in its history and sources, or the world as it is. + +It is easy to come by big sums to build a new church in a jungle or a high school in a suburb, and then to staff the plants with new missioners. A patently irrelevant pastoral system is artificially and expensively sustained, while basic research for a new and vital one is considered an extravagant luxury. Scholarships for non-ecclesiastical humanist studies, seed money for imaginative pastoral experimentation, grants for documentation and research to make specific constructive criticism all run the frightening risk of threatening our temporal structures, clerical plants, and "good business" methods. + +Even more surprising than churchly generosity for churchly concern is a second source of money. A decade ago the Church was like an impoverished grande dame trying to keep up an imperial tradition of almsgiving from her reduced income. In the more than a century since Spain lost Latin America, the Church has steadily lost government grants, patrons' gifts, and, finally, the revenue from its former lands. According to the colonial concept of charity, the Church lost its power to help the poor. It came to be considered a historical relic, inevitably the ally of conservative politicians. + +By 1966 almost the contrary seems true—at least, at first sight. The Church has become an agent trusted to run programs aimed at social change. It is committed enough to produce some results. But when it is threatened by real change, it withdraws rather than permit social awareness to spread like wildfire. The smothering of the Brazilian radio schools by a high Church authority is a good example. + +Thus Church discipline assures the donor that his money does twice the job in the hands of a priest. It will not evaporate, nor will it be accepted for what it is: publicity for private enterprise and indoctrination to a way of life that the rich have chosen as suitable for the poor. The receiver inevitably gets the message: the "padre" stands on the side of W. R. Grace and Company, Esso, the Alliance for Progress, democratic government, the AFL-CIO, and whatever is holy in the Western pantheon. + +Opinion is divided, of course, on whether the Church went heavily into social projects because it could thus obtain funds "for the poor," or whether it went after the funds because it could thus contain Castroism and assure its institutional respectability. By becoming an "official" agency of one kind of progress, the Church ceases to speak for the underdog who is outside all agencies but who is an ever growing majority. By accepting the power to help, the Church necessarily must denounce a Camilo Torres, who symbolizes the power of renunciation. + +Money thus builds the Church a "pastoral" structure beyond its means and makes it a political power. + +Superficial emotional involvement obscures rational thinking about American international "assistance." Healthy guilt feelings are repressed by a strangely motivated desire to "help" in Vietnam. Finally, our generation begins to cut through the rhetoric of patriotic "loyalty." We stumblingly recognize the perversity of our power politics and the destructive direction of our warped efforts to impose unilaterally "our way of life" on all. We have not yet begun to face the seamy side of clerical manpower involvement and the Church's complicity in stifling universal awakening too revolutionary to lie quietly within the "Great Society." + +I know that there is no foreign priest or nun so shoddy in his work that through his stay in Latin America he has not enriched some life; and that there is no missioner so incompetent that through him Latin America has not made some small contribution to Europe and North America. But neither our admiration for conspicuous generosity, nor our fear of making bitter enemies out of lukewarm friends, must stop us from facing the facts. Missioners sent to Latin America can make (1) an alien Church more foreign, (2) an overstaffed Church priest-ridden, and (3) bishops into abject beggars. Recent public discord has shattered the unanimity of the national consensus on Vietnam. I hope that public awareness of the repressive and corruptive elements contained in "official" ecclesiastical assistance programs will give rise to a real sense of guilt: guilt for having wasted the lives of young men and women dedicated to the task of evangelization in Latin America. + +Massive, indiscriminate importation of clergy helps the ecclesiastical bureaucracy survive in its own colony, which every day becomes more foreign and comfortable. This immigration helps to transform the old-style hacienda of God (on which the people were only squatters) into the Lord's supermarket, with catechisms, liturgy, and other means of grace heavily in stock. It makes contented consumers out of vegetating peasants, demanding clients out of former devotees. It lines the sacred pockets, providing refuge for men who are frightened by secular responsibility. + +Churchgoers, accustomed to priests, novenas, books, and culture from Spain (quite possibly to Franco's picture in the rectory), now meet a new type of executive, administrative, and financial talent promoting a certain type of democracy as the Christian ideal. The people soon see that the Church is distant, alienated from them—an imported, specialized operation, financed from abroad, which speaks with a holy, because foreign, accent. + +This foreign transfusion—and the hope for more—gave ecclesiastical pusillanimity a new lease on life, another chance to make the archaic and colonial system work. If North America and Europe send enough priests to fill the vacant parishes, there is no need to consider laymen—unpaid for part-time work—to fulfill most evangelical tasks; no need to re-examine the structure of the parish, the function of the priest, the Sunday obligation and clerical sermon; no need to explore the use of the married diaconate, new forms of celebration of the Word and Eucharist, and intimate familial celebrations of conversion to the gospel in the milieu of the home. The promise of more clergy is like a bewitching siren. It makes the chronic surplus of clergy in Latin America invisible and it makes it impossible to diagnose this surplus as the gravest illness of the Church. Today, this pessimistic evaluation is slightly altered by a courageous and imaginative few—non-Latins among them—who see, study, and strive for true reform. + +A large proportion of Latin American Church personnel are presently employed in private institutions that serve the middle and upper classes and frequently produce highly respectable profits; this on a continent where there is a desperate need for teachers, nurses, and social workers in public institutions that serve the poor. A large part of the clergy are engaged in bureaucratic functions, usually related to peddling sacraments, sacramentals, and superstitious "blessings." Most of them live in squalor. The Church, unable to use its personnel in pastorally meaningful tasks, cannot even support its priests and the 670 bishops who govern them. Theology is used to justify this system, canon law to administer it, and foreign clergy to create a world-wide consensus on the necessity of its continuation. + +A healthy sense of values empties the seminaries and the ranks of the clergy much more effectively than does a lack of discipline and generosity. In fact, the new mood of well-being makes the ecclesiastical career more attractive to the self-seeker. Bishops turn servile beggars, become tempted to organize safaris, and hunt out foreign priests and funds for constructing such anomalies as minor seminaries. As long as such expeditions succeed, it will be difficult, if not impossible, to take the emotionally harder road: to ask ourselves honestly if we need such a game. + +Exporting Church employees to Latin America masks a universal and unconscious fear of a new Church. North and South American authorities, differently motivated but equally fearful, become accomplices in maintaining a clerical and irrelevant Church. Sacralizing employees and property, this Church becomes progressively more blind to the possibilities of sacralizing person and community. + +It is hard to help by refusing to give alms. I remember once having stopped food distribution from sacristies in an area where there was great hunger. I still feel the sting of an accusing voice saying: "Sleep well for the rest of your life with the death of dozens of children on your conscience." Even some doctors prefer aspirins to radical surgery. They feel no guilt having the patient die of cancer, but fear the risk of applying the knife. The courage needed today is that expressed by Daniel Berrigan, S.J., writing of Latin America: "I suggest we stop sending anyone or anything for three years and dig in and face our mistakes and find out how not to canonize them." + +From six years' experience in training hundreds of foreign missioners assigned to Latin America, I know that real volunteers increasingly want to face the truth that puts their faith to the test. Superiors who shift personnel by their administrative decisions but do not have to live with the ensuing deceptions are emotionally handicapped facing these realities. + +The United States Church must face the painful side of generosity: the burden that a life gratuitously offered imposes on the recipient. The men who go to Latin America must humbly accept the possibility that they are useless or even harmful, although they give all they have. They must accept the fact that a limping ecclesiastical assistance program uses them as palliatives to ease the pain of a cancerous structure, the only hope being that the prescription will give the organism enough time and rest to initiate a spontaneous healing. It is far more probable that the pharmacist's pill will both stop the patient from seeking a surgeon's advice and addict him to the drug. + +Foreign missioners increasingly realize that they heeded a call to plug the holes in a sinking ship because the officers did not dare launch the life rafts. Unless this is clearly seen, men who obediently offer the best years of then-lives will find themselves tricked into a useless struggle to keep a doomed liner afloat as it limps through uncharted seas. + +We must acknowledge that missioners can be pawns in a world ideological struggle and that it is blasphemous to use the gospel to prop up any social or political system. When men and money are sent into a society within the framework of a program, they bring ideas that live after them. It has been pointed out, in the case of the Peace Corps, that the cultural mutation catalyzed by a small foreign group might be more effective than all the immediate services it renders. The same can be true of the North American missioner—close to home, having great means at his disposal, frequently on a short-term assignment— who moves into an area of intense United States cultural and economic colonization. He is part of this sphere of influence and, at times, intrigue. Through the United States missioner, the United States shadows and colors the public image of the Church. The influx of United States missioners coincides with the Alliance for Progress, Camelot, and CIA projects and looks like a baptism of all three. The Alliance appears directed by Christian justice and is not seen for what it is: a deception designed to maintain the status quo, albeit variously motivated. During the program's first five years, the net capital leaving Latin America has tripled. The program is too small to permit even the achievement of a threshold of sustained growth. It is a bone thrown to the dog, that he remain quiet in the backyard of the Americas. + +Within these realities, the United States missioner tends to fulfill the traditional role of a colonial power's lackey chaplain. The dangers implicit in Church use of foreign money assume the proportion of caricature when this aid is administered by a "gringo" to keep the "underdeveloped" quiet. It is, of course, too much to ask of most Americans that they make sound, clear, and outspoken criticisms of United States sociopolitical aggression in Latin America, even more difficult that they do so without the bitterness of the expatriate or the opportunism of the turncoat. + +Groups of United States missioners cannot avoid projecting the image of "United States outposts." Only individual Americans mixed in with local men could avoid this distortion. The missioner of necessity is an "undercover" a sent—albeit unconscious—for United States so-cial and political consensus. But, consciously and purposely, he wishes to bring the values of his Church to South America; adaptation and selection seldom reach the level of questioning the values themselves. + +The situation was not so ambiguous ten years ago, when in good conscience mission societies were channels for the flow of traditional United States Church hardware to Latin America. Everything from the Roman collar to parochial schools, from United States catechisms to Catholic universities, was considered salable merchandise in the new Latin American market. Not much salesmanship was needed to convince the Latin bishops to give the "Made in U.S.A." label a try. + +In the meantime, however, the situation has changed considerably. The United States Church is shaking from the first findings of a scientific and massive self-evaluation. Not only methods and institutions, but also the ideologies that they imply, are subject to examination and attack. The self-confidence of the American ecclesiastical salesman is therefore shaky. We see the strange paradox of a man attempting to implant, in a really different culture, structures and programs that are now rejected in the country of their origin. (I recently heard of a Catholic grammar school being planned by United States personnel in a Central American city parish where there are already a dozen public schools.) + +There is an opposite danger, too. Latin America can no longer tolerate being a haven for United States liberals who cannot make their point at home, an outlet for apostles too "apostolic" to find their vocation as competent professionals within their own community. The hardware salesman threatens to dump second-rate imitations of parishes, schools, and catechisms—outmoded even in the United States-all around the continent. The traveling escapist threatens further to confuse a foreign world with his superficial protests, which are not viable even at home. The American Church of the Vietnam generation finds it difficult to engage in foreign aid without exporting either its solutions or its problems. Both are prohibitive luxuries for developing nations. Mexicans, to avoid offending the sender, pay high duties for useless or unasked-for gifts sent them by well-meaning American friends. Gift givers must think not of this moment and of this need, but in terms of a full generation of the future effects. Gift planners must ask if the global value of the gift in men, money, and ideas is worth the price the recipient will ultimately have to pay for it. As Father Berrigan suggests, the rich and powerful can decide not to give; the poor can hardly refuse to accept. Since almsgiving conditions the beggar's mind, the Latin American bishops are not entirely at fault in asking for misdirected and harmful foreign aid. A large measure of the blame lies with the underdeveloped ecclesiology of United States clerics who direct the "sale" of American good intentions. + +The United States Catholic wants to be involved in an ecclesiologically valid program, not in subsidiary political and social programs designed to influence the growth of developing nations according to anybody's social doctrine, be it even described as the Pope's. The heart of the discussion is therefore not how to send more men and money, but rather why they should be sent at all. The Church, in the meantime, is in no critical danger. We are tempted to shore up and salvage structures rather than question their purpose and truth. Hoping to glory in the works of our hands, we feel guilty, frustrated, and angry when part of the building starts to crumble. Instead of believing in the Church, we frantically attempt to construct it according to our own cloudy cultural image. We want to build community, relying on techniques, and are blind to the latent desire for unity that is striving to express itself among men. In fear, we plan our Church with statistics, rather than trustingly search for the living Church which is right among us. + +# The vanishing clergyman + +I drafted this paper in 1959 and published it, at the request of a friend, in The Critic of Chicago, in 1967. + +Great changes must take place in the structure of the Catholic Church if it is to survive. I believe that such changes will come about and, moreover, that they can now be visualized in terms consistent with the most radically traditional theology. Nevertheless, such changes would thoroughly upset the idea of the Catholic Church deeply imbedded in the imagination of Catholics and non-Catholics alike. + +One could have spoken about these changes in abstract terms. 1 preferred to illustrate my general thesis by indicating what, in my opinion, will happen to the "clergyman," to his status, his role, his self-image, his professional standing. 1 wanted to raise a question, clearly and simply. But I had further reasons for making my statement through a concrete example. + +For one, I did not want to say anything theologically new, daring, or controversial. + +Only a spelling-out of the social consequences would make a thesis as orthodox as mine sufficiently controversial to be discussed within the overwhelming conservative majority of the Church. + +A second reason for my decision to focus on the clergy was the attempt to render the discussion relevant to the "Catholic left." Suggestions for a reform of the Catholic priesthood abounded in these quarters in the mid-sixties. The majority of these suggestions seemed neither sufficiently revolutionary to be worth while {a married clergy, priests engaged in social action or revolution) nor sufficiently faithful to fundamental traditional positions—which I would not like to see compromised (such as the value of freely chosen celibacy, the episcopal structure of the Church, the permanence of priestly ordination). + +The Roman Church is the world’s largest non-governmental bureaucracy. It employs 1.8 million full-time workers—priests, brothers, sisters, and laymen. These employees work within a corporate structure which an American business consultant firm rates as among the most efficiently operated organizations in the world. The institutional Church functions on a par with the General Motors Company and the Chase Manhattan Bank. Recognition of this fact is accepted, sometimes, with pride. But to some, the machine-like smoothness itself seems to discredit the Church. Men suspect that it has lost its relevance to the gospel and to the world. Wavering, doubt, and confusion reign among its directors, functionaries, and employees. The giant begins to totter before it collapses. + +Some church personnel react to the breakdown with pain, anguish, and fright. Some make heroic efforts and tragic sacrifices to prevent it. Some, regretfully or joyfully, interpret the phenomenon as a sign of the disappearance of the Roman Church itself. I would like to suggest that we welcome the disappearance of institutional bureaucracy in a spirit of deep joy. In this essay, I shall describe some aspects of what is taking place in the Church, and suggest ways in which the Church could seek a radical reorganization in some of its structures. I am not recommending essential changes in the Church; even less do I suggest its dissolution. The complete disappearance of its visible structure would contradict sociological law and divine mandate. But change does entail much more than drastic amendment or updating reform if the Church is to respond to God’s call and contemporary man. I shall outline certain possible changes, solidly rooted in the origins of the Church, and boldly reaching out to the necessities of tomorrow’s society. Acceptance of this kind of reform will require the Church to live the evangelical poverty of Christ. At the same time, the Church, sensitive to the process of the world’s progressive socialization, will come to have a deep respect for, and joyful acceptance of, this phenomenon. + +The institutional Church is in trouble. The very persons on whose loyalty and obedience the efficiency structure depends increasingly abandon it. Until the early sixties, the “ defections ” were relatively rare. Now they are common. Tomorrow they may be the pattern. After a personal drama played out in the intimacy of conscience, more and more ecclesiastical employees will decide to sacrifice the emotional, spiritual, and financial security which the system benevolently provided for them. I suspect that within this generation these persons will have become a majority of the Church’s personnel. + +The problem lies not with the “spirit” of the world, nor with any failure in generosity among the “defectors,” but rather with the structure itself. This can be taken as an almost aprioristic conclusion, since the present structures developed as a response to past situations vastly different from our own. Further, our world continually accelerates its rapid changes of societal structures , in the context of which the Church must carry out its real functions. To see the situation more clearly, I shall focus my attention on the nature and function of ministry, the complex channel through which the Church touches the world. We can thus gain some insight into the Church of tomorrow. + +It seems evident that basic and accepted concepts of ministry in the Church are clearly inadequate. Quantitatively, for example , the Church really does not need the present number of full-time employees who work in its operational structure. More fundamentally, the situation suggests the need for a deep reappraisal of the elements which make up. the current idea of the priest as the Church’s basic representative in the world—a concept still maintained in the conciliar decrees. Specifically there is need for a re-examination of the relation between sacramental ministry and full-time personnel, between ministry and celibacy, and between ministry and theological education. + +Today it is assumed that most if not all of the Church’s ministerial operations must be carried out by full-time underpaid employees who possess a kind of theological education and who accept an ecclesiastical law of celibacy. In order to begin a search for new directions which are more evangelically and sociologically relevant, I shall discuss separately four aspects of the problem : the radical reduction in the number of persons dependent on the Church for their livelihood; the ordination to sacramental ministry of men independently employed in the world; the special and unique renunciation implied in perpetual celibacy ; the relation between sacramental ministry and theological education. + +## The clergy desire for more and need for less + +The Church’s personnel enjoy remarkable privileges. Every teenager who seeks employment among the clergy is almost automatically guaranteed a status which confers a variety of personal and social benefits, most of which come with advancing age, not because of competence or productivity. His rights to social and economic security are more far-reaching than plans for the guaranteed income. + +Ecclesiastical employees live in comfortable Church-owned housing, are assured preferential treatment in Church-owned and operated health services, are mostly trained in ecclesiastical educational institutions, and are buried in hallowed ground—after which they are prayed for. The habit or collar, not competent productivity, assures one’s status and living. An employment market, more diversified than any existing corporation, caters to the employee, discriminating against laymen who do not share his ritual initiation. Laymen who work in the ecclesiastical structure are recognized as possessing some few “civil rights,” but their careers depend principally on their ability to play the role of Uncle Toms. + +Recently the Roman Church has followed the example of some Protestant churches in shifting more of its employees from parish work to paper pushing. At the same time, the traditional demand for increased personnel at the parish level and the simultaneously burgeoning process of overinflated bureaucratic machinery masks the increasing irrelevance of both these aspects of the structure. Organizational explosion results in a feverish search for more personnel and money. We are urged to beg God to send more employees into the bureaucratic system and to inspire the faithful to pay the cost. Personally, I cannot ask God for these “benefits.” The inherently self-perpetuating expansion of Church personnel operates well enough without additional help, and only serves to make an already overstaffed Church more priest-ridden, thereby debilitating the Church’s mission in today’s world. + +The Vatican itself best illustrates the complex problem. Post-conciliar administrative growth supersedes and supplants the old machinery. Since the end of the Council, the twelve venerable curial congregations have been increased by the addition of numerous intermeshing and overlapping post-conciliar organs—commissions, councils, consultative bodies, committees, assemblies , synods. This bureaucratic maze becomes ungovernable. Good. Perhaps this will help us to see that principles of corporate government are not applicable to the Body of Christ. It is even less appropriate to see His Vicar as the chief executive of a corporation than as a Byzantine king. Clerical technocracy is even further from the gospel than priestly aristocracy. And we may come to recognize that efficiency corrupts Christian testimony more subtly than power. + +At a time when even the Pentagon seeks to reduce its manpower pool by contracting specific jobs in the open market of industry and research, the Vatican launches a drive toward greater self-contained institutional diversification and proliferation . The central administration of this top-heavy organizational giant passes out of the hands of the “venerable congregations” staffed by Italian career priests into those of clerical specialists recruited from all over the world. The Pontifical Curia of the Middle Ages becomes a contemporary corporation’s planning and administrative headquarters. + +One of the paradoxical aspects of today’s structure is that the organization priest is also a member of the aristocracy of the only feudal power left in the Western world—a power whose sovereign status was recognized in the Lateran conventions. Further, this same power increasingly uses a diplomatic structure —one originally developed to represent the Church’s interests vis-à-vis other sovereign states—in order to offer services to the emerging international agencies, such as the Food and Agriculture Organization, UNICEF, UNESCO, and to the United Nations itself. This development demands more and more employees for a wider range of jobs, requiring even more specialized education for the recruits. The hierarchy, accustomed to absolute control over its employees, seeks to staff these positions with captive clergy. But the big push on more intensive recruitment runs head-on into a strong and contrary trend: yearly almost as many trained personnel leave as are recruited. Hence we see the reluctant acceptance of submissive and obedient laymen to fill the gap. + +Some individuals explain clerical “defections” as the elimination of undesirable elements. Others blame the various contemporary mystiques of the world. The institution instinctively attempts to explain this loss and the concomitant vocation “crisis” in terms flattering to itself. Then too one needs strong justification for the enthusiastic and emotional drives for more “ vocations .” Few wish to admit that the collapse of an overextended and disproportionate clerical framework is a clear sign of its irrelevance. Fewer see that the Pope himself would grow in evangelical stature and fidelity in proportion as his power to affect social issues in the world and his administrative command in the Church decline. + +Changes on the institutional periphery are as faithful to “Parkinson’s Law” as changes in Rome: work grows with available personnel. Since the end of the Council, attempts at collegial decentralization have resulted in a wildly uncontrolled growth of bureaucracy reaching to the local level. Latin America offers a grotesque example. A generation ago Latin American bishops traveled to Rome about every ten years to report to the Pope. Their only other contacts with Rome were the stylized petitions for indulgences of dispensations, channeled through the Nuncio, and occasional Curial Visitators. Today a complex Roman Commission for Latin America coordinates subcommissions of European and American bishops in the power balance with the Latin American Bishops’ Assembly. This is organized in a board ( Consejo Episcopal Latinoamericano ) and numerous commissions , secretariats, institutes, and delegations. CELAM itself is the crown of sixteen national bishops’ conferences, some of which are even more complex in bureaucratic organization. The entire structure is designed to facilitate occasional consultations among bishops, in order that, returning to their dioceses, they might act with greater independence and originality. The real results are rather different. The bishops develop the bureaucratic mentality necessary to keep up with the merry-go-round character of the increasingly frequent meetings. The newly created organisms absorb large numbers of trained grass-roots personnel into clerical staff and planning services. Restrictive and unimaginative central control replaces creative and fresh approaches in the local churches. + +In the entire Church a clergy survives partly because priestly service at the altar is united with clerical power and privilege. This union helps to maintain the existing structure. Church-employed priests assure a personnel supply to fill places in the corporate structure. Priest-clerics assure the continuance and abundance of career-minded churchmen. The ordination of self-supporting laymen to sacramental functions would eventually destroy the bureaucracy. But men whose mentality and security have been formed and maintained by the system instinctively fear the ordination of persons who remain in secular employment. The diocesan chancellor, the Catholic Charities director, and the pastor feel as much threatened by declericalization as the Catholic university president, the supplier of ecclesiastical finery and furnishings, and such civic leaders as Saul Alinsky. In different ways all are supported by, or depend upon, the power and prestige of the clergy. Nevertheless, the ordination of secularly employed men may be one of the Church’s great advances. + +Today, some clerics begin to see that they are smothered in a scandalous and unnecessary security combined with restrictive and unacceptable controls. A priest, well-trained in theology, is assured life-long support, but it may be as an accountant, and not as a theologian, if he has been caught reading certain “ suspect ” foreign authors. Conversely, a Latin American bishop may send a priest for sociological studies in Europe and then decide to create a diocesan department of research to use the new talent he has acquired. + +Some priests are dissatisfied with their work, either because their freedom to do a good job is curtailed, or because they feel unprepared for the specific task assigned them. In the first instance , better job descriptions are proposed as a remedy; in the second, better education for the jobholder. Both solutions are no more than misguided palliatives. The question must be asked: Should not this job be dropped from Church control, and the cleric either fired or challenged to compete for it—under secular control and conditions? Of course if we continue the present system , we are still stuck with our problem: the dissatisfied cleric. + +Therefore the next five years will see a proliferation of retraining programs for the clergy. The outmoded product of novitiate and seminary needs different skills and attitudes to fit into the “new” Church: a multiplying growth of specialized commissions , bureaus, and secretariats. But it’s going to be a problem, selling the programs. The men themselves are beginning to say: Perhaps I need training to move into the secular world, to support myself as other men in society, to act as an adult in the world. + +Dioceses and religious congregations increasingly use business consultants, whose criteria of success are taken from the American Management Association, and whose premise is that the present structure must be maintained. The resulting clergy in-service training is essentially repressive, ideologically biased, and directed toward efficient Church growth. Present ecclesiastical training improves a man’s ability to operate a more complex machine. A retreat only serves to confirm a man’s per sonal commitment to the structure. An adult formation concept is needed, one which would lead men to search for the right questions. Is this structure rooted in routine or revelations? Should I, a man totally at the service of the Church, stay in the structure in order to subvert it, or leave in order to live the model of the future? The Church needs men seeking this kind of conscious and critical awareness—men deeply faithful to the Church, living a life of insecurity and risk, free from hierarchical control, working for the eventual “disestablishment” of the Church from within. The very few such groups in existence today are branded as disloyal and dangerous by the clerical mentality. + +A good example of such subversive education is provided by the Sister Formation Movement in the United States. This movement acts as a major factor working toward the secularization of the American Church from within. In the mid-fifties, a group of sisters set up a lobby to pressure for advanced professional education of religious. When this had been achieved, and the brothers and sisters returned to their communities with Ph.D.s, they were competent to apply for academic jobs anywhere. They no longer had to rely on preferential treatment traditionally accorded in Church institutions to religious, irrespective of their talent or professional training. + +Many of these trained persons become conscious of ridiculous restrictions imposed upon them and their institutions by the clerical mind and ecclesiastical control. Some saw themselves facing the necessity of leaving their communities in order to live a meaningful and relevant career. Others chose to work for the liberation of their institutions from repressive and destructive Church control. The former were branded as defectors and the latter as subversives. Finally, religious congregations began to allow their members to seek temporary or permanent employment of their own choice in the open market, while remaining members of the community. This will lead to the persons themselves choosing their companions, places of residence, and form of community living. + +Many superiors of religious women have recently begun to understand the signs of the times. Suddenly they see the possibility that the era of religious congregations might be over. Bishops are not yet aware that an analogous movement is at work among the clergy. But this movement is weaker and less sophisticated , because of the retarded nature of the American clergy. For several generations they have been pampered into unquestioning submission by their middle-class comfort and security. + +Today some priests believe that they might be better ministers if they worked at secular jobs that entail real social and economic responsibility. A priest-artist, for example, questions the bishop’s right to employ him as a scribe, or to suspend him if he seeks real work in Greenwich Village. These trends produce a double effect among the clergy. The committed man is moved to renounce his clerical privileges, thereby risking suspension, and the mediocre man is moved to clamor for more fringe benefits and less adult responsibility, thereby settling down more comfortably in his clerical security. + +Seeing the evangelical and social contradictions in the bureaucracy , some courageously face the possible alternatives. I know many who desire full-time jobs in poverty programs, as community organizers, teachers, researchers, professional men. They desire to earn their livings and live as celibate laymen, while exercising their ministerial functions on a part-time basis in the service of the faithful, and under the bishop’s authority. They ask if the system is sensitive enough to the real society to evolve a new form of radical and personal declericalization which would entail neither suspension from orders nor dispensation from celibacy. + +Of course, such radical secularization threatens the existing parochial system. It would encourage the imaginative and generous to strike out on their own and thereby leave the clerical and outdated ecclesiastical structure in the hands of those who choose security and routine. It would frighten both bureaucratic bishops and rebellious DuBays. The bishops desire more clerics, but reject any demands for employee privileges, especially the notion of unionized power. The attitudes of both the bishops and the DuBays necessarily imply the furtherance of the clerical system. + +Men in secular society sometimes recognize a real hypocrisy in this system. Groups founded for social protest and revolutionary action find the clergy suspect. The former, when they act, freely risk their careers for a cause to which their conscience impels them. The priest or nun who suddenly becomes aware that a real world exists and belatedly joins such actions risks a gentle reprimand at most Usually the more enlightened superior is quite pleased and happy with his “courageous” subject. It is much cheaper to permit a few naïve protesters, rather than face the frightening price of Christian institutional testimony to society. + +To begin the task of giving this testimony, may we pray for an increase of priests who choose “radical” secularization? For priests who leave the Church in order to pioneer the church of the future? For priests who, faithfully dedicated to and loving the Church, risk misunderstanding and suspension? For priests, full of hope, capable of such actions without becoming hard and embittered? For extraordinary priests, willing to live today the ordinary life of tomorrow’s priest? + +## The shape of the future ministry + +An adult layman, ordained to the ministry, will preside over the “normal” Christian community of the future. The ministry will be an exercise of leisure rather than a job. The “diaconia” will supplant the parish as the fundamental institutional unit in the church. The periodic meeting of friends will replace the Sunday assembly of strangers. A self-supporting dentist, factory worker, professor, rather than a church-employed scribe or functionary , will preside over the meeting. The minister will be a man mature in Christian wisdom through his lifelong participation in an intimate liturgy, rather than a seminary graduate formed professionally through “theological” formulae. Marriage and the education of growing children, rather than the acceptance of celibacy as a legal condition for ordination, will confer responsible leadership on him. + +I foresee the face-to-face meeting of families around a table, rather than the impersonal attendance of a crowd around an altar. Celebration will sanctify the dining room, rather than consecrated buildings the ceremony. This does not mean that all churches will be converted into theaters or real estate white elephants. For example, the Bishop of Cuernavaca believes that Latin American tradition requires the existence of the cathedral church as a kind of testimony in stone, whose beauty and majesty reflect the splendor of Christian truth. + +Present pastoral structures have been largely determined by ten centuries of a clerical and celibate priesthood. In 1964 the Council took a suggestive step toward changing this pattern when it approved a married diaconate. The decree is ambiguous, since it could lead to a proliferation of second-rate clergy without making any significant change in present structures. But it can also lead to the ordination of adult, self-supporting men. The danger would be in developing a clerical church-supported diaconate, thereby delaying the necessary and inevitable secularization of the ministry. + +The “ordinary” future priest, earning his living outside the church, will preside over a weekly meeting of a dozen deacons in his house. Together they will read the Scripture, then study and comment upon the bishop’s weekly instruction. After the meeting, when it includes Mass, each deacon will take the Sacrament to his own home, where he will keep it with his crucifix and Bible. The priest will visit his various “diaconias” and preside at their occasional Mass. At times a number of the “diaconias” will meet for a more solemn Mass in a rented hall or in a cathedral. + +Freed of present executive and administrative duties, both the bishop and his priests will have time for occasional celebrations . The bishop will be able to prepare and circulate his weekly selection from the Fathers and the outline for discussion. He and his priests will together prepare the home liturgy for the “diaconias.” These changes will require a different attitude toward weekly Mass obligation as well as a re-evaluation of present ritual practices of penance. + +Present canon law provides for the ordination of those whose lifelong livelihood has been guaranteed by the Church, and of those whose own estate is sufficient to support them. To restrict ordination to this kind of economic independence seems anomalous , if not revolting, in today’s society. Today, a man supports himself by working at a job in the world, not by performing a role in a hierarchy. It is certainly not contrary to the purposes of canon law to consider professional ability or earned social security as sufficient sign of independence for ordination. + +The sacramental ministry of ordained laymen will open our eyes to a completely new understanding of the traditional “ opposition ” between pastor and layman in the Church. As we move beyond both these concepts, we shall clearly see their transitory character. The Council, summarizing a historical development of the last hundred years, attempted to define the clerical priest and the unordained layman in two separate documents . But the future will achieve, from the apparent antithesis, a new synthesis which transcends present categories. + +The current ecclesiastical imagination is still inadequate for defining this new function—the lay priest, Sunday priest, part-time or secularized minister, ordained non-cleric. Principally he will be the minister of sacrament and word, not the jack-of- all-trades , superficially responding to a bewildering variety of social and psychological roles. With his emergence the Church will finally free itself from the restrictive system of benefices. More importantly the Church will have abandoned the complex series of services which have resulted in the minister becoming an artificial appendix to established social functions. The ordained layman will make the Catholic parson pastorally superfluous. + +The Church awakens anew in the city. Traditional pastoral analogies become anomalies in the asphalt, steel, and concrete context of city life. Urban renewal and new experiences of community call for another look at older terminology. Kings, crowns, and staffs have lost their meaning. Men are not subjects of sovereigns , and they impatiently question how they can be sheep led by a shepherd. The Church’s community-creating functions break down when supported by symbols whose driving force lies in an authority structure. Sophisticated urban Catholics do not seek authoritative guidance for community action from a pastor. They know that social action is ecumenical and secular in motive, method, and goal. The Protestant minister or the secularist professional can possess better credentials of leadership. + +Theologically literate persons no longer seek moral guidance from a priest. They themselves think. Frequently, they have long ago surpassed the priest in theological formation. Parents with a good liberal education are increasingly skeptical of entrusting their children to the clerical system of “professional” cate-chesis . If children can be evangelized, parents see that they are called to the task, and possess the knowledge and faith to carry it out. + +No thinking Catholic questions accepting the ritual which recognizes that a man has received divine power to moderate a meeting of Christians or preside over the celebration of a sacrament . But men begin to reject the claims of a pastor who, because of his ordination or consecration, feigns competency to deal with any problem of his heterogeneous congregation, be it the parish, the diocese, or the world. + +The reorganization of contemporary life frees men to accept a vocation for part-time ministerial functions. Leisure time increases with reduced working hours, early retirement, and more inclusive social security benefits—time available for the preparation and exercise of Christian ministry in a pluralistic and secular society. + +It is apparent that many objections can be raised. The lay priest or deacon might wish to withdraw from the ministry, he might publicly sin, he or his wife might become divisive factors in the Christian community. Present canon law implicitly contains the solution—let him be “suspended” from his functions. Suspension must become an option for both the man and the community, not just a punishment reserved to the bishop. The ordained minister might feel called to take a controversial position on some secular matter in society, and thereby cease to be a fitting symbol of sacramental unity. He might in conscience feel that he must become a sign of contradiction, not only to the world, but also in the world. Let him or the community freely seek suspension. The community which has recognized his charism and presented him to the bishop, can also respect his liberty of conscience and allow him to act accordingly. He himself , as minister, has no special benefits, income, or status to defend . His daily life has not been determined by his priesthood. Rather, the latter has been characterized by his secular commitment . + +## Ministry and celibacy + +Man finds it difficult to separate what habit or custom has united. The union of the clerical state, holy orders, and celibacy in the life of the Church has confused the understanding of the individual realities involved and prevented us from seeing the possibility of their separation. The clergy have stood on their socioeconomic status and power, defending their exclusive right to the priesthood. We seldom see theological arguments directed against the ordained laymen, except perhaps in reference to the inadequacy of the term itself. Only Catholic clerics who wish to marry, and married Protestant ministers who fear to lose their clerical status, defend the extension of ecclesiastical social security to a married minister. + +The link between celibacy and priestly orders now comes under heavy attack, in spite of authoritative statements defending it Exegetical, pastoral, and social arguments are marshaled against it. By their action, increasing numbers of priests not only deny it, but also abandon both celibacy and the ministry. The problem is admittedly complex, since two realities of faith— sacramental ministry of priesthood and the personal mystery of extraordinary renunciation—meet. Our secular language breaks down in the delicate analysis of their mutual relationships. The formulation and discussion of three separate questions may help us to see the proper distinctions and lead us to understand the nature of the relationships involved. The choice of voluntary celibacy, the institution of religious communities, and the legal prescription of a celibate priesthood must be seen separately. + +At all times in the Church, men and women have freely renounced marriage “for the sake of the kingdom.” Consistent with such an action, they simply “explain” their decision as a personal realization of an intimate vocation from God. This mysterious experience of vocation must be distinguished from the discursive formulation of reasons to “justify” such a decision. To many, such arguments appear meaningless. This conclusion leads men to abandon their commitment to celibacy. The defenders of celibacy frequently interpret this action as manifesting a poor or weak faith among contemporary Catholics. On the contrary, it may just as well be evidence of the purification of their faith. Men now see through the alleged motives—sociological, psychological , and mythological—for celibacy, and recognize their irrelevance to true Christian renunciation. Renunciation of marriage is not economically necessary for service to the poor, nor legally a condition for the ordained ministry, nor significantly convenient for higher studies. Persons who acted on these motives now fail to see their value and relevance. Celibacy can no longer enlist social approval in its defense. + +Psychological motives formerly invoked to justify the superiority of sexual abstinence are hardly acceptable today. Many celibates now see that they initially refused marriage because they were repelled, afraid, unprepared, or simply not attracted. Now they choose marriage, either because of a more mature understanding of themselves, or to prove their original feelings wrong. They no longer see themselves as heroes to their parents, because they are “faithful,” nor as pariahs, because they “defect.” + +Comparative studies in religion reveal many “reasons” for sexual renunciation throughout human history. These may be reduced to ascetical, magical, and mystical motives. Oftentimes they are “religious,” but hardly related to the Christian faith. The ascetic renounces marriage for freedom to pray; the magician, to “save” a Chinese baby through his sacrifice; the mystic, to seek exclusive bridal intimacy with “the All.” Contemporary man knows that sexual renunciation does not make prayer more intimate , love more ardent, or graces received more abundant. + +Today the Christian who renounces marriage and children for the kingdom’s sake seeks no abstract or concrete reason for his decision. His choice is pure risk in faith, the result of the intimate and mysterious experience of his heart. He chooses to live now the absolute poverty every Christian hopes to experience at the hour of death. His life does not prove God’s transcendence ; rather, his whole being expresses faith in it. His decision to renounce a spouse is as intimate and incommunicable as another’s decision to prefer his spouse over all others. + +The Church has evolved two devices to control an evangelical charism: the social and juridical organization of religious communities , and the ritual celebration of vows. Religious orders provide a community structure within which the member is supposed to deepen his baptismal commitment to sanctity, and make himself available for the manpower pool controlled by his superior. This captive personnel force enabled the religious congregations to conduct benevolent and business enterprises. Now it appears that these institutional works will disappear even faster than parish, diocesan, and curial structures, as more and more members leave to fulfill their vocations in the open job market. + +Christians desiring to live evangelical celibacy see fewer reasons for joining the established, juridical communities—even secular institutes—but they do recognize the necessity to band together with others of like mind, temporarily or permanently, to seek mutual support in their common and difficult spiritual adventure. Those established religious communities which remain in existence will maintain houses of intensive prayer, available as retreat houses, spiritual training centers, monasteries, or deserts. To arrive at this kind of Christian poverty and witness , the congregations legislate their impending demise by approving shortened skirts, changing prayer schedules, and experimenting in social action. Perhaps this legislative sniping at superficialities will serve to diminish the pain of those in the dying structure, easing their stay to the bitter end. + +As the traditionally accepted reasons for maintaining the present juridical communities evaporate, other means of making a lifelong vow will be explored. The Church has traditionally accepted the possibility of the private vow. Less and less shall we see this in exclusively legal terms. As living a vow moves from clerical structures to a life of renunciation in the secular world, it seems more appropriate to signify the joyful acceptance of this kind of commitment not through a juridical act creating legal obligations but through a liturgical celebration of a mystical fact. The Church moves in this direction as vows become less public, solemn, and binding. Today any religious receives his dispensation when he states that he does not intend to keep his vow. Formerly vows were treated as public renunciations of rights; now they seem more like public statements of conditional intentions. The religious makes much ado of the fact that he is not married and that he will not marry—unless, of course, he changes his mind. We move from a religious “state” to a religious “stage.” This confusion and pharisaic legalism is a sorry testimony to the world. + +The celebration of a vow should be a rite established by the Church, publicly testifying to belief in the authenticity of a particular Christian vocation and charism. Only exceptional persons, after many years of living their renunciation in secular life, should be admitted to such a liturgical celebration. The Church thereby publicly manifests its willingness to entrust the testimony of a mystery to the fidelity of these new “monks.” Only then shall we return to the real and close analogy between Christian marriage and renunciation. Both sacraments will celebrate the Christian’s full awareness of the depth and totality of a commitment he has established and lived in the real society of men. + +A large segment of the thinking Church questions the tie between celibacy and the priesthood. The Pope insists on their connection. Neither doctrine nor tradition gives definitive support to his position. I believe that the emergence of a new pastoral Church depends largely on compliance with his directive during our generation. His position helps assure the speedy death of the clergy. + +To counteract the trends of declining vocations and clerical dropouts, many solutions are proposed: married clergy, sisters and laymen in pastoral tasks, brighter appeals in vocation campaigns , world-wide distribution of existing clergy. All are simply so many pusillanimous attempts to rejuvenate a dying structure. + +During our generation, at least, there is no need to consider the ordination of married men to the priesthood. We have more than enough unmarried ones. Ordaining married priests would slow up any real pastoral reform. But there is a second, and more delicate, reason for this decision. Thousands of priests now reject celibacy, and present the painful spectacle of men trained for sexual abstinence groping belatedly into big-risk marriage. The Church dispenses them secretly, arbitrarily, and awkwardly . They are forbidden further exercise of their orders. Having chosen marriage, they could still exercise priestly functions, but they would cease to be models—except perhaps to others like themselves. + +The real need here is to clarify and liberalize the process by which the Church allows a priest to marry. Further, all must see that the good of the Church requires the “ex-priest” to abandon both clerical security and ministerial function. This is as difficult for the priest who “wants out” without accepting the concomitant consequences, as it is for the bishop who wants to “hang onto” his priest at all costs. The clerical mass exodus will only last as long as the present clerical system exists. During this time ordination of married men would be a sad mistake. The resulting confusion would only delay needed radical reforms. + +The one institution which has no future in the Church and which is at the same time most impervious to any radical reform, today loses an increasing number of its men because of the legislation of celibacy. The over-all seriousness of the seminary crisis, of itself, forces us to probe much more deeply into the entire question of ministerial education in the Church. + +## Sacramental ministry and theological education + +Since Trent the Church has insisted on forming and educating its ministers in its own professional academies. It hoped that this process would continue through the minister’s personal initiative, within his structured and clerical life. The Church trained its ministers for a life it rigidly controlled. But the further recruitment of young and generous men in order to shape them in the mold of clerical life as it is still described by the Vatican Council will soon border on the immoral. At the moment it seems highly irresponsible to continue the preparation of men for a disappearing profession. + +This does not mean that Christian ministry will require less intellectual formation. But this latter can develop only on the condition of a better and more general Christian education. The problem here is that this term has become confusingly all-inclusive and thereby lost its precise meaning. It must be redefined . Personal maturity, theological precision, contemplative prayer, and heroic charity are not specifically Christian. Atheists can be mature; non-Catholics, theologically precise; Buddhists, mystics, and pagans heroically generous. The specific result of Christian education is the sensus ecclesiae, “the sense of the Church.” The man joined to this is rooted in the living authority of the Church, lives the imaginative inventiveness of the faith, and expresses himself in terms of the gifts of the Spirit. + +This “sense” is the result of reading the sources of authentic Christian tradition, of participation in the prayerful celebration of the liturgy, of a distinct way of life. It is the fruit of experiencing Christ and the measure of prayer’s real depth. It follows upon penetration of the faith’s content through the light of intelligence and the force of will. When choosing an adult for the diaconate or priesthood, we shall look for this “sense” in him, rather than accept theology credits or time spent in retreat from the world. We shall not look for professional competence to teach the public, but prophetic humility to moderate a Christian group. + +I assume that weekly preparation through readings for liturgical celebration is a better formation for the exercise of ministry than specialization in theological studies. In saying this, I do not intend to underrate the importance of rigorous theological study. I only want to put it in its proper place. Ultimately, the function of theology is to clarify a contemporary statement, or verify its fidelity to revealed truth. The contemporary expression of revealed truth is only the result of the Church’s faith. The function of theological science, therefore, is analogous to that of literary criticism. The lectio divina is akin to the savoring of literature itself. Theology verifies our fidelity; spiritual reading nourishes our faith. As the social sciences become more complex and specialized in response to the problems of technological society, so the fidelity of the Christian community increasingly depends on its competence to express the faith in a language new to the Christian, who lives in a situation never before interpreted in the light of the gospel. The Church will grow in the child-like simplicity of its faith and in the intellectual depth of its theology. + +Nearly all of what is now considered theological science will pass out of the exclusive competence of the Church. Already most of the subjects of the seminary curriculum are competently taught in secular universities by men of all faiths. With the closing of the seminary the omnicompetent theological generalist will disappear . The study of theology will become oriented toward specialized research and teaching, rather than toward all-round professional performance. Christian professors who possess this “sense” of the Church will orient students toward a biblical and ecclesial unity in their studies, a task never really accomplished by ecclesiastical curriculums. + +Theological study will also become more widespread. The Christian college graduate, desiring to participate more actively in his weekly small group liturgy, will seek intellectual analysis in systematic theological reading and studies. He will have the time to do so because of the increase of leisure time in our society . Those who will have combined the asceticism leading to sexual renunciation with their years of study and liturgical participation will be uniquely fitted for the episcopacy. The Christian community will not hesitate or err in recognizing their charism. + +Increasingly the Church’s teaching function will cease to express itself in pastoral letters condemning abortion and encyclicals advocating social justice. The Church will discover new faith and power in the revealed word. It will teach through a living and intimate liturgy centered around this word. Small Christian communities will be nourished in its joyful celebration. + +The Spirit, continually re-creating the Church, can be trusted. Creatively present in each Christian celebration, He makes men conscious of the kingdom which lives in them. Whether composed of a few persons around the deacon, or of the Church’s integral presence around the bishop, the Christian celebration renews the whole Church, the whole of humanity. The Church will clearly manifest the Christian faith as the progressively joyful revelation of love’s personal meaning—the same love which all men celebrate. + + +# The powerless church + +In April of 1967 the secretaries for social action of the Anglican church met for a consultation. I was invited to attend. Dozens of social issues were on the table, and on some there was more than one conflicting position. I had the impression that on each issue the assembly made an effort to determine which position could he labeled the Christian one, and if this failed, tried at least to designate one as more Christian than the other. + +One of my contributions to this conference was the address which follows. It concerns the role of the church in social change and development. + +It is my thesis that only the church can “reveal” to us the full meaning of development. To live up to this task the church must recognize that she is growing powerless to orient or produce development. The less efficient she is as a power the more effective she can be as a celebrant of the mystery. + +This statement, if understood, is resented equally by the hier-arch who wants to justify collections by increasing his service to the poor, and by the rebel priest who wants to use his collar as an attractive banner in agitation. Both make a living off the social service the church renders. In my mind both symbolize obstacles to the specific function of the church: the annunciation of the gospel. + +This specific function of the church must be a contribution to development which could not be made by any other institution. I believe that this contribution is faith in Christ. Applied to development faith in Christ means the revelation that the development of humanity tends toward the realization of the kingdom, which is Christ already present in the church. The church interprets to modem man development as a growth into Christ. She introduces him to the contemplation of this mystery in prayer and to its celebration in her liturgy. + +I believe that the specific task of the church in the modern world is the Christian celebration of the experience of change. In order to fulfill this task the church will have to renounce progressively the “power to do good” she now has, and see this power pass into the hands of a new type of institution: the voluntary and ever controversial embodiments of secular religion. + +Later I will explain what I mean by the progressive renunciation of power and the growth of secular religion. Here I wish to explain what I mean by the celebration of change. + +We have ceased to live against a rigid framework. All-enveloping , penetrating change is the fundamental experience of our age, which comes as a shock to those brought up in a different age. + +In the past the same experience was exceptional and had many appearances: exile … migration … imprisonment … overseas assignment … education … hospitalization. All these traditionally represent the sudden loss of the environment which had given form to a man’s feelings and concepts. This experience of change is now faced as a lifelong process by every individual in technological society. + +In Cuernavaca we have set up a center at which we train persons to feel with others what change means to their hearts. What happens to the intimacy of a person when his familiar surroundings suddenly disappear, and with them the symbols he reveres? What happens when the words into which he was taught to pour the stream of his life lose their accustomed meaning? + +What happens to the feelings of a mountain Indian thrown into a factory? What anguish does the Chicago missionary feel when he is suddenly exposed to the mountains of Bolivia, and finds himself used as a cover-up for napalm bombs? What happens to the heart of a nun who leaves the convent? + +These questions are precise and elusive: each must be fitted to the one heart it opens. + +What threat and what challenge does social change represent to this individual or to that social group? How does this heart or that common mood react to a change in setting? We speak about threat and about challenge because the reaction to transition is very ambiguous. It can allow for new insights, can open new perspectives and therefore confront the person with new awareness of choice. In other words, development can be a setting for salvation which leads to resurrection. But also transition can reduce a bewildered individual to a defensive self-centeredness, to dependence and aggression; it can lead into the agony of a lived destruction of life, straight into hell. + +Neither efficiency nor comfort nor affluence is a criterion for the quality of change. Only the reaction of the human heart to change indicates the objective value of that change. All measures of change which disregard the response of the human heart are either evil or naïve. Development is not judged against a rule but against an experience. And this experience is not available through the study of tables but through the celebration of shared experience: dialogue, controversy, play, poetry—in short, self-realization in creative leisure. + +The church teaches us to discover the transcendental meaning of this experience of life. She teaches us in liturgical celebration to recognize the presence of Christ in the growing mutual relatedness which results from the complexity and specialization of development . And she reveals to us the personal responsibility for our sins: our growing dependence, solitude, and cravings which result from our self-alienation in things and systems and heroes. She challenges us to deeper poverty instead of security in achievements; personalization of love (chastity) instead of depersonalization by idolatry; faith in the other rather than prediction. + +Thus the church does not orient change, or teach how to react to it. It opens a new dimension of specific faith to an ecumenical experience of transcendent humanism. All men experience life—the Christian believes he has discovered its meaning. + +What the church contributes through evangelization is like the laughter in the joke. Two hear the same story—but one gets the point. It is like the rhythm in the phrase which only the poet catches. + +The new era of constant development must not only be enjoyed , it must be brought about. What is the task of the church in the gestation of the new world? + +The church can accelerate time by celebrating its advent, but it is not the church’s task to engineer its shape. She must resist that temptation. Otherwise she cannot celebrate the wondrous surprise of the coming, the advent. + +The future has already broken into the present. We each live in many times. The present of one is the past of another, and the future of yet another. We are called to live knowing that the future exists, and that it is shared when it is celebrated. The change which has to be brought about can only be lived. We cannot plan our way to humanity. Each one of us and each of the groups with which we live and work must become a model of the era we desire to create. The many models which will develop should give to each one of us an environment in which we celebrate our creative response to change with others who need us. + +Let the church be courageous enough to lead us in the celebration by highlighting its depth. Let the church discern the spirit of God wherever charismatic gifts call the future into the present and thus create a model to live. + +Let the church be mater et magistra of this play—accentuate its beauty; let her teach us to live change because it is enriching and joyful, and not just produce it because it is useful. + +Awareness of change heightens the sense of personal responsibility to share its benefits. Awareness of change therefore does not only lead to a call to celebration but also to a call to work; to the elimination of obstacles which make it impossible for others to free themselves from toil and illusion. + +Social change always implies a change of social structure, a change of formalized values, and finally a change of social character . These three factors constrain invention and creativity, and action against these constraints becomes a responsibility of those who experience them as shackles. Hence, social change involves a triple reaction: + +* The reorganization of social structure, which is felt as subversion or revolution. +* The attempt to get beyond public illusions which justify structures, which implies the ridicule of ideologies and is felt as ungodliness or as education. +* The emergence of a new “social character,” which is experienced by many with utter confusion and anguish. + +Throughout history the church has participated constantly in the shaping of social change: either as a force of conservation or as a force of social promotion. She has blessed governments and condemned them. She has justified systems and declared them as unholy. She has recommended thrift and bourgeois values and declared them anathema. + +We believe that now the moment has come for the church to withdraw from specific social initiative—taken in the name of church structure. Let us follow the example of the Pope: have the courage to allow churchmen to make statements so ephemeral that they could never be construed as being the church’s teaching. + +This withdrawal is very painful. The reason is precisely that the church still has so much power—which has so often been used for evil. Some now argue that, given the power, it should now be used to make amends. + +If the church at present in Latin America does not use the power she has accumulated for fundamental education, labor organization, cooperative promotion, political orientation, she leaves herself open to criticism—from without, of creating a power vacuum; and from within, in the terms of “if anybody, the church can bear having power, because she is self-critical enough to renounce its abuse!” + +But if the church uses the power basis she has—for example, in the field of education—then she perpetuates her inability to witness to that which is specific in her mission. + +Social innovation is becoming an increasingly complex process. Innovative action must be taken with increasing frequency and sophistication. This requires men who are courageous, dedicated, willing to lose their careers. I believe that this innovative action will increasingly be taken by groups committed to radically humanist ideals, and not gospel authority, and should therefore not be taken by churches. + +The modern humanist does not need the gospel as a norm; the Christian wants to remain free to find through the gospel a dimension of effective surprise beyond and above the humanistic reason which motivated social action. + +The social-action group needs operational freedom: the freedom to let convenience or opportunism dictate the choice of priorities of objectives, tactics, and even strategy. The same social goal might be intended by two opposed groups, one choosing violence as a method, the other non-violence. + +Social action by necessity divides tactical opponents. But if organized around deeply held, radically human, ideological tenets, it also acts as a powerful catalyst for new forms of secular ecumenicism: the ecumenicism of action springing from common radical conviction. + +Ideological tenets generate secular-religious, civic-religious ideas. Social action organized around such ideas, therefore, frees the church from the age-old dilemma of risking its unity in the celebration of faith in favor of its service to controversial charity. + +The Christian response has been deeply affected by the acceleration of time; by change, development, by growth having become normal and permanence the exception. Formerly the king could be at the opposite pole from the priest, the sacred from the profane, the churchly from the secular, and we could speak about the impact which one would have on the other. + +We stand at the end of a century-long struggle to free man from the constraint of ideologies, persuasions, and religions as guiding forces in his life. A non-thematic awareness of the significance of the incarnation emerges: an ability to say one great “Yes” to the experience of life. + +A new polarity emerges: a day-by-day insight into the tension between the manipulation of things and the relationship to persons. + +We become capable of affirming the autonomy of the ludicrous in face of the useful, of the gratuitous as opposed to the purposeful , of the spontaneous as opposed to the rationalized and planned, of creative expression made possible by inventive solution . + +We will need ideological rationalizations for a long time to achieve purposefully planned inventive solutions to social problems . Let consciously secular ideology assume this task. + +I want to celebrate my faith for no purpose at all. + +# The futility of schooling + +To provide every citizen in the United States with a level of schooling now enjoyed by the well-off one-third would require the addition of forty billion dollars per year to the present cost of elementary and secondary education in the United States, which is about thirty-seven billion. This sum exceeds the present expenditure for the war in Vietnam. Evidently the United States is too poor to provide compensatory education on this scale. And yet it is politically inexpedient and intellectually disreputable to question the elusive goal of providing equal educational opportunities for all citizens by giving them access to an equd number of years in school. + +One man ’ s illusions are often best recognized in the light of another man ’ s delusions. My discussion of the futility of schooling in the Third World— published as a magazine article in 1968—may help to demonstrate the general futility of world-wide educational institutions. + +For the past two decades, demographic considerations have colored all discussion about development in Latin America. In 1950 some 200 million people occupied the area extending from Mexico to Chile. Of these, 120 million lived directly or indirectly on primitive agriculture. Assuming both effective population controls and the most favorable possible results from programs aimed at the increase of agriculture, by 1985 forty million people will produce most of the food for a total population of 360 million. The remaining 320 million will be either marginal to the economy or will have to be incorporated somehow into urban living and industrial production. + +During these same past twenty years, both Latin American governments and foreign technical assistance agencies have come to rely increasingly on the capacity of grammar, trade, and high schools to lead the non-rural majority out of its marginality in shanty towns and subsistence farms into the type of factory, market, and public forum which corresponds to modern technology . It was assumed that schooling would eventually produce a broad middle class with values resembling those of highly industrialized nations, despite the economy of continued scarcity. + +Accumulating evidence now indicates that schooling does not and cannot produce the expected results. Some years ago the governments of the Americas joined in an Alliance for Progress, which has, in practice, served mainly the progress of the middle classes in the Latin nations. In most countries the Alliance has encouraged the replacement of a closed, feudal, hereditary elite by one which is supposedly “meritocratic” and open to the few who manage to finish school. Concomitantly, the urban service proletariat has grown at several times the rate of the traditional landless rural mass and has replaced it in importance. The marginal majority and the schooled minority grow ever further apart. One old feudal society has brought forth two classes, separate and unequal. + +This development has led to educational research focused on the improvement of the learning process in schools and on the adaptations of schools themselves to the special circumstances prevailing in underdeveloped societies. But logic would seem to require that we do not stop with an effort to improve schools; rather that we question the assumption on which the school system itself is based. We must not exclude the possibility that the emerging nations cannot be schooled, that schooling is not a viable answer to their need for universal education. Perhaps this type of insight is needed to clear the way for a futuristic scenario in which schools as we know them today would disappear. + +The social distance between the growing urban mass and the new elite is a new phenomenon, unlike the traditional forms of discrimination known in Latin America. This new discrimination is not a transitory thing which can be overcome by schooling . On the contrary: I submit that one of the reasons for the awakening frustration in the majorities is the progressive acceptance of the “liberal myth,” the assumption that schooling is an assurance of social integration. + +The solidarity of all citizens based on their common graduation from school has been an inalienable part of the modern, Western self-image. Colonization has not succeeded in implanting this myth equally in all countries, but everywhere schooling has become the prerequisite for membership in a managerial middle class. The constitutional history of Latin America since its independence has made the masses of this continent particularly susceptible to the conviction that all citizens have a right to enter—and, therefore, have some possibility of entering—their society through the door of a school. + +More than elsewhere, in Latin America the teacher as missionary for the school-gospel has found adherents at the grassroots . Only a few years ago many of us were happy when finally the Latin American school system was singled out as the area of privileged investment for international assistance funds. In fact, during the past years, both national budgets and private investment have been stimulated to increase educational allocations. But a second look reveals that this school system has built a narrow bridge across a widening social gap. As the only legitimate passage to the middle class, the school restricts all unconventional crossings and leaves the underachiever to bear the blame for his marginality. + +This statement is difficult for Americans to understand. In the United States, the nineteenth-century persuasion that free schooling ensures all citizens equality in the economy and effective participation in the society survives. It is by no means certain that the result of schooling ever measured up to this expectation, but the schools certainly played a more prominent role in this process some hundred years ago. + +In the United States of the mid-nineteenth century, six years of schooling frequently made a young man the educational superior of his book. In a society largely dominated by unschooled achievers, the little red schoolhouse was an effective road to social equality. A few years in school for all brought most extremes together. Those who achieved power and money without schooling had to accept a degree of equality with those who achieved literacy and did not strike it rich. Computers, television , and airplanes have changed this. Today in Latin America, in the midst of modern technology, three times as many years of schooling and twenty times as much money as was then spent on grammar schools will not produce the same social result. The dropout from the sixth grade is unable to find a job even as a punch card operator or a railroad hand. + +Contemporary Latin America needs school systems no more than it needs railroad tracks. Both—spanning continents—served to speed the now-rich and established nations into the industrial age. Both, if now handled with care, are harmless heirlooms from the Victorian period. But neither is relevant to countries emerging from primitive agriculture directly into the jet age. Latin America cannot afford to maintain outmoded social institutions amid modern technological processes. + +By “school,” of course, I do not mean all organized formal education. I use the term “school” and “schooling” here to designate a form of child care and a rite de passage which we take for granted. We forget that this institution and the corresponding creed appeared on the scene only with the growth of the industrial state. Comprehensive schooling today involves year-round, obligatory, and universal classroom attendance in small groups for several hours each day. It is imposed on all citizens for a period of ten to eighteen years. School divides life into two segments, which are increasingly of comparable length. As much as anything else, schooling implies custodial care for persons who are declared undesirable elsewhere by the simple fact that a school has been built to serve them. The school is supposed to take the excess population from the street, the family, or the labor force. Teachers are given the power to invent new criteria according to which new segments of the population may be committed to a school. This restraint on healthy, productive, and potentially independent human beings is performed by schools with an economy which only labor camps could rival. + +Schooling also involves a process of accepted ritual certification for all members of a “schooled” society. Schools select those who are bound to succeed and send them on their way with a badge marking them fit. Once universal schooling has been accepted as the hallmark for the in-members of a society, fitness is measured by the amount of time and money spent on formal education in youth rather than ability acquired independently from an “accredited” curriculum. + +A first important step toward radical educational reform in Latin America will be taken when the educational system of the United States is accepted for what it is: a recent, imaginative social invention perfected since World War II and historically rooted in the American frontier. The creation of the all-pervasive school establishment, tied into industry, government, and the military, is an invention no less original than the guild-centered apprenticeship of the Middle Ages, or the doctrina de los índios and the reductión of Spanish missionaries in Mexico and Paraguay , respectively, or the lycée and les grandes écoles in France. Each one of these systems was produced by its society to give stability to an achievement; each has been heavily pervaded by ritual to which society bowed; and each has been rationalized into an all-embracing persuasion, religion, or ideology. The United States is not the first nation that has been willing to pay a high price to have its educational system exported by missionaries to all corners of the world. The colonization of Latin America by the catechism is certainly a noteworthy precedent. + +It is difficult now to challenge the school as a system because we are so used to it. Our industrial categories tend to define results as products of specialized institutions and instruments. Armies produce defense for countries. Churches procure salvation in an afterlife. Binet defined intelligence as that which his tests test. Why not, then, conceive of education as the product of schools? Once this tag has been accepted, unschooled education gives the impression of something spurious, illegitimate, and certainly unaccredited. + +For some generations, education has been based on massive schooling, just as security was based on massive retaliation and, at least in the United States, transportation on the family car. The United States, because it industrialized earlier, is rich enough to afford schools, the Strategic Air Command, and the car—no matter what the toll. Most nations of the world are not that rich; they behave, however, as if they were. The example of nations which “made it” leads Brazilians to pursue the ideal of the family car—just for a few. It compels Peruvians to squander on Mirage bombers—just for a show. And it drives every government in Latin America to spend up to two-fifths of its total budget on schools, and to do so unchallenged. + +Let us insist, for a moment, on this analogy between the school system and the system of transportation based on the family car. Ownership of a car is now rapidly becoming the ideal in Latin America—at least among those who have a voice in formulating national goals. During the past twenty years, roads, parking facilities, and services for private automobiles have been immensely improved. These improvements benefit overwhelmingly those who have their own cars—that is, a tiny percentage. The bias of the budget allocated for transportation thus discriminates against the best transportation for the greatest number—and the huge capital investments in this area ensure that this bias is here to stay. In some countries, articulate minorities now challenge the family car as the fundamental unit of transportation in emerging societies. But everywhere in Latin America it would be political suicide to advocate radical limitations on the multiplication of schools. Opposition parties may challenge at times the need for superhighways or the need for weapons which will see active duty only in a parade. But what man in his right mind would challenge the need to provide every child with a chance to go to high school? + +Before poor nations could reach this point of universal schooling , however, their ability to educate would be exhausted. Even ten or twelve years of schooling are beyond 85 per cent of all men of our century if they happen to live outside the tiny islands where capital accumulates. Nowhere in Latin America do 27 per cent of any age group get beyond the sixth grade, nor do more than 1 per cent graduate from a university. Yet no government spends less than 18 per cent of its budget on schools, and many spend more than 30 per cent. Universal schooling, as this concept has been defined recently in industrial societies, is obviously beyond their means. The annual cost of schooling a United States citizen between the ages of twelve and twenty-four equals as much as most Latin Americans earn in two or three years. + +Schools will stay beyond the means of the developing nations: neither radical population control nor maximum reallocations of government budgets nor unprecedented foreign aid would end the present unfeasibility of school systems aimed at twelve years of schooling for all. Population control needs time to become effective when the total population is as young as that of tropical America. The percentage of the world’s resources invested in schooling cannot be raised beyond certain levels, nor can this budget grow beyond foreseeable maximal rates. Finally, foreign aid would have to increase to 30 per cent of the receiving nation’s national budget to provide effectively for schooling, a goal not to be anticipated. + +Furthermore, the per capita cost of schooling itself is rising everywhere as schools accept those who are difficult to teach, as retention rates rise, and as the quality of schooling itself improves. This rise in cost neutralizes much of the new investments. Schools do not come cheaper by the dozen. + +In view of all these factors, increases in school budgets must usually be defended by arguments which imply default In fact, however, schools are untouchable because they are vital to the status quo. Schools have the effect of tempering the subversive potential of education in an alienated society because, if education is confined to schools, only those who have been schooled into compliance on a lower grade are admitted to its higher reaches. In capital-starved societies not rich enough to purchase unlimited schooling, the majority is schooled not only into compliance but also into subservience. + +Since Latin American constitutions were written with an eye on the United States, the ideal of universal schooling was a creative utopia. It was a condition necessary to create the Latin American nineteenth-century bourgeoisie. Without the pretense that every citizen has a right to go to school, the liberal bourgeoisie could never have developed; neither could the middle-class masses of present-day Europe, the United States, and Russia , nor the managerial middle elite of their cultural colonies in South America. But the same school which worked in the last century to overcome feudalism has now become an oppressive idol which protects those who are already schooled. Schools grade and, therefore, they degrade. They make the degraded accept his own submission. Social seniority is bestowed according to the level of schooling achieved. Everywhere in Latin America more money for schools means more privilege for a few at the cost of most, and this patronage of an elite is explained as a political ideal. This ideal is written into laws which state the patently impossible : equal scholastic opportunities for all. + +The number of satisfied clients who graduate from schools every year is much smaller than the number of frustrated dropouts who are conveniently graded by their failure for use in a marginal labor pool. The resulting steep educational pyramid defines a rationale for the corresponding levels of social status. Citizens are “schooled” into their places. This results in politically acceptable forms of discrimination which benefit the relatively few achievers. + +The move from the farm to the city in Latin America still frequently means a move from a world where status is explained as a result of inheritance into a world where it is explained as a result of schooling. Schools allow a head start to be rationalized as an achievement. They give to privilege not only the appearance of equality but also of generosity: should somebody who missed out on early schooling be dissatisfied with the status he holds, he can always be referred to a night or trade school. If he does not take advantage of such recognized remedies, his exclusion from privilege can be explained as his own fault. Schools temper the frustrations they provoke. + +The school system also inculcates its own universal acceptance . Some schooling is not necessarily more education than none, especially in a country where every year a few more people can get all the schooling they want while most people never complete the sixth grade. But much less than six years seems to be sufficient to inculcate in the child the acceptance of the ideology which goes with the school grade. The child learns only about the superior status and unquestioned authority of those who have more schooling than he has. + +Any discussion of radical alternatives to school-centered formal education upsets our notions of society. No matter how inefficient schools are in educating a majority, no matter how effective schools are in limiting the access to the elite, no matter how liberally schools shower their non-educational benefits on the members of this elite, schools do increase the national income. They qualify their graduates for more economic production. In an economy on the lower rungs of development toward United States-type industrialization, a school graduate is enormously more productive than a dropout. Schools are part and parcel of a society in which a minority is on the way to becoming so productive that the majority must be schooled into disciplined consumption . Schooling therefore—under the best of circumstances—helps to divide society into two groups: those so productive that their expectation of annual rise in personal income lies far beyond the national average, and the overwhelming majority whose income also rises, but at a rate clearly below the former’s. These rates, of course, are compounded and lead the two groups further apart. + +Radical innovation in formal education presupposes radical political changes, radical changes in the organization of production , and radical changes in man’s image of himself as an animal which needs school. This is often forgotten when sweeping reforms of the schools are proposed and fail because of the societal framework we accept. For instance, the trade school is sometimes advocated as a cure-all for mass schooling. Yet it is doubtful that the products of trade schools would find employment in a continuously changing, ever more automated economy. Moreover the capital and operating costs of trade schools, as we know them today, are several times as high as those for a standard school of the same grade. Also, trade schools usually take in sixth graders, who, as we have seen, are already the exception. Trade schools pretend to educate by creating a spurious facsimile of the factory within a school building. + +Instead of the trade school, we should think of a subsidized transformation of the industrial plant. It should be possible to obligate factories to serve as training centers during off-hours, for managers to spend part of their time planning and supervising this training, and for the industrial process to be so redesigned that it has educational value. If the expenditures for present schools were partly allocated to sponsor this kind of educational exploitation of existing resources, then the final results—both economic and educational—might be incomparably greater. If, further, such subsidized apprenticeship were offered to all who ask for it, irrespective of age, and not only to those who are destined to be employees in the particular plant, industry would have begun to assume an important role now played by school. We would be on the way to disabuse ourselves of the idea that manpower qualification must precede employment, that schooling must precede productive work. There is no reason for us to continue the medieval tradition in which men are prepared for the “secular world” by incarceration in a sacred precinct, be it monastery , synagogue, or school. + +A second, frequently discussed, remedy for the failure of schools is fundamental, or adult, education. It has been proved by Paulo Freire in Brazil that those adults who can be interested in political issues of their community can be made literate within six weeks of evening classes. The program teaching such reading and writing skills, of course, must be built around the emotion-loaded key words of the adults’ political vocabulary. Understandably this fact has gotten Freire’s program into trouble. It has also been suggested that the dollar-cost of ten separate months of adult education is equal that of one year of early schooling, and can be incomparably more effective than schooling at its best. + +Unfortunately, “adult education” now is conceived principally as a device to give the “underprivileged” a palliative for the schooling he lacks. The situation would have to be reversed if we wanted to conceive of all education as an exercise in adulthood . We should consider a radical reduction of the length of the formal, obligatory school sessions to only two months each year—but spread this type of formal schooling over the first twenty or thirty years of a man’s life. + +While various forms of in-service apprenticeship in factories and programmed math and language teaching could assume a large proportion of what we have previously called “instruction,” two months a year of formal schooling should be considered ample time for what the Greeks meant by scholē—leisure for the pursuit of insight. No wonder we find it nearly impossible to conceive of comprehensive social changes in which the educational functions of schools would thus be redistributed in new patterns among institutions we do not now envisage. We find it equally difficult to indicate concrete ways in which the non-educational functions of a vanishing school system would be redistributed. We do not know what to do with those whom we now label “children” or “students” and commit to school. + +It is difficult to foresee the political consequences of changes as fundamental as those proposed, not to mention the international consequences. How should a school-reared society coexist with one which has gone “off the school standard,” and whose industry, commerce, advertising, and participation in politics is different as a matter of principle? Areas which develop outside the universal school standard would lack the common language and criteria for respectful coexistence with the schooled. Two such worlds, such as China and the United States, might almost have to seal themselves off from each other. + +Rashly, the school-bred mind abhors the educational devices available to these worlds. It is difficult mentally to “accredit” Mao’s party as an educational institution which might prove more effective than the schools are at their best—at least when it comes to inculcating citizenship. Guerrilla warfare in Latin America is another education device much more frequently misused or misunderstood than applied. Che Guevara, for instance, clearly saw it as a last educational resort to teach a people about the illegitimacy of their political system. Especially in unschooled countries, where the transistor radio has come to every village, we must never underrate the educational functions of great charismatic dissidents like Dom Helder Camara in Brazil or Camilo Torres in Colombia. Castro described his early charismatic harangues as “teaching sessions.” + +The schooled mind perceives these processes exclusively as political indoctrination, and their educational purpose eludes its grasp. The legitimation of education by schools tends to render all non-school education an accident, if not an outright misdemeanor . And yet it is surprising with what difficulty the school-bred mind perceives the rigor with which schools inculcate their own presumed necessity, and with it the supposed inevitability of the system they sponsor. Schools indoctrinate the child into the acceptance of the political system his teachers represent, despite the claim that teaching is non-political. + +Ultimately the cult of schooling will lead to violence, as the establishment of any religion has led to it. If the gospel of universal schooling is permitted to spread in Latin America, the military’s ability to repress insurgency must grow. Only force will ultimately control the insurgency inspired by the frustrated expectation that the propagation of the school-myth enkindles. + +The maintenance of the present school system may turn out to be an important step on the way to Latin American fascism. Only fanaticism inspired by idolatry of a system can ultimately rationalize the massive discrimination which will result from another twenty years of grading a capital-starved society by school marks. + +The time has come to recognize the real burden of the schools in the emerging nations, so that we may become free to envisage change in the social structure which now makes schools a necessity . I do not advocate a sweeping utopia like the Chinese commune for Latin America. But I do suggest that we plunge our imagination into the construction of scenarios which would allow a bold reallocation of educational functions among industry, politics, short scholastic retreats, and intensive preparation of parents for providing early childhood education. The cost of schools must be measured not only in economic, social, and educational terms, but in political terms as well. Schools, in an economy of scarcity invaded by automation, accentuate and rationalize the coexistence of two societies, one a colony of the other. + +Once it is understood that the cost of schooling is not inferior to the cost of chaos, we might be on the brink of courageously costly compromise. Today it is as dangerous in Latin America to question the myth of social salvation through schooling as it was three hundred years ago to question the divine rights of the Catholic kings. + +# School the sacred cow + +Only if we understand the school system as the central myth-making ritual of industrial societies can we explain the deep need for it, the complex myth surrounding it, and the inextricable way in which schooling is tied into the self-image of contemporary man. A graduation speech at the University of Puerto Rico in Rio Piedras provided me with an opportunity to probe this relationship. + +This is a time of crisis in the institution of the school, a crisis which may mark the end of the “age of schooling” in the Western world. I speak of the “age of schooling” in the sense in which we are accustomed to speak of the “feudal age” or of the “ Christian era.” The “age of schooling” began about two hundred years ago. Gradually the idea grew that schooling was a necessary means of becoming a useful member of society. It is the task of this generation to bury that myth. + +Your own situation is paradoxical. At the end and as a result of your studies, you are enabled to see that the education your children deserve, and will demand, requires a revolution in the school system of which you are a product. + +The graduation rite that we solemnly celebrate today confirms the prerogatives which Puerto Rican society, by means of a costly system of subsidized public schools, confers upon the sons and daughters of its most privileged citizens. You are part of the most privileged 10 per cent of your generation, part of that minuscule group which has completed university studies. Public investment in each of you is fifteen times the educational investment in the average member of the poorest 10 per cent of the population, who drops out of school before completing the fifth grade. + +The certificate you receive today attests to the legitimacy of your competence. It is not available to the self-educated, to those who have acquired competence by means not officially recognized in Puerto Rico. The programs of the University of Puerto Rico are all duly accredited by the Middle States Association of Colleges and Secondary Schools. + +The degree which the university today confers upon you implies that over the last sixteen years or more your elders have obliged you to submit yourselves, voluntarily or involuntarily, to the discipline of this complex scholastic rite. You have in fact been daily attendants, five days a week, nine months a year, within the sacred precinct of the school and have continued such attendance year after year, usually without interruption. Governmental and industrial employees and the professional associations have good reasons to believe that you will not subvert the order to which you have faithfully submitted in the course of completing your “rites of initiation.” + +Much of your youth has been spent within the custody of the school. It is expected that you will now go forth to work, to guarantee to future generations the privileges conferred upon you. + +Puerto Rico is the only society in the Western Hemisphere to devote 30 per cent of its governmental budget to education. It is one of six places in the world which devote between 6 and 7 per cent of national income to education. The schools of Puerto Rico cost more and provide more employment than any other public sector. In no other social activity is so large a proportion of the total population of Puerto Rico involved. + +A huge number of people are observing this occasion on television . Its solemnity will, on the one hand, confirm their sense of educational inferiority and, on the other, raise their hopes, largely doomed to disappointment, of one day themselves receiving a university degree. + +Puerto Rico has been schooled. I don’t say educated but, rather, schooled. Puerto Ricans can no longer conceive of life without reference to the school. The desire for education has actually given way to the compulsion of schooling. Puerto Rico has adopted a new religion. Its doctrine is that education is a product of the school, a product which can be defined by numbers. There are the numbers which indicate how many years a student has spent under the tutelage of teachers, and others which represent the proportion of his correct answers in an examination. Upon the receipt of a diploma the educational product acquires a market value. School attendance in itself thus guarantees inclusion in the membership of disciplined consumers of the technocracy —just as in past times church attendance guaranteed membership in the community of saints. From governor to jíbaro, Puerto Rico now accepts the ideology of its teachers as it once accepted the theology of its priests. The school is now identified with education as the church once was with religion. + +Today’s agencies of accreditation are reminiscent of the royal patronage formerly accorded the Church. Federal support of education now parallels yesterday’s royal donations to the Church. The power of the diploma has grown so rapidly in Puerto Rico that the poor blame their misery on precisely the lack of that which assures to you, today’s graduates, participation in society’s privileges and powers. + +Research shows that twice as many high school graduates in Puerto Rico as in the States want to pursue university studies; while the probability of graduating from college for the Puerto Rican high school graduate is much lower than it would be in the States. This widening discrepancy between aspirations and resources can result only in a deepening frustration among the inhabitants of the Island. + +The later a Puerto Rican child drops out of school the more keenly does he feel his failure. Contrary to popular opinion, increasing emphasis on schooling has actually increased class conflict in Puerto Rico, and has also increased the sense of inferiority which Puerto Ricans suffer in relation to the United States. + +Upon your generation falls the obligation of developing for Puerto Rico an educational process radically different from that of the present and independent of the example of other societies. It is yours to question whether Puerto Rico really wants to transform itself irrevocably into a passive product of the teaching profession. It is yours to decide whether you will subject your children to a school that seeks respectability in North American accreditation, its justification in the qualification of the labor force, and its function in permitting the children of the middle class to keep up with the Joneses of Westchester County, New York. + +The real sacred cow in Puerto Rico is the school. Proponents of commonwealth, statehood, and independence all take it for granted. Actually, none of these political alternatives can liberate a Puerto Rico which continues to put its primary faith in schooling. Thus, if this generation wants the true liberation of Puerto Rico, it will have to invent educational alternatives which put an end to the “age of schooling.” This will be a difficult task. Schooling has developed a formidable folklore. The begowned academic professors whom we have witnessed today evoke the ancient procession of clerics and little angels on the day of Corpus Christi. The Church, holy, catholic, apostolic, is rivaled by the school, accredited, compulsory, untouchable, universal . Alma Mater has replaced Mother Church. The power of the school to rescue the denizen of the slum is as the power of the Church to save the Muslim Moor from hell. (Gehenna meant both slum and hell in Hebrew.) The difference between Church and school is mainly that the rites of the school have now become much more rigorous and onerous than were the rites of the Church in the worst days of the Spanish Inquisition. + +The school has become the established church of secular times. The modern school had its origins in the impulse toward universal schooling, which began two centuries ago as an attempt to incorporate everyone into the industrial state. In the industrial metropolis the school was the integrating institution. In the colonies the school inculcated the dominant classes with the values of the imperial power and confirmed in the masses their sense of inferiority to this schooled elite. Neither the nation nor the industry of the precybernetic era can be imagined without universal baptism into the school. The dropout of this era corresponds to the lapsed marrano of eleventh-century Spain. + +We have, I hope, outlived the era of the industrial state. We shall not live long, in any case, if we do not replace the anachronism of national sovereignty, industrial autarchy, and cultural narcissism—which are combined into a stew of leftovers by the schools. Only within their sacred precincts could such old potage be served to young Puerto Ricans. + +I hope that your grandchildren will live in an Island where the majority give as little importance to attending class as is now given to attending the Mass. We are still far from this day and I hope that you will take the responsibility for bringing it to pass without fear of being damned as heretics, subversives, or ungrateful creatures. It may comfort you to know that those who undertake the same responsibility in socialist lands will be similarly denounced. + +Many controversies divide our Puerto Rican society. Natural resources are threatened by industrialization, the cultural heritage is adulterated by commercialization, dignity is subverted by publicity, imagination by the violence which characterizes the mass media. Each of these is a theme for extensive public debate. There are those who want less industry, less English, and less Coca-Cola, and those who want more. All agree that Puerto Rico needs many more schools. + +This is not to say that education is not discussed in Puerto Rico. Quite the contrary. It would be difficult to find a society whose political and industrial leaders are as concerned with education . They all want more education, directed toward the sector which they represent. These controversies merely serve, however , to strengthen public opinion in the scholastic ideology which reduces education to a combination of classrooms, curricula , funds, examinations, and grades. + +I expect that by the end of this century, what we now call school will be a historical relic, developed in the time of the railroad and the private automobile and discarded along with them. I feel sure that it will soon be evident that the school is as marginal to education as the witch doctor is to public health. + +A divorce of education from schooling is, in my opinion, already on the way, speeded by three forces: the Third World, the ghettos, and the universities. Among the nations of the Third World, schooling discriminates against the majority and disqualifies the self-educated. Many members of the “black” ghettos see the schools as a “whitening” agent. Protesting university students tell us that school bores them and stands between them and reality. These are caricatures, no doubt, but the mythology of schooling makes it difficult to perceive the underlying realities. + +The criticism today’s students are making of their teachers is as fundamental as that which their grandfathers made of the clergy. The divorce of education from schooling has its model in the demythologizing of the church. We fight now, in the name of education, against a teaching profession which unwillingly constitutes an economic interest, as in times past the reformers fought against a clergy which was, often unwillingly, a part of the ancient power elite. Participation in a “production system ,” of no matter what kind, has always threatened the prophetic function of the Church as it now threatens the educational function of the school. + +School protest has deeper causes than the pretexts enunciated by its leaders. These, although frequently political, are expressed as demands for various reforms of the system. They would never have gained mass support, however, if students had not lost faith and respect in the institution which nurtured them. Student strikes reflect a profound intuition widely shared among the younger generation: the intuition that schooling has vulgarized education, that the school has become anti-educational and anti-social, as in other epochs the Church has become anti-Christian or Israel idolatrous. This intuition can, I believe, be explicitly and briefly formulated. + +The protest of some students today is analogous to the dissidence of those charismatic leaders without whom the Church would never have been reformed: their prophecies led to martyrdom , their theological insights to their persecutions as heretics, their saintly activity often led to the stake. The prophet is always accused of subversion, the theologian of irreverence, and the saint is written off as crazy. + +The Church has always depended for its vitality upon the sensitivity of its bishops to the appeals of the faithful, who see the rigidity of the ritual as an obstacle to their faith. The churches, incapable of dialogue between their ruling clerics and their dissidents, have become museum pieces, and this could easily happen with the school system of today. It is easier for the university to attribute dissidence to ephemeral causes than to attribute this dissidence to a profound alienation of the students from the school. It is also easier for student leaders to operate with political slogans than to launch basic attacks upon sacred cows. The university that accepts the challenge of its dissident students and helps them to formulate in a rational and coherent manner the anxiety they feel because they are rejecting schooling exposes itself to the danger of being ridiculed for its supposed credulity. The student leader who tries to promote in his companions the consciousness of a profound aversion to their school (not to education itself) finds that he creates a level of anxiety which few of his followers care to face. + +The university has to learn to distinguish between sterile criticism of scholastic authority and a call for the conversion of the school to the educational purposes for which it was founded, between destructive fury and the demand for radically new forms of education—scarcely conceivable by minds formed in the scholastic tradition; between, on the one hand, cynicism which seeks new benefits for the already privileged and, on the other, Socratic sarcasm, which questions the educational efficacy of accepted forms of instruction in which the institution is investing its major resources. It is necessary, in other words, to distinguish between the alienated mob and profound protest based on rejection of the school as a symbol of the status quo. + +In no other place in Latin America has investment in education , demand for education, and information about education, increased so rapidly as in Puerto Rico. There is no place, therefore , in which members of your generation could begin the search for a new style of public education so readily as in Puerto Rico. It is up to you to get us back, recognizing that the generations which preceded you were misled in their efforts to achieve social equality by means of universal compulsory schooling. + +In Puerto Rico three of every ten students drop out of school before finishing the sixth grade. This means that only one of every two children, from families with less than the median income , completes the elementary school. Thus half of all Puerto Rican parents are under a sad illusion if they believe that their children have more than an outside chance of entering the university. + +Public funds for education go directly to the schools, without students having any control of them. The political justification for this practice is that it gives everyone equal access to the classroom. However, the high cost of this type of education, dictated by educators trained largely outside Puerto Rico, makes a public lie of the concept of equal access. Public schools may benefit all of the teachers but benefit mainly the few students who reach the upper levels of the system. It is precisely our insistence on direct financing of the “free school” that causes this concentration of scarce resources on benefits for the children of the few. + +I believe that every Puerto Rican has the right to receive an equal part of the educational budget. This is something very different and much more concrete than the mere promise of a place in the school. I believe, for example, that a young thirteen-year -old who has had only four years of schooling has much more right to the remaining educational resources than students of the same age who have had eight years of schooling. The more “disadvantaged” a citizen is, the more he needs a guarantee of his right. + +If in Puerto Rico it were decided to honor this right, then the free school would immediately have to be abandoned. The annual quota of each person of school age would obviously not support a year of schooling, at present costs. The insufficiency would, of course, be even more dramatic if the total educational budget for all levels were divided among the population from six to twenty-five years of age, the period between kindergarten and graduate studies, to which all Puerto Ricans supposedly have free access. + +These facts leave us three options: leave the system as it is, at the cost of justice and conscience; use the available funds exclusively to assure free schooling to children whose parents earn less than the median income; or use the available public resources to offer to all the education that an equal share of these resources could assure to each. The better-off could, of course, supplement this amount and might continue to offer their children the doubtful privilege of participating in the process which you are completing today. The poor would certainly use their share to acquire an education more efficiently and at lower cost. + +The same choices apply, a fortiori, to other parts of Latin America where frequently not more than $20.00 a year in public funds would be available for each child if the 20 per cent of tax receipts now destined for education were distributed equally to all children who should be in school under existing laws. This amount could never pay for a year of conventional schooling. It would however be enough to provide a good many children and adults with one month of intensive education year after year. It would also be enough to finance the distribution of educational games leading to skills with numbers, letters, and logical symbols . And to sponsor successive periods of intensive apprenticeship . In Northeast Brazil, Paulo Freire (who was forced to leave the country) showed us that with a single investment of this amount he was able to educate 25 per cent of an illiterate population to the point where they could do functional reading. But this, as he made clear, was only possible when his literacy program could focus on the key words that are politically controversial within a community. + +My suggestions may mortify many. But it is from the great positivists and liberals that we inherited the principle of using public funds for the administration of schools directed by professional educators; just as, previously, tithes had been given to the Church to be administered by priests. It remains for you to fight the free public school in the name of true equality of educational opportunity. I admire the courage of those of you willing to enter this fight. + +Youth wants educational institutions that provide them with education. They neither want nor need to be mothered, to be certified, or to be indoctrinated. It is difficult, obviously, to get an education from a school that refuses to educate without requiring that its students submit simultaneously to custodial care, sterile competition, and indoctrination. It is difficult, obviously, to finance a teacher who is at the same time regarded as guardian, umpire, counselor, and curriculum manager. It is uneconomical to combine these functions in one institution. It is precisely the fusion of these four functions, frequently antithetical , which raises the cost of education acquired in school. This is also the source of our chronic shortage of educational resources. It is up to you to create institutions that offer education to all at a cost within the limits of public resources. + +Only when Puerto Rico has psychologically outgrown the school will it be able to finance education for all, and only then will truly efficient, non-scholastic forms of education find acceptance . Meanwhile, these new forms of education will have to be designed as provisional means of compensating for the failures of the schools. In order to create new forms of education, we will have to demonstrate alternatives to the school that offer preferable options to students, teachers, and taxpayers. + +There is no intrinsic reason why the education that schools are now failing to provide could not be acquired more successfully in the setting of the family, of work and communal activity, in new kinds: of libraries and other centers that would provide the means of learning. But the institutional forms that education will take in tomorrow’s society cannot be clearly visualized, either could any of the great reformers anticipate concretely the institutional styles that would result from their reforms. The fear that new institutions will be imperfect, in their turn, does not jusify our servile acceptance of present ones. + +This plea to imagine a Puerto Rico without schools must, for many of you, come as a surprise. It is precisely for surprise that true education prepares us. The purpose of public education should be no less fundamental than the purpose of the Church, although the purpose of the latter is more explicit. The basic purpose of public education should be to create a situation in which society obliges each individual to take stock of himself and his poverty. Education implies a growth of an independent sense of life and a relatedness which go hand in hand with increased access to, and use of, memories stored in the human community. The educational institution provides the focus for this process. This presupposes a place within the society in which each of us is awakened by surprise; a place of encounter in which others surprise me with their liberty and make me aware of my own. The university itself, if it is to be worthy of its traditions , must be an institution whose purposes are identified with the exercise of liberty, whose autonomy is based on public confidence in the use of that liberty. + +My friends, it is your task to surprise yourselves, and us, with the education you succeed in inventing for your children. Our hope of salvation lies in our being surprised by the Other. Let us learn always to receive further surprises. I decided long ago to hope for surprises until the final act of my life—that is to say, in death itself. + +# Sexual power and political potency + +In urban areas of Latin America, at least one of four pregnancies terminates in abortion. In many inner city districts the rate is even higher. At the end of their childbearing age, at least two women in five have braved serious damage to their health, disrepute, and often gruesome guilt to avoid the birth of another child. All this happens in a culture in which common law marriage and illegitimate births approach and even exceed church marriages or legitimate births, and no stigma comparable to that known in the Anglo-Saxon world attaches to either. It also happens in a culture where other people’s abandoned children are easily welcomed for upbringing in one’s own family, without any formality. Evidently a lot of people do not want to have any more children. + +Most of these abortions are performed by midwives, herb-doctors and witches, except in Uruguay and Argentina, where many doctors volunteer their illegal services even to the poor. Abortion is by far the most frequent cause of death among young women. These women need an alternative to the present situation. + +The conditions for increased carnage are favorable. Enough girls have already been born to insure a doubling of women of childbearing age in the very early eighties. Neither development nor revolution can prevent growing misery for an exploding and hungry population, which drifts into abulia and passivity. It would be misleading to tell a woman seeking an abortion that a rosy future is on the horizon for her child. + +But also, where can politicians afford to take a strong, positive stand for either birth control or legal abortion? Only a strong-man could afford simultaneously to dare traditional Catholics who speak about sin, communists who want to out-breed the U.S. imperialists and nationalists who speak about colonizing vast unsettled expanses. + +The major change in public policy must be initiated at the grass roots. Present programs, semi-clandestine, try to gain acceptance for birth control among the common people. I suggest that a major campaign demanding clear population policies should rise from the grass roots. In the following article, I explain why this campaign must be coupled with a major effort leading to critically increased political awareness. This was originally a speech given at a meeting of population experts in 1967. Since it has frequently been quoted, I have left it unchanged, fully aware that my attempt to be compact makes it difficult reading. + +This speech was given some months before publication of the notorious papal encyclical on birth control. I had hoped that the Pope would speak, but wagered that he would keep silent. I lost my wager, and was disappointed. I had hoped that the Pope would speak about the ambiguity of technology, as well as the need for a more intense consciousness and love on the part of men forced by circumstances to use that technology. I had hoped that the Pope would make all men face the fact that lowered infant mortality must be accompanied by equally lowered birth rates, if we wanted to avoid widespread de-humanization, and that we were obligated as Christians to restrain self reproduction. The results of modern hygiene’s fostering physical life must be countered by the the use of modern hygiene to check its cancerous growth. + +Instead the Pope came out with a document written in dead, juridical language, a document into which one can read all this, but one which lacks courage, is in bad taste, and takes the initiative away from Rome in the attempt to lead modern men in Christian humanism. This is sad. + +In Latin America the population is exploding. The citizenry of Mexico is doubled every eighteen years, that of Brazil every seventeen, and that of Peru every twenty. A swelling of the lower age groups is occurring in countries where, even now, two-thirds of youth cannot complete an elementary education. The result of this is not only inferior education for the great majority, but also the growing awareness of the adult masses that they are being excluded from all the key institutions of middle class society. The brief education they receive is, in the long run, an education in dissatisfaction. + +Birth control programs in Latin America generally fail because they stress the fear of poverty rather than the joy of life. An individual may employ contraception as the only defense against imminent misery—or he can choose it as a constructive means for a more human life. But there is nothing constructive in the present message of family planning. It is addressed to the same audience as the TV commercial and billboard advertising: the minority that is moving into the middle class. Today’s clients for consumer goods and contraceptives in Mexico and Brazil form an odd and a marginal lot; they are the very few who will allow their sexual patterns to be affected by an appeal involving constant consumption and material advancement. + +Success in modern schools, in modern jobs, or at modern sex seem related. Such success remains the privilege of a minority in Latin America. Although this minority is drawn from all strata of society, it is selected from those “achievers” who know how to maintain the growth rate of their personal income above the national average. And this class of strivers surges into political power, providing further privilege to those already on their way to affluence. Even if family planning were practiced by this small group, it would have little impact on the over-all population growth. The “others” (which in Latin America means most) remain excluded from an equal opportunity to plan their families. Like the legal provisions for social, educational, and political equality, opportunities for the poor to practice birth control are but a mockery. + +Within the present political and social context, it is impossible to induce the majority of the people to adopt birth control. Neither seduction nor current efforts at education work. To seduce effectively, the marketing of birth control would have to become more aggressive: twenty-five dollars offered for the insertion of each coil, one hundred dollars for each sterilization. To educate effectively, governments would be promoting their own subversion through sudden and widespread adult education. For it is clear that the education that enables adults to formulate their own dissent risks the loss of all constraints on freedom and imagination. + +The double failure of seduction and education is based on a discrepancy between the new message and the style of life common to Latin America’s peasant majorities. For most, the idea that sexual technique can prevent conception is incredible; but even less credible to them is the idea that such techniques will produce personal affluence. Both claims seem to invoke magic. Further, the style by which this magical remedy is pushed has an odious smell. It evokes a rich establishment solicitous of teaching the poor how not to reproduce their like. + +Even the approach to the individual is frequently brash, involving the tragic moment in a woman’s life when, as an alternative to the next abortion, she has become a receptive victim for initiation into the mystery of contraception. Claim, style, and method put the accent on protection against life rather than freedom for it. No wonder they fail. + +To be attractive, family planning would have to be embraced as a way to express a deeper sense of life rather than be used as a mere protection against evil. + +The appeal to magic, myth, and mystery must be dropped by both the proponents and the opponents of contraception. Obviously this is not easy. The vision of increasing world poverty overwhelms the imagination, and the creation of a myth is one way to escape unbearable anguish. The transformation of hungry persons into a mythical corporate enemy is as old as mankind, but so is the illusion that we can manage the myths we have made. + +Once the “poor” have been reduced to a faceless river reaching the high-water mark on a statistical table, birth control campaigns can be credited with magical power and invoked to conjure away further flooding. Such programs give the impression that individuals should recognize themselves as drops in a swelling tide, so that each can do his best to reduce his kind. Not surprisingly, nobody does. + +Only professors can delude themselves into the belief that men can be prodded to take for their personal motives in family planning the possibly valid policy reasons of the economist and the sociologist. One’s vital behavior is always beyond the reach of a decision made by others. + +Populations are mindless: they can be managed but not motivated. Only persons can make up their minds; and the more they make up their minds, the less they can be controlled. People who freely decide to control their own fertility have new motivations or aspirations to political control. It is clear that responsible parenthood cannot be separated from the quest for power in politics. Programs that aim at such goals are unwelcome under the military governments prevailing in South America, and such programs are not the kind usually financed by the United States. + +The development of Latin America as a Western colony requires massive schooling for children, to fit them passively into the acceptance of an ideology that keeps them “democratically” in place. Political order cannot tolerate too much awareness or originality or risk. The kind of education of adults that is analytical and dialectic leads inevitably to a liberation from taboos. Idols cannot be knocked off selectively; the kind of adult education that is aimed at dethroning some idols dethrones them all and is always politically subversive. + +Kindred insights usually reinforce each other. The awareness that sex does not have to lead to unwanted motherhood provokes another concept: the insight that economic survival does not have to breed political exploitation. The freedom of the mate and of the citizen lead over the same road. Each taboo left behind means one obstacle less in the change from the social conditions that make all idols necessary. + +All those who will give birth before 1984 are now in life. For each I ask: Will this child become a passive object, manipulated and sated by a technological milieu that encroaches on his feelings ? Or will this child grow into a man who shares in the responsibility for a set of social trends? Will demographers trim his sex patterns to fit the planned population curve, just as industrial designers fit his job behavior to investment needs? Or will his move from the subsistence farm to a sprawling city increase his conscious control over his own life history? + +In other words, will the city swallow his life? Or will he live with deeper freedom in the city? This is the question for 300 millions. Two-thirds of the 200-odd million inhabitants of America, below the Rio Grande, now are considered “rural.” Yet less than 35 per cent of the 350 millions expected in the next generation will make a living from agriculture. Most of those now alive—or those to be born during the next fifteen years—are existing in a world where mind, mores, and myth are rooted in a rural past. This means they come from a milieu in which personal success depends on the struggle for scarce resources, say, limited land, and where survival of one’s group had to be ensured by massive procreation against high mortality. Peasants value possession , tradition, and multiple fertility. This taste finds expression in their style of language, symbol, ideology, and religion. + +Peasants’ culture provides categories that endow even extreme rural privation with dignity. The individual who moves to the city loses this powerful hereditary tool, and awareness and acceptance of this loss becomes a condition for survival. This requires a change in each man: a change both of behavior and of personal bearings. + +This necessary change in behavior is the sum total of the change in the many strains of conduct that, like the strands of a rope, make up a human life. Each change in a man’s actions (on the job, in the street, or with his girl friend) is the fruit of his personal insight. Either it has freed him for the invention of a new habit, or it has resulted in his deadening submission to the new rhythm of the city. + +Even more revolutionary than change behavior, however, are the new moorings the personality must find in the city. Urbanization for the individual means the search for new bearings in a world that assigns new coordinates to his most intimate feelings and drives. Character forces are given new labels and new slogans, and symbols are attached to them, to fit them into a new ideology. + +The city, like any other engineered product, is sold to the newcomer with a set of instructions for its use. These instructions mystify the non-believer, the man who has not subscribed to the prevailing beliefs. This city creed has many dogmas. It prizes a medically protracted span of life, scholastic performance and certification, continued advancement and achievement on the job. Production and consumption become measuring sticks for most values, including fertility. + +Change in behavior, change in bearings, and change in belief go hand in hand. Only the few capable of this triple change can elbow their way into the tiny islands of affluence. + +Within this context, high consumption combined with high fertility is a luxury that few can afford. These few, quite often, are not the old bourgeois, but couples who by good luck rose quickly and established themselves. For most families the speed of social climb depends upon tight control of family size. + +The lifelong discipline demanded by such control is hard on any adolescent raised in a hut, untrained as he is for silent deference to the humdrum of schooling, or the monotony of an office, or docility toward clock and schedule. A rare combination of character, circumstances, and peers is necessary to teach a peasant the set of disciplines by which he alone can ensure his climb to the upper reaches of city, business, or family life. The city is a much better selector than teacher. + +The personality structure or character that makes for a child’s success in school ensures the passing of those who will also fit the corporate structure in the modern city. Those labeled by a certificate and outfitted with a car are presumably those most suited to take the needed precautions to lower their fertility and raise their insurance. The proven correlation of high schooling and low fertility is usually interpreted as a result of a schooling that renders pupils capable of using technical know-how, such as contraceptives. Actually the contrary is probable: schools select those already inclined toward such technical know-how. This is much more true in countries where grammar schools are selective and by that selection exclude more individuals than they accept. + +Let me explain: the height of a social pyramid in Kansas and Caracas is about the same. What is different, north and south, is its shape. At best, three men out of one hundred in Caracas take the path corresponding to high school graduation, the family car, private health insurance and corresponding hygiene. I suggest that we distinguish between those who were lifted onto this level by birth and privilege and those who climbed there. These latter are much more carefully selected in Caracas than in Kansas. The steeper the pyramid, the more successfully it bars weakly motivated climbers who would barely even amble to the top of a slightly slanted incline. Those who scale the narrow and steep passage to success in Caracas must be sustained by more common drives and aims than those who are pushed up the broad flight of stairs of the United States college. + +We are frequently reminded that family planning was adopted rapidly by certain ethnic groups, for example, Puerto Ricans in New York. Fertility of the entire group declined suddenly as the group moved to the city. This is true of those who made up their minds to go to New York and then “made it” there: those who moved out of Harlem, through school and into jobs that pay more than $7,000 annually. They are the ones who survived the police, drugs, discrimination, and welfare. Indeed, they rose faster than any ethnic group before them, and their fertility, too, fell faster. + +Similar groups of leapfrog immigrants to affluence can be spotted all over Latin America. Their members tend to join the Lions Club, Knights of Columbus, the Christian Family movement , and other clubs that allow them to organize for further privilege for their kind. “The Association for the Protection of the Middle Classes” recently formed by Esso employees in Caracas is a good example of their tactics. But the fact that members of such groups do control their fertility is no proof that contraception is, even partially, a result of a more comfortable life. It means more probably that at present in Latin America only a few can be bewitched by the mirage of affluence. + +It is revealing that fertility among the United States poor, particularly in the black ghetto, remains near Latin American levels. The common element is not some numerical indicator but a mood. In the United States ghetto, economic averages have been reached that are out of sight for our generation in Latin America. Per capita income, years of schooling, expenditure on health, printed pages read per person—all are beyond the healthy aspiration of 80 per cent of all Peruvians or Colombians, for example. But both here and there, political participation is low, power is limited, and the mood bleak. For the United States Negro the signs pointing to integration and affluence have led all too often to a dead-end street. + +During the last two years, the United States public has begun, very rapidly, to sympathize with the Negro sentiment against birth control in the ghetto. It is more shocking that the same public considers the poor overseas less sensitive and more gullible than those at home. More free advice in Brazil is supposed to turn the same trick that failed in the United States ghetto. A rebuff at home is to be taken seriously. That same rebuff overseas can be written off as folly and hysteria. + +Last year in Brazil the Roman Catholic bishops and the communists combined to arouse public indignation against supposed favors extended by the military government to missionaries who import U.S.-produced “serpents” into Amazonia. The serpentinas (coils) were to be “put into women” to render them sterile and to make Amazonia fit for colonization by Negroes imported from the United States, it was said. + +The population expert bred around the North Atlantic easily interprets this as an outburst of sick imagination, rather than a symbolic protest against the United States serpent, soliciting tropical Eve to taste the apple of affluence. The economist, the planner, and the doctor tacitly assume that all men are compulsive consumers and achievers yearning for well-paid jobs and wishing themselves in the shoes of those who have made it with fewer babies and more things. Such reasoning is based on a presumed “law of human nature,” but that presumption is at least as spurious as that preached by the Catholics. Too often missionaries condescendingly see their own idiosyncrasies as other peoples’ natures. + +Current American conversation in English about population unwittingly promotes an “imperialist” bias. I suggest that we awaken to this bias and handle it as an acceptable variable in policy making. But equally I suggest that we beware of joining in the controversy over sin, usually conducted in Latin, or in the conspiracy to outbreed the paleface, which sounds Chinese. + +Only for a minority in Caracas or São Paulo could having a small family pay off immediately in higher living standards. For some 90 per cent, a meaningful improvement of such standards through birth control is beyond even their own temporal horizon. Most “constructive” reasons peddled to this majority for family control, therefore, are deceptive. They usually imply a subtle indoctrination of “middle class values.” Acceptance of these values should forestall revolution against them. He who has learned to see wealth as the key sign of success, and children the major obstacle to growing rich, might now blame his children for his poverty. Few do, of course, because the argument is outrageous and also untrue. + +To obtain the unreasoned assent of the majority all kinds of programs are launched, most of them emphasizing immediate economic gain for the individual: direct rewards for each contraceptive treatment; oblique favors to small families; subtle, persuasive nudges connecting rising levels of expectation with low fertility. None works well enough. Why? + +The fear of unattainable affluence does not intimidate the traditionally poor, just as the appeal to Hell has hardly influenced the sexual behavior of devout Catholics. In any case, it is cynical to expect them to forgo present enjoyment for the sake of a paradise that is open to others but is beyond, and will remain beyond, their reach. Nowhere do people breed according to White House policies or the Pope’s commands. Socioeconomic “reasons” and moral codes are equally ineffective in introducing contraceptives. The use of ideology to push or oppose family planning is always a call to idolatry and, therefore, anti-human. + +Ideology can arouse in some persons regressive forces and lead them to the use of contraceptives. Ideology can justify the desire for money, resentment, envy, unwillingness to share, the fear of risk, or the desire to keep up with whatever Joneses. Ideology can explain these tendencies as contributions to political stability and productivity. But such reasoned sex control works only with a few, and they are strange and sick; their ideological motivations more frequently lead to irresponsible aggression than to discipline. Birth control is sold to the great majority under false pretenses; for them, it is a blind alley to enrichment and there it does not decrease fertility. The use of ideology to motivate individual behavior then is not only inhuman but it is also a fallacious policy. In such private matters, an appeal to patriotism, public spirit, or religion is usually a good excuse—but rarely a good reason. + +For example, let me compare the documented failure of teachers to turn out readers to the failure of welfare agencies to teach contraception. Teachers try to convince Juanito that he should want to read in order to be able to know, and work, and vote. But Juanito wants none of this, and there is no reason why he should. Reading will hardly lead to college unless he gets help from an uncle who is already there. And his vote in Latin America today is certainly less meaningful than ten years ago when the Alliance for Progress began. The one argument that might convince Juanito to stay in school is the need for a certificate that is supposed to open the door to a job—many years later. + +People learn complex skills best if this process of learning affords the learner an opportunity to give clear shape to feelings of images that already exist in his heart. Only he who discovers the help of written words in order to face his fears and make them fade, and the power of words to seize his feelings and give them form, will want to dig deeper into other people’s writing. The mere ability to decipher the written message will only lead indoctrinated masses to submit to instruction by schools and for factories, and at best enable them thereafter to use their leisure time to escape into cheap pulp-reading or make out the dubbed versions of foreign films. + +Health workers tend to proceed very much like the teachers, except that they suggest that a pessary rather than a book will serve as the flying carpet into the better life. The product of the druggist, the stationer and the witch are used in the same style. Therefore, women who just swallow contraception are not better off than those who submit to print, or trust love potions or, superstitiously, Saint Anthony. + +Schools succeed, at high cost, in producing literacy in a few children: only one out of four, in all of Latin America, go beyond the sixth grade. Welfare clinics have equally modest results in teaching adults contraception: only one out of four who seek advice ceases bearing children. Both agencies help to maintain the mold and the fold of the West. An economic comparison of school and clinic speaks for a shift of resources from literacy to birth control. On a short-term basis (let us say over fifteen years) the savings to a nation from one prevented life is much greater than the rise in productivity resulting from one schooled child. + +Classroom and clinic both select better than they teach. If their combined budget were cut, it would probably not very significantly affect over-all fertility. But such a cut in favor of other programs cannot be taken into consideration unless it is understood to what degree the present school and health programs are politically necessary. + +Latin American society is regarded as barren even by some of its utopian dreamers. Even educational reformers speak and act as if teachers on this continent are unable to bring forth something truly new in education. Whenever effective adult education programs are conceived and grow and threaten tradition, they are declared spurious and either aborted or ridiculed. Certainly large-scale programs are never financed, the excuse being that on such a scale the methods proposed for them have never been proven. + +Military governments must fear Socrates: he must be jailed, exiled, ridiculed, or driven underground. Few great, popular, and respected Latin American teachers are employed in their own countries. If such men join the government, the Church, or an international agency, they will be threatened by corruption through compromise. + +There is a profound difference in the character of those who participate in Latin American educational structures, and this difference makes it difficult for North Americans to understand the reasons fundamental education is both more important and more dangerous in South America than it is in the ghetto. In Latin America the political establishment consists of the less than 3 per cent of heads of family who have graduated from secondary school. For this minority, any massive involvement of the unschooled in political argument threatens a profound change. Therefore programs that might ultimately promote such involvement are either written off as self-defeating demagoguery, or quelled, quite understandably, as incitement to riot. Certainly they are not financed. + +The prevailing uneven distribution of schooling is usually considered a major obstacle to the spread of technological know-how and to effective political participation. Huge increases of school budgets for children are recommended as the one way of spreading political power and technological know-how, including contraception. This policy, in my opinion, rests on three erroneous assumptions: an overestimation of the educational efficiency of schools; an unrealistic expectation that a geometric increase of resources for schooling could ever become feasible; and a lack of confidence in the educational value of politically oriented education. + +Paulo Freire, the exiled Brazilian educator, has shown that about 15 per cent of the illiterate adult population of any village can be taught to read and write in six weeks, and at a cost comparable to a fraction of one school year for a child. An additional 15 per cent can learn the same but more slowly. For that purpose he asks his team to prepare in each village a list of words that have the greatest intensity of meaning. Usually these words relate to politics and are, therefore, a focus of controversy. His literacy sessions are organized around the analysis of the chosen words. The persons attracted by this literacy program are mostly those with political potential. We must assume that they are interested in dialogue and that learning to read and write its key words means for them a step to carry their political participation to new levels of intensity and effectiveness. + +Obviously such education is selective. So are our present schools. The difference is that political potential makes the written page the place of encounter for the potentially subversive elements in society, rather than making it a sieve through which to pass those children who prove tolerant to compliance and qualified failure. Freire’s alumni consume a diet that is different from the pulp and trash on which dropouts feed. + +I will never forget an evening with Freire’s pupils, hungry peasants in Sergipe, in early 1964. One man got up, struggled for words and finally put into one utterance the argument I want to make in this article: “I could not sleep last night … because last evening I wrote my name … and I understood that I am I … this means that we are responsible.” + +Responsible citizenship and responsible parenthood go hand in hand. Both are the result of an experienced relatedness of the self to others. The discipline of spontaneous behavior is effective, creative, and sustained only if it is accepted with other people in mind. The decision to act as responsible mate and parent implies participation in political life and acceptance of the discipline this demands. Today in Brazil this means readiness for revolutionary struggle. + +In this perspective, my suggestion to orient large-scale formal educational programs for adults intensively toward family planning implies a commitment in favor of a political education. The struggle for political liberation and popular participation in Latin America can be rooted in new depth and awareness if it will spring from the recognition that, even in the most intimate domains of life, modern man must accept technology as a condition . Conducted in this style, education to modem parenthood could become a powerful form of agitation to help an uprooted mass grow into “people.” + +# Planned poverty the end result of technical assistance + +At the beginning of the second development decade, at the time the “Pearson Report” was presented to Robert McNamara, it seemed important to discuss alternatives to the current notions of development, which, though based on supposedly irrefutable evidence, actually concealed highly questionable presuppositions. + +It is now common to demand that the rich nations convert their war machine into a program for the development of the Third World. The poorer four-fifths of humanity multiply unchecked while their per capita consumption actually declines. This population expansion and decrease of consumption threaten the industrialized nations, who may still, as a result, convert their defense budgets to the economic pacification of poor nations. And this in turn could produce irreversible despair, because the plows of the rich can do as much harm as their swords. United States trucks can do more lasting damage than United States tanks. It is easier to create mass demand for the former than for the latter. Only a minority needs heavy weapons, while a majority can become dependent on unrealistic levels of supply for such productive machines as modern trucks. Once the Third World has become a mass market for the goods, products, and processes which are designed by the rich for themselves, the discrepancy between demand for these Western artifacts and the supply will increase indefinitely. The family car cannot drive the poor into the jet age, nor can a school system provide the poor with education, nor can the family refrigerator ensure healthy food for them. + +It is evident that only one man in a thousand in Latin America can afford a Cadillac, a heart operation, or a Ph.D. This restriction on the goals of development does not make us despair of the fate of the Third World, and the reason is simple. We have not yet come to conceive of a Cadillac as necessary for good transportation , or of a heart operation as normal healthy care, or of a Ph.D. as the prerequisite of an acceptable education. In fact we recognize at once that the importation of Cadillacs should be heavily taxed in Peru, that an organ transplant clinic is a scandalous plaything to justify the concentration of more doctors in Bogotá, and that a betatron is beyond the teaching facilities of the University of São Paulo. + +Unfortunately it is not held to be universally evident that the majority of Latin Americans—not only of our generation, but also of the next and the next again—cannot afford any kind of automobile, or any kind of hospitalization, or for that matter an elementary school education. We suppress our consciousness of this obvious reality because we hate to recognize the corner into which our imagination has been pushed. So persuasive is the power of the institutions we have created that they shape not only our preferences, but actually our sense of possibilities. We have forgotten how to speak about modern transportation that does not rely on automobiles and airplanes. Our conceptions of modern health care emphasize our ability to prolong the lives of the desperately ill. We have become unable to think of better education except in terms of more complex schools and of teachers trained for ever longer periods. Huge institutions producing costly services dominate the horizons of our inventiveness. + +We have embodied our world view into our institutions and are now their prisoners. Factories, news media, hospitals, governments , and schools produce goods and services packaged to contain our view of the world. We—the rich—conceive of progress as the expansion of these establishments. We conceive of heightened mobility as luxury and safety packaged by General Motors or Boeing. We conceive of improving the general well-being as increasing the supply of doctors and hospitals, which package health along with protracted suffering. We have come to identify our need for further learning with the demand for ever longer confinement to classrooms. In other words, we have packaged education with custodial care, certification for jobs, and the right to vote, and wrapped them all together with indoctrination in the Christian, liberal, or communist virtues. + +In less than a hundred years industrial society has molded patent solutions to basic human needs and converted us to the belief that man’s needs were shaped by the Creator as demands for the products we have invented. This is as true for Russia and Japan as for the North Atlantic community. The consumer is trained for obsolescence, which means continuing loyalty toward the same producers who will give him the same basic packages in different quality or new wrappings. + +Industrialized societies can provide such packages for personal consumption for most of their citizens, but this is no proof that these societies are sane, or economical, or that they promote life. The contrary is true. The more the citizen is trained in the consumption of packaged goods and services, the less effective he seems to become in shaping his environment. His energies and finances are consumed in procuring ever new models of his staples, and the environment becomes a by-product of his own consumption habits. + +The design of the “package deals” of which I speak is the main cause of the high cost of satisfying basic needs. So long as every man “needs” his car, our cities must endure longer traffic jams and absurdly expensive remedies to relieve them. So long as health means maximum length of survival, our sick will get ever more extraordinary surgical interventions and the drugs required to deaden their consequent pain. So long as we want to use school to get children out of their parents’ hair or to keep them off the street and out of the labor force, our young will be retained in endless schooling and will need ever increasing incentives to endure the ordeal. + +Rich nations now benevolently impose a strait jacket of traffic jams, hospital confinements, and classrooms on the poor nations, and by international agreement call this “development.” The rich and schooled and old of the world try to share their dubious blessings by foisting their prepackaged solutions onto the Third World. Traffic jams develop in São Paulo while almost a million northeastern Brazilians flee the drought by walking five hundred miles. Latin American doctors get training at The Hospital for Special Surgery in New York, which they apply to only a few, while amoebic dysentery remains endemic in slums where 90 per cent of the population live. A tiny minority gets advanced education in basic science in North America—not infrequently paid for by their own governments. If they return at all to Bolivia, they become second-rate teachers of pretentious subjects at La Paz or Cochabamba. The rich export outdated versions of their standard models. + +The Alliance for Progress is a good example of benevolent production for underdevelopment. Contrary to its slogans, it did succeed—as an alliance for the progress of the consuming classes, and for the domestication of the Latin American masses. The Alliance has been a major step in modernizing the consumption patterns of the middle classes in South America by integrating them with the dominant culture of the North American metropolis . At the same time, the Alliance has modernized the aspirations of the majority of citizens and fixed their demands on unavailable products. + +Each car which Brazil puts on the road denies fifty people good transportation by bus. Each merchandised refrigerator reduces the chance of building a community freezer. Every dollar spent in Latin America on doctors and hospitals costs a hundred lives, to adopt a phrase of Jorge de Ahumada, the brilliant Chilean economist. Had each dollar been spent on providing safe drinking water, a hundred lives could have been saved. Each dollar spent on schooling means more privileges for the few at the cost of the many; at best it increases the number of those who, before dropping out, have been taught that those who stay longer have earned the right to more power, wealth, and prestige. What such schooling does is to teach the schooled the superiority of the better schooled. + +All Latin American countries are frantically intent on expanding their school systems. No country now spends less than the equivalent of 18 per cent of tax-derived public income on education —which means schooling—and many countries spend almost double that. But even with these huge investments, no country yet succeeds in giving five full years of education to more than one-third of its population; supply and demand for schooling grow geometrically apart. And what is true about schooling is equally true about the products of most institutions in the process of modernization in the Third World. + +Continued technological refinements of products which are already established on the market frequently benefit the producer far more than the consumer. The more complex production processes tend to enable only the largest producer to replace outmoded models continually, and to focus the demand of the consumer on the marginal improvement of what he buys, no matter what the concomitant side effects: higher prices, diminished life span, less general usefulness, higher cost of repairs. Think of the multiple uses for a simple can opener, whereas an electric one, if it works at all, opens only some kinds of cans, and costs one hundred times as much. + +This is equally true for a piece of agricultural machinery and for an academic degree. The midwestern farmer can become convinced of his need for a four-axle vehicle which can go 70 mph on the highways, has an electric windshield wiper and upholstered seats, and can be turned in for a new one within a year or two. Most of the world’s farmers don’t need such speed, nor have they ever met with such comfort, nor are they interested in obsolescence. They need low-priced transport, in a world where time is not money, where manual wipers suffice, and where a piece of heavy equipment should outlast a generation. Such a mechanical donkey requires entirely different engineering and design than one produced for the United States market. This vehicle is not in production. + +Most of South America needs paramedical workers who can function for indefinite periods without the supervision of an M.D. Instead of establishing a process to train midwives and visiting healers who know how to use a very limited arsenal of medicines while working independently, Latin American universities establish every year a new school of specialized nursing or nursing administration to prepare professionals who can function only in a hospital, and pharmacists who know how to sell increasingly more dangerous drugs. + +The world is reaching an impasse where two processes converge : ever more men have fewer basic choices. The increase in population is widely publicized and creates panic. The decrease in fundamental choice causes anguish and is consistently overlooked . The population explosion overwhelms the imagination, but the progressive atrophy of social imagination is rationalized as an increase of choice between brands. The two processes converge in a dead end: the population explosion provides more consumers for everything from food to contraceptives, while our shrinking imagination can conceive of no other ways of satisfying their demands except through the packages now on sale in the admired societies. + +I will focus successively on these two factors, since, in my opinion, they form the two coordinates which together permit us to define underdevelopment. + +In most Third World countries, the population grows, and so does the middle class. Income, consumption, and the well-being of the middle class are all growing while the gap between this class and the mass of people widens. Even where per capita consumption is rising, the majority of men have less food now than in 1945, less actual care in sickness, less meaningful work, less protection. This is partly a consequence of polarized consumption and partly caused by the breakdown of traditional family and culture. More people suffer from hunger, pain, and exposure in 1969 than they did at the end of World War II, not only numerically, but also as a percentage of the world population . + +These concrete consequences of underdevelopment are rampant ; but underdevelopment is also a state of mind, and understanding it as a state of mind, or as a form of consciousness, is the critical problem. Underdevelopment as a state of mind occurs when mass needs are converted to the demand for new brands of packaged solutions which are forever beyond the reach of the majority. Underdevelopment in this sense is rising rapidly even in countries where the supply of classrooms, calories, cars, and clinics is also rising. The ruling groups in these countries build up services which have been designed for an affluent culture; once they have monopolized demand in this way, they can never satisfy majority needs. + +Underdevelopment as a form of consciousness is an extreme result of what we can call in the language of both Marx and Freud Verdinglichung, or reification. By reification I mean the hardening of the perception of real needs into the demand for mass manufactured products. I mean the translation of thirst into the need for a Coke. This kind of reification occurs in the manipulation of primary human needs by vast bureaucratic organizations which have succeeded in dominating the imagination of potential consumers. + +Let me return to my example taken from the field of education . The intense promotion of schooling leads to so close an identification of school attendance and education that in everyday language the two terms are interchangeable. Once the imagination of an entire population has been “schooled,” or indoctrinated to believe that school has a monopoly on formal education, then the illiterate can be taxed to provide free high school and university education for the children of the rich. + +Underdevelopment is the result of rising levels of aspiration achieved through the intensive marketing of “patent” products. In this sense, the dynamic underdevelopment that is now taking place is the exact opposite of what I believe education to be: namely, the awakening awareness of new levels of human potential and the use of one’s creative powers to foster human life. Underdevelopment, however, implies the surrender of social consciousness to prepackaged solutions. + +The process by which the marketing of “foreign” products increases underdevelopment is frequently understood in the most superficial ways. The same man who feels indignation at the sight of a Coca-Cola plant in a Latin American slum often feels pride at the sight of a new normal school growing up alongside. He resents the evidence of a foreign “license” attached to a soft drink which he would like to see replaced by “Cola-Mex.” But the same man is willing to impose schooling—at all costs—on his fellow citizens, and is unaware of the invisible license by which this institution is deeply enmeshed in the world market. + +Some years ago I watched workmen putting up a sixty-foot Coca-Cola sign on a desert plain in the Mexquital. A serious drought and famine had just swept over the Mexican highland. My host, a poor Indian in Ixmiquilpan, had just offered his visitors a tiny tequila glass of the costly black sugar-water. When I recall this scene I still feel anger; but I feel much more incensed when I remember UNESCO meetings at which well-meaning and well-paid bureaucrats seriously discussed Latin American school curricula, and when I think of the speeches of enthusiastic liberals advocating the need for more schools. + +The fraud perpetrated by the salesmen of schools is less obvious but much more fundamental than the self-satisfied salesmanship of the Coca-Cola or Ford representative, because the schoolman hooks his people on a much more demanding drug. Elementary school attendance is not a harmless luxury, but more like the coca chewing of the Andean Indian, which harnesses the worker to the boss. + +The higher the dose of schooling an individual has received, the more depressing his experience of withdrawal. The seventh grade dropout feels his inferiority much more acutely than the dropout from the third grade. The schools of the Third World administer their opium with much more effect than the churches of other epochs. As the mind of a society is progressively schooled, step by step its individuals lose their sense that it might be possible to live without being inferior to others. As the majority shifts from the land into the city, the hereditary inferiority of the peon is replaced by the inferiority of the school dropout who is held personally responsible for his failure. Schools rationalize the divine origin of social stratification with much more rigor than churches have ever done. + +Until this day no Latin American country has declared youthful underconsumers of Coca-Cola or cars as lawbreakers, while all Latin American countries have passed laws which define the early dropout as a citizen who has not fulfilled his legal obligations . The Brazilian government recently almost doubled the number of years during which schooling is legally compulsory and free. From now on any Brazilian dropout under the age of sixteen will be faced during his lifetime with the reproach that he did not take advantage of a legally obligatory privilege. This law was passed in a country where not even the most optimistic could foresee the day when such levels of schooling would be provided for only 25 per cent of the young. The adoption of international standards of schooling forever condemns most Latin Americans to marginality or exclusion from social life—in a word, underdevelopment. + +The translation of social goals into levels of consumption is not limited to only a few countries. Across all frontiers of culture , ideology, and geography today, nations are moving toward the establishment of their own car factories, their own medical and normal schools—and most of these are, at best, poor imitations of foreign and largely North American models. + +The Third World is in need of a profound revolution of its institutions. The revolutions of the last generation were overwhelmingly political. A new group of men with a new set of ideological justifications assumed power to administer fundamentally the same scholastic, medical, and market institutions in the interest of a new group of clients. Since the institutions have not radically changed, the new group of clients remains approximately the same size as that previously served. This appears clearly in the case of education. Per pupil costs of schooling are today comparable everywhere since the standards used to evaluate the quality of schooling tend to be internationally shared. Access to publicly financed education, considered as access to school, everywhere depends on per capita income. (Places like China and North Vietnam might be meaningful exceptions.) + +Everywhere in the Third World modern institutions are grossly unproductive, with respect to the egalitarian purposes for which they are being reproduced. But so long as the social imagination of the majority has not been destroyed by its fixation on these institutions, there is more hope of planning an institutional revolution in the Third World than among the rich. Hence the urgency of the task of developing workable alternatives to “modern” solutions. + +Underdevelopment is at the point of becoming chronic in many countries. The revolution of which I speak must begin to take place before this happens. Education again offers a good example: chronic educational underdevelopment occurs when the demand for schooling becomes so widespread that the total concentration of educational resources on the school system becomes a unanimous political demand. At this point the separation of education from schooling becomes impossible. + +The only feasible answer to ever increasing underdevelopment is a response to basic needs that is planned as a long-range goal for areas which will always have a different capital structure. It is easier to speak about alternatives to existing institutions, services, and products than to define them with precision. It is not my purpose either to paint a Utopia or to engage in scripting scenarios for an alternate future. We must be satisfied with examples indicating simple directions that research should take. + +Some such examples have already been given. Buses are alternatives to a multitude of private cars. Vehicles designed for slow transportation on rough terrain are alternatives to standard trucks. Safe water is an alternative to high-priced surgery. Medical workers are an alternative to doctors and nurses. Community food storage is an alternative to expensive kitchen equipment. Other alternatives could be discussed by the dozen. Why not, for example, consider walking as a long-range alternative for locomotion by machine, and explore the demands which this would impose on the city planner? And why can’t the building of shelters be standardized, elements be precast, and each citizen be obliged to learn in a year of public service how to construct his own sanitary housing? + +It is harder to speak about alternatives in education, partly because schools have recently so completely preempted the available educational resources of good will, imagination, and money. But even here we can indicate the direction in which research must be conducted. + +At present, schooling is conceived as graded, curricular, class attendance by children, for about one thousand hours yearly during an uninterrupted succession of years. On the average, Latin American countries can provide each citizen with between eight and thirty months of this service. Why not, instead, make one or two months a year obligatory for all citizens below the age of thirty? + +Money is now spent largely on children, but an adult can be taught to read in one-tenth the time and for one-tenth the cost it takes to teach a child. In the case of the adult there is an immediate return on the investment, whether the main importance of his learning is seen in his new insight, political awareness, and willingness to assume responsibility for his family’s size and future, or whether the emphasis is placed on increased productivity . There is a double return in the case of the adult, because not only can he contribute to the education of his children, but to that of other adults as well. In spite of these advantages, basic literacy programs have little or no support in Latin America, where schools have a first call on all public resources. Worse, these programs are actually ruthlessly suppressed in Brazil and elsewhere, where military support of the feudal or industrial oligarchy has thrown off its former benevolent disguise. + +Another possibility is harder to define, because there is as yet no example to point to. We must therefore imagine the use of public resources for education distributed in such a way as to give every citizen a minimum chance. Education will become a political concern of the majority of voters only when each individual has a precise sense of the educational resources that are owing to him—and some idea of how to sue for them. Something like a universal GI Bill of Rights could be imagined, dividing the public resources assigned to education by the number of children who are legally of school age, and making sure that a child who did not take advantage of his credit at the age of seven, eight, or nine would have the accumulated benefits at his disposal at age ten. + +What would the pitiful education credit which a Latin American republic could offer to its children provide? Almost all of the basic supply of books, pictures, blocks, games, and toys that are totally absent from the homes of the really poor, but enable a middle class child to learn the alphabet, the colors, shapes and other classes of objects and experiences which ensure his educational progress. The choice between these things and schools is obvious. Unfortunately, the poor, for whom alone the choice is real, never get to exercise this choice. + +Defining alternatives to the products and institutions which now preempt the field is difficult, not only, as I have been trying to show, because these products and institutions shape our conception of reality itself, but also because the construction of new possibilities requires a concentration of will and intelligence in a higher degree than ordinarily occurs by chance. This concentration of will and intelligence on the solution of particular problems regardless of their nature we have become accustomed over the last century to call research. + +I must make clear, however, what kind of research I am talking about. I am not talking about basic research either in physics, engineering, genetics, medicine, or learning. The work of such men as F. H. C. Crick, Jean Piaget, and Murray Gell-Mann must continue to enlarge our horizons in other fields of science. The labs and libraries and specially trained collaborators these men need cause them to congregate in the few research capitals of the world. Their research can provide the basis for new work on practically any product. + +I am not speaking here of the billions of dollars annually spent on applied research, for this money is largely spent by existing institutions on the perfection and marketing of their own products . Applied research is money spent on making planes faster and airports safer; on making medicines more specific and powerful and doctors capable of handling their deadly side effects; on packaging more learning into classrooms; on methods to administer large bureaucracies. This is the kind of research for which some kind of counterfoil must somehow be developed if we are to have any chance to come up with basic alternatives to the automobile, the hospital, and the school, and any of the many other so-called “evidently necessary implements for modern life.” + +I have in mind a different, and peculiarly difficult, kind of research, which has been largely neglected up to now, for obvious reasons. I am calling for research on alternatives to the products which now dominate the market; to hospitals and the profession dedicated to keeping the sick alive; to schools and the packaging process which refuses education to those who are not of the right age, who have not gone through the right curriculum , who have not sat in a classroom a sufficient number of successive hours, who will not pay for their learning with submission to custodial care, screening, and certification or with indoctrination in the values of the dominant elite. + +This counterresearch on fundamental alternatives to current prepackaged solutions is the element most critically needed if the poor nations are to have a livable future. Such counter-research is distinct from most of the work done in the name of the “year 2000,” because most of that work seeks radical changes in social patterns through adjustments in the organization of an already advanced technology. The counterresearch of which I speak must take as one of its assumptions the continued lack of capital in the Third World. + +The difficulties of such research are obvious. The researcher must first of all doubt what is obvious to every eye. Second, he must persuade those who have the power of decision to act against their own short-run interests or bring pressure on them to do so. And, finally, he must survive as an individual in a world he is attempting to change fundamentally so that his fellows among the privileged minority see him as a destroyer of the very ground on which all of us stand. He knows that if he should succeed in the interest of the poor, technologically advanced societies still might envy the “poor” who adopt this vision. + +There is a normal course for those who make development policies, whether they live in North or South America, in Russia or Israel. It is to define development and to set its goals in ways with which they are familiar, which they are accustomed to use in order to satisfy their own needs, and which permit them to work through the institutions over which they have power or control. This formula has failed, and must fail. There is not enough money in the world for development to succeed along these lines, not even in the combined arms and space budgets of the superpowers. + +An analogous course is followed by those who are trying to make political revolutions, especially in the Third World. Usually they promise to make the familiar privileges of the present elites, such as schooling, hospital care, etc., accessible to all citizens ; and they base this vain promise on the belief that a change in political regime will permit them to sufficiently enlarge the institutions which produce these privileges. The promise and appeal of the revolutionary are therefore just as threatened by the counterresearch I propose as is the market of the now dominant producers. + +In Vietnam a people on bicycles and armed with sharpened bamboo sticks have brought to a standstill the most advanced machinery for research and production ever devised. We must seek survival in a Third World in which human ingenuity can peacefully outwit machined might. The only way to reverse the disastrous trend to increasing underdevelopment, hard as it is, is to learn to laugh at accepted solutions in order to change the demands which make them necessary. Only free men can change their minds and be surprised; and while no men are completely free, some are freer than others. + +# A constitution for cultural revolution + +At the invitation of the publishers of the annual Great Ideas volume I wrote the article which follows, and which I feel is an appropriate conclusion to this book. Its purpose was to initiate discussion about the need of constitutional principles which would guarantee an ongoing cultural revolution in a technological society. The article originally appeared in Great Ideas Today 1970, published by Encyclopaedia Britannica, Inc. + +During the decade just past we have gotten used to seeing the world divided into two parts: the developed and the underdeveloped . People in the development business may prefer to speak of the developed nations and the less developed or developing nations. This terminology suggests that development is both good and inevitable. Others, especially protagonists of revolutionary change, speak of the “Third World” and wait for the day when the wretched of the earth will rise in armed revolt against the imperialist powers and shift control over existing institutions from North to South, from White to Black, from metropolis to colony. + +A vulgar example of the first assumption is the Rockefeller Report on the Americas. Its doctrine is aptly summed up by President Nixon: “This I pledge to you tonight: the nation that went to the moon in peace for all mankind is ready to share its technology in peace with its nearest neighbors.” The governor, in turn, proposes that keeping the pledge might require a lot of additional weaponry in South America. + +The Pearson Report on partnership in development is a much more sophisticated example of the development mentality. It outlines policies which will permit a few more countries to join the charmed circle of the consumer nations but which will actually increase the poverty of the poor half in these same countries : because the strategies proposed will sell them ever more thoroughly on goods and services ever more expensive and out of their reach. The policy goals of most revolutionary movements and governments I know—and I do not know Mao’s China—reflect another type of cynicism. Their leaders make futile promises that—once in power for a sufficient length of time—more of everything which the masses have learned to know and to envy as privileges of the rich will be produced and distributed . Both the purveyors of development and the preachers of revolution advocate more of the same. They define more education as more schooling, better health as more doctors, higher mobility as more high-speed vehicles. The salesmen for United States industry, the experts for the World Bank, and ideologues of power for the poor seem to forget that heart surgery and college degrees remain beyond the reach of the majority for generations. + +The goals of development are always and everywhere stated in terms of consumer value packages standardized around the North Atlantic—and therefore always and everywhere imply more privileges for a few. Political reorganization cannot change this fact; it can only rationalize it. Different ideologies create different minorities of privileged consumers, but heart surgery or a university education is always priced out of range for all but a few: be they the rich, the orthodox, or the most fascinating subjects for experiments by surgeons or pedagogues. + +Underdevelopment is the result of a state of mind common to both socialist and capitalist countries. Present development goals are neither desirable nor reasonable. Unfortunately anti-imperialism is no antidote. Although exploitation of poor countries is an undeniable reality, current nationalism is merely the affirmation of the right of colonial elites to repeat history and follow the road traveled by the rich toward the universal consumption of internationally marketed packages, a road which can ultimately lead only to universal pollution and universal frustration. + +The central issue of our time remains the fact that the rich are getting richer and the poor, poorer. This hard fact is often obscured by another apparently contradictory fact. In the rich countries the poor expect a quantity and quality of commodities beyond the dreams of Louis XIV, while many of the so-called developing countries enjoy much higher economic growth rates than those of industrialized countries at a similar stage of their own histories. From icebox to toilet and from antibiotic to television , conveniences are found necessary in Harlem which Washington could not have imagined at Mount Vernon, just as Bolívar could not have foreseen the social polarization now inevitable in Caracas. But neither rising levels of minimum consumption in the rich countries nor of urban consumption in the poor countries can close the gap between rich and poor nations or between the rich and poor of any one nation. Modern poverty is a by-product of a world market catering to the ideologies of an industrial middle class. Modern poverty is built into an international community where demand is engineered through publicity to stimulate the production of standard commodities. In such a market, expectations are standardized and must always outrace marketable resources. + +In the United States, for all its gargantuan prosperity, real poverty levels rise faster than the median income. In the capital-starved countries, median incomes move rapidly away from rising averages. Most goods now produced for rich and poor alike in the United States are beyond the reach of all but a few in other areas. In both rich and poor nations consumption is polarized while expectation is equalized. + +During the decade now beginning we must learn a new language , a language that speaks not of development and under-development but of true and false ideas about man, his needs, and his potential. Development programs all over the world progressively lead to violence, either in the form of repression or of rebellion. This is neither due to the evil intentions of capitalists nor to the ideological rigidity of communists, but to the radical inability of men to tolerate the by-products of industrial and welfare institutions developed in the early industrial age. In the late sixties attention has suddenly been drawn to the inability of man to survive his industry. During the late sixties it has become evident that less than 10 per cent of the human race consumes more than 50 per cent of the world’s resources, and produces 90 per cent of the physical pollution which threatens to extinguish the biosphere. But this is only one aspect of the paradox of present development. During the early seventies it will become equally clear that welfare institutions have an analogous regressive effect. The international institutionalization of social service, medicine, and education which is generally identified with development has equally overwhelming destructive by-products. + +We need an alternative program, an alternative both to development and to merely political revolution. Let me call this alternative program either institutional or cultural revolution, because its aim is the transformation of both public and personal reality. The political revolutionary wants to improve existing institutions —their productivity and the quality and distribution of their products. His vision of what is desirable and possible is based on consumption habits developed during the last hundred years. The cultural revolutionary believes that these habits have radically distorted our view of what human beings can have and want. He questions the reality that others take for granted, a reality that, in his view, is the artificial by-product of contemporary institutions, created and reinforced by them in pursuit of their short-term ends. The political revolutionary concentrates on schooling and tooling for the environment that the rich countries , socialist or capitalist, have engineered. The cultural revolutionary risks the future on the educability of man. + +The cultural revolutionary must not only be distinguished from the political magician but also from both the neo-Luddite and the promoter of intermediary technology. The former behaves as if the noble savage could either be restored to the throne or the Third World transformed into a reservation for him. He opposes the internal combustion engine rather than opposing its packaging into a product designed for exclusive use by the man who owns it. Thus the Luddite blames the producer; the institutional revolutionary tries to reshape the design and distribution of the product. The Luddite blames the machine; the cultural revolutionary heightens awareness that it produces needless demands. The cultural revolutionary must also be distinguished from the promoter of intermediary technology who is frequently merely a superior tactician paving the road to totally manipulated consumption. + +Let me illustrate what I mean by a cultural revolution within one major international institution, by taking as an example the institution which currently produces education. I mean, of course, obligatory schooling: full-time attendance of age-specific groups at a graded curriculum. + +Latin America has decided to school itself into development. This decision results in the production of homemade inferiority. With every school that is built, another seed of institutional corruption is planted, and this is in the name of growth. + +Schools affect individuals and characterize nations. Individuals merely get a bad deal; nations are irreversibly degraded when they build schools to help their citizens play at international competition. For the individual, school is always a gamble. The chances may be very slim, but everyone shoots for the same jackpot. Of course, as any professional gambler knows, it is the rich who win in the end and the poor who get hooked. And if the poor man manages to stay in the game for a while, he will feel the pain even more sharply when he does lose, as he almost inevitably must. Primary school dropouts in a Latin American city find it increasingly difficult to get industrial jobs. + +But no matter how high the odds, everyone plays the game, for, after all, there is only one game in town. A scholarship may be a long shot, but it is a chance to become equal to the world’s best-trained bureaucrats. And the student who fails can console himself with the knowledge that the cards were stacked against him from the outset. + +More and more, men begin to believe that, in the schooling game, the loser gets only what he deserves. The belief in the ability of schools to label people correctly is already so strong that people accept their vocational and marital fate with a gambler’s resignation. In cities, this faith in school-slotting is on the way to sprouting a more creditable meritocracy—a state of mind in which each citizen believes that he deserves the place assigned to him by school. A perfect meritocracy, in which there would be no excuses, is not yet upon us, and I believe it can be avoided. It must be avoided, since a perfect meritocracy would not only be hellish, it would be hell. + +Educators appeal to the gambling instinct of the entire population when they raise money for schools. They advertise the jackpot without mentioning the odds. And those odds are high indeed for someone who is born brown, poor, or in the pampa. In Latin America, no country is prouder of its legally obligatory admission-free school system than Argentina. Yet only one Argentinian of five thousand born into the lower half of the population gets as far as the university. + +What is only a wheel of fortune for an individual is a spinning wheel of irreversible underdevelopment for a nation. The high cost of schooling turns education into a scarce resource, as poor countries accept that a certain number of years in school makes an educated man. More money gets spent on fewer people. In poor countries, the school pyramid of the rich countries takes on the shape of an obelisk, or a rocket. School inevitably gives individuals who attend it and then drop out, as well as those who don’t make it at all, a rationale for their own inferiority. But for poor nations, obligatory schooling is a monument to self-inflicted inferiority. To buy the schooling hoax is to purchase a ticket for the back seat in a bus headed nowhere. + +Schooling encrusts the poorest nations at the bottom of the educational bucket. The school systems of Latin America are fossilized deposits of a dream begun a century ago. The school pyramid is a-building from top to bottom throughout Latin America. All countries spend more than 20 per cent of their national budget and nearly 5 per cent of their gross national product on its construction. Teachers constitute the largest profession and their children are frequently the largest group of students in the upper grades. Fundamental education is either redefined as the foundation for schooling, and therefore placed beyond the reach of the unschooled and the early dropout, or is defined as a remedy for the unschooled, which will only frustrate him into accepting inferiority. Even the poorest countries continue to spend disproportionate sums on graduate schools—gardens which ornament the penthouses of skyscrapers built in a slum. + +Bolivia is well on the way to suicide by an overdose of schooling. This impoverished, landlocked country creates papier-mâché bridges to prosperity by spending more than a third of its entire budget on public education and half as much again on private schools. A full half of this educational misspending is consumed by 1 per cent of the school-age population. In Bolivia, the university student’s share of public funds is a thousand times greater than that of his fellow citizen of median income . Most Bolivian people live outside the city, yet only 2 per cent of the rural population makes it to the fifth grade. This discrimination was legally sanctioned in 1967 by declaring grade school obligatory for all—a law that made most people criminal by fiat and the rest immoral exploiters by decree. In 1970, the university entrance examinations were abolished with a flourish of egalitarian rhetoric. At first glance, it does seem a libertarian advance to legislate that all high school graduates have a right to enter the university—until you realize that less than 2 per cent of Bolivians finish high school. + +Bolivia may be an extreme example of schooling in Latin America. But on an international scale, Bolivia is typical. Few African or Asian countries have attained the progress now taken for granted there. + +Cuba is perhaps an example of the other extreme. Fidel Castro has tried to create a major cultural revolution. He has reshaped the academic pyramid, and promised that by 1980 the universities can be closed, since all of Cuba will be one big university with higher learning going on at work and leisure. Yet the Cuban pyramid is still a pyramid. There is no doubt that the redistribution of privilege, the redefinition of social goals, and the popular participation in the achievement of these goals have reached spectacular heights in Cuba since the revolution. For the moment, however, Cuba is showing only that, under exceptional political conditions, the base of the present school system can be expanded exceptionally. But there are built-in limits to the elasticity of present institutions, and Cuba is at the point of reaching them. The Cuban revolution will work—within these limits. Which means only that Dr. Castro will have masterminded a faster road to a bourgeois meritocracy than those previously taken by capitalists or bolsheviks. Sometimes, when he is not promising schools for all, Fidel hints at a policy of deschooling for all, and the Isle of Pines seems to be a laboratory for redistribution of educational functions to other social institutions. But unless Cuban educators admit that work-education which is effective in a rural economy can be even more effective in an urban one, Cuba’s institutional revolution will not begin. No cultural revolution can be built on the denial of reality. + +As long as communist Cuba continues to promise obligatory high school completion by the end of this decade, it is, in this regard, institutionally no more promising than fascist Brazil, which has made a similar promise. In both Brazil and Cuba, enough girls have already been born to double the number of potential mothers in the 1980s. Per capita resources available for education can hardly be expected to double in either country, and even if they could, no progress would have been made at all. In development-mad Brazil and in humanist Cuba, waiting for Godot is equally futile. Without a radical change in their institutional goals, both “revolutions” must make fools of themselves. Unfortunately, both seem headed for manifest foolishness, albeit by different routes. The Cubans allow work, party, and community involvement to nibble away at the school year, and call this radical education, while the Brazilians let United States experts peddle teaching devices that only raise the per capita cost of classroom attendance. + +The production of inferiority through schooling is more evident in poor countries and perhaps more painful in rich countries. The 10 per cent in the United States with the highest incomes can provide most of the education for their children through private institutions. Yet they also succeed in obtaining ten times more of the public resources devoted to education than the poorest 10 per cent of the population. In Soviet Russia a more puritanical belief in meritocracy makes the concentration of schooling privileges on the children of urban professionals even more painful. + +In the shadow of each national school-pyramid, an international caste system is wedded to an international class structure. Countries are ranged like castes, whose educational dignity is determined by the average years of schooling of its citizens. Individual citizens of all countries achieve a symbolic mobility through a class system which makes each man accept the place he believes to have merited. + +The political revolutionary strengthens the demand for schooling by futilely promising that under his administration more learning and increased earning will become available to all through more schooling. He contributes to the modernization of a world class structure and a modernization of poverty. It remains the task of the cultural revolutionary to overcome the delusions on which the support of school is based and to outline policies for the radical deschooling of society. + +The basic reason for all this is that schooling comes in quanta. Less than so much is no good and the minimum quantum carries a minimum price. It is obvious that with schools of equal quality a poor child can never catch up with a rich one, nor a poor country with a rich country. It is equally obvious that poor children and poor countries never have equal schools but always poorer ones, and thus fall ever further behind, so long as they depend on schools for their education. + +Another illusion is that most learning is a result of teaching. Teaching may contribute to certain kinds of learning under certain circumstances. The strongly motivated student faced with the task of learning a new code may benefit greatly from the discipline we now associate mostly with the old-fashioned schoolmaster . But most people acquire most of their insight, knowledge, and skill outside of school—and in school only insofar as school in a few rich countries becomes their place of confinement during an increasing part of their lives. The radical deschooling of society begins, therefore, with the unmasking by cultural revolutionaries of the myth of schooling. It continues with the struggle to liberate other men’s minds from the false ideology of schooling—an ideology which makes domestication by schooling inevitable. In its final and positive stage it is the struggle for the right to educational freedom. + +A cultural revolutionary must fight for legal protection from the imposition of any obligatory graded curriculum. The first article of a bill of rights for a modern and humanist society corresponds to the first amendment of the United States Constitution . The state shall make no law with respect to an establishment of education. There shall be no graded curriculum, obligatory for all. To make this disestablishment effective, we need a law forbidding discrimination in hiring, voting, or admission to centers of learning based on previous attendance at some curriculum. This guarantee would not exclude specific tests of competence, but would remove the present absurd discrimination in favor of the person who learns a given skill with the largest expenditure of public funds. A third legal reform would guarantee the right of each citizen to an equal share of public educational resources, the right to verify his share of these resources, and the right to sue for them if they are denied. A generalized GI bill, or an edu-credit card in the hand of every citizen, would effectively implement this third guarantee. + +Abolition of obligatory schooling, abolition of job discrimination in favor of persons who have acquired their learning at a higher cost, plus establishment of edu-credit, would permit the development of a free exchange for educational services. According to present political ideology, this exchange could be influenced by various devices: premiums paid to those who acquire certain needed skills, interest-bearing edu-credit to increase the privileges of those who use it later in life, advantages for industries that incorporate additional formal training into the work routine. + +A fourth guarantee to protect the consumer against the monopoly of the educational market would be analogous to antitrust laws. + +I have shown in the case of education that a cultural or institutional revolution depends upon the clarification of reality. Development as now conceived is just the contrary: management of the environment and the tooling of man to fit into it. Cultural revolution is a review of the reality of man and a redefinition of the world in terms which support this reality. Development is the attempt to create an environment and then educate at great cost to pay for it. + +A bill of rights for modern man cannot produce cultural revolution . It is merely a manifesto. I have outlined the principles of an educational bill of rights. These principles can be generalized. + +The disestablishment of schooling can be generalized to freedom from monopoly in the satisfaction of any basic need. Discrimination on the basis of prior schooling can be generalized to discrimination in any institution because of underconsumption or underprivilege in another. A guarantee of equal education resources is a guarantee against regressive taxation. An educational antitrust law is obviously merely a special case of antitrust laws in general, which in turn are statutory implementations of constitutional guarantees against monopoly. + +The social and psychological destruction inherent in obligatory schooling is merely an illustration of the destruction implicit in all international institutions which now dictate the kinds of goods, services, and welfare available to satisfy basic human needs. Only a cultural and institutional revolution which reestablishes man’s control over his environment can arrest the violence by which development of institutions is now imposed by a few for their own interest. Maybe Marx has said it better, criticizing Ricardo and his school: “They want production to be limited to ‘useful things,’ but they forget that the production of too many useful things results in too many useless people.” diff --git a/contents/book/awareness/en.notes b/contents/book/awareness/en.notes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..5ea57ff --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/awareness/en.notes @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +* Notes in English + diff --git a/data/pages/en/book/awareness/en.txt b/contents/book/awareness/en.txt index 97e05de..c6544da 100644 --- a/data/pages/en/book/awareness/en.txt +++ b/contents/book/awareness/en.txt @@ -1,4 +1,4 @@ -# Celebration of awareness +# Celebration of Awareness ## Introduction diff --git a/contents/book/awareness/es.bib b/contents/book/awareness/es.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d47b1ef --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/awareness/es.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-awareness-es, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Alternativas}, + year = {1969}, + date = {1969}, + origdate = {1969}, + language = {es}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/book/awareness:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-19} +} diff --git a/contents/book/awareness/es.md b/contents/book/awareness/es.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..69348a9 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/awareness/es.md @@ -0,0 +1,1254 @@ +--- + title: "Alternativas" + author: "Ivan Illich" + date: "1969" + lang: "" + documentclass: book + classoption: + - oneside + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + newtxmathoptions: + - cmintegrals + - cmbraces + toc: true + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue + titlepage: true +--- + +# Introducción + +No hay necesidad de una introducción a los siguientes artículos o al autor de los mismos. Sin embargo, si el doctor Illich me ha honrado al invitarme a escribirla y si yo acepté gustoso, la razón en nuestras dos mentes parece ser que esta introducción ofrece una oportunidad que permite clarificar la naturaleza de una actitud y una fe comunes, a pesar del hecho de que algunos de nuestros puntos de vista difieren considerablemente. Incluso algunos de los puntos de vista del propio autor de los artículos no son hoy los mismos que él mantenía cuando los escribió, en diferentes ocasiones y en el curso de los años. Pero él se ha mantenido coherente en lo esencial de su actitud y es esa esencia la que ambos compartimos. + +No es fácil encontrar una palabra justa que describa esa esencia. ¿Cómo se puede concretar en un concepto una actitud fundamental hacia la vida sin con ello distorsionarla y torcerla? Pero, dado que necesitamos comunicarnos con palabras, el término más adecuado —o, mejor dicho, el menos inadecuado— parece ser “radicalismo humanista”. + +¿Qué se quiere decir con radicalismo? ¿Qué es lo que implica _radicalismo humanista_? + +Por radicalismo no me refiero principalmente a un cierto conjunto de ideas sino más bien a una actitud, a una “manera de ver”, por así decir. Para comenzar, esta manera de ver puede caracterizarse con el lema: _de omnibus_ _dubitandum_; todo debe ser objeto de duda, particularmente los conceptos ideológicos que son virtualmente compartidos por todos y que como consecuencia han asumido el papel de axiomas indudables del sentido común. + +En ese sentido, “dudar” no implica un estado psicológico de incapacidad para llegar a decisiones o convicciones, como es el caso de la duda obsesiva, sino la disposición y capacidad para cuestionar críticamente todas las asunciones e instituciones que se han convertido en ídolos, en nombre del sentido común, la lógica y lo que se supone que es “natural”. + +Ese cuestionamiento radical sólo es posible si uno no da por sentados los conceptos de su propia sociedad o de todo un periodo histórico —como la cultura occidental desde el Renacimiento— y, más aún, si uno aumenta el alcance de su percepción y se interna en los aspectos de su pensar. Dudar radicalmente es un acto de investigación y descubrimiento; es comenzar a darnos cuenta de que el emperador está desnudo y de que su espléndido atuendo no es más que el producto de nuestra fantasía. + +Dudar radicalmente quiere decir cuestionar; no quiere necesariamente decir negar. Es fácil negar simplemente al aseverar lo opuesto de lo que existe; la duda radical es dialéctica en cuanto abarca el proceso del desenvolvimiento de los opuestos y se dirige hacia una nueva síntesis que niega y afirma. + +La duda radical es un proceso; un proceso que nos libera del pensamiento idolatrante; un ensanchamiento de la percepción, de la visión creativa e imaginativa de nuestras posibilidades y opciones. La actitud radical no existe en el vacío. No empieza de la nada, sino que comienza en las raíces, y la raíz, como dijo una vez Marx, es el hombre. Pero decir “la raíz es el hombre” no quiere significar un sentido positivista, descriptivo. + +Cuando hablamos del hombre no hablamos de él como una cosa sino como un proceso; hablamos de su potencial para desarrollar sus poderes; los poderes de dar mayor intensidad a su ser, mayor armonía, mayor amor, mayor percepción. También hablamos del hombre con un potencial para ser corrupto, con su poder _de_ acción que se transforma en la pasión de poder _sobre_ los demás, con su amor por la vida que degenera en pasión destructora de la vida. + +El radicalismo humanista es un cuestionamiento radical guiado por el entendimiento de la dinámica de la naturaleza del hombre y por una preocupación por el crecimiento y pleno desarrollo del hombre. En contraste con el positivismo contemporáneo, el radicalismo humanista no es “objetivo”, si por “objetividad” se entiende teorizar con pasión sin una meta manifiesta que impulse y nutra al proceso del pensamiento. Pero el radicalismo humanista es extremadamente objetivo si por ello se entiende que cada paso en el proceso del pensamiento está basado en evidencias críticamente analizadas y si además se le vincula al examen de las premisas del sentido común. Todo esto significa que el radicalismo humanista cuestiona cualquier idea y cualquier institución con el objeto de saber si ayudan u obstaculizan la capacidad del hombre para vivir en la plenitud y la alegría. Éste no es el lugar para analizar completamente algunos ejemplos del tipo de premisas de sentido común que son cuestionadas por el radicalismo humanista. Ni siquiera es necesario hacerlo, porque los artículos del doctor Illich tratan precisamente acerca de tales ejemplos; como la utilidad de la escuela obligatoria o la función actual del clero. Se podrían agregar muchos ejemplos más, algunos de los cuales están implicados en los artículos del autor. Quiero mencionar sólo unos cuantos: el concepto moderno de “progreso”, que significa el principio del constante aumento de la producción, del consumo, del ahorro de tiempo, de la maximización de la eficiencia y ganancias, del cálculo de todas las actividades económicas sin tomar en cuenta sus efectos sobre la calidad de la vida y el desarrollo del hombre; el dogma de que el aumento del consumo conduce a la felicidad del hombre, de que el manejo de las empresas a gran escala debe ser por necesidad burocrático y alienado; el que el objeto de la vida es tener (y usar), en lugar de ser; el que la razón reside en el intelecto y está divorciada de la vida afectiva; el que lo más nuevo es siempre mejor que lo más viejo; el que el radicalismo es la negación de la tradición; el que lo contrario de “ley y orden” es la falta de estructuras. En pocas palabras, el que las ideas y categorías que han surgido durante el desarrollo de la ciencia moderna y la industrialización son superiores a todas aquellas de culturas anteriores, e indispensables para el progreso de la raza humana. + +El radicalismo humanista cuestiona todas estas premisas y no se asusta de llegar a ideas y soluciones que puedan sonar absurdas. Veo el gran valor de los escritos del doctor Illich precisamente en el hecho de que representan el radicalismo humanista en su aspecto más pleno e imaginativo. El autor es un hombre de particular coraje, gran vitalidad, erudición y brillo extraordinarios, y fértil imaginación, y todo su pensamiento está basado en su preocupación por el desarrollo físico, espiritual e intelectual del hombre. + +La importancia de su pensamiento, tanto en éste como en sus otros escritos, reside en el hecho de que tienen un efecto liberador sobre la mente; porque muestran posibilidades totalmente nuevas; vitalizan al lector porque abren la puerta que conduce fuera de la cárcel de las ideas hechas rutina, estériles, preconcebidas. A través del impacto creador que comunican —salvo para aquellos que reaccionan con ira hacia tanto sinsentido— estos escritos pueden ayudar a estimular la energía y la esperanza para un nuevo comienzo. + +ERICH FROMM + +# Prefacio + +Cada capítulo de este volumen registra un esfuerzo de mi parte por poner en duda la naturaleza de una certidumbre particular. De ahí que cada uno de ellos encare una decepción —la decepción incorporada a una de nuestras instituciones—. Las instituciones crean certezas y, cuando se las toma en serio, las certezas amortecen el corazón y encadenan la imaginación. Confío en que cada una de mis afirmaciones —airada o apasionada, diestra o inocente— provoque también una sonrisa y, con ella, una nueva libertad, aunque sea una libertad que tuvo su precio. + +No fue por accidente que la mayoría de estos artículos obtuvo notoriedad al poco tiempo de su publicación original. Cada ensayo fue escrito en un lenguaje distinto, iba dirigido a un diferente grupo de lectores, tenía por intención dar en el blanco de una crisis particular de confianza. + +Cada uno de ellos irritó a algunos burócratas consumados en momentos en que se les hacía difícil racionalizar una posición según la cual sólo había que resolver una crisis interna en una situación estable. + +De ahí que los ensayos fueran literalmente escritos para una ocasión particular. El paso del tiempo hace necesario precisar algunos detalles ocasionales: las estadísticas, la situación que se discutía —e incluso mi propia actitud— pudieron haber cambiado desde entonces en cuestión de matices o de grados. Pero me he rehusado expresamente a poner al día dichos artículos para presentarlos en este volumen. Creo que deben sostenerse como lo que son, es decir, como puntos de vista sobre un fenómeno particular en su tiempo. El conjunto adolece inevitablemente de algunas repeticiones de ciertos hechos y expresiones que también quedan sin tocar —de haber pensado al escribirlas que algún día reuniría esos textos ocasionales en forma de libro, las habría entonces omitido—. + +“La alianza para el progreso de la pobreza” es el texto de un discurso que pronuncié en la Asamblea de la Canadian Foreign Policy Association para subrayar la trivialidad del “Informe Pearson” al Banco Mundial sobre la “Segunda Década del Desarrollo”, y provee un marco para los demás ensayos. “La metamorfosis del clero” es la ponencia con que contribuí en un círculo de teólogos en 1959 y que publiqué en 1967 para enjuiciar la superficialidad de las propuestas de reforma que estaban de moda entre los “católicos de avanzada”. Las reformas que ellos preconizaban no eran lo suficientemente radicales para que valiesen la pena (se limitaban a cambios litúrgicos, al casamiento de los curas, a un clero revolucionario y algunas otras cosas), ni tampoco se arraigaban en opciones tradicionales que me parecían indignas de sacrificar (tales como la valoración del celibato libremente escogido, la estructura episcopal de la Iglesia y la permanencia de la ordenación sacerdotal). Pretendo que sólo la desclericalización de la Iglesia le permitiría aquella renuncia al poder que es la única que puede concederle hablar en nombre de los pobres. + +“El reverso de la caridad” es un panfleto. Lo hice circular para acabar con el entusiasmo internacional que favorecía el envío de “misioneros” para el desarrollo de América Latina. + +“La vaca sagrada” fue publicado como artículo en _Siempre!_, en agosto de 1968. Es mi primer esfuerzo por identificar el sistema escolar como instrumento de colonización interna. + +“La desescolarización de la Iglesia” es el discurso de apertura que pronuncié en Lima en 1971 para la Asamblea del Consejo Mundial de Educación Cristiana. El Consejo se disolvió al finalizar este encuentro. + +“La alternativa a la escolarización” es el último de una serie de ensayos que escribí sobre educación. Con este texto traté de oponerme a la recuperación de mi tesis expuesta en el libro _La sociedad desescolarizada_ (Barral, Barcelona, 1974). Varias organizaciones internacionales se veían obligadas a reconocer los fundamentos de mi crítica al sistema escolar tradicional, y quisieron utilizar mis argumentos en favor de la proliferación de nuevas agencias para la educación recurrente, permanente, interminable. + +Desde 1971 me opuse a este exorcismo del diablo por Belcebú. + +“Conciencia política y control de la natalidad” es mi contribución a un encuentro de expertos en demografía que tuvo lugar en 1967 en Barranquitas, Puerto Rico. Propongo una “inversión” del problema que normalmente perciben los demagogos de la demografía. Mi tesis se elaboró ulteriormente en _La convivencialidad_ (Barral, Barcelona, 1974). + +“La aceleración paralizadora” aplica al caso del transporte mi teoría general sobre la crisis institucional contemporánea. En todo campo de valores existen dos tipos extremos de producción. Cuando prevalece —más allá de un cierto umbral— el tipo de producción industrial, entonces las desutilidades marginales en la producción cancelan el valor respectivo. El texto es la traducción de una ponencia que hice en la Universidad de Munich. Mi tesis se trata en extenso en _Energía y equidad_ (Barral, Barcelona, 1974). + +“La expropiación de la salud” demuestra que la institucionalización industrial de un valor de servicio puede paralizar su producción en la misma forma en la que, como se vio en el capítulo precedente, el transporte impide la movilidad cuando su potencia se desarrolla más allá de un umbral crítico. + +La ponencia fue presentada en la facultad de medicina de la Universidad de Edimburgo en 1974, para celebrar un centenario. + +“La elocuencia del silencio” concluye el volumen, aunque su composición precede a la de los demás ensayos. Es una meditación propuesta a unos religiosos yanquis que aprendían el castellano para “integrar” mejor a los puertorriqueños en sus parroquias de Nueva York. + +Les sugerí la necesidad de reconocer límites para sus buenas intenciones. + +IVÁN ILLICH + + _Cuernavaca, julio de 1974_ + + +# La alianza para el progreso de la pobreza + +Está de moda exigir que las naciones ricas transformen su maquinaria bélica en un programa de ayuda al desarrollo del Tercer Mundo. La amenaza que para el mundo industrializado representan la superpoblación y el subconsumo de nueve décimos de la humanidad podría aún conducir a esa improbable manifestación de autodefensa. Pero si ello sucede, llevaría también a una desesperación irreversible, porque los arados de los ricos pueden hacer tanto daño como sus espadas. A largo plazo, los camiones norteamericanos pueden ser tan dañinos como los tanques norteamericanos, puesto que es más fácil crear una demanda en masa para los primeros que para los segundos. Y una vez que el Tercer Mundo se haya convertido en un mercado masivo para los bienes, los productos y las formas de procesamiento diseñados por y para los ricos, el subdesarrollo progresivo se tornará inevitable. El automóvil familiar no puede transportar al pobre a la era de los jets, ni el sistema escolar proporcionarle una educación de por vida, ni el pequeño refrigerador familiar asegurarle una alimentación sana. + +Es evidente que en América Latina sólo un hombre de cada mil puede costearse un Cadillac, una operación del corazón o un título de licenciado. + +Esta restricción de las metas del desarrollo no nos hace desesperar acerca del destino del Tercer Mundo; la razón es simple. Aún no hemos concebido el Cadillac como un requisito para una buena locomoción, ni la cirugía del corazón como un cuidado indispensable para la salud, ni un título de licenciado como el umbral de una educación aceptable. De hecho, reconocemos que la importación de Cadillacs debe ser severamente gravada en Perú; que, en Colombia, una clínica para el trasplante de órganos es un juguete escandaloso que sirve para justificar la concentración de un número mayor de doctores en Bogotá; y que el Betatrón está más allá de los medios docentes de la Universidad de São Paulo. + +Por desgracia, no todos consideran evidente el hecho de que la mayoría de los latinoamericanos —no sólo de nuestra generación sino de la próxima y aun de la siguiente— no puede costearse ninguna clase de automóvil, ni de hospitalización, ni siquiera de escuela primaria. Preferimos no ser conscientes de esa realidad tan obvia; la verdad es que detestamos reconocer que nuestra imaginación ha sido arrinconada. Tan persuasivo es el poder de las instituciones que nosotros mismos hemos creado, que ellas modelan no sólo nuestras preferencias sino también nuestra visión de lo posible. No podemos hablar de medios modernos de transporte sin referirnos a los automóviles y a los aviones. Nos sentimos impedidos de tratar el problema de la salud sin implicar automáticamente la posibilidad de prolongar una vida enferma indefinidamente. Hemos llegado a ser completamente incapaces de pensar en una educación mejor salvo en términos de escuelas aún más complejas y maestros entrenados durante un tiempo aún más largo. El horizonte de nuestra facultad de invención está bloqueado por gigantescas instituciones que producen servicios carísimos. + +Hemos limitado nuestra visión del mundo a los marcos de nuestras instituciones y somos ahora sus prisioneros. + +Las fábricas, los medios de comunicación, los hospitales, los gobiernos y las escuelas producen bienes y servicios especialmente concebidos, enlatados de manera tal que contengan nuestra visión del mundo. Nosotros —los ricos— concebimos el progreso en términos de la creciente expansión de esas instituciones. Concebimos el perfeccionamiento del transporte en términos de lujo y seguridad enlatados por la General Motors y la Boeing bajo el aspecto de automóviles estándar y de aviones. Creemos que el bienestar cada vez mayor viene dado por la existencia de un mayor número de doctores y hospitales, que enlatan la salud como una prolongación del sufrimiento. Hemos llegado a identificar nuestra necesidad de una creciente educación con la demanda de un mayor confinamiento en los salones de clases. En otras palabras, la educación es hoy un producto enlatado, un conjunto que incluye guarderías, certificados para trabajar y derecho de voto, todo ello empaquetado con la indoctrinación en las virtudes cristianas, liberales o marxistas. + +En escasos 100 años, la sociedad industrial ha modelado soluciones patentadas para satisfacer las necesidades básicas del hombre, y nos ha hecho creer que las necesidades humanas fueron configuradas por el Creador como demandas para los productos que nosotros mismos inventamos. Esto es tan cierto para Rusia o Japón como para las sociedades del Atlántico Norte. Mediante una lealtad invariable a los mismos productores —quienes le darán siempre los mismos productos enlatados ligeramente mejorados o mejor presentados—, el consumidor es entrenado para enfrentarse a la desvalorización anual del artículo. Las sociedades industrializadas pueden surtir estos productos enlatados a la mayoría de los ciudadanos para su consumo personal, pero esto no prueba que esas sociedades sean sanas, o que promuevan un humanismo vital. Lo contrario es verdad. Cuanto más se ha entrenado al ciudadano para el consumo de estos paquetes de uso corriente, menos efectivo parece ser para modelar la totalidad de su medio ambiente. Así es como agota sus energías y sus finanzas en procurar continuamente nuevos artículos de primera necesidad, y el medio ambiente se convierte en un subproducto de sus hábitos de consumo. + +El diseño de estos productos enlatados de que hablo se halla en la base del alto costo para satisfacer las necesidades primarias. Mientras cada hombre “necesite” de su automóvil, nuestras ciudades continuarán soportando los embotellamientos de tráfico y los remedios absurdamente caseros que pretenden solucionarlos. Mientras la salud se entienda como el tiempo máximo de supervivencia, nuestros enfermos serán objeto creciente de intervenciones quirúrgicas fantásticas y de drogas que sirvan para aliviar el progresivo dolor subsiguiente. Mientras utilicemos las escuelas para que los niños dejen de exasperar a sus padres; para evitar que vaguen en las calles; para mantenerlos fuera del mercado de trabajo o para impedir que a los jóvenes se les tome en serio en la política; mientras eso suceda, la juventud será recluida en periodos de escolarización cada vez mayores y se necesitarán incentivos crecientes para soportar las penosas pruebas. Ahora, benevolentemente, las naciones ricas imponen a las pobres las camisas de fuerza de los embotellamientos de tráfico, el confinamiento en los hospitales y en las escuelas, y resulta que mediante un consenso internacional se llama a esto desarrollo. Los ricos, los escolarizados y los viejos pacientes del mundo desarrollado tratan de compartir sus dudosas bendiciones enfilando hacia el Tercer Mundo sus soluciones preenlatadas. + +Mientras en São Paulo crecen los enjambres de tráfico, casi un millón de campesinos del nordeste brasileño deben caminar 800 km para escapar de la sequía. Mientras que en las favelas, villas miseria y ranchitos, donde se concentra 90% de la población, la disentería amibiana sigue siendo un mal endémico, los doctores latinoamericanos reciben, en el New York Hospital for Special Surgery, un entrenamiento que luego aplicarán a unos pocos. + +Pagada casi siempre por los gobiernos de sus propios países, una insignificante minoría de latinoamericanos recibe, en Norteamérica, una avanzada educación en el campo de las ciencias básicas. Si alguna vez regresan, por ejemplo a Bolivia, pasan a ser maestros de segunda categoría u orgullosos residentes de La Paz o Cochabamba. + +El mundo rico nos exporta las versiones anticuadas de sus modelos desechados. La Alianza para el Progreso es un buen ejemplo de la benevolente producción del subdesarrollo. Contrariamente a lo que dicen los eslogans, tuvo éxito —como una alianza para el progreso de las clases consumidoras y la domesticación de las grandes masas—. La Alianza ha sido un paso mayúsculo en la modernización de los patrones de consumo de las clases medias sudamericanas —en otras palabras, ha sido un medio para integrar esa metástasis colonial a la cultura dominante en la metrópolis norteamericana—. Al mismo tiempo, la Alianza ha modernizado los niveles de aspiración de la gran mayoría de los ciudadanos y ha dirigido sus demandas hacia artículos a los que hoy no tiene ni tendrá mañana acceso. + +Por cada automóvil que Brasil echa a andar, se les niega a 50 brasileños el poder disfrutar de un buen servicio de autobús. Cada refrigerador particular que se negocia en el comercio reduce la posibilidad de construir un congelador comunitario. Cada dólar que se gasta en América Latina en doctores y hospitales cuesta 100 vidas —para adoptar una frase de Jorge Ahumada, el brillante economista chileno, quien solía añadir—: porque si cada dólar así gastado se hubiera invertido en un plan para proveer agua potable, habría salvado 100 vidas. Cada dólar que se gasta en escolarización significa un mayor privilegio para una minoría a costo de la gran mayoría; en el mejor de los casos aumenta el número de aquellos a quienes, antes de abandonar la escuela, se les ha enseñado que quienes permanecen en el colegio durante más tiempo se han ganado el derecho a un poder, una salud y un prestigio mayores. Basta un poco de escolarización para enseñar a los escolarizados la superioridad de los más escolarizados. + +Todos los países latinoamericanos se hallan frenéticamente volcados en gastar más y más dinero en sus sistemas escolares. Hoy en día, ni un solo país gasta en su educación —es decir, en su escolarización— menos de 18% de los impuestos derivados del ingreso público, y hay varios países que gastan casi el doble de ese porcentaje. Pero pese a esas gigantescas inversiones, ningún país ha tenido hasta ahora éxito en proporcionar cinco años completos de educación a más de un tercio de sus habitantes. La demanda y la oferta de escolarización crecen geométricamente en dirección contraria. Y lo que es verdad acerca de la escolarización lo es también en lo que se refiere a los productos de la mayoría de las instituciones en el proceso de “modernización” del Tercer Mundo. + +El continuo refinamiento tecnológico de los productos que ya se han incorporado al mercado no hace frecuentemente sino aumentar las ventajas del productor y no los beneficios para el consumidor. Los procesos de producción cada vez más complejos tienden a permitir que solamente los grandes productores puedan reemplazar continuamente los artículos, y enfocar así la demanda del consumidor hacia las mejoras marginales sin importarle —y, es más, haciéndole olvidar— los resultados concomitantes: precios más altos, duración menor, menor utilidad general, mayor costo de preparación. Piensen en la cantidad de usos posibles para un abrelatas común y corriente; en cambio, un abrelatas eléctrico, si funciona, sólo sirve para abrir un cierto tipo de latas, a pesar de costar 100 veces más. + +Lo dicho vale tanto para una maquinaria destinada a la agricultura como para un grado académico. La propaganda puede convencer a un granjero del medio oeste de Estados Unidos de que necesita un transporte de doble tracción que desarrolle una velocidad de 70 millas por hora en carretera, que tenga un limpiaparabrisas eléctrico y que en un año o dos pueda cambiarse por uno nuevo. Pero la mayoría de los agricultores del mundo no necesita ni esa velocidad ni esa comodidad, ni se preocupa tampoco en lo más mínimo porque el artículo pase de moda. Lo que ellos necesitan son vehículos que gasten poco, porque en su mundo el tiempo no es dinero, los limpiaparabrisas manuales son suficientes y un equipo pesado dura cuando menos una generación. Aquel tipo de vehículo requeriría una ingeniería y un diseño totalmente distintos de los empleados en ese rubro del mercado norteamericano: hoy, esa clase de vehículo no se produce. La mayoría de los sudamericanos necesita en realidad de un personal paramédico que pueda funcionar eficazmente durante largo tiempo sin necesidad de ser supervisado por un doctor. En lugar de establecer un proceso para entrenar a las parteras y a los asistentes médicos que saben cómo usar un arsenal limitado de medicamentos con bastante independencia, las universidades latinoamericanas crean cada año un nuevo departamento de enfermería especializada para preparar un personal que sólo sabe trabajar en un hospital, o farmacéuticos que sólo saben vender una cantidad cada vez mayor de recetas delicadas. + +El mundo se mueve hacia un atolladero, definido por dos procesos convergentes: un número mayor de personas tiene cada vez un número menor de alternativas básicas. El crecimiento de la humanidad es ampliamente publicitado y crea pánico. La disminución de alternativas fundamentales es consciente y constantemente despreciada por el productor, pues ellas causan una angustia profunda. La explosión demográfica excede las fronteras de la imaginación, pero la atrofia progresiva de la misma imaginación social es racionalizada como un aumento de la posibilidad de elegir entre dos marcas registradas. Los dos procesos convergen hacia un punto muerto: la explosión demográfica provee cada vez más consumidores para todo, desde alimentos hasta anticonceptivos, mientras que nuestra imaginación se encoge y no puede concebir otra forma de satisfacer su demanda como no sea a través de los productos enlatados que ya están a la venta. En lo siguiente me limitaré a esos dos factores, puesto que, a mi modo de ver, forman las dos coordenadas que juntas nos permiten definir el subdesarrollo. + +En la mayoría de los países del Tercer Mundo, la población crece, así como también la clase media —ingreso, consumo y bienestar se polarizan —. Aun cuando los índices de consumo per cápita aumentan, la gran mayoría de los hombres dispone de menos alimentos que en 1945, de menos salud pública, de menos trabajo significativo y de peores condiciones habitacionales. La creciente marginalidad es una consecuencia parcial del consumo polarizado y resulta parcialmente causada por la ruptura de la familia y de la cultura tradicionales. + +En 1969 más personas padecen hambre, dolor y frío a la intemperie que al final de la segunda guerra —no sólo en cifras absolutas sino también en términos comparativos de porcentaje de población mundial—. + +Confrontada con la realidad, la definición cualitativa del subdesarrollo medido según los indicadores de consumo se queda corta, pero aún así sirve para definir una de las dos mayores coordenadas del atolladero mundial. El carácter realmente crítico del subdesarrollo radica en que es un estado de ánimo y al mismo tiempo una categoría de la conciencia. En esta dimensión el proceso del subdesarrollo puede acelerarse intensamente a través de un esfuerzo planeado y dirigido hacia el mercado masivo de la modernización estandarizada. Pero al mismo tiempo, es dentro de ese marco donde se puede operar una inversión decisiva. El subdesarrollo como estado de ánimo aparece cuando las necesidades humanas se vacían en el molde de una demanda urgente por nuevas marcas de soluciones enlatadas que estarán continuamente fuera del alcance de la mayoría. En este sentido el subdesarrollo crece rápidamente, incluso en los países donde la oferta de salones de clase, calorías, autos y hospitales, va también en aumento. Estas instituciones ofrecen a una minoría servicios que satisfacen los requerimientos internacionales. Pero una vez que han monopolizado la demanda de todos, ya no pueden cumplir con las necesidades de las mayorías. + +Insisto: el subdesarrollo como un estado de ánimo —y de desaliento—, ocurre cada vez que las necesidades humanas básicas se presentan como demanda por productos enlatados específicos que han sido diseñados para la sociedad de la abundancia. En este sentido el subdesarrollo es un resultado extremo de lo que podemos llamar, en términos comunes a Marx y a Freud, _Verdinglichung_ o cosificación. + +Por cosificación entiendo la enajenación de las necesidades reales que ya se perciben como si sólo pudieran satisfacerse mediante una demanda explícita de productos manufacturados en masa. Por cosificación entiendo traducir la “sed” por “necesidad de tomar una Coca-Cola”. Este tipo de cosificación surge cuando las necesidades humanas primarias las manipula un aparato burocrático que ha impuesto un monopolio sobre la imaginación de los consumidores en potencia. + +Permítaseme volver a mi ejemplo tomado del campo de la educación. + +La propaganda intensa de la necesidad de escuelas lleva a todos a creer que la asistencia a clases y la educación son sinónimos, a tal grado que en el lenguaje cotidiano los dos términos son intercambiables. Una vez que la imaginación de todo un pueblo ha sido escolarizada o monopolizada a través de esa equivalencia, entonces a los analfabetos se les puede obligar a pagar impuestos para proporcionarles una educación gratuita a los hijos de los ricos y para una mayor expansión de la profesión magisterial. + +El subdesarrollo es un resultado del aumento de los niveles de aspiración de las masas, sujetas a la intensa circulación en el mercado de los productos patentados en el foro de la imaginación alienada. + +En ese sentido, el subdesarrollo dinámico es exactamente lo opuesto de lo que yo entiendo por educación, esto es: despertar la conciencia de que existen otros y nuevos niveles de posibilidades humanas, otras formas inexploradas de utilizar el saber tecnológico y de usar la imaginación creadora para evitar la capitulación de la conciencia social a manos de un monopolio que impone una solución prefabricada. El procedimiento mediante el cual la circulación en el mercado de productos importados desarrolla el subdesarrollo, es algo que frecuentemente se estudia sólo en términos superficiales. El hombre que siente indignación al ver una planta de Coca-Cola en una favela, un ranchito o una callampa, es a menudo el mismo que se siente orgulloso al ver una escuela que crece en el mismo lugar. Resiente la evidencia de que hay una patente extranjera vinculada con el refresco; le gustaría ver en su lugar algo como Coca-Mex o Coca-Perú. Y a la vez ése es el mismo hombre que trata de imponer a toda costa la escolarización de sus compatriotas, sin darse cuenta de la patente invisible que ata profundamente esta otra institución al mercado mundial. + +Hace algunos años vi a un grupo de trabajadores levantar un anuncio, de 20 metros, de la Coca-Cola en el valle desértico del Mezquital. La sequía y el hambre acababan de afectar seriamente la meseta mexicana. Un pobre indio de Ixmiquilpan, que fue quien me invitó, ofrecía a sus visitantes vasitos de tequila con un traguito de la oscura y costosa agua azucarada. + +Cuando recuerdo esa escena reacciono con furia. Pero me exaspero aún más al recordar los encuentros de la UNESCO, en los cuales los bien intencionados y bien pagados burócratas discuten con seriedad los currículos escolares en América Latina, o cuando pienso en las peroratas de entusiastas liberales que abogan por la necesidad de un número mayor de escuelas. El fraude perpetrado por los vendedores de escuelas es por cierto mucho menos obvio, pero mucho más fundamental que el arte del satisfecho representante de la Ford o de la Coca-Cola, puesto que el partidario de la escuela consigue hacer morder a la gente el anzuelo de una droga mucho más eficaz. + +La asistencia a la escuela primaria no es un lujo inofensivo, sino que con ella ocurre lo mismo que con el indio de los Andes a quien su hábito de mascar coca lo tiene enjaezado a su patrón. Cuanto mayor es la dosis de escolarización que ha recibido un individuo, tanto más deprimente resulta su experiencia en abandonar las clases. El muchacho que deja la secundaria en el primer año padece mucho más su inferioridad que el que deja la primaria después del tercer año. Las escuelas del Tercer Mundo administran su opio mucho más eficazmente que las iglesias de otras épocas. A medida que el espíritu de una sociedad es progresivamente escolarizado, sus miembros pierden paso a paso las excusas que los hacían sentirse inferiores a los demás. Las escuelas racionalizan el origen divino de la estratificación social con mucho más rigor que el que siempre han usado las iglesias. + +Hasta la fecha ningún país latinoamericano ha promulgado leyes contra los jóvenes que no consumen suficiente Coca-Cola o automóviles, pero todos los países latinoamericanos han aprobado leyes que definen a los desertores como ciudadanos que no han cumplido con sus obligaciones legales. Recientemente, el gobierno brasileño elevó casi al doble el número de años de escolarización gratuita obligatoria. Desde ahora cualquier desertor escolar que tenga menos de 16 años enfrentará por el resto de su vida el reproche de no haber aprovechado ese privilegio legalmente obligatorio para todos los ciudadanos. Lo curioso es que esa ley se promulgó en un país donde ni siquiera la predicción más optimista puede hacernos avizorar el día en que sea posible otorgar esas prerrogativas escolares por lo menos a 25%. La adopción de los estándares internacionales de educación condena para siempre a la mayoría de los latinoamericanos a la marginalidad o a la exclusión de la vida social —en una palabra, al subdesarrollo progresivo—. Esa traducción de “objetivos sociales” en “niveles de consumo de los productos” no es exclusiva de unos pocos países. Por encima de todas las fronteras culturales, ideológicas y geográficas, las naciones se mueven hoy en día hacia el establecimiento de sus propias fábricas de automóviles, de sus propios hospitales y de sus propias escuelas primarias, y en la mayoría de los casos se trata, cuando mucho, de pobres imitaciones de modelos extranjeros y, especialmente, norteamericanos. + +El Tercer Mundo necesita una profunda revolución de sus instituciones. + +Las revoluciones de la última generación fueron abrumadoramente políticas. Un nuevo grupo de hombres, con un nuevo conjunto de justificaciones ideológicas, tomó el poder para dedicarse luego a administrar fundamentalmente las mismas instituciones escolares, médicas y económicas, con el fin de satisfacer el interés de un nuevo grupo de clientes. Y puesto que las instituciones no habían cambiado radicalmente, la dimensión de la nueva clientela es aproximadamente igual a la anterior. + +Esto resulta claro en el caso de la educación. Los costos de escolarización por alumno son hoy prácticamente comparables en todas partes, puesto que se tiende a compartir los estándares empleados para evaluar la calidad de la escolarización. El grado de acceso a la enseñanza públicamente subsidiada, la cual se identifica con la posibilidad de ir a la escuela, depende en todas partes de su variable principal: el ingreso per cápita. Lugares como China y Vietnam del Norte pueden ser las excepciones significativas. + +En todo el Tercer Mundo —si tenemos en cuenta el propósito igualitario según el cual fueron fundadas— las instituciones modernas son absolutamente improductivas. Mientras la imaginación social de la mayoría no haya sido paralizada de manera irreversible mediante la fijación a estas instituciones, hay cada vez mayor esperanza de que la revolución de las instituciones pueda planearse en el Tercer Mundo y no en los países ricos. + +De ahí la urgencia de abocarnos a la tarea de desarrollar alternativas viables frente a las soluciones “modernas”. + +En muchos países el subdesarrollo se acerca a un estado crónico. La revolución a la cual me refiero debe echarse a andar antes de que eso suceda. Una vez más la educación ofrece un buen ejemplo de ello: el subdesarrollo educativo crónico tiene lugar cuando la demanda de escolarización tiende de tal modo a ser universal que la concentración total de los recursos educativos en el sistema escolar se convierte en una exigencia política unánime. En ese momento, desenlatar la educación de la escuela, disociar el binomio escuela-educación, se hace prácticamente imposible. + +La única respuesta viable frente al creciente subdesarrollo es planear una respuesta que sea una alternativa para las áreas de bajo capital. Es más sencillo hablar de alternativas para las instituciones y servicios que definir esas alternativas en términos precisos. No quiero añadir otro capítulo a las publicaciones acerca del año 2000 inspiradas por el señor Herman Kahn. + +No es mi propósito pintar una Utopía ni describir el escenario de un futuro de alternativas. Debemos contentarnos con algunos ejemplos que indiquen la posible dirección de las investigaciones. + +Algunos de esos ejemplos ya han sido expuestos. Los autobuses son una alternativa para los enjambres de automóviles particulares. Unos vehículos diseñados especialmente para un transporte un poco más lento, o sobre rieles, sirven de alternativa a los camiones estándar. El agua no contaminada es una alternativa frente a la costosa cirugía. Los ayudantes de los médicos son una alternativa para los doctores y las enfermeras. El almacenamiento comunal de los alimentos resulta una alternativa frente a los costosos equipos de cocina. Podrían discutirse otras alternativas. ¿Por qué no, por ejemplo, considerar las caminatas como una futura alternativa que puede sustituir a la locomoción motorizada y explorar al mismo tiempo las tareas que ese cambio demandaría de los arquitectos? ¿Y por qué no uniformar la construcción de habitaciones familiares con estructuras prefabricadas, de modo que a cada ciudadano se le obligue a aprender durante un año de servicio social cómo construir su propia casa? + +Hablar de alternativas en la educación es más difícil. Ello se debe, en parte, a que las escuelas han agotado enteramente los recursos que se destinan a la educación. Pero, incluso en este campo, podemos indicar las líneas generales para la investigación. + +Hoy en día la escolarización se concibe como la asistencia de los niños a clase, las calificaciones, los programas de estudio. Los niños deben ir a la escuela durante cerca de 1 000 horas por año, y durante un periodo ininterrumpido de varios años. Como regla general, los países latinoamericanos pueden proporcionar a cada ciudadano entre 30 y 40 meses de ese servicio. ¿Por qué no, por ejemplo, hacer obligatorio uno o dos meses de clases para todos los ciudadanos de menos de 30 años? + +Hoy en día la mayor parte del dinero se gasta en los niños. A un adulto se le puede enseñar a leer en una décima del tiempo y a un costo 10 veces menor que los insumidos por un niño. En el caso de la persona adulta existe una recuperación inmediata de la inversión, no importa que su aprendizaje se vea a través de una nueva perspectiva y conciencia políticas, o que se enfoque desde el punto de vista de una productividad creciente. En el caso del adulto el saldo es doble, puesto que no sólo contribuye a la educación de sus hijos, sino también a la de otros adultos. + +A pesar de esas ventajas, en América Latina —donde la mayor parte de los recursos públicos se destinan a las escuelas— los programas de alfabetización de adultos no sólo no son subsidiados, sino que son bárbaramente suprimidos, como sucede en Brasil y otros países donde el apoyo militar a las oligarquías feudales o industriales se ha quitado la máscara de su inicial benevolencia. + +Es difícil definir otra alternativa, puesto que no existe aún ningún ejemplo para demostrarla, pero eso no quiere decir que no exista. Debemos entonces imaginar que los recursos públicos destinados a la educación se distribuyan de tal manera que se ofrezca a cada ciudadano una oportunidad mínima. Se podría imaginar algo así como una ley de derechos universales, similar a aquella que concibieron los militares después de la guerra, de tal modo que se divida la cantidad de los recursos públicos destinados a la educación entre el número de niños que está en edad escolar, asegurándose de que un niño que no ha aprovechado esas ventajas a la edad de siete, ocho o nueve años, cuando llegue a los 10 las tendrá disponibles. + +Preguntamos entonces, ¿qué hacer con los compasivos recursos que cualquier república latinoamericana le ofrece a cada uno de sus niños? + +Respondemos: proveer casi todos los libros básicos, dibujos, cubos, juegos y juguetes que están totalmente ausentes de las casas y de los niños pobres y que le permiten a un niño de clase media aprender los números enteros, el alfabeto, los colores, las formas y otras clases de objetos y experiencias que aseguren su progreso educativo. Proveer anualmente a cada ciudadano menor de 30 años de varias semanas de vacaciones en un campamento de intenso trabajo educativo. Entre todas estas cosas sin escuelas o las escuelas sin ninguna de estas cosas, la elección es obvia. + +Pero el niño pobre, el único para quien desafortunadamente la elección se plantea en términos reales, jamás puede elegir. + +Definir las alternativas a los productos y a las instituciones que en la hora presente dominan nuestra visibilidad es difícil, no sólo, como he tratado de demostrarlo, por el hecho de que tanto esos productos como esas instituciones modelan nuestra concepción de la realidad, sino también porque la construcción de esas alternativas requiere de una concentración de voluntad e inteligencia poco frecuente. + +En el último siglo hemos acostumbrado llamar a esa combinación de voluntad e inteligencia al servicio de la solución de problemas particulares independientemente de su naturaleza, investigación. Quiero dejar claro, sin embargo, a qué clase de investigación me refiero. No hablo de investigación básica en el campo de la física, la ingeniería, la genética, la medicina o las letras. El trabajo de hombres como Pauling, Crick, Penfield y Hibb debe sin duda continuar ampliando nuestro horizonte científico en otros campos. Los laboratorios, las bibliotecas y los colaboradores especializados que estos hombres necesitan los llevan a congregarse cada vez más en las pocas capitales de investigación que existen en el mundo. Sus avances radicales proporcionan nuevos parámetros para el diseñador de cualquier producto. + +Tampoco hablo de los millones de dólares que se gastan anualmente en la investigación aplicada, puesto que ese dinero lo invierten las grandes instituciones que buscan perfeccionar y dar a la publicidad sus productos. + +La investigación aplicada es dinero gastado para hacer aviones más veloces y aeropuertos más seguros; dinero gastado para hacer medicamentos cada vez más específicos y poderosos y doctores más capaces de manejar los efectos secundarios de esas drogas; dinero gastado para enlatar más enseñanza en salones de clase; dinero gastado en métodos dedicados a administrar burocracias cada vez más grandes. Éste es el tipo de investigación al cual debemos oponer cierta clase de contracorriente, si deseamos llegar a presentar alguna alternativa a los automóviles, los hospitales, las escuelas y muchos de los tantos otros llamados “implementos necesarios para la vida moderna”. + +Hablo de un tipo de investigación peculiarmente difícil, que por razones obvias ha sido hasta ahora profundamente descuidada. Lo que estoy haciendo es un llamado para investigar las alternativas a todos los productos que hoy en día dominan el mercado: alternativas a los hospitales y las profesiones que se dedican a mantener vivos a los enfermos; alternativas a las escuelas y a los procesos de enlatar productos que se rehúsan a proveer educación a quienes no tienen la edad requerida, a quienes no han seguido los programas exigidos, a quienes no se han sentado en un salón de clase durante el número sucesivo de horas indicado, en fin, a quienes no van a pagar para estar sometidos a las guarderías, los exámenes de admisión y la constancia de materias o títulos, a más del adoctrinamiento en los valores de la élite dominante. + +Esta investigación contracorriente que intenta hallar alternativas fundamentales a las soluciones patentadas más comunes es el elemento crítico principal para la búsqueda de un futuro en el cual podremos vivir. + +Esta investigación contracorriente es distinta a la mayor parte del trabajo que se hace en nombre del año 2000: porque casi todo ese trabajo busca cambios en los modelos sociales, pero a través del desarrollo lineal de las consecuencias de la tecnología avanzada. La investigación contracorriente, a la cual hago referencia, debe tomar como uno de sus parámetros fundamentales la continua falta de capital en los países del Tercer Mundo. + +Las dificultades de ese tipo de investigación son obvias. El investigador debe, en primer lugar, dudar de todo aquello que a primera vista es evidente. Segundo, debe persuadir a quienes tienen el poder de decisión para que actúen contra sus intereses a corto plazo. Y, finalmente, debe sobrevivir como individuo en un mundo que él mismo está tratando de cambiar tan fundamentalmente, ya que sus amigos de la minoría privilegiada lo ven como un destructor de la realidad cotidiana en la que todos nos apoyamos. Él sabe, por supuesto, que si logra tener éxito beneficiando a los pobres, puede que un día los ricos quieran también imitar a los felices. + +Hay un camino normal para aquellos que dictan una política del desarrollo, ya sea que vivan en el Norte o en Sudamérica, en Rusia o en Israel. Ese camino es definir el desarrollo y establecer sus objetivos en términos que nos resulten familiares, según la manera habitual como ellos están acostumbrados a satisfacer sus necesidades, y de acuerdo con realidades que les permitan usar las instituciones sobre las cuales ejercen el poder o control. Esa fórmula no sólo ha fracasado, sino que fracasará siempre. No hay en el mundo suficiente dinero como para que el desarrollo pueda tener éxito según esas vías, ni siquiera en el caso en que las superpotencias combinaran para ese fin sus presupuestos bélicos. + +Un curso análogo lo siguen aquellos que intentan llevar a cabo las revoluciones políticas, especialmente en el Tercer Mundo. Como regla general, prometen hacer accesibles a todos los ciudadanos los privilegios más comunes de que gozan las élites del presente, es decir, la escolarización, la hospitalización, etc. Respaldan esa promesa con la vana creencia de que un cambio de régimen político les permitirá holgadamente ampliar las instituciones que producen esos privilegios. La promesa y el llamado de los revolucionarios están, por tanto, tan amenazadas por el tipo de investigación contracorriente que yo propongo, como lo está el dominante mercado de los productores. + +Vietnam, un pueblo armado con bicicleta y lanzas de bambú, ha llevado a un callejón sin salida a la mayor concentración de centros de investigación y producción que jamás haya conocido la historia. Debemos buscar nuestra supervivencia en el Tercer Mundo, en el que la ingenuidad humana es más lista que el poder mecánico. + +Por más difícil que sea, la única manera de revertir el progresivo subdesarrollo es aprender a reírnos de las soluciones aceptadas, para así poder cambiar las demandas que las hacen necesarias. Sólo los hombres libres pueden cambiar sus mentalidades y ser capaces de asombrarse, y mientras acontece que no todos los hombres son completamente libres, resulta también que algunos son más libre que los demás. + +# La metamorfosis del clero + +La iglesia romana que quiere ser el signo de la presencia de Cristo en el mundo, se ha convertido en la mayor administración no gubernamental del mundo. Emplea 1 800 000 trabajadores de tiempo completo: sacerdotes, religiosos y religiosas, laicos. Estos hombres y estas mujeres trabajan al servicio de un organismo que una empresa americana especializada ha clasificado entre las organizaciones más eficientes. La institución-Iglesia funciona conforme al tipo de la General Motors. Algunos católicos ven en esto un motivo de orgullo. Otros son conscientes de que la complejidad creciente de su administración amenaza su vitalidad y su capacidad de revelar a Dios a los hombres. + +El esfuerzo por modernizar y hacer más eficiente a la Iglesia queda neutralizado por un deterioro de la disciplina. Cuanto más se convierte la Iglesia en una empresa organizada y moderna, más abandonada parece por su personal de tiempo completo. + +Algunos reaccionan ante esta crisis con dolor, angustia y miedo. Otros trabajan heroicamente y se sacrifican inútilmente para conjurarla. Y otros, lamentándolo o mostrándose satisfechos, interpretan el desorden disciplinario como un signo de la desaparición de la misma Iglesia romana. + +Me permito preguntarme si esta modificación profunda de las estructuras de la institución no podría llenarnos de alegría porque anuncia a una Iglesia más consciente de su impotencia y a una Iglesia más presente en un mundo que se socializa. + +La estructura de la Iglesia está en crisis. Los mismos que emplean su lealtad y su obediencia en mantener su organización, y que podrían garantizar su eficacia, la abandonan en número creciente. Antes de 1960 las “defecciones” eran relativamente raras. Hoy son frecuentes. ¿Qué pasará mañana? En las dos Américas, como consecuencia de dramas personales vividos en el secreto de las conciencias, personas permanentes de la Iglesia en número cada vez mayor deciden renunciar a la seguridad afectiva, espiritual y frecuentemente económica de cuya provisión se encargaba el sistema graciosamente. Algunos se retiran a la vida cristiana: fatigados, desalentados e incluso desgarrados y amargados. Otros, con toda serenidad, toman un compromiso más profundo. Tanto si se quedan como si no se quedan en el interior de la estructura presente, quieren permanecer en la primera línea del esfuerzo creador para modificar esta estructura. + +Mi impresión es que, en los próximos años, la mayoría de los sacerdotes y religiosos tendrá que hacer frente a decisiones que en otro tiempo eran inconcebibles. La crisis de que hablo no proviene de un “mal espíritu del siglo”, ni de la ausencia de generosidad de eventuales “desertores”, sino más bien de un estado clerical que ha absorbido la función magisterial de la Iglesia. + +La Iglesia presenta a la sociedad moderna estructuras superadas que, a su vez, están basadas en un manual de procedimiento internacional llamado Código de Derecho Canónico. Una teología fundada en nociones sociológicas inaplicables al mundo de hoy en su especificidad y en su complejidad trata de justificar este Código. Tomemos el “ministerio clerical” como ejemplo de este equívoco. Sólo en la medida en que tengamos la valentía de prever, en un lapso más o menos largo, la desaparición del personaje del “señor cura”, del “eclesiástico”, podremos hacernos una idea de la Iglesia del mañana. En efecto, estas apelaciones son la expresión de una profunda confusión de cuatro realidades en las cuales se funda la estructura presente de la Iglesia: _1)_ el clérigo; _2)_ el ministro, ya sea diácono o sacerdote; _3)_ el “monje”; _4)_ el “teólogo” profesional. Creo que la imagen que nos hacemos del “cura” o del “eclesiástico” es una mezcla de estas cuatro realidades. Me permitiré hablar en seguida de estos diferentes conceptos: + +1. Es muy posible que 90% de los empleados que trabajan actualmente en la estructura funcional de la Iglesia, que viven de ella y a quienes debería reservarse en exclusiva el nombre de “clérigos”, son inútiles a la misma Iglesia. +2. En América Latina por lo menos, según todas las probabilidades, el “ministerio” pronto será ejercido sobre todo por no clérigos. +3. La secularización radical de la mayor parte de los ministros sagrados es paralela a la secularización de la vida religiosa que empezó con los institutos seculares. Esta secularización debe considerarse como una señal de la gratuidad y creciente vitalidad de la renuncia del “monje moderno”, para el que echamos de menos una apelación adecuada, como la echamos de menos para el sacerdote laico. +4. Me permitiré, finalmente, sugerir que el seminario es una institución indispensable si se quiere formar “curas” para su profesión, y una institución anacrónica e irreformable si debe servir para preparar laicos para el diaconado o para el sacerdocio en su plenitud. + +## Eclipse del clérigo + +El personal eclesiástico goza de notables privilegios. Todo adolescente deseoso de entrar a formar parte del “clero” puede dar por descontada una situación prácticamente garantizada, con una serie de ventajas psicológicas y sociales. Su promoción depende en general de la edad y no de la competencia. + +Los empleados eclesiásticos ocupan con frecuencia viviendas que pertenecen a la Iglesia, gozan de un trato de favor en los servicios de hospital y tienen toda la educación gratuita que deseen. La situación, la reputación y el rango social se los procura la sotana, y no la competencia o la fidelidad. A los laicos, empleados sin “tonsura” en las estructuras eclesiásticas, les son reconocidos algunos “derechos del hombre”, pero su promoción depende sobre todo de su habilidad para captarse los favores de los otros “permanentes de carrera”. + +La Iglesia posconciliar sigue el ejemplo de ciertas Iglesias protestantes, que transfieren numerosos eclesiásticos del trabajo parroquial a las funciones de papeleo en el “apostolado burocrático”. Se nos pide que roguemos a Dios para que envíe más empleados a las oficinas y para que inspire a los fieles el deseo de pagar la cuenta. No todo el mundo es capaz de desear tales “beneficios”. + +El desarrollo automático de las oficinas se realiza ciertamente sin asistencia divina: el mismo Vaticano es un ejemplo de esto. Desde el final del Concilio, las 12 venerables congregaciones han sido arropadas con numerosos organismos posconciliares que se entrecruzan e imbrican: comisiones, consejos, órganos consultivos, comités, asambleas, institutos y sínodos. Este laberinto se sustrae a todo gobierno. Y muy bien. Tal vez aprenderemos así que los principios de administración de empresas no son aplicables al Cuerpo de Cristo. El Vicario de Cristo no es ni un presidente director general de una sociedad de negocios, ni un monarca bizantino. La tecnocracia clerical se encuentra todavía más lejos del Evangelio que la aristocracia sacerdotal. Tal vez reconoceremos que el mito de la eficacia corrompe el testimonio cristiano más insidiosamente que el poder; que el papa ganaría en grandeza y en fidelidad evangélica en la medida en que perdiera la iniciativa e incluso el control del testimonio de los cristianos en el mundo. + +En el momento mismo en que el Pentágono trata de reducir su personal, estableciendo contratos por trabajos concretos, dirigiéndose al mercado libre de la industria, de la investigación y de la enseñanza, el Vaticano se orienta hacia la diversificación y proliferación de los organismos de la Iglesia. La nueva administración central superorganizada escapa de las manos de los sacerdotes de carrera italianos, en beneficio de los especialistas eclesiásticos reclutados en el mundo entero. La curia pontificia de los tiempos medievales toma el cariz de un cuartel general de planificación y de administración de una firma internacional centralizada, cuyas sucursales gozan de una autonomía bien calculada. + +La Iglesia antes hacía esfuerzos por hacerse reconocer por los Estados modernos como otro Estado; actualmente, trata en forma sutil de hacerse reconocer como un organismo de interés público internacional, análogo a la FAO o al Consejo de las Iglesias. Roma se convierte en algo similar a las fundaciones filantrópicas, a los consejos de investigación y a la comisión internacional atómica. Se crean muchos puestos nuevos y la jerarquía, habituada al control absoluto de sus subordinados, trata de cubrirlos con elementos dóciles a su iniciativa: la “gente de Iglesia”. La periferia de la Iglesia, como la misma Roma, está regida por las leyes de Parkinson: “el trabajo aumenta con el personal disponible” y “siempre hay personal dispuesto a servir en los grados superiores”. La superestructura de la Iglesia latinoamericana ofrece un ejemplo impresionante de esto. + +Los obispos latinoamericanos de la generación precedente se trasladaban a Roma, aproximadamente cada 10 años, para hacer su informe al papa. Fuera de esto, su contacto con Roma se reducía a las peticiones rutinarias de indulgencias o de dispensas, transmitidas a través de la nunciatura y a las venidas ocasionales de los visitadores apostólicos. Hoy, una comisión romana para América Latina (CAL) reúne a subcomisiones de obispos europeos y americanos a fin de mantener el equilibrio con la asamblea episcopal latinoamericana. La organización de ésta incluye un consejo (CELAM) y comisiones, secretariados, instituciones y delegaciones en gran número. El CELAM corona las asambleas episcopales nacionales, algunas de las cuales poseen una organización burocrática de extraordinaria complejidad. Todo este edificio ha sido construido con el fin de facilitar deliberaciones ocasionales entre obispos para que, una vez vueltos a sus diócesis, puedan obrar con más independencia y originalidad. Los resultados raramente responden a esta intención. La mayoría de los obispos adquiere la mentalidad burocrática necesaria para establecer una ronda de reuniones cada vez más frecuentes. Los organismos nuevos exigen un personal cada vez más numeroso para los servicios del Estado Mayor clerical. + +Una dirección central se cierne amenazadora sobre las iniciativas renovadoras y espontáneas de las iglesias locales. La multiplicación de los funcionarios, por otra parte, puede verse desde la base como un elemento que contribuye a su propia desclericalización: los “curas” se eliminan a sí mismos de la parroquia, convirtiéndose en “monseñores de la oficina”. Este proceso se encuentra aliado con otros dos factores que reducen el número de sacerdotes: la creciente oposición de los jóvenes atraídos por el sacerdocio a dejarse embarcar en la carrera clerical convirtiéndose en “curas”, y el número creciente de sacerdotes que obligan a la Iglesia a aceptar su dimisión. + +Lo que se ha dado en llamar reforma posconciliar del clero en todos estos planos, desde la curia romana a la parroquia rural, puede verse así como la condición previa, por una parte, para la renovación de una base “sin curas”, y por otra, para la aparición de un “clero” sin pretensiones apostólicas. + +¿Por qué no podríamos prever, en efecto, en la Iglesia una “carrera eclesiástica” profesional? Un “clero” muy limitado, profesionalmente bien formado y bien pagado, que podría colocarse en el Estado Mayor para funciones técnicas. No veo ninguna razón para dar las órdenes a estos sociólogos, teólogos y contables, ni para exigir a estos hombres o mujeres una carrera de por vida. Su profesión no sería anunciar la Palabra ni presidir la comunidad, sino más bien un servicio eficaz de la superestructura inevitable. + +## El culto de mañana + +Un laico adulto, que habrá recibido las órdenes, presidirá la comunidad cristiana “corriente” del futuro. El ministerio se convertirá en una obra realizada en tiempo libre, y no será un trabajo profesional. Imaginamos que la “diaconía” sustituirá a la parroquia, como unidad fundamental institucional de la Iglesia. El contacto periódico entre amigos tomará el lugar de la reunión dominical de extraños. Una persona independiente, un dentista, un obrero, un profesor, y no un empleado de la Iglesia, escriba o funcionario, presidirá la reunión. El ministro, normalmente, saldrá del seno de su propia comunidad y sólo excepcionalmente será un enviado que constituye en torno a él una nueva iglesia. Será un hombre madurado en la sabiduría cristiana por su prolongada participación en una liturgia íntima de su comunidad, y no uno que ha recibido un título en el seminario, instruido profesionalmente en una jerga “teológica”. La plenitud y la madurez del matrimonio en unos, y la gozosa renuncia en otros, serán reconocidos como un signo válido para la carga del ministerio. + +Más que la asistencia de una multitud anónima en torno a un altar, preveo el contacto personal de familias en torno a una mesa. Más que los edificios consagrados, destinados a santificar la ceremonia, será la celebración la que santificará el comedor de una casa. Esto no significa que todas las iglesias serán transformadas en teatros o en inmuebles invendibles. + +Evidentemente, no propongo que le quiten al obispo su catedral, ni que se le exija que se gane la vida. Creo que tomando el diaconado en serio, y sin ordenar por el momento a hombres casados para el sacerdocio en su plenitud, la Iglesia puede progresar en el momento mismo en que el número de sacerdotes disminuye. + +Las estructuras pastorales han quedado ampliamente determinadas por 10 siglos de sacerdocio clerical y celibatario. En 1964 el Concilio dio un paso significativo hacia la renovación al aprobar el diaconado de personas casadas. El decreto es ambiguo, puesto que podría favorecer la proliferación de un clero de segundo orden sin cambiar las estructuras. Pero puede también conducir a la ordenación de hombres adultos, materialmente independientes, y no clérigos. El gran peligro es la clericalización del diaconado, que el diácono viva de los recursos de la Iglesia, retrasando así la necesaria e inevitable secularización del ministerio sacerdotal. + +El futuro sacerdote “ordinario”, que se gana la vida, presidirá en su casa una reunión semanal de una docena de diáconos. Leerán juntos la Sagrada Escritura, estudiarán y comentarán la instrucción semanal del obispo. Si se ha celebrado la misa en el curso de la reunión, cada diácono llevará a su casa el Sacramento y lo conservará con su crucifijo y su Biblia. El sacerdote visitará las diversas “diaconías” y eventualmente presidirá en ellas la misa. + +Un cierto número de “diaconías” se reunirán de vez en cuando en otra sala alquilada, o en la catedral, para una misa más solemne. El obispo y sus sacerdotes, a media jornada liberados de sus tareas administrativas, encontrarán el tiempo necesario para concelebrar en ciertas ocasiones. El obispo, asistido por algunos permanentes, tendrá la posibilidad de preparar y de hacer circular su selección semanal de fragmentos de los Padres de la Iglesia y un esquema para su discusión. Asistido por su presbiterio, orientará la liturgia doméstica de las diaconías. + +Todos estos cambios obligarán a revisar el precepto de la misa dominical, y también a revalorizar las prácticas rituales de la Penitencia. + +### El sacerdote secularizado + +El derecho canónico actual prevé la ordenación de personas cuya subsistencia corre de por vida a cargo de la Iglesia, y la de personas dotadas de bienes propios suficientes. Vincular la ordenación a esta forma burguesa de independencia económica nos parece, en nuestros días, una cosa anormal, por no decir indigna. Hoy un hombre se gana la vida realizando un trabajo cualquiera en el mundo, y no desempeñando un papel en una jerarquía. La Iglesia ha tenido razones válidas para oponerse al trabajo de los sacerdotes deformados por el seminario y por la vida clerical. Pero estas razones no se aplican al trabajador adulto, ordenado de diácono o de sacerdote, tanto si está casado como si es “monje”. Considerar las capacidades profesionales o la seguridad social adquirida por el trabajo como una señal de independencia suficiente para ordenarse no es ciertamente contrario a la intención del derecho canónico. El ministerio sacramental de “laicos ordenados” nos ayudará a ver con ojos nuevos la “oposición” tradicional entre el eclesiástico y el laico en la Iglesia. A medida que superemos estos dos conceptos, se volverá evidente su carácter transitorio. El Concilio, resumiendo el proceso histórico de la última centuria, ha tratado de definir al sacerdote y al laico en dos documentos distintos. Pero el futuro, a partir de la antítesis aparente, edificará una nueva síntesis que irá más allá de las categorías presentes. + +El lenguaje cotidiano no tiene palabras para definir esta nueva realidad, y la imaginación católica se asusta al querer dar un nombre bautismal a este “hijo legítimo”, ¿un laico-sacerdote? ¿Un no clérigo ordenado de diácono o de sacerdote? ¿Un sacerdote de los domingos? ¿Un sacerdote a media jornada? ¿Un ministro sacramental secularizado? + +La historia de la institución clerical desde el Concilio de Trento ha hecho que la expresión “sacerdote secular” sea impropia. + +Este nuevo tipo de cristiano será sobre todo el presidente de la celebración, y no el sacerdote para toda clase de actividades, que se presta muchas veces sin competencia para una variedad pasmosa de tareas sociales y psicológicas. Su aparición librará finalmente a la Iglesia del sistema restrictivo de los beneficios y de los regalos. Más aún, la Iglesia en este momento habrá renunciado al número infinito de responsabilidades que han hecho del sacerdote un accesorio artificial de funciones sociales establecidas. El laico ordenado hará que sea superflujo, desde el punto de vista pastoral, el “cura eclesiástico”. La transformación de la existencia actual permite a todo hombre una libertad, reservada con anterioridad a los nobles y a los clérigos, que le deja disponible para aceptar funciones espirituales a media jornada. El tiempo libre aumenta paralelamente a la reducción de las horas de trabajo, a la jubilación precoz y a las ventajas más amplias de la seguridad social. + +El trabajador que libremente renuncia al tiempo de esparcimiento ya no encuentra límites para su educación. Para una creciente mayoría de hombres maduros e independientes existe tiempo disponible de preparación para el ejercicio del ministerio cristiano en una sociedad pluralista y secular. Las mismas razones que hacen de todo cristiano entregado una persona capaz de prepararse para la presidencia de la comunidad eclesiástica, hacen que sea superflujo el clero parroquial. Los ciudadanos católicos formados no piden al señor cura consejo para una acción profana. El político ateo o el técnico laico poseen tal vez mejores títulos para la función de consejeros en valores humanos. La gente capaz de reflexión teológica no va ya a pedir al padre una dirección moral. Piensa por su cuenta. Su formación teológica es a veces superior a la del sacerdote. Los padres que tienen una buena educación dudan cada vez más en confiar a sus hijos al sistema de enseñanza clerical. Se dan cuenta de que ellos mismos son capaces de evangelizarlos, de que en el mundo moderno esta tarea no puede delegar solamente al consiliario, y de que tienen + +### Sacerdotes a título interino + +Es verdad que existen dificultades para la ordenación de hombres sobre los cuales la Iglesia tiene poco dominio. El laico ordenado podría querer dejar el ministerio; podría ser reo de pecado público; él o su mujer podrían convertirse en factores de discordia en la comunidad cristiana. ¿Y entonces, qué? El derecho canónico actual contiene en germen la solución: que se le suspenda de sus funciones. La “suspensión” la debe decidir tanto el individuo como la comunidad, y no debe entenderse solamente como un castigo en manos del obispo. El ministro ordenado puede creerse llamado a tomar una posición criticable y discutida: si así ocurriera, dejaría de ser un símbolo de la unidad sacramental, ya que juzgaría necesario convertirse en un signo de contradicción. Que él mismo, la comunidad o el obispo decidan con toda libertad si debe retirarse de la presidencia de la comunidad, de la cual será entonces un simple miembro. La comunidad que reconoció su carisma y lo presentó al obispo para que lo ordenara, debe respetar su libertad de conciencia y permitirle que renuncie al ejercicio de la función para la cual había sido habilitado. El ejercicio ritual del orden recibido no es un derecho inalienable ni un deber perpetuo. El no clérigo no tiene que defender ventajas especiales, ni rentas, ni situaciones que dificultarían la suspensión de sus funciones ministeriales: ejerce estas funciones sin pertenecer a un estado clerical. + +### La estrategia de la transición + +Hemos visto que el crecimiento de la superestructura clerical podría en el momento presente acelerar la ordenación de laicos, despoblando las filas de los antiguos “curas”. El “sacerdote laico”, por su parte, haría posible poner fin a la “falta de clero” que preocupa extraordinariamente a los obispos. + +Pero los obispos, cuya mentalidad ha sido moldeada por las estructuras heredadas del pasado, se oponen a que el título que justifica la existencia del clero como “clase aparte” (me refiero a las órdenes sagradas) pase a manos de los que se niegan a formar parte de esta clase. + +En este callejón sin salida, “la crisis del clero en América Latina” podría transformarse en fuente de renovación para la Iglesia universal. La misma gravedad de esta crisis permite allí un diagnóstico que es imposible en otras partes, en donde los paliativos producen la ilusión de que el estado clerical podría sobrevivir. Hay hoy en día sacerdotes que comienzan a ver que están ahogados en la medida en que su sacerdocio se halla vinculado a los privilegios y a las responsabilidades de este estado. Por una parte, estos privilegios los encierran en un _ghetto_, incluso en el interior de la Iglesia, y por otra, las responsabilidades del orden establecido no les permiten comprometerse en ningún tipo de revolución. + +Muchos sacerdotes están descontentos de sus ocupaciones, bien porque no se sienten libres de realizar el trabajo para el que se saben dotados, o porque carecen de preparación para la tarea que les es asignada. En el primer caso buscan una definición nueva de la función del “cura” que les permita emprender nuevas tareas. En el segundo, hay que tratar de dar una formación más adecuada. Ambas soluciones se limitan con frecuencia a ser paliativos. Lo que habrá que hacer es más bien plantearse la cuestión siguiente: ¿por qué obligar a un hombre a estar en el clero para siempre? + +¿Por qué mantener bajo el control de la Iglesia las funciones que le han sido asignadas? + +En la medida en que la Iglesia se apega al sistema existente, que hace del sacerdote un permanente “clerical”, nuestro actual problema queda enteramente en pie: el del “cura” cada vez más especializado, insatisfecho y frustrado, y el del cristiano que rechaza el “ministerio” por aprecio de su “estado laico”. + +Con el objeto de responder a esta crisis, los próximos años verán cómo proliferan los programas de puesta al día del clero. Estos programas pueden clasificarse en tres tipos: la mayor preparación del clero, el volver a encontrar los motivos que hacen válido para el sacerdote su estado clerical y, finalmente, la preparación para escoger periódicamente su futuro con toda libertad. + +_a)_ Cada vez más, las diócesis y las congregaciones religiosas piden a expertos consejeros de la industria que les enseñen los actuales métodos profesionales. La Iglesia se convierte así en una “empresa de servicios” entre muchas otras. Se parte del principio de que hay que renovar _(recycler)_ el “producto” desusado del noviciado y del seminario, para hacer que funcione después del Concilio: se habla entonces en una nueva jerga y se celebra según un nuevo rito. La repetición de estos cursos de pastoral es inevitable si se quiere hacer funcionar una máquina cada vez más complicada. + +_b)_ El retiro espiritual, por otra parte, ya no sirve para robustecer el compromiso personal del sacerdote en la aventura y en los riesgos evangélicos; por el contrario, los superiores lo utilizan con frecuencia para confirmar la fe vacilante de los sujetos en una estructura que se presenta como si estuviera fundada en la voluntad de Dios. Se insiste en que la ordenación para la función sacerdotal implica el deber perentorio de ser fiel al estado clerical. + +_c)_ Tenemos que prever una renovación _(recyclage)_ de adultos que periódicamente desean plantearse su vocación. Yo, que me he puesto totalmente al servicio de la Iglesia, ¿debo seguir siendo clérigo? ¿Debo abandonar esta estructura para vivir en adelante el tipo de sacerdote del futuro? Si debo seguir siendo un funcionario eclesiástico, ¿es para colaborar en el progreso del clero hacia la nueva estructura de que la Iglesia tendrá mañana necesidad, o es para provocar la subversión de la estructura presente? + +El futuro de la Iglesia no se planifica: se imagina, se vive en la obediencia, y sólo entonces se descubre. Mi presente es siempre el pasado de alguien y el futuro de algún otro. + +Tenemos necesidad hoy de algunos sacerdotes, formados en los seminarios de antes, que estén decididos a romper ciertas estructuras heredadas, sin abandonar la disciplina fundamental, incluida la del celibato. + +Éstos podrán convertirse en pioneros del “sacerdote-monje” de la Iglesia de mañana, aunque por el momento se expongan a la incomprensión y a la “suspensión”. Tenemos también necesidad de estas vocaciones de sacerdotes animados de esperanza, capaces de dejar el “clero” sin endurecimientos, sin amargura y sin cobardía. + +Tenemos igualmente necesidad de sacerdotes, asimismo libres y desprendidos, que continúen en su puesto, aunque lo consideren contrario a su ideal de la Iglesia. + +Tal vez habrá otros que se creerán libres para abandonar la disciplina del celibato o para obligar a la Iglesia que los dispense, pero que renunciarán a esta libertad para no frenar su renovación. También éstos tendrán necesidad de una puesta al día _(recyclage)_ para decidirse con toda libertad. + + +### La costumbre creadora de confusión + + +Es difícil separar lo que el hábito o la costumbre ha unido. La unión del estado clerical, del sacramento del orden y del celibato voluntario en la vida del “cura” ha dificultado la comprensión de cada una de estas realidades, y ha impedido que fuera posible intentar su separación. El clero se ha afincado en su estatuto socioeconómico y en su poder, defendiendo su derecho exclusivo al sacerdocio. Es muy raro que se propongan argumentos teológicos contra la idea del laico ordenado, si se exceptúa la referencia a la impropiedad de la misma expresión. Sólo los eclesiásticos católicos que desean casarse y los pastores protestantes que temen perder su posición clerical desean extender los privilegios clericales a los ministros católicos casados. + +El vínculo entre el celibato y el orden es fuertemente atacado, a pesar de las declaraciones de la autoridad que lo defiende. Se ponen sobre el tapete argumentos exegéticos, pastorales y sociales que no demuestran nada. Son cada vez más los sacerdotes que realizan actos en que niegan el celibato, y, lo que es más grave, abandonan al mismo tiempo celibato y ministerio. El problema es calificado, de común acuerdo, como complejo; efectivamente, convergen en él dos realidades que son sólo comprensibles a la luz de la fe: el ministerio sacramental del sacerdocio y el misterio personal de una renuncia extraordinaria. Nuestro lenguaje secular se confiesa impotente ante el análisis sutil de sus relaciones mutuas. Enunciar y discutir cada una de las tres cuestiones por separado nos ayudará tal vez a diferenciarlas entre sí y a comprender la naturaleza de las relaciones entre: _a)_ el compromiso del celibato voluntario; _b)_ la constitución de comunidades religiosas; _c)_ la prescripción legal del “celibato eclesiástico”. + +### La elección voluntaria de una vida impotente + +Siempre ha habido en la Iglesia hombres y mujeres que han renunciado libremente al matrimonio “en vista del Reino”. De conformidad con tal acto, fundan simplemente su decisión en la llamada interior de Dios. La experiencia, que es el motivo de la decisión, debe distinguirse de la exposición discursiva mediante nociones abstractas y razones que la justifican. Para muchos estas nociones han quedado actualmente vacías de sentido, lo cual les induce a renunciar al compromiso del celibato. Los defensores del celibato interpretan este gesto como la manifestación de un debilitamiento de la fe en los católicos modernos. Este gesto podría aportar igualmente la prueba de que es una purificación de la propia fe, y de que es una renuncia a fundar el propio testimonio en argumentos especiosos. En los motivos alegados, los hombre ven hoy día más claramente motivos sociológicos, psicológicos y mitológicos en favor del celibato, y reconocen su carácter inadecuado ante la verdadera renuncia cristiana. + +La renuncia al matrimonio ya no es necesaria, desde el punto de vista económico, para el servicio de los pobres; ni tampoco es ya una condición legal para el ministerio ordenado; ni una situación extraordinariamente propicia para los estudios. El celibato no puede ya contar, para su defensa, con la aprobación de la sociedad. + +Los motivos psicológicos invocados en otro tiempo para justificar las ventajas de la continencia, apenas son hoy aceptables. Numerosos célibes comprenden ahora que rechazaron el matrimonio por desgana, miedo, egoísmo, falta de preparación o sencillamente de atractivo. Y ahora escogen el matrimonio, o bien en virtud de una mejor comprensión de sí mismos, o bien en virtud del deseo de probar su error inicial. Ya no se presentan como héroes delante de sus padres, por su fidelidad, ni se sienten parias por su “defección”. + +El estudio comparado de las religiones descubre en la historia de la humanidad muchas “razones” de la continencia. Estos motivos son de orden ascético, mágico o místico. Son ciertamente “religiosos”, aunque apenas sean “cristianos”. El asceta renuncia tal vez al matrimonio con objeto de ser libre para la oración; el “mago”, para salvar mediante su sacrificio a un chinito; el “místico”, en favor de la intimidad nupcial exclusiva con el “Todo”. Nuestros contemporáneos saben que la continencia no intensifica la oración, ni hace el amor más ardiente, ni aumenta las gracias recibidas. + +Hoy el cristiano que renuncia al matrimonio y a los hijos “en vista del Reino” no aduce, en favor de su decisión, ninguna razón abstracta. Quiere vivir ahora el estado de pobreza absoluta que todo cristiano espera encontrar en la hora de la muerte, y que todo hombre encontrará. Su vida no prueba nada, ni siquiera la trascendencia de Dios. Su renuncia no sirve para nada, excepto a su propia verdad. Su resolución de renunciar a una esposa tiene el mismo carácter de intimidad, de incomunicabilidad y de gratuidad que la preferencia única de un hermano suyo por su esposa. El “monje” (como lo llamaría yo para distinguirlo) arriesga su personalidad en una disponibilidad, una apertura y una soledad que podrían conducirlo al orgullo, a la insensibilidad y al aislamiento. Su hermano arriesga su futuro humano de otra manera, escogiendo una mujer, para lo mejor y para lo peor. El “monje” elige vivir su vida en la impotencia voluntaria revelada por el Todopoderoso en el momento culminante y paradójico de su amor. Sigue el ejemplo del crucificado impotente. Esta conducta, y no la intervención de la Iglesia, es la que constituye al “monje”. + +Esta conducta se vive en las profundidades del corazón: no importa que el monje la elija gratuitamente haciendo los votos en una orden religiosa, o que la acepte como una condición impuesta por la Iglesia para servir dentro del clero, o que se someta simplemente a una vocación percibida a través de los acontecimientos de su vida sin haberla escogido mediante votos o aceptado como condición de un cargo. + +### La vida religiosa + +La Iglesia se ha servido de dos signos para dar una expresión visible a la decisión de ciertos cristianos de seguir hasta el final a Cristo en la impotencia de la cruz. Ha dado una organización social y jurídica a las comunidades religiosas y ha instituido la celebración ritual de los votos que son la manifestación del compromiso del individuo en una de estas comunidades: estos dos signos visibles están en vías de desaparición. + +Las órdenes religiosas ofrecen una estructura comunitaria en la que cada miembro se supone que profundiza el compromiso de santidad de su bautismo, y que ocupa al mismo tiempo su propio lugar entre el personal administrado por su superior. Las obras de las órdenes religiosas desaparecerán sin duda todavía más rápidamente que las instituciones parroquiales o diocesanas, a medida que sus miembros más evolucionados, en número creciente y con permiso de su superior, empiecen a seguir fuera del convento su vocación personal. + +Los cristianos deseosos de practicar radicalmente los consejos evangélicos ya no experimentan tanto la necesidad de entrar en comunidades establecidas, ni siquiera en los institutos seculares. Reconocen con todo la eficacia de una unión, temporal o permanente, con otros cristianos a quienes anima el mismo deseo, con el fin de encontrar en ella un mutuo sostén en una común aventura espiritual. Para la próxima generación es de desear la floración de lugares de oración intensa, de casas de retiro, de centros de formación espiritual, de monasterios y de “desiertos” para sostener a la Iglesia entera en su renovación. + +Antes los votos eran signos mediante los cuales el cristiano se vinculaba a su comunidad religiosa. A medida que las razones tradicionales de conservar estas comunidades particulares jurídicas se evaporen, se buscarán otras formas para celebrar públicamente la presencia misteriosa de la renuncia en la Iglesia entera. En estas condiciones el compromiso personal debería caracterizarse públicamente más por la celebración litúrgica de un acontecimiento que pertenece a la línea del misterio que por un acto jurídico al que van anejas unas obligaciones legales hacia una comunidad particular. + +Mediante este rito la Iglesia afirmaría públicamente que cree en la autenticidad del carisma individual. El gesto personal sería realizado entonces como un signo de la misma Iglesia. La admisión a realizar este “gesto” quedaría reservada a los adultos que durante muchos años hubieran practicado la renuncia en el siglo. La Iglesia manifestaría así su voluntad de confiar el testimonio del misterio, el testimonio del anonadamiento de la cruz, a la fidelidad personal de estos nuevos “monjes”. Una evolución que se orientara en este sentido mantendría dentro de la Iglesia la tradición monástica y eliminaría múltiples “dispensas” que a los ojos del mundo causan una lamentable impresión. Entonces volveríamos a encontrar la analogía real e íntima del matrimonio cristiano y de la renuncia: en el rito público y litúrgico del matrimonio, y en el rito público y litúrgico de la renuncia, el cristiano tendría ocasión de celebrar un compromiso que él habría escogido, maduro y ya vivido. + +La desaparición progresiva de las comunidades religiosas y de los votos jurídicos se mira así desde un punto de vista positivo: podría dar paso a una elección mucho más gratuita y evangélica; podría provocar a determinados jóvenes a una vida “monástica” temporal como preparación, ya sea al matrimonio, ya a la soledad; podría, finalmente, ayudar a la Iglesia a superar el callejón sin salida de las múltiples dispensas jurídicas, y dar al compromiso litúrgico un carácter definitivo de tipo sacramental. + +### El celibato clerical + + +De momento, la Iglesia ordena solamente a aquellos hombres que, mediante el rito de la tonsura, han sido admitidos al estado clerical. Y mantiene la ley del celibato eclesiástico. La Iglesia, con buenas razones, se niega a admitir en este estado, tal como se presenta actualmente, a funcionarios casados. El papa, gracias a Dios, insiste en este punto. El celibato eclesiástico contribuye a la desaparición del clero. Abre la puerta a la ordenación de laicos, ya sea laicos casados, ya seculares. + +A la baja de las vocaciones y a los abandonos eclesiásticos se les proponen muchos remedios. Un clero casado, religiosas y laicos promovidos a las funciones pastorales, la creciente intensidad de las campañas de vocaciones, una mejor distribución mundial del clero existente: todo esto no son más que tentativas tímidas para reavivar un organismo moribundo. + +Durante nuestra generación, por lo menos, la ordenación sacerdotal de hombres casados no es un hecho que se impondrá. Los no casados son más que suficientes en número. En este momento la ordenación de sacerdotes casados retrasaría una verdadera reforma pastoral. Pero hay además una segunda razón, más sutil. En nuestros días hay millares de sacerdotes que rechazan el celibato; ofrecen el deprimente espectáculo de hombres formados para la continencia, que se comprometen tardíamente en matrimonios llenos de riesgos. La Iglesia les concede en secreto una dispensa arbitraria y desganada. Habría que clarificar y hacer más realista este proceso mediante el cual la Iglesia permite el matrimonio a los “curas”. + +Pero no hay que cambiar las condiciones que implica. La Iglesia exige que el “ex cura” renuncie a la seguridad de su estado y al ejercicio de su ministerio. Ha sido cobarde y no puede servir de modelo. Servir de modelo es tan difícil al sacerdote que “quiere salirse” sin aceptar las consecuencias inevitables de su acto, como al obispo que quiere “conservar cueste lo que cueste” a su sacerdote. Hay que consolarse: el éxodo masivo del clero cesará con la desaparición del sistema clerical actual. Durante este intervalo la ordenación para el sacerdocio de hombres ya casados sería un error lamentable. La confusión que esto acarrearía no podría dejar de provocar un retraso en las reformas radicales necesarias. + +## Es el sacerdocio una profesión + +La Iglesia, al limitar el sacerdocio a los “curas”, lo vincula a los miembros del estado clerical, a la condición de célibe y, finalmente, a una preparación profesional en los seminarios. Nos queda por analizar este último aspecto, el más peligroso para el porvenir según mi manera de ver. No hay peligro más temible que el de permitir que la palabra de Dios justifique la existencia de una profesión en el sentido moderno de la palabra. ¿No hay en muchas partes la propuesta de que el servicio de la palabra de Dios se considere como una profesión, por los mismos motivos que lo es la de maestro o la de psicólogo, y que en ella la ascensión se realice según la experiencia y la competencia de cada uno, y que un sindicato represente los intereses de los miembros ante el obispo-patrono? + +Este peligro existe, por lo menos en ciertos países, por el hecho de que una minoría distinguida del clero está empleada en los seminarios. + +Instintivamente, esta minoría trata de asegurar la supervivencia de estas instituciones. Si el seminario sobrevive a la desaparición del estado clerical postridentino engendrado por él, sólo justificará su existencia inventando una nueva profesión para el pastor en paro forzoso por él producido: la profesión de “pastor católico”. + +Proseguir el reclutamiento de muchachos generosos con el objeto de ponerlos en el molde del “cura” tal como lo describe todavía el Concilio Vaticano II, acabará por ser una ofensa a la moral pública. Es inadmisible hoy persistir en la preparación de jóvenes para un sacerdocio vinculado a un estado que está en vías de desaparición; pero sería todavía peor formarlos para una “profesión” moderna que monopolizaría el sacerdocio, y que por esta razón no debería nacer. Esperemos que la minoría selecta de la Iglesia, en vez de aferrarse a los seminarios, quedará disponible para ayudar a los obispos en su tarea más importante: la investigación teológica, por una parte, y la formación profesional de adultos preparados para el ministerio, por otra. + +Desgraciadamente, la expresión “formación cristiana” ha llegado a abarcar demasiadas cosas. Como tantos otros términos empleados dentro de la Iglesia, ha perdido casi todo su sentido. Es necesario volverla a precisar para comprender que no es la formación profesional en teología lo que hace al sacerdote. + +La madurez de la persona, la precisión teológica, la oración contemplativa y la caridad heroica no son propiedad exclusiva de los católicos. Hay ateos que pueden llegar a la madurez, hay no católicos que pueden alcanzar la precisión teológica, hay budistas que pueden llegar a ser místicos y hay paganos que pueden practicar la generosidad heroica. El resultado específico de la educación cristiana es el “sentido de la Iglesia”. El hombre que lo posee echa sus raíces en la autoridad viva de esta Iglesia, vive en la fecundidad de inversión de la fe y habla en términos inspirados por los dones del Espíritu. + +Este “sentido de la Iglesia” dimana de la lectura de las fuentes cristianas, de la participación recogida en la celebración litúrgica, de una particular manera de vivir. Es fruto del encuentro con Cristo, y da la medida de la real profundidad de la oración silenciosa. Es el resultado de la penetración del contenido de la fe por la luz de la inteligencia, por la apertura del corazón y por la sumisión de la voluntad. Este “sentido de la Iglesia” no es el resultado de un análisis abstracto de la doctrina, sino más bien un enraizamiento del espíritu en los datos de la tradición. Cuando se trate de designar a un adulto para el diaconado o para el sacerdocio, buscaremos en él este “sentido” más que los éxitos en teología o el tiempo pasado fuera del siglo. No le exigiremos la competencia profesional para enseñar a “su” público, sino la humildad profética adecuada para la animación de un grupo de cristianos. + +## Conclusión + +El futuro de la Iglesia lo vivimos ya, pero para percibirlo no es necesario hacerlo en el sentido del espíritu utópico. La utopía no es ni profecía ni plan: es un modo humorístico de ver el presente, que lo hace transparente a la fe. El falso profeta se equivoca porque se sitúa en el lugar de Dios. El mal planificador da por sentado “su” poder. La utopía cesa cuando comienza a tomarse demasiado en serio. La mayor administración mundial cuenta con la asistencia del Espíritu Santo, y éste se manifiesta en toda su historia en lo que llamamos la esperanza, la locura de Cristo y alguna vez la utopía. + + +# El reverso de la caridad + +En 1960 el papa juan XXIII encargó a todos los superiores religiosos estadunidenses y canadienses que enviaran 10% de sus fuerzas efectivas, entre sacerdotes y monjas, a América Latina en el curso de los 10 años siguientes. La mayoría de los católicos estadunidenses interpretaron esta solicitud papal como un llamado para ayudar a modernizar a la Iglesia latinoamericana de acuerdo con el modelo norteamericano. Había que salvar del “castrocomunismo” a un continente en el cual vive la mitad de los católicos del mundo. + +Me opuse a la ejecución de esa orden: estaba convencido de que dañaría seriamente a las personas enviadas, a sus protegidos y a los patrocinadores de los países de origen. Además, serviría inevitablemente a la propagación del desarrollismo. Había aprendido en Puerto Rico que son pocas las personas que no salen tullidas o completamente destruidas del trabajo de por vida “en beneficio de los pobres” en un país extranjero. Sabía que la transferencia de los estándares de vida y las expectativas norteamericanas no harían más que impedir los cambios revolucionarios necesarios y que estaba mal usar el Evangelio al servicio del capitalismo. Por último, sabía que si bien el hombre común en Estados Unidos necesitaba ser informado sobre la realidad revolucionaria de América Latina, los “misioneros” sólo deformarían la visión de esta realidad: sus informes son notoriamente caprichosos. Era necesario detener la cruzada proyectada. + +Junto con unos amigos, fundé un centro de estudios en Cuernavaca. + +Elegimos ese lugar debido a su clima, ubicación y logística. En la apertura del centro establecí dos de los propósitos de nuestra empresa. El primero era ayudar a disminuir el daño que la ejecución de la orden papal amenazaba causar. Nuestro programa educativo para los misioneros intentaría enfrentarlos de cara a la realidad y consigo mismos, de modo que, o rechazaban sus nombramientos o, de aceptarlos, estarían entonces un poco menos faltos de preparación. El segundo propósito era recabar suficiente influencia entre los núcleos que tomaban las decisiones en las agencias parroquiales de esa empresa misionera y tratar de disuadirlos de aplicar el plan. Durante la década de los sesenta, tanto nuestra experiencia y nuestra reputación en el entrenamiento intensivo de profesionales extranjeros que habían sido nombrados para desempeñarse en Sudamérica como el hecho de que éramos el único centro especializado en ese tipo de educación, aseguraron un flujo permanente de estudiantes a través del centro —a pesar del carácter básicamente subversivo de los propósitos citados—. + +Hacia 1966, en lugar del 10% que se había pedido en 1960, apenas 0.7% del clero norteamericano y canadiense se había desplazado hacia el sur. Los grupos avanzados de la Iglesia estadunidense albergaban ya serias dudas acerca de la necesidad de la empresa en su conjunto. Pero la información plañidera que llegaba desde América Latina y una intensa y costosísima campaña de relaciones públicas conducida desde Washington hicieron que muchos obispos y la gran mayoría de católicos ignorantes continuaran levantando los ánimos en pro de la causa para “ayudar a salvar a América Latina”. Bajo esas circunstancias era necesario respaldar una controversia intensiva y abierta y, por ello, en enero de 1967, escribí el siguiente artículo para la revista jesuita norteamericana _América_. La ocasión era más que propicia: al final de ese mes se habrían de reunir en Boston, con el fin de dar nuevo ímpetu a sus programas, 3 000 miembros de la Iglesia —católicos y protestantes—, de Estados Unidos y de América Latina. Sabía también que la revista _Ramparts_ estaba por publicar su _exposé_^[En francés, en el original. (E.)] acerca del financiamiento prestado por la CIA a los movimientos estudiantiles, principalmente en América Latina. + +Hace cinco años los católicos estadunidenses emprendieron una peculiar alianza para el progreso de la Iglesia latinoamericana. Se calculaba que para 1970 el 10% de los 225 000 sacerdotes norteamericanos, incluidos hermanos y hermanas, habrían sido voluntariamente enviados al sur de la frontera. En cinco años el “clero” masculino y femenino norteamericano ha contribuido con 1 622 personas en toda Sudamérica. La mitad del camino es un buen momento para determinar si un programa navega todavía según los cálculos previstos cuando se echó a andar y, lo que es más importante, si su destino vale todavía la pena. Numéricamente el programa fue un verdadero fracaso. ¿Debe ello ser fuente de disgusto o de alivio? + +El programa dependía de un impulso respaldado por una imaginación acrítica y por juicios sentimentales. Carteles con un “llamado a 20 000” y un dedo dirigido al observador convencieron a muchos de que “América Latina te necesita”. Nadie se atrevió a explicar claramente por qué, a pesar de que la primera propaganda pública incluía cuatro páginas de texto con varias referencias al “peligro rojo”, el Buró Latinoamericano de la _National_ _Catholic Welfare Conference_ añadió al programa, a los voluntarios y al propio llamado, la palabra “papal”. + +Ahora se propone una campaña para recabar más fondos. Ha llegado el momento de reexaminar tanto el llamado para reclutar a 20 000 personas como la necesidad de varios millones de dólares. Ambas peticiones deben someterse a un debate público entre los católicos estadunidenses, desde los obispos hasta las viudas, ya que a ellos se exhorta a proveer el personal y pagar las cuentas. Ante todo debe prevalecer el pensamiento crítico. Los eslóganes de las campañas elegantes y coloridas, y las súplicas emocionantes, no hacen más que enturbiar los verdaderos problemas. + +Examinemos fríamente el sarampión de frenética caridad que se propaga por la Iglesia estadunidense y que ha tenido como resultado la creación de los voluntarios “papales”, las “misiones de cruzada” estudiantiles, los plenos de las asambleas del Catholic Inter-American Cooperation Program, las innumerables misiones diocesanas y las nuevas comunidades religiosas. + +No me detendré en detalles. De ellos se encargan continuamente los programas mencionados. En lugar de eso me voy a atrever a señalar algunos de los hechos e implicaciones fundamentales del llamado plan papal — parte de un esfuerzo multifacético para mantener a América Latina dentro de las ideologías de Occidente—. Les corresponde a los que dictan la política eclesiástica estadunidense enfrentarse de lleno con sus bien intencionadas aventuras misioneras. Les toca a ellos revisar sus vocaciones de teólogos cristianos y sus acciones de políticos occidentales. + +Los hombres y el dinero enviados con motivaciones misioneras transportan una imagen cristiana extranjera, una postura pastoral extranjera, y un mensaje político extranjero. Llevan también consigo la etiqueta del capitalismo norteamericano de los años cincuenta. ¿Por qué no nos detenemos, siquiera una vez, a considerar el reverso de la moneda de la caridad? ¿Por qué no sopesamos las cargas inevitables que la ayuda extranjera impone a la Iglesia sudamericana? ¿Por qué no probamos la amargura del daño causado por nuestros sacrificios? Si, por ejemplo, los católicos estadunidenses sencillamente abandonaran el sueño de “10%” y pensaran honradamente en la implicación de su ayuda, entonces la creciente conciencia de las falacias intrínsecas podría llevar a una generosidad sobria y significativa. Seré más preciso. La alegría incuestionable del dar y los frutos del recibir deben ser tratados como dos capítulos distintos. Propongo delinear solamente los resultados negativos que producen el dinero, los hombres y las ideas extranjeras en la Iglesia sudamericana, de modo tal que se pueda preparar debidamente el futuro programa estadunidense. + +Durante los últimos cinco años el costo del funcionamiento de la Iglesia en América Latina se ha multiplicado varias veces. No hay precedentes que indiquen una tasa de crecimiento tal en los gastos de la Iglesia a escala continental. En la actualidad, el funcionamiento de una universidad católica, una misión social o una cadena radiofónica cuesta más que los gastos eclesiásticos del país hace una década. La mayor parte de los fondos para este tipo de crecimiento provino de afuera y fluyó de dos fuentes distintas. La Iglesia fue una de ellas. Recababa ese dinero de tres maneras: + +_1)_ Dólar por dólar, apelando a la generosidad de los fieles —como hicieron Adveniat, Miseror y Oostpriesterhulp, en Alemania y los Países Bajos—. Esas contribuciones superan el orden de los 25 millones de dólares al año. + +_2)_ Mediante contribuciones masivas, ya sea por parte de miembros individuales de la Iglesia —el ejemplo más sobresaliente es el del cardenal Cushing— o por parte de instituciones —tales como la National Catholic Welfare Conference, que transfirió un millón de dólares de las misiones locales al Buró Latinoamericano. + +_3)_ Mediante la asignación de sacerdotes, religiosos y laicos, todos entrenados a un costo considerable y a menudo apoyados financieramente en sus empresas apostólicas. + +Este tipo de generosidad extranjera ha tentado a la Iglesia latinoamericana a convertirse en satélite de la política y los fenómenos culturales del Atlántico Norte. El aumento de los recursos apostólicos intensificó la necesidad de ese flujo continuo, creando islas de bienestar apostólico que cada día están más lejos de la capacidad local de mantenerlas. El nuevo florecimiento de la Iglesia latinoamericana tiene lugar mediante un regreso a la marca que le impuso la Conquista: una planta colonial que florece mediante el cultivo extranjero. En lugar de aprender a arreglárselas con menos dinero o de plano a cerrar las puertas, los obispos caen en la trampa de precisar más y heredar al futuro una institución cuyo funcionamiento no será viable. La educación, que es una de las inversiones que podría dar ganancias a largo plazo, es concebida en su mayor parte como el entrenamiento de burócratas que conservan la estructura presente. + +Hace muy poco, un grupo considerable de sacerdotes latinoamericanos enviados a Europa para cursar estudios avanzados, me ofreció un buen ejemplo de lo anterior. Con el fin de poner a la Iglesia en contacto con el mundo, nueve de cada 10 de ellos se dedicaron a aprender métodos de enseñanza —catequística, teología pastoral o ley canónica—, sin avanzar por lo tanto directamente ni en sus conocimientos de la Iglesia ni del mundo. Sólo una reducida minoría estudió la historia o las fuentes de la Iglesia, o el mundo tal cual es. + +Es fácil recaudar grandes sumas para construir una iglesia nueva en la selva o una escuela secundaria en un barrio bajo y luego rellenar los planteles con misioneros nuevos. Se puede mantener artificialmente y a grandes costos un sistema pastoral a todas luces inaplicable y considerar que la investigación básica, que puede permitir la instauración de un sistema pastoral nuevo y vivo, es un lujo extravagante. Las becas para el estudio de humanidades no eclesiásticas, el dinero inicial destinado a la experimentación pastoral imaginativa, y las donaciones hechas para la documentación y la investigación dirigidas a formular una crítica constructiva específica, corren por igual el riesgo aterrador de constituirse en amenazas de nuestras estructuras temporales, planteles clericales y métodos de los “buenos negocios”. + +Hay una segunda fuente de recursos todavía más sorprendente que la generosidad eclesiástica hacia la propia Iglesia. Hace una década la Iglesia se parecía a una _grande dame_^[En francés, en el original. (E.)] empobrecida que trataba de mantener una tradición imperial de dar limosnas de su reducido ingreso. Durante algo más de un siglo, desde que España perdió a América Latina, la Iglesia perdió gradualmente donativos de los gobiernos, regalos de patronos y, por último, las rentas de sus antiguas tierras. De acuerdo con el concepto colonial de la caridad, la Iglesia perdió su poder de ayudar a los pobres. Pasó a ser considerada una reliquia histórica, inevitable aliada de los políticos conservadores. + +En 1966, y al menos a primera vista, lo contrario parece ser verdad. La Iglesia se ha convertido en un agente en quien se confía para ejecutar programas dirigidos al cambio social. Se halla suficientemente comprometida como para producir algunos resultados. Pero cuando se siente amenazada por el cambio verdadero, prefiere retirarse antes que permitir que la conciencia social se extienda como fuego griego. La supresión de las escuelas radiofónicas de Brasil por una alta autoridad eclesiástica constituye un buen ejemplo de ello. + +Así, la disciplina eclesiástica le asegura al donante que su dinero rinde el doble en manos del sacerdote. Ni se evaporará ni se le tendrá por lo que es: publicidad para la empresa privada e indoctrinación en un modo de vida que los ricos han decidido como el que mejor le viene a los pobres. El receptor inevitablemente entiende el mensaje: el cura está del lado de W. R. Grace Company, Esso, la Alianza para el Progreso, el gobierno democrático, los sindicatos del AFL-CIO y todo lo que sea sagrado en el panteón occidental. + +Las opiniones se dividen, por supuesto, cuando se discute si la Iglesia se metió de lleno en los proyectos sociales debido a que así podía obtener fondos “para los pobres” o si fue tras esos fondos porque de ese modo podía contener el castrismo y asegurar su propia respetabilidad institucional. Al convertirse en agencia “oficial” partidaria de un tipo de progreso, la Iglesia deja de hablar para los de abajo, que son ajenos a todas las agencias pero que constituyen una mayoría creciente. Al aceptar el poder de ayudar, la Iglesia debe necesariamente denunciar a un Camilo Torres que simboliza el poder de la renuncia. De esa manera el dinero le construye a la Iglesia una estructura “pastoral” que está más allá de sus medios y la convierte en un poder político. + +El compromiso emotivo superficial oscurece el pensamiento racional con que debe considerarse la “asistencia” norteamericana internacional. Un deseo extrañamente motivado de “ayudar” en Vietnam reprime los sanos sentimientos de culpa. Por fin, nuestra generación comienza a ver más allá de la retórica “lealtad” a la patria. A fuerza de golpes reconocemos la perversidad de nuestra política de poder y la dirección destructiva de nuestros torcidos esfuerzos por imponer a los demás “nuestro modo de vida”. No hemos empezado aún a enfrentar el reverso del compromiso de la mano de obra clerical y la complicidad de la Iglesia en el sofocamiento de un despertar universal demasiado revolucionario como para descansar mansamente en el seno de la “Gran Sociedad”. + +No sé de ningún sacerdote o monja extranjeros cuyos trabajos hayan sido tan artificiales como para que sus estancias en América Latina no hayan enriquecido alguna vida. Y no hay misionero tan incompetente como para que a través suyo América Latina no haya hecho una mínima contribución a Europa y Norteamérica. Pero ni nuestra admiración por la conspicua generosidad ni nuestro temor de hacer enemigos acérrimos de amigos indiferentes pueden llevarnos a darle la espalda a los hechos. Los misioneros enviados a América Latina pueden: _a)_ hacer de una Iglesia extraña una Iglesia más extranjera; _b)_ cargar de más sacerdotes a una Iglesia ya sobrepoblada, y _c)_ convertir a los obispos en mendigos abyectos. El reciente desacuerdo público ha hecho pedazos la unanimidad del consenso nacional estadunidense sobre Vietnam. Espero que cuando el público caiga en la cuenta de los elementos represivos y corruptores contenidos en los programas de ayuda eclesiástica “oficial” aparezca un verdadero sentimiento de culpa: la culpa de haber desperdiciado la vida de hombres y mujeres jóvenes dedicados a la tarea de evangelización en América Latina. + +La importación masiva e indiscriminada de clero ayuda a la burocracia eclesiástica a sobrevivir en su propia colonia que cada día se vuelve tanto más extranjera como agradable. La inmigración ayuda a transformar la hacienda de Dios —que era el estilo antiguo en el que el pueblo estaba formado sólo por advenedizos— en el supermercado del Señor —con abundante surtido de catecismos, liturgia y otros medios de gracia—. + +Transforma a los campesinos vegetativos en consumidores resignados, y a los antiguos devotos en clientes exigentes. Reviste los bolsillos sagrados, proporcionando refugio a los hombres temerosos de la responsabilidad secular. + +Los feligreses, acostumbrados como estaban a sacerdotes, novenas, libros y cultura de España (y muy posiblemente al retrato de Franco en la rectoría), se encuentran ahora con un nuevo tipo de financiero ejecutivo, administrador y talentoso, que promueve una cierta clase de democracia como ideal cristiano. El pueblo ve muy pronto que la Iglesia está alejada y alienada de él, habiéndose constituido en una operación importada y especializada que es financiada desde el extranjero y que habla con un acento, por lo extranjero, sagrado. + +Esta transfusión extranjera —y la esperanza de que aumente— dio a la pusilanimidad eclesiástica un nuevo contrato a su vida, una nueva posibilidad de echar a andar el sistema colonial y arcaico. Mientras Norteamérica y Europa envíen suficientes sacerdotes para llenar vacantes, no habrá necesidad de pensar en laicos que trabajen gratuitamente durante algunas horas diarias cumpliendo la mayoría de las tareas evangélicas, ni de reexaminar la estructura de la parroquia, la función del sacerdote, la obligación de los domingos y el sermón clerical, ni de probar el uso de un diaconato casado, la práctica de nuevas formas de celebración de la Palabra y de la Eucaristía y la implementación de íntimas reuniones familiares que celebren en el seno del hogar la conversión al Evangelio. La promesa de un aumento de clero es una sirena encantadora. Hace invisible el crónico excedente de clérigos que tiene América Latina e imposibilita el diagnosticarlo como una de las enfermedades más graves de la Iglesia. En la actualidad, esta evaluación pesimista resulta ligeramente alterada por un puñado de personas valientes e imaginativas, entre las que se cuentan algunas no latinas, que miran, estudian y luchan por una verdadera reforma. + +Una gran proporción del personal de la Iglesia latinoamericana se emplea actualmente en instituciones privadas que sirven a las clases media y alta, y que frecuentemente obtiene ganancias cuantiosas en un continente que necesita desesperadamente maestros, enfermeras y trabajadores sociales en instituciones públicas que presten servicio al pobre. Una gran parte del clero está metida en funciones burocráticas a menudo vinculadas con la venta de chucherías sacramentales y “bendiciones” supersticiosas. La mayoría de ellos vive en la mugre. Incapaz de emplear a su personal en tareas pastorales significativas, la Iglesia no puede siquiera sustentar a los sacerdotes y a los 670 obispos que los gobiernan. Para justificar ese sistema se echa mano de la teología, del derecho canónico para administrarlo y del clero extranjero para crear un consenso mundial acerca de la necesidad de su continuación. + +Un sano sentido de lo valores vacía los seminarios y las filas del clero mucho más eficientemente que la falta de disciplina y la generosidad. De hecho, el nuevo sentimiento de bienestar hace a la carrera eclesiástica más atractiva para los que andan en pos de sí mismos. Obispos convertidos en mendigos serviles se sienten tentados a organizar safaris e ir a la caza de sacerdotes extranjeros y recursos económicos para construir anomalías tales como los seminarios menores. Mientras esas expediciones tengan éxito será más difícil, si no imposible, tomar el sendero emocionalmente más pesado y preguntarnos honestamente si necesitamos ese juego. + +La exportación de empleados eclesiásticos a América Latina enmascara el temor universal e inconsciente que se le tiene a una nueva Iglesia. Las autoridades norteamericanas y sudamericanas, con motivaciones distintas pero con un mismo temor, se hacen cómplices en el mantenimiento de una Iglesia fuera de propósito. Al sacralizar la propiedad y los empleos, esa Iglesia se ciega cada vez más a la posibilidad de sacralizar a la persona y a la comunidad. + +Es difícil ayudar rehusándose a dar limosna. Recuerdo una ocasión cuando hice detener la distribución de alimentos en las sacristías de un área asolada por el hambre. Todavía siento el aguijón de una voz acusadora que me dice: “Duerme bien el resto de tu vida con la muerte de docenas de niños en tu conciencia”. Algunos doctores prefieren incluso la aspirina en lugar de la cirugía radical. No sienten ninguna culpa si el paciente muere de cáncer, pero temen el riesgo de aplicar el cuchillo. Hoy es necesaria una valentía como la expresada por el jesuita norteamericano Daniel Berrigan, quien escribió sobre América Latina: “Sugiero que cesemos de enviar personas o cosas durante tres años, que pongamos los pies en la tierra, que enfrentemos nuestros errores y que busquemos la manera de no canonizarlos”. + +Después de seis años de experiencia en el entrenamiento de cientos de misioneros asignados a América Latina, sé que cada vez es mayor el número de voluntarios auténticos que quieren enfrentarse a la verdad para poner a prueba su fe. Los superiores deciden administrativamente rotar el personal y no tienen que vivir con las decepciones consecuentes, se hallan emocionalmente en desventaja para hacer frente a esa realidad. + +La Iglesia estadunidense debe encarar el reverso doloroso de la generosidad: la carga que una vida gratuitamente ofrecida le impone al recipiente. Los hombres que van a América Latina deben aceptar humildemente la posibilidad de que, por más que den cuanto tengan, pueden ser allí inútiles o dañinos. Deben aceptar el hecho de que un programa de ayuda eclesiástica tullido los usa como paliativos para amortiguar el dolor de una estructura cancerosa, con la única esperanza de que el remedio le dará al organismo tiempo y calma suficientes para iniciar una curación espontánea. Es mucho más probable que la píldora del farmacéutico aleje al paciente de los consejos de un cirujano y lo convierta en un adicto. + +Los misioneros norteamericanos se dan cada vez más cuenta de que atendieron a un llamado para remendar agujeros en un barco que se hunde porque los oficiales no se atrevieron a lanzar los botes salvavidas. A menos que esto sea visto claramente, los hombres que ofrecieron obedientemente los mejores años de sus vidas se encontrarán engañados en una lucha estéril por mantener a flote un barco sentenciado que navega sin rumbo. Debemos reconocer que los misioneros pueden convertirse en peones de una lucha ideológica mundial y que es blasfemo emplear el Evangelio para apuntalar a este o aquel sistema político o social. El dinero y los hombres enviados a una sociedad como parte de un programa llevan consigo ideas que les sobreviven. Se ha señalado, en el caso de los Cuerpos de Paz, que la mutación cultural catalizada por un grupo extranjero puede ser mucho más efectiva que todos los servicios inmediatos que ese grupo preste. Lo mismo puede ser cierto de los misioneros norteamericanos que —no lejos de casa, con grandes medios a su disposición y cumpliendo a menudo un cometido muy corto— penetran en un área intensamente colonizada, cultural y económicamente, por Estados Unidos. Ese misionero es parte de esta esfera de influencia y a menudo de intriga. A través del misionero estadunidense su país sombrea y colorea a gusto la imagen pública de la Iglesia. El influjo de los misioneros estadunidenses coincide con los proyectos de la Alianza para el Progreso, el plan Camelot y la CIA y se parece a un bautizo de los tres. La Alianza aparece dirigida por la justicia cristiana y no se ve en lo que es, independientemente de sus varias motivaciones: una decepción designada para mantener el _statu quo_. Durante los primeros cinco años de dicho programa se triplicaron los capitales netos que escapan de América Latina. El programa es demasiado pequeño como para permitir siquiera el logro de un umbral de crecimiento sostenido. Es un hueso que se le echa al perro para que no alborote el corral de Estados Unidos. + +En esas circunstancias el misionero estadunidense tiende a cumplir el papel tradicional que tenía el capellán lacayo de un poder colonial. Cuando la ayuda la administra un “gringo” para tranquilizar a los “subdesarrollados”, los peligros implícitos en el uso de dinero extranjero con fines eclesiásticos adquieren proporciones caricaturescas. Por supuesto sería mucho pedir a la mayoría de los norteamericanos que hicieran una crítica abierta, clara y contundente a la agresión sociopolítica de Estados Unidos en América Latina; y más difícil todavía pedir que lo hicieran sin la amargura del expatriado o el oportunismo del que cambia de partido. + +Los grupos de misioneros norteamericanos no pueden evitar proyectar la imagen de “puestos de avanzada de Estados Unidos”. Esta distorsión sólo la podrían impedir individuos norteamericanos mezclados con personas locales. El misionero es por necesidad un agente “solapado” que sirve — por más inconsciente que esté de ello— al consenso social y político norteamericano. Pero es consciente y deliberado en su deseo de trasplantar los valores de su Iglesia a Sudamérica; la adaptación y la selección natural rara vez alcanzan el nivel para cuestionar los propios valores. + +La situación no era tan ambigua hace 10 años, cuando las sociedades misioneras eran canales de buena fe para el flujo de la quincallería tradicional de la Iglesia estadunidense hacia América Latina. No había mercancía que no fuera vendible en el mercado latinoamericano que apenas se abría —desde los collarines romanos hasta las escuelas parroquiales, desde los catecismos norteamericanos hasta las universidades católicas—. + +Tampoco se necesitaba mucha mercadotecnia para convencer a los obispos latinoamericanos que probaran la etiqueta con el sello _Made in USA_. + +Entretanto la situación ha cambiado considerablemente. La Iglesia estadunidense se sacude todavía a raíz de los resultados de su primera autocrítica científica y masiva. No sólo los métodos y las instituciones, sino también las ideologías que ellos implican, son objeto de exámenes y ataques. De ahí que también se tambalee la confianza del vendedor eclesiástico estadunidense en sí mismo. Así es que vemos la extraña paradoja de un hombre que trata de implantar en una cultura realmente diferente estructuras y programas que hoy son rechazados en su propio país de origen. (Hace poco me enteré de que el personal norteamericano planea establecer una escuela primaria católica en una parroquia de una ciudad centroamericana que ya tiene una docena de escuelas públicas.) Está también el peligro opuesto. Latinoamérica ya no puede seguir tolerando ser un puerto para los liberales norteamericanos que no pueden acertar en su país, una salida para apóstoles demasiado “apostólicos” como para que encuentren en su propia comunidad sus vocaciones de profesionales competentes. El vendedor de quincallería amenaza con inundar el resto del continente con imitaciones de segunda clase de parroquias, escuelas y catecismos, que han pasado ya de moda en el mismo Estados Unidos. El escapista vagabundo va más allá y amenaza con confundir a un mundo extranjero con protestas superficiales que ni siquiera son viables en su casa. + +La Iglesia estadunidense de la generación de la guerra de Vietnam encuentra difícil comprometerse en ayuda al extranjero sin exportar sus soluciones y sus problemas. Para las naciones en desarrollo ambos lujos son prohibitivos. Los mexicanos, para evitar ofender a los remitentes, pagan fuertes sumas en derechos para sacar de las aduanas regalos inútiles o jamás solicitados que les envían amigos estadunidenses bien intencionados. Los que hacen regalos no deben pensar en el presente y en la necesidad actual, sino en los efectos futuros sobre toda una generación. Los planificadores de la caridad se deben preguntar si el valor global del regalo, en hombres, dinero e ideas, amerita el precio que el destinatario tendrá que pagar en última instancia. Como sugiere el padre Berrigan: los ricos y los poderosos pueden decidirse a no dar; el pobre difícilmente puede rehusarse a aceptar. + +Y como la limosna condiciona al espíritu del mendigo, los obispos latinoamericanos no están enteramente extraviados cuando piden una ayuda extranjera errada y dañina. Gran parte de la culpa la tiene la eclesiología subdesarrollada de los clérigos estadunidenses que dirigen la “venta” de las buenas intenciones estadunidenses. + +El católico estadunidense quiere comprometerse en un programa eclesiológicamente válido y no en programas subsidiariamente políticos y sociales designados para influir en el crecimiento de las naciones en vías de desarrollo de acuerdo con la doctrina social de cualquiera, aunque se la describa como la del papa. El meollo de la discusión no está por ello en _cómo_ enviar más dinero y más hombres sino en _por qué_ hacerlo. Mientras tanto, la Iglesia no está en peligro crítico. Estamos tentados a salvar las estructuras en lugar de cuestionar su propósito y verdad. Deseosos de glorificarnos con el trabajo de nuestras manos, nos sentimos culpables, frustrados y airados cuando una parte del edificio comienza a crujir. En lugar de creer en la Iglesia intentemos frenéticamente construirla de acuerdo con nuestra nublada imagen cultural. Queremos construir la comunidad dependiendo de las técnicas, y somos ciegos al deseo latente de unidad que lucha por expresarse entre los hombres. Aterrados, planeamos _nuestra_ Iglesia con estadísticas, en lugar de buscar esperanzadamente a la Iglesia viva que está aquí entre nosotros. + +# La vaca sagrada + +## El mito liberal y la integración social + +Durante las dos últimas décadas, el concepto “crecimiento demográfico” estuvo presente en toda conversación relacionada con el desarrollo de América Latina. En 1950, alrededor de 200 millones de personas vivían entre México y Chile, cifra equivalente a la población total de Estados Unidos y Canadá, en donde sólo 15 millones lograron producir suficiente comida para todos sus conciudadanos y, además, para una buena parte del mundo. Dado el nivel tecnológico de América Latina, tenemos que 120 millones de campesinos subyugados por una agricultura primitiva no lograron abastecer siquiera las necesidades de su población total. + +Si damos por sentada la eficacia de los programas de control de la natalidad y de desarrollo de la tecnología rural, seguramente para 1985 no existirán más de 40 millones de agricultores que producirán alimentos para una población total de 340 millones. Los 300 millones restantes quedarán marginados de la economía si no se les incorpora a la vida urbana o a la producción industrial. + +Por otra parte, durante estos últimos 20 años los gobiernos latinoamericanos y la ayuda técnica extranjera aumentaron su confianza en la eficacia de la escuela —elemental, industrial y superior— como un instrumento de incorporación de los habitantes de barrios, rancherías y poblados, al mundo de la fábrica, del comercio, de la vida pública. Se mantiene la ilusión de que pese a que se posea una economía precaria, la escuela podrá producir una amplia clase media, con virtudes análogas a las que predominan en las naciones altamente industrializadas. Hoy ya se hace evidente que la escuela no está alcanzando estas metas, y su ineficacia ha motivado un aumento en las investigaciones tendientes a mejorar el proceso de enseñanza que se sigue en las escuelas y a adaptar los planes de estudio y la administración escolar a las circunstancias concretas de una sociedad en desarrollo. Pero dicha investigación no es suficiente; se hace necesaria una revisión radical. En vez de estancarnos en un esfuerzo por mejorar las escuelas, lancémonos a analizar críticamente la ideología que nos presenta al sistema escolar como un dogma indiscutible de cualquier sociedad industrial. Y al efectuar la revisión no deberemos escandalizarnos si descubrimos que posiblemente no sea la escuela el medio de educación universal en las naciones en vías de desarrollo. Por el contrario, tal vez esto sirva para dejar libre nuestra imaginación y crear un escenario de futuro en el que la escuela resulte un anacronismo. + +Tal ha sido, durante 1967-1968, el tema de la mayor parte de los coloquios que tuvieron lugar en el Cidoc (Centro Intercultural de Documentación) de Cuernavaca. + +El problema es difícil e inquietante. La angustiosa carencia de alternativas que presenta el sistema tradicional escolar, hizo que las discusiones tuviesen un matiz demasiado abstracto y a ratos frustrante. Sin embargo, ellas nos hicieron más conscientes de la ineficacia de la escuela tal como funciona hoy. Llegamos a la conclusión de que en América Latina la escuela acentúa la polarización social, concentra sus servicios —de tipo educativo y no educativo— en una élite, y está facilitando el camino a una estructura política de tipo fascista. Por el solo hecho de existir, tiende a fomentar un clima de violencia. + +Tomando en cuenta que la escolarización es un subsistema dentro del sistema social, durante los próximos años nos concentraremos en el Cidoc en analizarlo no desde otro subsistema, sino desde fuera del sistema social. + +No existe reforma social sin signo político. Cualquier cambio real en el método de admisión, en el plan de estudios y en la expedición de certificados y títulos, es políticamente discutible. Pero aquí proponemos mucho más: el rechazo de la ideología que exige la reclusión de los niños en la escuela. Esta afirmación no sería esencialmente discutible si no fuera considerada políticamente subversiva. + +## La alianza para el progreso de las clases medias + +Hace siete años los gobiernos americanos constituyeron una “Alianza para el Progreso”; o tal vez para frenar el progreso, aunque más bien parece una “alianza” al servicio del “progreso” de las clases medias. En la mayoría de los países, la Alianza ha impulsado la sustitución de una élite cerrada, feudal y hereditaria por otra que se dice “meritocrática”. + +Esta “nueva” élite se encuentra abierta solamente a los infelices privilegiados que han obtenido un certificado escolar. Simultáneamente el proletariado marginado urbano (compuesto en parte por vendedores ambulantes, vigilantes de autos, boleros o lustradores de zapatos, y otros que prestan servicios menores) tuvo una tasa de crecimiento inmensamente mayor que la de las masas rurales tradicionales o la de los trabajadores sindicalizados, lo que es señal de que cada día se ensancha más el abismo que separa a la mayoría marginada de la minoría escolarizada. + +La antigua y estable sociedad feudal latinoamericana está engendrando dos nuevas sociedades separadas, desiguales y sólo presuntamente entrelazadas. La naturaleza de este distanciamiento representa un fenómeno nuevo, cualitativamente distinto a las formas tradicionales de discriminación social de la América hispana. Es un proceso discriminatorio en pañales que crece con el desarrollo mismo de la escolarización. La escuela es la niñera encargada de que no se interrumpa el ensanchamiento de ese abismo. Resulta ilusorio, por ello, invocar la escolarización universal como medio de eliminar la discriminación. Yo sostengo que la razón fundamental de la alienación creciente de las mayorías marginadas es la aceptación progresiva del “mito liberal”: la convicción de que las escuelas son una panacea para la integración social. + +Arraigado en una tradición, ya sólida en el tiempo de los enciclopedistas, el hombre occidental concibe al ciudadano como un ser que “pasó por la escuela”. La asistencia a clase sustituyó a la tradicional reverencia al cura. La conversión a la nación por medio del adoctrinamiento escolar sustituyó la incorporación a la colonia por medio de la catequesis. + +Con la ayuda del misionero, la colonización preparó a las Repúblicas latinoamericanas para la adopción de constituciones basadas en el modelo norteamericano, generalizando la convicción de que todos los ciudadanos tienen el derecho —y por lo tanto, la posibilidad— de entrar en la sociedad a través de la puerta de la escuela. El maestro, como misionero de la escuela, encontró en Latinoamérica más éxito en las capas populares que en otras zonas de similar atraso industrial. El misionero de la colonia había preparado la aceptación de su sucesor. + +Tal vez esto explique por qué fue fácil para las izquierdas liberales conseguir aumentar las inversiones nacionales e internacionales en escolarización. De hecho, tanto los presupuestos como las inversiones privadas destinadas a la educación han ido aumentando rápidamente y, a falta de una revisión radical, se prepara el terreno para un aumento ulterior totalmente desproporcionado en relación con el de otros sectores de interés nacional. Es el momento de analizar a fondo la cuestión. + +El sistema escolar ha venido a hacer de puente estrecho por el que atraviesa ese sistema social que se ensancha día a día. Como único pasaje “legítimo” para pasar de la masa a la élite, el sistema coarta cualquier otro medio de promoción del individuo y, mediante la falacia de su gratuidad, crea en el marginado la convicción de ser él el único culpable de su situación. + +## La escuela institución anticuada + +No es paradójico afirmar que Latinoamérica no necesita más establecimientos escolares para universalizar la educación. Esto suena ridículo porque estamos acostumbrados a pensar en la educación como en un producto exclusivo de la escuela, y porque estamos inclinados a presumir que lo que funcionó en los siglos XIX y XX necesariamente dará los mismos resultados en el XXI. De hecho, ninguna de las dos suposiciones es cierta. + +América Latina necesitó tanto sistemas escolares como ferroviarios. Ambos abarcaron continentes, ambos impulsaron a las naciones ricas (ahora ya establecidas) hacia la primera época industrial, y ambos son ahora reliquias inofensivas de un pasado victoriano. Ninguno de esos dos sistemas conviene a una sociedad que pasa directamente de la agricultura primitiva a la era del jet. Latinoamérica no puede darse el lujo de mantener instituciones sociales obsoletas en medio del proceso tecnológico contemporáneo. Debe dejar que se desmorone el bloque del sistema educativo imperante, en vez de gastar energías en apuntalarlo. Los países industrializados según los moldes del pasado pagan un precio desorbitante por mantener unido lo nuevo y lo viejo. Este precio significa, en último término, un freno a la economía, a la libertad, al desarrollo social e individual. Si América Latina se empeña en imitar esta conducta, la educación, no menos que el transporte, será privilegio de “la crema y nata” de la sociedad. La educación se identificará con un título, y la movilidad con un automóvil. Eso es precisamente lo que por desgracia está ocurriendo. Ni económica ni políticamente pueden nuestros pueblos soportar “la era del dominio de la escuela”. + +## El monopolio de la escuela sobre la educación + +Al hablar de “escuela” no me refiero a toda forma de educación organizada. + +Por “escuela” y “escolarización” entiendo aquí esa forma sistemática de recluir a los jóvenes desde los siete a los 25 años, y también el carácter de _rite de passage_^[En francés, en el original. (E.)] que tiene la educación como la conocemos, de la cual la escuela es el templo donde se realizan las progresivas iniciaciones. Hoy nos parece normal que la escuela llene esa función, pero olvidamos que ella, como organización con su correspondiente ideología, no constituye un dogma eterno, sino un simple fenómeno histórico que aparece con el surgimiento de la nación industrial. + +El sistema escolar se impone a todos los ciudadanos durante un periodo que abarca de 10 a 18 años de su juventud con un promedio de 10 meses al año con varias horas por día. El local escolar es el recinto encargado de la custodia de quienes sobran en la calle, el hogar o el mercado laboral. + +Cuando una sociedad se escolariza, acepta mentalmente el dogma escolar. + +Se confiere entonces al maestro el poder de establecer los criterios según los cuales los nuevos grupos populares deberán someterse a la escuela para que no se los considere subeducados. Tal sujeción, ejercida sobre seres humanos saludables, productivos y potencialmente independientes, es ejecutada por la institución escolar con una eficiencia sólo comparable a la de los conventos, _Kibbutzim_ o campos de concentración. + +Luego de distinguir a sus graduados con un título, la escuela los coloca en el mercado para que pregonen su valor. Una vez que la educación universal ha sido aceptada como la marca de buena calidad del “pueblo escogido del maestro”, el grado de competencia y adaptabilidad de sus miembros pasará a medirse por la cantidad de tiempo y dinero gastados en educarlos, y no mediante la habilidad o instrucción adquiridas fuera del curriculum “acreditado”. + +La idea de la alfabetización universal sirvió para declarar a la educación competencia exclusiva de la escuela. Ésta se transformó así en una vaca sagrada más intocable que la Iglesia del periodo colonial. Se declaró tan esencial para el buen ciudadano del siglo XIX saber leer y escribir, como ser bautizado lo había sido en el siglo XVII. Parece ser que a la par de la electricidad se descubrió la “ley natural” de que los niños deben asistir a la escuela. Las leyes correlativas se descubren más fácilmente en los países ricos. En marzo de 1968, el Consejo Superior de Enseñanza de la ciudad de Nueva York concluyó que en 1975 el cien por ciento de los habitantes de 22 años tendrán un mínimo de 14 años de escolarización. Incluso los que han rechazado el sistema social en que viven deberán aceptar el sistema escolar. + +Ni la prisión salvará al neoyorquino menor de 23 años de la imposición escolar. + +Se proyecta ya una sociedad en la que el título universitario reemplazará a la alfabetización. De hecho, en Estados Unidos se considera a las personas con menos de 14 años de escolarización como miembros subdesarrollados de la sociedad, confinados a los arrabales. Quien se rebele contra la evolución del dogma escolar será tachado de loco o subversivo. Esto último lo es, efectivamente. + +Es necesario entender la escuela monopolizadora de la educación en analogía con otros sistemas educativos inventados por sociedades anteriores. Pensemos en el proceso instructivo del aprendiz en el taller del gremio medieval, en la hora de la doctrina como instrumento evangelizador del periodo colonial, o bien pensemos en _Les Grandes Écoles_ con las que la Francia burguesa supo legitimar técnicamente el privilegio de sus élites posrevolucionarias. Sólo observando este monopolio en una perspectiva histórica es posible hacerse la pregunta de si la escuela conviene hoy a América Latina. + +Cada uno de los sistemas mencionados surgió para dar estabilidad y proteger la estructura de la sociedad que los produjo. Estados Unidos no ha sido la primera nación dispuesta a pagar un alto precio —subvencionando incluso sus propios misioneros— con tal de exportar su sistema educativo a todos los rincones de la Tierra, buscando en su caso imponer _The American_ _Dream_. La colonización hispana de América, con todo su aparato de catequización, es un predecesor digno de tenerse en cuenta. + +## La escuela como manía obsesiva + +Es difícil desafiar la ideología escolar en un ambiente en el que todos sus miembros tienen una mentalidad escolarizada. Es propio de las categorías que se manejan en una sociedad capitalista industrializada el medir todo resultado como producto de instituciones e instrumentos especializados. + +Los ejércitos producen defensa, las Iglesias producen salvación eterna, Ford produce transporte… ¿Por qué no concebir entonces la educación como un producto de la escuela? Una vez aceptada esta divisa proveniente de una mentalidad cuantitativo-productiva, tendremos que toda educación que pueda recibirse fuera de la escuela o “fábrica de educación” dará la impresión de algo espurio, ilegítimo y, ciertamente, no acreditado. + +La sociedad moderna tiende a creer en las soluciones masivas de sus problemas. Se trata de ganar guerras con una inmensa cantidad de bombas, de mover millones de personas con un sinnúmero de cochecitos y de educar con cantidades industriales de escuelas. Estados Unidos es “suficientemente” rico para mantener listas un número de bombas mucho mayor del que se necesita para exterminar tres veces todas las cosas vivientes; para congestionar de autos el creciente pulpo de las carreteras, y para obligar a cada niño a 16 000 horas de escolarización primaria y secundaria al precio de 1.27 dólares por hora en Estados Unidos. + +Probablemente las naciones de América Latina no sean lo suficientemente ricas para adoptar estos sistemas, aunque algunos de sus gobiernos actúan como si lo fuesen. El ejemplo de las naciones desarrolladas hace que los peruanos gasten un notable porcentaje de su presupuesto en comprar bombarderos Mirage (supongo que para exhibirlos en algún desfile militar), y que los brasileños promulguen el ideal del _family_ _car_ (naturalmente sólo para unos pocos). El mismo ejemplo consigue que absolutamente todos los gobiernos latinoamericanos (Cuba inclusive) gasten de una a dos quintas partes de su presupuesto en escolarizar, sin encontrar por eso oposición. + +Insistamos por un momento en la analogía entre el sistema escolar moderno y el auto particular. Una economía basada en la idea de tener un auto es ya un ideal latinoamericano, por lo menos entre los que en el presente formulan la política nacional. En los últimos 20 años, los gastos en carreteras, estacionamientos y toda esa otra clase de beneficios para los que poseen automóvil propio, han aumentado cuantiosamente. Estas inversiones sólo sirven a una minoría ínfima y, lo que es peor aún, obstaculizan la instalación de cualquier sistema alternativo, pues desde ahora predeterminan la orientación de presupuestos futuros. Mientras tanto, la proliferación de carros particulares, además de dificultar en las calles el tránsito de autobuses —único medio de transporte popular sin contar el subterráneo—, discrimina la circulación de éstos en las autopistas urbanas. + +Criticar estas inversiones en comunicaciones es permisible. Sin embargo, quien proponga limitar radicalmente las inversiones escolares y encontrar medios más eficaces de educación, comete un suicidio político. + +Los partidos de oposición pueden permitirse gestionar la necesidad de construir supercarreteras, pueden oponerse a la adquisición de armamentos que se oxidarán entre desfile y desfile, pero, ¿quién en su sano juicio se atreve a contradecir la irrebatible “necesidad” de dar a todo niño la oportunidad de hacer su bachillerato? + +## La escuela tabú intocable + +La escuela se ha vuelto intocable por ser vital para el mantenimiento del _statu quo_. Sirve para mitigar el potencial subversivo que debería poseer la educación en una sociedad alienada, ya que al quedar confinada a sus aulas sólo confiere sus más altos certificados a quienes se han sometido a su iniciación y adiestramiento. + +En sociedades infracapitalizadas, donde la mayoría no puede darse el lujo de una escolarización limitada —por más que para los pocos que la reciben sea gratuita—, el presente sistema implica la total subordinación de esa mayoría al escolarizado prestigio de la minoría. En esta minoría de los beneficiarios del monopolio escolar se encuentran los líderes políticos y los técnicos de planificación, independientemente de que sean conservadores, marxistas o liberales. También forman parte de ella las niñas mimadas de las universidades privadas y los cabecillas estudiantiles de las huelgas universitarias. Todos estos grupos están igualmente interesados en el mantenimiento del monopolio escolar. La única divergencia gira en torno a quién debe gozar del privilegio y quién no. + +## La escuela en el mundo de la electrónica + +Para el año 2000 el proceso de educación formal habrá cambiado, tanto en las naciones ricas como en las pobres. Las escuelas cesarán de dividir la vida humana en dos partes: la edad escolar para los discriminados por su inmadurez y la edad madura para los titulados por la escuela. La edad escolar durará toda la vida. A medida que un individuo se haga más maduro y capaz, se intensificará su educación formal, convirtiéndose ésta en una actividad de adultos, más que de jóvenes. Lo que se entiende hoy día por asistir a clase será entonces obsoleto. + +Todos los sistemas sociales, especialmente las incorporaciones industriales y administrativas, asumirán la tarea de entrenar y especializar a sus miembros; prestarán una especie de servicio de aculturación, concentrado en un aprendizaje relevante para el individuo, en vez de forzarlo a perder tantos años de su vida aprendiendo cosas que no utilizará jamás. La educación no será ya identificada con la escolarización, y será posible el adiestramiento fuera del monopolio escolar. + +Ya es posible entrever las tendencias hacia esas metas. En Berkeley o en la Zona Rosa de México, la nueva generación pide trabajo no alienante y poder de decisión a nivel de grupos pequeños donde tenga cabida la experiencia personal. En rebeldía contra el sistema que los mimó, estos jóvenes prefieren poder “celebrar” la experiencia de vivir, al _achievement_^[En inglés, en el original. (E.)] o logro, que es el dios de las generaciones pasadas. Es decir, se encuentran proclamando los mismos ideales que pretenden ser normativos tanto en China como en Cuba. + +El sistema escolar, al encargarse de producir seres infantiles, consigue que éstos se organicen para reaccionar contra el paternalismo de esa sociedad que insiste en mantenerlos niños declarándolos “escolares”. + +Constituyen dinámicamente una nueva clase universal —carente de toda base de poder legítimo— aún no reconocida como tal. Los ideales de esta clase son de penetrante contenido humanista. Ideal que por utópico no deja de ser vehementemente sugestivo. + +Toda sociedad que hace de la experiencia humana su centro de desarrollo —y es ésta la sociedad que esperamos y soñamos— necesita distinguir tajantemente entre el proceso de instrucción y la apertura de la conciencia de cada individuo, entre adiestramiento y desarrollo de la imaginación creadora. La instrucción es cada vez más susceptible de planificación y programación, lo que no ocurre con la comprensión. + +Concibamos la instrucción como la cantidad de socialización programada que un individuo necesita adquirir antes de ser admitido en un nuevo ambiente. Preveo un escenario de futuro en el que resurgirá el aprendizaje medieval. Cada ambiente o cada organización proporcionará la instrucción necesaria a sus actividades. Esto lo hacen ya los sindicatos, las Iglesias, los bancos, la industria, el ejército, y no la escuela. La persona se encuentra incitada a aprender porque se trata de cuestiones que le atañen personalmente. Es lo que Paulo Freire en Brasil llamó _conscientisação_. Es la única palabra aplicable. + +Sin embargo, podría y debería no ser así. La comprensión puede adquirirse de manera cómoda y no estructurada, haciendo que el individuo se vaya conociendo más a sí mismo a través del diálogo con las personas de su ambiente. + +El papel de la escuela en la evolución hacia la utopía de finales de este siglo es diametralmente opuesto tanto en las naciones ricas como en las naciones pobres. Las primeras invirtieron enormes cantidades de dinero en poblar sus tierras de escuelas, al mismo tiempo que construyeron redes ferroviarias. Gastaron mucho más aun cuando descubrieron que necesitaban universidades además de escuelas, las cuales construyeron al mismo tiempo que las autopistas. Piensan ser bastante ricas para terminar, en la próxima década, el proceso de poblar sus tierras de universidades construidas alrededor de un estacionamiento, ya que cada uno de sus jóvenes está por tener automóvil propio. Son tan ricas, que el aumento cuantitativo de escuelas no impide a primera vista el cambio social. Pero en mi opinión lo frena, principalmente por la despersonalización del individuo que tal escolarización implica. + +De intentar algo semejante, las naciones pobres sufrirán una desastrosa quiebra económica mucho antes de aproximarse a este género de saturación escolar. En América Latina es imposible lograr un promedio de 12 años de escolarización para todos los ciudadanos. Según el último censo, no hay país latinoamericano en el que 27% de los alumnos de un curso escolar correspondiente a una edad determinada vaya más allá del sexto grado ni en el que más de 1% se gradúe en la universidad. Y esto ocurre a pesar de que de 18 a más de 30% de los presupuestos oficiales se invierten en las escuelas. Esta sola consideración debería convencernos de la peligrosa ambigüedad del mito de la escolarización universal. La imitación del sistema escolar de la metrópoli capitalista constituye un peligro mortal para sus colonias no menos que para sus ex colonias. _1)_ Ni un control radical del crecimiento de la población, _2)_ ni el máximo aumento posible del porcentaje presupuestal dedicado a la educación, _3)_ ni ayudas extranjeras sin precedente, podrían asegurar a la próxima generación latinoamericana un promedio de 10 años de escolarización, mucho menos uno de 14. Esto por lo siguiente: + +_1)_ En una población joven como la de América Latina — particularmente en sus zonas tropicales—, ni los programas más radicales de control de la natalidad podrían reducir el presente nivel de población de las generaciones jóvenes. + +_2)_ No es posible aumentar arbitrariamente el porcentaje del presupuesto público que se invierte en escuelas. Las carreteras, el seguro social y el fomento industrial, son fuertes competidores. Además, para los próximos 15 años ya podemos prever las tasas máximas de crecimiento de los presupuestos. + +_3)_ Se habla mucho ahora de que el dinero gastado en Vietnam podría invertirse mejor en escuelas en Latinoamérica. Y lo proponen no sólo los idealistas que creen en el mito liberal, sino también los cínicos que saben muy bien que el monopolio escolar combate la insurgencia con mucha mayor eficacia que el napalm. Es importante observar, sin embargo, que un país latinoamericano que utiliza ahora 25% de su presupuesto en “escolarizarse”, necesitaría una ayuda extranjera de 150% de su presupuesto total. Es dudoso que esto pudiera ser políticamente recomendable. + +Más aún: el problema no es sólo que América Latina carece de los recursos necesarios para aumentar suficientemente las escolarización. Al mismo tiempo su costo per cápita aumenta: _1)_ con la expansión cuantitativa del sistema (la tarea de la escuela se hace más difícil y costosa a medida que penetra zonas más distantes: las escuelas no son “más baratas por docena”, para lo cual basta pensar que al aumentar el número sube también el costo administrativo y burocrático, sin aludir a las ganancias que extrae de ahí el sistema económico dominante), _2_) con tasas de perseverancia escolar creciente (por supuesto que cuesta más un año en la escuela superior que dos o tres en la elemental), _3)_ con un aumento en la calidad de la enseñanza (no cuesta lo mismo enseñar física utilizando un laboratorio en lugar de un pizarrón), _4)_ con las exigencias justificadas del personal docente (las asociaciones de maestros son ya, en muchos países, los gremios profesionales más poderosos, un poco análogos al clero de la colonia; pero su agitación es justificada: en 1963, el promedio de su salario en 14 países de nuestra América equivalía a 60 dólares mensuales). + +Por tanto, serán muy pocos los que podrían gozar del estatus simbólico y del uso del poder despótico que la escuela confiere. Es necesario considerar estos dos elementos. + +## La escuela como símbolo de estatus + +Ese portentoso papelito llamado título o diploma se ha convertido en la posesión más codiciada. Recompensa principalmente a quien fue capaz de soportar hasta el final un ritual penoso; a la vez, representa una iniciación al mundo del “ejecutivo”. El ideal de que cada persona tenga su auto y su título ha producido una sociedad de masas tipo clase media. A medida que se van haciendo realidad, estos ideales se transforman en mecanismos que aseguran el sistema que ellos produjeron. Tanto el auto como el título son símbolos de los esfuerzos correspondientes al periodo de industrialización liberal. Representan un logro y posesión individual. + +Toda sociedad necesita pagar un precio para conservar sus ritos. Brasil tiene su carnaval, México su Guadalupe, algunos países su “revolución”. Y Estados Unidos tiene su graduación. A pesar de su popularidad, los ritos son normalmente obsoletos. La sociedad tiene que hacer sacrificios para que esos ritos, dioses e iglesias hereditarias satisfagan parte del hambre del ser contemporáneo. Los ricos pueden practicar ritos más costosos y tienden a imponerlos a todos aquellos que quieran compartir el juego político, industrial e intelectual. + +Es absurdo que el simple hecho de que Estados Unidos no pueda liberarse del costosísimo ritual para el título y el coche, sea argumento para universalizar esta religión en América Latina. + +Como todos los países que llegan tarde a la industrialización, Latinoamérica puede aprovechar las invenciones de las naciones industrializadas, pero no debe dejar que éstas le impongan el sistema social de su tecnología avanzada porque será imposible financiarlo. Incluyo ahí a la endiosada escuela. No vale la pena que nuestra naciones provean de automóviles y de títulos a sus burguesías asimiladas a la burguesía internacional. Nuevos procesos eliminarán ambos símbolos en Estados Unidos mucho antes de que 10% de los latinoamericanos logre obtenerlos. + +## La escuela creadora de déspotas + +La escuela, que ayudó en el siglo pasado a superar el feudalismo, se está convirtiendo en ídolo opresor que sólo protege a los escolarizados. Ella gradúa y, consecuentemente, degrada. Por fuerza del mismo proceso, el degradado deberá volver a sometérsele. La prioridad social se otorgará entonces de acuerdo con el nivel escolar alcanzado. En toda América Latina, más di-nero para escuelas significa más privilegios para unos pocos a costa de muchos. Este altivo paternalismo de la élite se formula incluso entre los objetivos políticos como igualdad (gratuidad, universalidad) en la oportunidad escolar. Cada nueva escuela establecida bajo esta ley deshonra al no escolarizado y lo hace más consciente de su “inferioridad”. El ritmo con el cual crece la expectativa de escolarización es mucho mayor al ritmo con el cual aumentan las escuelas. + +El hecho es que cada año disminuye el número de clientes satisfechos que se gradúan en un nivel que se considere “satisfactorio” y aumenta el de los marcados con el estigma de la deserción escolar. A estos últimos su título de desertores los gradúa para ejercer en el mercado de los marginados. La aguda pirámide educacional asigna a cada individuo su nivel de poder, prestigio y recursos, según lo considera apropiado para él. + +Lo convence de que esto es ni más ni menos lo que merece. La aceptación del mito escolar por los distintos niveles de la sociedad justifica ante todos los privilegios de muy pocos. + +No hay mucha diferencia entre los que justifican su poder con base en la herencia y los que lo hacen con base en un título. En gran parte son los mismos. Las escuelas frustran, sí, a la mayoría, pero lo hacen no sólo con todas las apariencias de legitimidad democrática sino también de clemencia. + +A alguien que no esté satisfecho con su falta de educación se le aconseja “que se supere”. El remedio de la escuela nocturna o la educación de adultos están siempre disponibles: medidas ambas ineficaces para generalizar la educación, pero sumamente eficaces para demostrar al individuo que es culpable de la discriminación que sufre. + +La perpetuación del mito escolar y su expansión hacia nuevas capas de la sociedad son tareas de la misma escuela. De este modo ella asegura su propio porvenir. En el caso de la escolarización no es verdad que “algo es mejor que nada”. Pocos años de escuela inculcan una convicción en el niño: el que tiene más escolarización que él, tiene una indiscutida autoridad sobre él. + +Las escuelas aumentan el ingreso nacional por dos razones opuestas pero igualmente explotadoras del individuo: _1)_ capacitan a la minoría graduada para una producción económica mayor, pero sometida siempre a la mentalidad escolar, _2)_ esta minoría se vuelve tan productiva que se hace preciso enseñar a la mayoría a consumir disciplinadamente (lo que se logra dándole alguna escolarización). Así la escuela limita la vitalidad de la mayoría y de la minoría, capando la imaginación y destruyendo la espontaneidad. La escuela divide a la sociedad en dos grupos: la mayoría disciplinadamente marginada por su escolarización deficiente, y la minoría de aquellos tan productivos que el aumento previsto en su ingreso anual es muchísimo mayor que el promedio anual del ingreso de esa inmensa mayoría marginada. El ingreso de ésta también aumenta, pero, por supuesto, mucho más despacio. La dinámica de la sociedad ensancha el abismo que separa a los dos grupos. + +Cualquier cambio o innovación en la estructura escolar o en la educación formal, según la conocemos, presupone: _1)_ cambios radicales en la esfera política; _2)_ cambios radicales en el sistema y la organización de la producción, y _3)_ una transformación radical de la visión que el hombre tiene de sí como un animal que necesita escolarización. Aun cuando se proponen devastadoras reformas del sistema escolar se ignoran estos supuestos. De aquí que fallen, puesto que se toma como base el marco social que las sostiene, en vez de gestionarlo radicalmente. + +Las escuelas vocacionales —consideradas como remedio al problemas de la educación en masa— proveen un buen ejemplo de la limitada visión ante el problema de reformas escolares: _1)_ el que egresa de una escuela vocacional o técnica se encuentra ante el problema de encontrar empleo en una sociedad cada vez más automatizada en sus medios de producción; _2)_ el costo de operación de este tipo de escuela es varias veces más alto que el de la escuela común; _3)_ su matrícula se nutre de estudiantes que ya han aprobado el sexto grado, estudiantes que, como ya hemos visto, son la excepción. Pretenden educar haciendo una imitación barata de una fábrica dentro de un edificio escolar. + +En vez de cifrar las esperanzas en las escuelas vocacionales o técnicas, hay que comenzar por visualizar la transformación subvencionada de la fábrica o planta industrial. En relación con esto debe existir la posibilidad de: _1)_ hacer obligatorio el uso de las fábricas en sus horas no productivas como centro de adiestramiento; _2)_ que la gerencia emplee parte de su tiempo en la planificación y supervisión de dicho adiestramiento; _3)_ la reestructuración total del proceso industrial para lograr un proceso educativo. Si parte de las asignaciones presupuestarias empleadas ahora en el sistema escolar se reorientasen para promover el aprovechamiento del potencial educativo presente en el sistema industrial, los resultados podrían ser enormes en relación con los obtenidos en el presente, tanto en lo educativo como en lo económico. Además, si tal instrucción estuviese disponible para todo aquel que la desease, sin tomar en consideración la edad o si la persona ha de ser empleada por esa fábrica, la industria habría comenzado a asumir un papel muy importante que es ahora exclusivo de la escuela. Con esto ya estaríamos bien encaminados a terminar con la idea equivocada de que la persona debe estar acreditada para el empleo antes de ser empleada y, por lo tanto, que la escolarización debe preceder al trabajo productivo. No hay razón alguna para continuar con la tradición medieval de que los hombres se preparan para la vida secular cotidiana a través de la encarcelación en un recinto sagrado, llámese monasterio, sinagoga o escuela. + +Otro remedio que frecuentemente se propone para compensar las fallas del sistema escolar es la educación fundamental de adultos. Paolo Freire ha demostrado en Brasil un nuevo método para lograr la instrucción de adultos; el grupo de éstos que logre interesarse en los problemas políticos de su comunidad puede aprender a leer y escribir en seis semanas de clases nocturnas. La eficacia de este programa se construye en torno a determinadas palabras clave que están cargadas de sentido político. Se entiende por qué dicho plan ha tropezado con dificultades. También se ha planteado que 10 meses separados de educación adulta cuestan tanto como un año de educación formal en la escuela; y, sin embargo, es mucho más efectiva que la mejor de las educaciones escolares. + +Desafortunadamente, la educación de adultos se visualiza como un medio para proveerle al indigente un paliativo para la escolarización que le falta. Habría que cambiar completamente la situación si queremos visualizar la educación como un ejercicio en madurez. Deberíamos considerar un cambio radical en la duración del año escolar, reduciendo la sesión de clases a dos meses por año, pero extendiendo el proceso educativo a los primeros 20 o 30 años de la vida de un hombre. Mientras que otras formas de aprendizaje práctico en fábricas y cursos programados e idiomas y matemáticas deben ocupar la mayor porción de lo que habíamos denominado como instrucción, dos meses al año de educación formal deben considerarse suficientes para permitir lo que los griegos denominaban _echole_, es decir, tiempo de ocio para la creación. No sorprende que se nos haga casi imposible concebir cambios sociales de tan gran alcance, como es el de distribuir en nuevos patrones la función educativa de las escuelas. Encontramos la misma dificultad al sugerir formas concretas por las cuales las funciones no educativas de un sistema escolar que va desapareciendo puedan redistribuirse. No sabemos qué hacer con aquellos a quienes denominamos “niños” o “estudiantes”, y que hacemos ingresar a las escuelas. + +Es difícil prever las consecuencias políticas que estos cambios tan fundamentales puedan traer, sin mencionar las consecuencias en el plano internacional. ¿Cómo podrán coexistir una sociedad con una tradición de escuelas corrientes, con otras que se han salido del patrón educativo tradicional y cuya industria, comercio, publicidad y participación en la política es, de hecho, diferente? Áreas que se desarrollan fuera del sistema universal convencional no tendrían el lenguaje común ni criterios de coexistencia respetuosa con los escolarizados. Dos mundos, tales como China y Estados Unidos, casi tendrían que aislarse el uno del otro. Un mundo que tiene fe en la iniciación ritual de todos sus miembros a través de una “liturgia escolar” tiene que combatir cualquier sistema educativo que escape a sus cánones sagrados. Intelectualmente, resulta difícil acreditar el partido de Mao como una institución educativa, que puede resultar más efectiva que las escuelas convencionales de más prestigio, por lo menos en lo que se refiere a enseñar lo que es ciudadanía. Las guerrillas en Latinoamérica son otro medio educativo que se malinterpreta y se usa indebidamente la mayor parte de las veces. El Che Guevara, por ejemplo, las veía como una última manera de enseñarle al pueblo lo ilegítimo que resulta el sistema político que padece. En países escolarizados donde la radio ha llegado a todo el pueblo, no debemos menospreciar las funciones educativas de grandes figuras disidentes y carismáticas como Dom Helder Camara en Brasil y Camilo Torres en Colombia. Fidel Castro describió sus primeras arengas como sesiones educativas. + +La mentalidad escolarizada percibe estos procesos solamente como adoctrinamiento político. No puede comprender el propósito educativo. La legitimación de la educación por las escuelas tiende a que se visualice cualquier tipo de educación fuera de ella como accidental, cuando no como delito grave. Aun así, sorprende la dificultad con que la mentalidad escolarizada puede percibir el rigor con el que las escuelas inculcan lo imprescindibles que son y, con esto, la inevitabilidad del sistema que patrocinan. Las escuelas adoctrinan al niño de manera que éste acepte el sistema político representado por sus maestros, incluso ante la insistencia de que la enseñanza es apolítica. + +En última instancia, el culto a la escolarización llevará a la violencia. El establecimiento de cualquier religión lleva a eso. Al permitir que se extienda la prédica por la escolarización universal, tiene que aumentar la habilidad militar para reprimir la “insurgencia” en Latinoamérica. Sólo la fuerza podrá controlar en última instancia las expectativas frustradas que la propagación del mito de escolarización ha desencadenado. La permanencia del actual sistema escolar puede muy bien fomentar el fascismo latinoamericano. Sólo un fanatismo inspirado en la idolatría por un sistema puede, en último término, racionalizar la discriminación masiva que es la resultante de insistir en clasificar con grados académicos a una sociedad necesitada. + +Ha llegado el momento de reconocer la gran carga que las escuelas suponen para las naciones jóvenes. Al hacerlo podremos liberarnos y contemplar el cambio de la estructura social que hace a las escuelas necesarias. Yo no apoyo una utopía como la comuna china para Latinoamérica. Pero sí sugiero que esforcemos nuestra imaginación para construir escenarios que permitan una denodada reestructuración de las funciones educativas en la industria y la política, cortos retiros educativos e intensa preparación de los padres sobre educación temprana. El costo de las escuelas no debe medirse solamente en términos políticos. Las escuelas, en una economía de escasez invadida por la automatización, acentúan y racionalizan la coexistencia de dos sociedades: una colonia de la otra. + +Una vez que se entienda que el costo de la escolarización es aún superior al costo del caos, nos colocaremos al margen de un compromiso desproporcionadamente costoso. Hoy en América Latina es tan peligroso dudar del mito de la salvación social por medio de la escolarización, como lo fue hace cientos de años dudar de los derechos divinos de los reyes católicos. + + +# La desescolarización de la iglesia + +Todos los hombres necesitan techo y comida, pero hay, por supuesto, necesidades no tan católicas. Un ejemplo: hace tres siglos un certificado de bautismo era necesario para vivir en una colonia española. Hoy ya no lo es. + +Algunas necesidades se van de la misma manera que vinieron. La educación es una de ellas. Si el mundo sobrevive, muy pronto ni la sentiremos. + +Hoy en día, un tercio de los seres vivos predica la necesidad de la educación. Admiten, eso sí, que algunas personas pueden sobrevivir sin ella, de la misma manera que otros sobreviven sin techo, pero resienten el despojo de ambos. Su presencia aquí me hace pensar que la mayoría de ustedes se encuentra entre estos nuevos evangelistas. + +Todo el poder terrestre va rumbo a las manos de esta minoría educada. + +La educación sirve de justificación para este privilegio que la minoría dominante detenta y reclama. Cuando se le desafía, el educado responde como el mayordomo que no podía cavar, se avergonzaba de pedir, y por ello hacía depender su futuro del valor de los certificados que obtenía. + +Al final de la Edad Media la gente le dio la espalda a la realidad y depositó su confianza en los certificados que les conferían indulgencias. + +Hoy, en una época de ilustración evanescente, el hombre se confía a la adquisición de algo llamado “educación”. + +Educación ha llegado a significar lo opuesto del proceso vital de aprendizaje que parte de un medio ambiente humano; un medio en el que, casi continuamente, la mayoría tiene acceso a todos los hechos e instrumentos que modelan sus vidas. Ha pasado a significar algo adquirible a espaldas de la cotidianidad, mediante el consumo de una mercancía y la acumulación del conocimiento abstracto sobre la vida. + +Subrepticiamente, nuestra sociedad ha convertido la educación en un proceso que fabrica capitalistas del conocimiento. Su valor se define en términos de las horas de instrucción que alguien ha comprado con los fondos públicos, mientras la pobreza se mide y explica por el fracaso del hombre en consumir. En esa sociedad, los pobres son quienes se quedan a la zaga en educación. El hombre rico, el capitalista del poder, apenas puede salvar la brecha que lo separa de Lázaro. Es más fácil para un camello pasar por el ojo de una aguja que para el hombre devoto de esa educación retomar la perspectiva realista de los pobres. + +Históricamente, esta fe en la educación creció a la sombra de la alquimia. La educación es hoy la versión contemporánea de la piedra filosofal: con tocarla se refinan los elementos básicos del mundo. Es el procedimiento mediante el cual los metales ordinarios se amasan a través de sucesivas etapas hasta que brillan como el oro puro. + +El obispo Amós Comenio es justicieramente conocido como uno de los fundadores de la educación moderna. Versado en alquimia, aplicó el concepto y el lenguaje de ese Arte Secreto al refinamiento y la ilustración de los hombres. Fue él quien proveyó de un significado pedagógico al vocabulario químico del progreso, el proceso y la ilustración. + +Hoy, la fe en la educación se ha convertido en una nueva religión mundial. La naturaleza religiosa de la educación pasa casi inadvertida; tal es el ecumenismo de la fe en la educación. La creencia alquimista de que la educación puede transformar a los hombres para que encajen en un mundo creado por el hombre mediante la magia del tecnócrata se ha hecho universal e incuestionable, y encima se le tiene por tradicional. Esa creencia la comparten marxistas y capitalistas, líderes de países pobres y de grandes potencias, rabinos, ateos y sacerdotes. Su dogma fundamental: un proceso llamado “educación” puede aumentar el valor de un ser humano; resulta en la creación de capital humano; llevará a todos los hombres una vida mejor. + +La gente más generosa de nuestra era entrega su vida para educar a los pobres. Inevitablemente, los educadores pueden contar con el respaldo de los poderosos, al igual que los misioneros españoles contaban con el de la Corona. Después de todo, el educador enseña a los pobres a sentirse incompetentes. + +Para seducir u obligar a los otros a aceptar su fe, el educador emplea el mismo rito en todas partes: la escolarización. La totalidad de los países que pertenecen a las Naciones Unidas demandan de sus ciudadanos un mínimo de 20 horas de asistencia semanal durante un periodo de por lo menos cinco años. La Escuela es la primera Iglesia en establecer tal exigencia. + +La liturgia escolar tiene las mismas características universalmente. A los niños se les reúne por edades. Se les hace asistir a los servicios en un recinto sagrado reservado con ese fin: “la clase”. Se les hace llevar a cabo tareas que producen educación porque están determinadas por un ministro ordenado: el maestro titulado. Se les hace progresar en la gracia que les concede la sociedad al moverlos de grado en grado. + +No tengo nada contra los maestros. Se cuentan entre los hombres más dedicados, generosos y amables. Cabalmente, sus cualidades humanas se comparan con ventaja a las de cualquier grupo anterior de siervos profesionales de la religión. Sus servicios son mucho más versátiles que los de cualquier sacerdote anterior. No hay enseñanza particular para la que falte un maestro. Pero lo que hoy llamamos “educación” no es lo que tiene lugar entre un pupilo y un maestro. Lo que denominamos educación es el servicio profesional que una institución proporciona a sus clientes a través del maestro profesional. + +El rito de la escolaridad constituye un poderoso currículum oculto. Un currículum que no depende de la intención del maestro. Un currículum que no varía con la materia enseñada; llámese comunismo, lectura, sexo, historia o retórica. + +Lo primero que el niño aprende del currículum oculto de la escolaridad es un viejo adagio, la corrupción inquisitorial de la fe: _extra scholam nulla_ _est salus_ —fuera del rito no hay salvación—. Por su mera presencia en la escuela, el niño suscribe el valor de aprender de un maestro y el valor de aprender acerca del mundo. O sea: desaprende a considerar a cada persona como un modelo en potencia: desaprende a aprenderlo todo de la cotidianidad. En la escuela, el niño aprende a distinguir dos mundos: el real, al que algún día ha de entrar, y el sagrado, en el que se le encierra para que aprenda. De la promoción o del progreso escolar, el niño aprende el valor del consumo interminable; la apetencia de grados que caducan anualmente. + +En la escuela, aprende que su propio crecimiento social vale la pena sólo porque es el resultado de su consumo de una mercancía llamada educación. + +Durante generaciones hemos tratado de mejorar el mundo mediante una escolarización creciente. Hasta ahora ese empeño ha fracasado. En cambio, hemos aprendido que forzar a los niños a trepar una escalera sin fin no puede realzar la igualdad sino favorecer a quienes empiezan más temprano, mejor alimentados, mejor preparados. Hemos aprendido que la instrucción obligada amortigua, en la mayoría, su deseo de un aprendizaje independiente. Aprendimos que al concebir el conocimiento como una mercancía, al empaquetarlo para su entrega al consumidor y al aceptarlo como propiedad privada de quien lo adquiere, estamos escaseándolo cada día más. Súbitamente la escuela va perdiendo su legitimidad política, económica, pedagógica. Súbitamente, va siendo reconocida como un rito necesario para hacer tolerables las contradicciones de nuestra sociedad. Proceso de socialización con miras a la conformidad con las demandas de una sociedad de consumo, la escuela sostiene el mito igualitario de nuestras sociedades al mismo tiempo que establece su estructura rigurosa de acuerdo con 16 niveles de desertores. + +La bancarrota escolar es una señal prometedora. Pero eso no significa aún que quienes critican a la escuela hayan abandonado el sueño del alquimista. De la historia de la Iglesia sabemos que la mera reforma litúrgica no garantiza una renovación teológica. El resquebrajamiento de las escuelas puede conducirnos a la búsqueda de nuevos dispositivos educativos. Sin duda, al igual que anteriormente sucedió con otras Iglesias, la escuela será pronto desestablecida. Pero ello puede acarrear una apoteosis de la Educación para el Progreso, y su estado final será peor que el inicial. + +Podría llevar a un gigantesco esfuerzo por alcanzar _fuera_ de la estructura escolar lo que obviamente ha fracasado _dentro_ de la estructura escolar, a saber: una manera más efectiva y universal de enlatar el “aprender para vivir” y ponerlo en el mercado mediante otros sistemas distintos al de la escuela. El resultado neto sería el mismo: el concepto según el cual las personas deben ser “educadas” para vivir y que ello debe hacerse adquiriendo información sobre la realidad antes de enfrentarla. + +A menos que el desestablecimiento de la escuela lleve a una sociedad donde la educación se reemplace también por una situación que otorgue a los hombres acceso ilimitado al auténtico aprendizaje para la vida, a menos que eso suceda paralelamente, la transferencia de la educación de los salones escolares a otras instituciones de una sociedad de consumo aparejará inevitablemente una enseñanza creciente acerca de un mundo aún más alienado. + +Debemos mirar más allá de la actual bancarrota escolar. En el presente, la escuela restringe al salón de clase la competencia del maestro. Se le impide que reclame posesión sobre la vida entera de un hombre. La defunción de las escuelas levantará esa restricción y dará un semblante de legitimidad a la eterna invasión pedagógica del mundo privado de cada uno. + +Abrirá las puertas a una contienda por el “conocimiento” en el mercado libre, que nos conducirá hacia la paradoja de una meritocracia vulgar, aunque aparentemente igualitaria. Salvo si transformamos nuestro concepto del conocimiento, el desestablecimiento de la escuela llevará al altar un creciente sistema de meritocracia que separará la enseñanza de la certificación, para casarla con una sociedad comprometida en proporcionar una terapia pedagógica hasta que cada uno esté maduro y listo para que se le coloque en su nicho. Sólo por nombre podremos distinguir una sociedad convertida en un inmenso salón de clases de un manicomio general o de una prisión universal. Hace 80 años, Soloviev ya predecía que el Anticristo sería un maestro. + +A menudo olvidamos que el término “educación” es de reciente cuño. + +Era desonocido antes de la Reforma. La educación de los niños se mencionó por vez primera en francés, en un documento que data de 1498. + +Por ese año, Erasmo se establecía en Oxford, a Savonarola lo quemaban vivo en Florencia, y Durero grababa su _Apocalipsis_, donde nos habla con vigor del sentido de ruina inminente que se ceñía hacia el final de la Edad Media. En lengua inglesa, la palabra educación apareció por primera vez en 1530. Es el año del divorcio de Enrique VIII y de la separación de la Iglesia luterana de la romana, en la dieta de Augsburgo. En España y sus territorios pasó un siglo más antes que la palabra y la idea de la educación fueran comunes. Todavía en 1632 Lope de Vega se refería a la educación como una novedad. Como ustedes recordarán, en ese año, aquí, en Lima, la Universidad de San Marcos celebraba su decimosexto aniversario. Los centros para el aprendizaje existían antes que el término educación se incorporara al lenguaje corriente. Se leían los clásicos o el derecho —no se educaba sobre la vida diaria—. + +Como cristianos, tenemos la tarea especial de cargar sobre nuestros hombros la responsabilidad que le cabe a nuestras Iglesias por la promoción de todos los tipos de capitalismo, pero, especialmente, por la promoción del capitalismo del saber. La religión de la educación universal y obligatoria se ha convertido en una corrupción de la Reforma. Es nuestro deber entenderlo y señalarlo. + +Gutenberg descubrió una tecnología que puso los libros al alcance de todos. Nosotros hemos descubierto la manera de interponer una monstruosa iglesia de maestros entre las personas y el libro. Ello ha traído como consecuencia una creciente inhabilidad para leer. Lutero nos puso la Biblia al alcance de la mano, pero también inventó un método de enseñanza masiva: el catecismo, un curso programado de preguntas y respuestas. La Iglesia católica lanzó la Contrarreforma al congelar su doctrina en un catecismo propio. Los jesuitas secularizaron la idea y crearon el _Ratio_ _Studiorum_ para sus universidades. Paradójicamente, este _Ratio_ pasó a ser el currículum en el que se formaron las élites de la Ilustración. Y, finalmente, en la actualidad, las naciones-Estado producen sus propias élites, a las que les está reservada la buena vida en la tierra; se les hace consumir educación. + +Al pobre, basta administrarle unas dosis menores del mismo consumo para ilustrarlo sobre su inferioridad predestinada. + +Permítaseme resumir mi argumento. Los reformistas trataron de extender el misterio de la revelación divina sobre el reino por venir. Hoy, los educadores hacen depender de sus ministerios institucionalizados el descenso a la Tierra del Reino del Consumo Universal. El mito de la educación universal, el rito de la escuela obligatoria y de una estructura profesional equilibrada para el progreso del tecnócrata, se refuerzan unos a otros. + +Una vez que esto se entienda, ya no será posible tolerar ninguna complicidad de las Iglesias cristianas con el culto de la Ideología del Progreso. + +Cada comunidad cristiana organizada está hoy forzada a elegir una de tres políticas posibles: aferrarse a las escuelas, o destruirlas y aferrarse a la seudorreligión de la educación, o sentirse llamada a ser radical o profeta. + +_1)_ Si la Iglesia insiste con sus escuelas, sus políticos se preocuparán de cómo aumentar el número de las mismas, de cómo mejorar su calidad, y de cómo proveerse de más limosnas para beneficio de los no escolarizados — tales como educación correctiva, escuelas radicales, entrenamiento técnico y demás—. + +Los hombres previsores que se encuentran dentro de una Iglesia que se embarca en esta política, debieran sentirse inquietos por el vaivén y la creciente frustración de sus trabajadores educativos. + +_2)_ Una Iglesia puede también escoger el reconocimiento de la bancarrota de las escuelas, pero de todas formas mantenerse comprometida con el mito de la educación general entendida como artículo de consumo. + +De ser así, esa Iglesia preconizará el desestablecimiento de las escuelas, una distribución más equitativa de los recursos educativos y la protección de los no escolarizados frente a la discriminación de la que son objeto en el mercado de trabajo o en la sociedad en general. Todas estas garantías son necesarias y la Iglesia que las endose será ciertamente acogida por otros movimientos más progresistas. Pero una Iglesia que haga esta elección, una Iglesia que reconozca la inevitable bancarrota escolar pero no el carácter seudorreligioso de la “educación”, una Iglesia tal se hará inexorablemente cómplice de un futuro “mundo feliz” del consumo, porque los instrumentos educativos desescolarizados son sólo nuevos métodos de empacar y distribuir más eficazmente la instrucción, nuevas formas de acumulación de vida enlatada para satisfacer las formas diseñadas por profesionales. Si la Iglesia que adopta esa política no va más allá de la demanda por desestablecer las escuelas, se hará cómplice del faraón que ahora enreda a los esclavos en un mundo en el que el progreso tecnocrático se vuelve impersonal, opaco, contaminado. + +_3)_ Tienen una última elección: leer las Escrituras, regresar a la más pura tradición de la Iglesia y anunciar la llegada del Reino que no es de este Mundo; del Reino cuyo misterio tenemos el privilegio de conocer. Ésta es una elección que cada uno de nosotros debe hacer si quiere seguir a Jesús, y debe hacerla incluso si la Iglesia en la que tiene sus raíces ha incorporado el “progreso de los pueblos” como neologismo en el venerable latín. + +Debemos, en el nombre de Dios, denunciar la idolatría del progreso y la contaminante escalada de la producción. Debemos poner al descubierto la seudoteología de la educación concebida como preparación para una vida de consumo frustrante. Debemos recordar al hombre que Dios ha hecho bien el mundo y nos ha dado el poder de conocerlo y apreciarlo sin la constante necesidad de un intermediario. Tenemos sí, después de todo, la experiencia de que el hombre crece y aprende en la medida en que se compromete en una interacción personal, íntima, siempre sorprendente, con los demás y en un medio ambiente significativo, en tanto que se encoge y arruga cuando es servido por funcionarios. Consecuentemente, debemos rehusarnos a cooperar en cualquier intento que busque crear un ambiente hecho por el hombre, pero en el que la vida de todos y de cada uno dependa del grado en que haya sido cliente de una organización de servicios. + +Se necesita valentía para ponerle precio a un mundo claro y transparente, para determinar a qué costo la tecnología puede ponerse al servicio directo de las mayorías mundiales, permitiéndole a cada uno curarse, educarse, albergarse y transportarse, en lugar de poner la tecnología al servicio del tecnócrata que se siente orgulloso de proveer eternamente una medicina, una educación, una habitación y una transportación cada vez menores y cada vez más caras. Un mundo que renuncie al espectáculo de la tecnología progresiva es un mundo que pone coto radical al consumo, de acuerdo con el consenso de una inmensa mayoría y para el provecho de todos. No tiene sentido proponer un ingreso mínimo hasta que no se tenga la valentía de aceptar que ello implica fijar un ingreso máximo. Nadie puede tener lo suficiente si no sabe cuánto es suficiente. No tiene sentido advocar un mínimo de servicios médicos, de instrumentos y de transportación, si no se afirma la necesidad de nivelar los máximos de servicios disponibles a cualquiera y por la razón que sea. + +Una forma de tal consenso antitecnocrático se traduce fácilmente en la necesidad de la pobreza voluntaria de los pobres, tal como lo predicara el Señor. La pobreza voluntaria, el desprendimiento del poder y la no violencia están en el corazón del mensaje cristiano. Puesto que son sus elementos más preciosos, son también los más fácilmente corruptibles, ridiculizables o descuidables. Se necesita valentía para hacer de la renuncia la condición fundamental para la supervivencia de la humanidad. Si predicamos el Evangelio inalterado y anunciamos la bienaventuranza de los pobres, entonces los ricos se reirán en nuestra cara y los ricos en ciernes se mofarán despreciativamente. Pero como nunca antes ha sucedido, el mensaje cristiano más radical es también la política más cuerda en un mundo que ve crecer vertiginosamente el abismo entre pobres y ricos. + +El Tercer Mundo tiene una responsabilidad crucial en la liberación del mundo de sus ídolos del progreso, la eficiencia, el PNB. Sus masas no son todavía presas del hábito del consumo, especialmente del consumo de servicios. La mayoría de las personas aún se curan y se albergan y se enseñan unas a otras y podrían hacerlo de mejor manera si tuvieran herramientas ligeramente mejores. El Tercer Mundo podría abrir el camino en la búsqueda de un estilo de aprender para vivir, un estilo que será la preparación de los hombres para el cumplimiento de las necesidades auténticas en un contexto genuinamente humano. Sin lugar a dudas, estas naciones podrían alumbrar el camino para el mundo tan desarrollado como decadente. + +Dos mundos se hallan frente a frente: la Babel de Rusia y el Egipto de Estados Unidos, ambos prisioneros de ídolos comunes. Un Tercer Mundo cubre el resto del orbe. Es el del desierto. Dentro de los propios imperios crecen las tierras baldías en las favelas. Egipto y Babel son impotentes para salvarse a sí mismos. De la tiranía de sus ídolos sólo pueden salvarlos quienes adoran en el desierto al Dios Vivo y Sin Nombre, quienes han renunciado a las ollas de Egipto. + +Pero de ninguna manera todos los que habitan en el desierto son miembros del Pueblo de Dios. Algunos bailan en torno al becerro de oro: fundan avanzadas del Imperio en las tierras yermas. Otros se rebelan contra Moisés y escogen a sus propios profetas para que los devuelvan a la esclavitud que sus padres abandonaron cuando expoliaron a los egipcios. + +Buscan una alianza para el progreso con Egipto. Y hay otros que no son capaces de permanecer fieles a la vocación divina. Desertan del Pueblo de Dios, se mueven hacia el Este y, como los judíos, ungen a su propio Rey para ser sus siervos al igual que otros moradores de la Tierra. + +Ha llegado la hora de hacer saber el mensaje que nos ha sido revelado. + +Ha llegado la hora de anunciar que la liberación de los ricos y de los ricos en ciernes depende del Pueblos de Dios. Depende de aquellos a quienes Dom Helder Camara ha llamado Minorías Abrahámicas, entre las cuales los cristianos, digámoslo con rubor, parecen una excepción. + +La liberación sólo puede provenir de quienes han elegido el desierto porque han sido puestos en libertad. + + +# La alternativa a la escolarización + +Durante generaciones hemos tratado de hacer del mundo un mejor lugar para vivir aumentando cada vez más el número de escuelas; pero hasta ahora hemos fracasado. Lo que hemos aprendido es que al obligar a todos los niños a subir por una escalera de educación abierta no realzamos la igualdad sino que favorecemos al individuo que empieza antes, al más sano o al mejor preparado; que la instrucción obligatoria apaga en la mayoría el deseo de obtener conocimientos independientes; y que el conocimiento tratado como mercancía, distribuido en paquetes, y aceptado como propiedad privada una vez adquirido, siempre será escaso. + +De repente la gente se ha dado cuenta de que la empresa de la educación pública mediante escuelas obligatorias ha perdido su legitimidad social, pedagógica y económica. En respuesta, los críticos del sistema educativo proponen ahora soluciones enérgicas y heterodoxas que van desde el plan de recibos (_voucher_), que permitiría a cada persona comprar la educación que desee en un mercado abierto, hasta el desplazamiento de la responsabilidad de la educación de la escuela a los medios y al aprendizaje en el trabajo. Algunos individuos consideran que la escuela tendrá que desestablecerse igual que sucedió con la Iglesia en todo el mundo durante los últimos dos siglos. Otros reformadores proponen reemplazar la escuela universal con distintos sistemas nuevos que, según ellos, prepararían mejor a todos para vivir en la sociedad moderna. Estas propuestas de nuevas instituciones educativas caen dentro de tres amplias categorías: la reforma del aula dentro del sistema escolar; la dispersión de aulas libres en toda la sociedad, y la transformación de toda la sociedad en una gran aula. Pero estos tres enfoques —el aula reformada, el aula libre y el aula mundial— representan tres etapas en un escalamiento de la educación en que cada peldaño amenaza con implantar un control más sutil y penetrante del que reemplaza. + +Considero que el desestablecimiento de la escuela se ha vuelto inevitable y que el fin de esta ilusión debe llenarnos de optimismo. Pero también creo que el fin de la “era de la escolaridad” podría introducir una era de la escuela mundial que sólo se distinguiría en nombre de un manicomio o prisión mundial en donde la educación, la corrección y la adaptación se convertirían en sinónimos. Por lo tanto, considero que el rompimiento de la escuela nos obliga a mirar más allá de su inminente deceso y encarar disyuntivas fundamentales en la educación. O trabajamos para encontrar instrumentos educativos temibles y nuevos que hablen de un mundo cada vez más opaco e impenetrable para el hombre, o fijamos las condiciones para una nueva era en que la tecnología se utilizaría para hacer la sociedad más sencilla y transparente, de manera que todos los hombres puedan volver a tener los conocimientos y utilizar las herramientas que moldean sus vidas. En resumen, podemos desestablecer escuelas o podemos desescolarizar la cultura. + +## El currículum oculto de las escuelas + +Para poder ver claramente las disyuntivas a que nos enfrentamos, debemos primero distinguir entre el aprendizaje y la escolaridad, lo que significa separar el objeto humanístico del maestro del impacto de la estructura invariante de la escuela. Esta estructura oculta constituye una forma de instrucción que el maestro o el consejo de la escuela nunca llegan a controlar. Transmite indeleblemente el mensaje de que sólo a través de la escuela el individuo podrá prepararse para la vida adulta en la sociedad, que lo que no se enseña en la escuela carece de valor, y que lo que se aprende fuera de la escuela no vale la pena aprenderlo. Yo llamo a eso el currículum oculto de la escolaridad porque constituye el marco inalterable del sistema, dentro del cual se hacen todos los cambios en el currículum. + +El currículum oculto siempre es el mismo, cualquiera que sea la escuela o el lugar. Obliga a todos los niños de cierta edad a congregarse en grupos de alrededor de 30, bajo la autoridad de un maestro autorizado, durante 500, 1 000 o más horas al año. No importa si el currículum está diseñado para enseñar los principios del fascismo, del liberalismo, del catolicismo, del socialismo o la liberación, mientras la institución reclame la autoridad de definir cuáles actividades son las que considera “educación” legítima. No importa si el propósito de la escuela es producir ciudadanos soviéticos o norteamericanos, mecánicos o doctores, mientras no se pueda ser un ciudadano o doctor _si no_ se ha graduado. No importa si todas las reuniones ocurren en el mismo lugar, mientras se consideren una asistencia: cortar caña es trabajo para los cañeros, corrección para los prisioneros, y parte del currículum para los estudiantes. + +Lo que importa en el currículum oculto es que los estudiantes aprendan que la educación es valiosa cuando se adquiere en la escuela a través de un proceso graduado del consumo; que el grado de éxito de que disfrutará el individuo en sociedad depende de la cantidad de conocimientos que consume, y que los conocimientos _sobre_ el mundo son más valiosos que los conocimientos adquiridos _del_ mundo. La imposición de este currículum oculto dentro de un programa educativo distingue la escolarización de otras formas de educación planeada. Todos los sistemas escolares del mundo tienen características comunes en relación con su producto institucional, y éstos son el resultado del currículum oculto en común de todas las escuelas. + +Debe entenderse claramente que el currículum oculto de las escuelas traduce la enseñanza de una actividad en una mercancía cuyo mercado lo monopoliza la escuela. El nombre que ahora damos a esta mercancía es “educación”, producto cuantificable y acumulativo de una institución profesionalmente diseñada denominada escuela, cuyo valor puede medirse por la duración y lo costoso de la aplicación de un proceso (el currículum oculto) al estudiante. El graduado de una universidad local y el que recibe un título de una universidad famosa podrán haber adquirido 135 créditos en cuatro años, pero están totalmente conscientes del valor diferencial de su acervo de conocimientos. + +En todos los países “escolarizados” el conocimiento se considera como artículo de primera necesidad para la supervivencia, pero también como una forma de moneda más líquida que los rublos o los dólares. Nos hemos acostumbrado, a través de los escritos de Karl Marx, a hablar de la enajenación del obrero por su trabajo en una sociedad clasista. Debemos ahora reconocer el alejamiento del hombre de su aprendizaje cuando éste se convierte en producto de una profesión que aporta servicios y él se convierte en el consumidor. + +Mientras más educación consume un individuo, mayor es el “acervo de conocimientos” que adquiere, y más se eleva en la jerarquía de los capitalistas del conocimiento. Así, la educación define una nueva estructura de clase para la sociedad dentro de la cual los grandes consumidores de conocimientos —aquellos que han adquirido un gran acervo de conocimientos— pueden alegar que tienen mayor valor para la sociedad. + +Ellos representan los valores de primera en la cartera de capital humano de una sociedad, y a ellos queda reservado el acceso a los instrumentos más poderosos o escasos de la producción. + +De esta forma, el currículum oculto define y mide lo que es la educación y el nivel de productividad a que tiene derecho el consumidor. + +Sirve como razón de la creciente correlación entre los trabajos y el privilegio correspondiente: que puede traducirse en ingreso personal en algunas sociedades, y en un derecho directo a servicios que ahorren tiempo, mayor educación y prestigio en otras. (Este punto es especialmente importante a la luz de la escasez de correspondencia entre la escolarización y la competencia ocupacional establecida en estudios como _Education and_ _Jobs: The Great Training Robbery_, de Ivar Berg.) El empeño en que todos los hombres atraviesen etapas sucesivas de ilustración está firmemente arraigado en la alquimia, el Gran Arte de una Edad Media decadente. A Juan Amós Comenius, un obispo moravo, pansofista de _motu proprio_ y pedagogo, se le considera con justicia como uno de los fundadores de la escuela moderna. Fue uno de los primeros que propusieron de siete a 12 grados de instrucción obligatoria. En su _Magna_ _Didactica_ describió a la escuela como un instrumento para “enseñar a todos todo” y delineó un plan para la producción en masa de conocimientos, que de acuerdo con su método haría que la educación fuera más barata y mejor, y permitiría que todos llegaran a su máxima realización humana. Pero Come-nius no sólo fue uno de los primeros expertos de la eficiencia, fue también un alquimista que adoptó el lenguaje técnico de su oficio para describir el arte de educar niños. El alquimista buscaba refinar los elementos base dirigiendo sus espíritus destilados a través de 12 etapas de procesos sucesivos, de manera que pudieran convertirse en oro para su propio beneficio y el del mundo. Los alquimistas nunca lo lograron pese a todos sus intentos, pero en cada ocasión su “ciencia” rendía nuevas razones para su fracaso, y volvían a ensayar. + +La pedagogía abrió un nuevo capítulo en la historia de la _Ars Magna_. La educación se convirtió en la búsqueda de un proceso de alquimia que construiría un nuevo tipo de hombre que encajara en un ambiente creado por magia científica. Pero por mucho que cada generación gastara en sus escuelas, siempre resultaba que la mayoría de la gente no estaba capacitada para que se le instruyera mediante este proceso y se la tenía que descartar como impreparada para la vida en un mundo de hechura humana. Los reformadores de la educación que aceptan la idea de que las escuelas han fracasado caen dentro de tres grupos. Los más respetables son sin duda los grandes maestros de la alquimia que prometen mejores escuelas. Los más seductores son magos populares que prometen hacer de cada cocina un laboratorio de alquimia. Los más siniestros son los nuevos Masones del Universo que desean transformar el mundo en un enorme templo del aprendizaje. + +Entre los maestros más notorios de la alquimia de hoy están ciertos directores de investigación, empleados o patrocinados por las grandes fundaciones, que consideran que si la escuela pudiera de alguna manera mejorarse, también podría volverse económicamente más viable que las que ahora tienen problemas, y al mismo tiempo podría vender un paquete de servicios más grande. Aquellos a quienes preocupa principalmente el currículum pretenden que está pasado de moda o es irrelevante. De esta forma el currículum se llena de nuevos cursos empaquetados sobre cultura africana, imperialismo norteamericano, liberación de la mujer, contaminación o sociedad de consumo. El aprendizaje pasivo es equivocado —realmente lo es— de manera que amablemente permitimos que los estudiantes decidan lo que quieren que se les enseñe y cómo. Las escuelas son prisiones. Por lo tanto, los directores están autorizados a permitir clases fuera del edificio de la escuela, por ejemplo, moviendo los pupitres a una calle cercada de Harlem. El entrenamiento sensibilizado cobra actualidad. + +De manera que importamos la terapia de grupos al salón de clases. La escuela, que se suponía iba a enseñar todo a todos, se convierte ahora en todo para todos los niños. + +Otros críticos subrayan que las escuelas hacen un uso ineficiente de la ciencia moderna. Algunos administrarían drogas que facilitarían al instructor el cambio de la conducta del niño. Otros transformarían la escuela en un estadio para el juego educativo. Otros más electrificarían el salón de clase. Si son los discípulos simplistas de McLuhan, reemplazarían los pizarrones y los libros de texto por _happenings_ ayudados por todos los medios de difusión; si siguen a Skinner considerarían que pueden modificar la conducta más eficientemente que los practicantes pasados de moda del aula. + +No cabe duda de que la mayoría de estos cambios han tenido algunos efectos saludables. Los alumnos de las escuelas experimentales son menos holgazanes. Los padres tienen una mayor sensación de participación en un distrito descentralizado. A menudo, los estudiantes a los que el maestro asigna un aprendizaje, resultan ser más competentes que los que se quedan en el salón de clase. Algunos niños mejoran sus conocimientos de un idioma extranjero en el laboratorio de idiomas porque prefieren jugar con las manijas de la grabadora que hablar con sus mayores. Sin embargo, todas estas mejoras funcionan dentro de límites predeciblemente estrechos, ya que mantienen intacto el currículum oculto de la escuela. Algunos reformadores quisieran deshacerse del currículum oculto de la escuela pública, pero es raro que lo logren. Las escuelas libres que llevan a más escuelas libres producen un espejismo de libertad, aun cuando la cadena de asistencia se ve a menudo interrumpida por largos periodos de vagancia. La asistencia mediante la seducción inculca la necesidad de tratamiento educativo de una manera más persuasiva que la asistencia renuente enforzada por un vigilante escolar. Los maestros permisivos en un aula acojinada pueden impedir fácilmente que los alumnos sobrevivan una vez que la dejan. + +A menudo el aprendizaje en estas escuelas no es más que la adquisición de habilidades de valor social definidas, en este caso, por el consenso de una comuna en lugar de por el decreto de un consejo escolar. Nuevo presbítero no es más que viejo cura escrito con palabras más largas. + +Las escuelas libres, para que realmente lo sean, deben cumplir con dos condiciones: primero, deben dirigirse de manera que se evite la reintroducción del currículum oculto de asistencia graduada y estudiantes autorizados que estudien a los pies de maestros autorizados. Y, más importante, deben proporcionar un sistema en que todos los participantes, personal y alumnos, puedan liberarse de las bases ocultas de una sociedad escolarizada. La primera condición queda frecuentemente estipulada dentro de los objetivos de una escuela libre. La segunda, sólo se reconoce en raras ocasiones y es difícil definirla como objetivo de una escuela libre. + +## Los supuestos ocultos de la educación + +Resulta inútil distinguir entre el currículum oculto que acabo de describir, y las bases ocultas de la escolarización. El currículum oculto es un ritual que puede considerarse como la iniciación oficial a la sociedad moderna, institucionalmente establecida a través de la escuela. El propósito de este ritual es el de esconder a sus participantes las contradicciones entre el mito de una sociedad igualitaria y la realidad consciente de clases que certifica. + +Una vez que se reconocen como tales, los rituales pierden su poder, y esto es lo que ahora empieza a suceder con la escolarización. Pero existen varios supuestos fundamentales sobre el desarrollo —las bases ocultas— que ahora encuentran su expresión en el ceremonial de la escolarización, y que fácilmente podrían reforzarse por lo que hacen las escuelas libres. + +A primera vista, cualquier generalización sobre las escuelas libres parece aventurada. Especialmente en Estados Unidos, Canadá y Alemania en 1971, son las mil flores de una nueva primavera. Pero sobre estas empresas experimentales que pretenden ser _instituciones educativas_, pueden hacerse algunas generalizaciones. Sin embargo, debemos primero tener una idea más clara de la relación entre la escolarización y la educación. + +A menudo olvidamos que la palabra _educación_ es de reciente cuño. No se conocía antes de la Reforma. La educación de los niños, como ya lo he referido,^[Véase cap. V, “La desescolarización de la Iglesia”, p. 116. (E.)] se menciona por primera vez en francés en un documento fechado en 1498. Fue el año en que Erasmo se estableció en Oxford, cuando a Savonarola lo mataron en la hoguera en Florencia, y cuando Durero esbozó su _Apocalipsis_, que nos transmite el sentido de destrucción que existía al final de la Edad Media. En lengua inglesa la palabra _education_ hizo su primera aparición en 1530. El año en que Enrique VIII se divorció de Catalina de Aragón y en que la Iglesia luterana se separó de Roma en la Dieta de Augsburgo. En tierras de España, el uso de la palabra y la idea de _educación_ tardó otro siglo más. En 1632, Lope de Vega sigue refiriéndose a la educación como una cosa novedosa. Ese año, como ustedes recordarán, la Universidad de San Marcos en Lima celebró su sexagésimo aniversario. + +Los centros de aprendizaje existían antes de que el término _educación_ entrara en el lenguaje común. Se “leía” a los Clásicos o la Ley; no se educaba para poder vivir. + +Durante el siglo XVI, la necesidad universal de “justificación” fue el meollo de las polémicas teológicas. Racionalizaba la política y servía como pretexto para los magnicidios. La Iglesia se dividió y pudieron sostenerse opiniones ampliamente divergentes sobre el grado en que todos los hombres nacieron en pecado, corrompidos y predestinados. Pero para principios del siglo XVII comenzó a haber un nuevo consenso: la idea de que el hombre nacía incompetente para la sociedad si no se le proporcionaba “educación”. La educación llegó a significar lo inverso de la competencia vital. Llegó a significar un proceso, más que el solo conocimiento de los hechos y la capacidad para utilizar las herramientas que moldean la vida de un hombre concreto. La educación llegó a significar una mercancía intangible que debía producirse para beneficio de todos, e impartirse a todos igual que antes la Iglesia visible impartía la gracia invisible. La justificación frente a la sociedad se convirtió en la primera necesidad de un hombre nacido en la estupidez original, análoga al pecado original. + +La escolarización y la “educación” están relacionadas como la Iglesia y la religión o, en términos más generales, como el ritual y el mito. El ritual crea y sostiene al mito; es un mito-poyético, y el mito genera el currículum a través del cual se perpetúa. “Educación” como la designación de una categoría global de justificación social es una idea que no tiene (fuera de la teología cristiana) un analogía específica en otras culturas. Y la producción de “educación” a través del proceso de escolarización separa a las escuelas de otras instituciones de aprendizaje que existieron en otras épocas. Este punto debe entenderse si queremos aclarar las limitaciones de la _mayoría_ de las “escuelas” libres, no estructuradas o independientes. + +Para ir más allá de la simple reforma del aula, una escuela libre debe evitar que se incorpore el currículum oculto de la escolarización que he descrito arriba. La escuela libre ideal trata de proporcionar educación y al mismo tiempo intenta evitar que esa educación se utilice para establecer o justificar una estructura de clase, de que se convierta en razón para medir al alumno según alguna escala abstracta, y de reprimirlo, controlarlo y empequeñecerlo. Pero mientras la escuela libre trate de proporcionar una “educación general”, no podrá avanzar más allá de los supuestos ocultos de la escuela. + +Entre estos supuestos está lo que Peter Schrag denomina el “síndrome de la inmigración”, que nos mueve a tratar a todas las personas como si fueran extranjeras que deben atravesar por un proceso de naturalización. + +Sólo los consumidores certificados de conocimientos podrán recibir su ciudadanía. Los hombres no nacen iguales sino que se hacen iguales a través de su gestación en el _Alma Mater_. + +Otro supuesto es que el hombre nace maduro y debe “madurar” antes de que pueda encajar en la sociedad civilizada. Este supuesto es, desde luego, contrario a la creencia de que el hombre es el mamífero cuyos ancestros fueron dotados de inmadurez para toda la vida por la evolución, lo que constituye su “gracia” peculiar. De acuerdo con esta fijación ideológica sobre la madurez, se debe alejar al hombre de su ambiente natural y pasarlo a través de un útero social en el que se endurece lo suficiente para poder encajar en la vida diaria. A menudo las escuelas libres pueden desempeñar esta función mejor que las escuelas de un tipo menos atractivo. + +Los establecimientos educativos libres tienen otra característica en común con los establecimientos menos libres: despersonalizan la responsabilidad de la “educación”. Colocan una institución _in loco parentis_. + +Perpetúan la idea de que si la “instrucción” se efectúa fuera del seno familiar, debe hacerse mediante una institución donde el maestro es sólo un agente o funcionario. En una sociedad escolarizada hasta la familia queda reducida a “organismo de aculturación”. Las instituciones educativas que utilizan maestros para cumplir los mandatos de su junta directiva son instrumentos para la despersonalización de las relaciones íntimas. + +Es cierto que muchas escuelas libres funcionan sin maestros acreditados. Al hacerlo representan una grave amenaza para los sindicatos establecidos de maestros. Pero no constituyen una amenaza a la estructura profesional de la sociedad. Una escuela en la que el consejo nombra personas de su propia elección para desempeñar su tarea educativa aun cuando no tengan un certificado o licencia profesional o tarjeta sindical, no está amenazando por ello la legitimidad de la profesión docente, como tampoco se pone en peligro la _legitimidad_ social de la profesión más antigua cuando una prostituta, que opera en un país en que su trabajo _legal_ requiere una licencia de la policía, establece un burdel privado. + +La mayoría de los maestros que enseñan en las escuelas libres no tienen oportunidad de enseñar en nombre propio. Realizan la tarea de enseñar en nombre de una junta la función menos transparente de enseñar en nombre de sus alumnos o la función más mística de enseñar en nombre de la “sociedad” en general. La mejor prueba de esto es que la mayoría de los maestros en las escuelas libres pasan más tiempo que sus colegas profesionistas planeando, con un comité, la forma en que la escuela debe educar. Al verse frente a las pruebas de sus ilusiones, lo prolongado de las reuniones de comité lleva a muchos maestros generosos de la escuela pública a la escuela libre y después de un año más allá de ella. + +La retórica de todos los establecimientos educativos declara que forman hombres para algo, para el futuro, pero no los liberan de esta tarea antes de que hayan desarrollado un alto nivel de tolerancia a las formas de sus mayores: la educación _para_ la vida en lugar de _en_ la vida diaria. Pocas escuelas libres pueden abstraerse de hacer precisamente esto. Sin embargo, están entre los centros más importantes de los que irradia un nuevo estilo de vida, no por el efecto que tendrán sus graduados, sino, más bien, porque los mayores que eligen educar a sus hijos sin el beneficio de maestros adecuadamente ordenados con frecuencia pertenecen a una minoría radical porque su preocupación en relación con la educación de sus hijos los sostiene en su nuevo estilo. + +## La mano oculta en un mercado educativo + +El tipo más peligroso de reformador de la educación es el que argumenta que el conocimiento puede producirse y venderse con mucha mayor eficacia en el mercado abierto que en un mercado controlado por la escuela. + +Estas personas consideran que es fácil adquirir una habilidad de modelos-dehabilidad si el estudiante realmente está interesado en su adquisición, que los derechos individuales pueden proporcionar un poder de compra más equitativo para la educación. Piden una separación cuidadosa del proceso con que se mide y certifica. Me parece que estas afirmaciones son obvias. + +Pero sería una falacia creer que el establecimiento de un mercado libre de conocimientos constituiría una alternativa radical en la educación. + +El establecimiento de un mercado libre realmente aboliría lo que anteriormente denominé currículum oculto de la escolarización actual —su asistencia específica en una edad determinada a un currículum graduado—. + +De igual manera, en un principio el mercado libre daría la apariencia de contrarrestar lo que he denominado bases ocultas de una sociedad escolarizada: el “síndrome de la inmigración”, el monopolio institucional de la enseñanza y el ritual de la iniciación lineal. Pero, al mismo tiempo, un mercado libre en educación proporcionaría al alquimista innumerables manos ocultas para encajar a cada hombre en los múltiples, estrechos y pequeños nichos que puede proporcionar una tecnocracia más compleja. + +Muchas décadas de dependencia en la escolarización han hecho que el conocimiento se convierta en mercancía, un bien especial susceptible de mercadeo. El conocimiento se considera ahora simultáneamente como bien de primera necesidad y como la moneda más preciosa de una sociedad. (La transformación del conocimiento en una mercancía se refleja en una transformación correspondiente del lenguaje. Palabras que antes funcionaban como verbos se están convirtiendo en sustantivos que designan propiedades. Hasta hace poco las palabras habitación, conocimiento y curación designaban actividades. Ahora, por lo general, se conciben como mercancías o servicios a entregarse. Hablamos de la fabricación de la vivienda o de la entrega de asistencia médica. Los hombres ya no se consideran aptos para curarse a sí mismos ni para construirse sus viviendas. + +En este tipo de sociedad, el hombre llega a creer que los servicios profesionales son más valiosos que la atención personal. En lugar de aprender cómo cuidar a la abuelita, el adolescente aprende a hacer una manifestación frente al hospital que no la admite.) Esta actitud fácilmente podría sobrevivir a la desinstitucionalización de la escuela, igual que la afiliación a una Iglesia siguió siendo una condición para ocupar un puesto público mucho después de la adopción de la Primera Reforma a la Constitución Norteamericana. Es aún más palpable que los exámenes que miden paquetes complejos de conocimientos podrían fácilmente sobrevivir a la desinstitucionalización de la escuela —y con esto acabaría la compulsión de obligar a todos a adquirir un paquete mínimo de las existencias de conocimientos—. Al fin coincidirían la medida científica del valer de cada hombre y el sueño alquimista de “poder educar a todos los hombres para realizarse plenamente en su humanidad”. Bajo la apariencia de un mercado “libre”, la aldea global se convertiría en un útero ambiental en el que los terapeutas pedagógicos controlarían el complejo ombligo por donde se alimenta el hombre. + +En la actualidad las escuelas limitan la competencia del maestro al aula. + +Evitan que haga de la vida entera del hombre su dominio. La muerte de la escuela acabará con esta restricción y dará una apariencia de legitimidad a la invasión pedagógica en la intimidad del individuo durante toda su vida. + +Abrirá el camino de una lucha por el “conocimiento” en un mercado libre, lo que nos llevaría a la paradoja de una vulgar, aun cuando aparentemente igualitaria, meritocracia. + +Las escuelas no son de ninguna manera las únicas o más eficientes instituciones que pretenden traducir la información, el entendimiento y la sabiduría en rasgos de conducta cuya medición es la clave del prestigio y el poder. Las escuelas tampoco son las primeras instituciones que se utilizan para convertir la educación en un derecho. Por ejemplo, el sistema mandarín de China fue durante siglos un incentivo estable y eficaz para la educación al servicio de una clase relativamente abierta cuyo privilegio dependía de la adquisición de conocimientos cuantificables. + +Se dice que alrededor de 2200 a. C. el emperador de China examinaba a sus funcionarios cada tercer año. Después de tres exámenes, los ascendía o los despedía para siempre del servicio. Mil años más tarde, en 1115 a. C., el primer emperador Chan estableció exámenes generales formales para entrar al servicio público: música, ballestería, equitación, escritura y aritmética. + +Los examinados se presentaban cada tercer año para competir con sus pares, en lugar de someterse a calificación de normas abstractas desarrolladas por científicos. Uno de cada 100 era ascendido a través de tres grados: de “genio en potencia” y “estudioso ascendido”, hasta el nivel de aquellos que estaban “listos para el servicio público”. El coeficiente selectivo de los exámenes para los tres niveles sucesivos era tan pequeño que losmismos exámenes no habrían tenido que ser muy exactos para ser útiles. Sin embargo, se tenía sumo cuidado para asegurar la objetividad. En el segundo nivel, donde la composición era importante, el examen del competidor lo copiaba un secretario y esta copia se sometía a un jurado para evitar que la caligrafía del autor se reconociera y llevara a los jueces a actuar con algún prejuicio. + +El ascenso a una posición de estudioso en China no daba derecho a ninguno de los trabajos más codiciados, pero sí proporcionaba un billete para una lotería pública en la que los puestos se distribuían entre los mandarines certificados. En China no se desarrollaron escuelas, ni mucho menos universidades, hasta que empezó a guerrear con los poderes europeos. La comprobación de conocimientos cuantificables adquiridos independientemente permitió que durante 3 000 años el imperio chino, que fue la única nación-Estado que careció de un verdadero sistema eclesiástico o escolástico, seleccionara su élite gobernante sin crear una gran aristocracia hereditaria; la familia del emperador y aquellos que aprobaban los exámenes tenían acceso a ella. + +Voltaire y sus contemporáneos alabaron el sistema de ascenso chino a través de conocimientos comprobados. En Francia se introdujo el Examen para el Servicio Público en 1791, examen que Napoleón abolió. Sería fascinante especular qué hubiera sucedido si el sistema mandarín se hubiese elegido para propagar los ideales de la Revolución francesa, en lugar del sistema escolástico que inevitablemente respalda el nacionalismo y la disciplina militar. Sucedió que Napoleón fortaleció la escuela politécnica residencial. El modelo jesuita del ritual, el ascenso secuencial en un pedigrí enclaustrado, predominó sobre el sistema mandarín como el método preferido para dar legitimidad a las élites en las sociedades occidentales. + +Los principales se convirtieron en los abates de una cadena mundial de monasterios en la que todos se empeñan en acumular el conocimiento necesario para entrar en el constantemente obsoleto cielo sobre la tierra. + +Igual que los calvinistas desinstitucionalizaron los monasterios sólo para convertir a toda Ginebra en uno, debemos temer que la desinstitucionalización de la escuela nos lleve a una fábrica mundial de conocimiento. Si el concepto de enseñanza o conocimiento no se transforma, la desinstitucionalización de la escuela nos llevará a un casamiento entre el sistema mandarín que separa el aprendizaje de la certificación y una sociedad comprometida en proporcionar terapia para cada hombre hasta que llegue a la madurez de la edad dorada. + +Ni la Alquimia ni la Magia ni la Masonería pueden resolver el problema de la actual crisis “en la educación”. La desescolarización de nuestra visión mundial exige que reconozcamos la naturaleza ilegítima y religiosa de la empresa educativa misma. Su _hybris_ descansa en el intento de hacer del hombre un ente social por haberse sometido a un tratamiento en un proceso manejado. Para aquellos que están de acuerdo con la moral tecnocrática, lo que es posible técnicamente debe ponerse a disposición al menos de unos cuantos, quiéranlo o no. Ni la privación ni la frustración de la mayoría cuenta. Si es posible el tratamiento de cobalto, entonces la ciudad de Tegucigalpa necesita un aparato en cada uno de sus dos hospitales principales, al costo que liberaría a una parte importante de la población de Honduras de parásitos. Si las velocidades supersónicas son posibles, entonces se deben acelerar los viajes de algunos. Si puede concebirse el viaje a Marte, entonces debe encontrarse una razón para que parezca una necesidad. En la moral tecnocrática, la pobreza se moderniza: no sólo se cierran las viejas alternativas con nuevos monopolios, sino que la falta de necesidades también aumenta por una diseminación creciente entre aquellos servicios que son tecnológicamente viables y aquellos que realmente están a disposición de la mayoría. + +Un maestro se convierte en “educador” cuando adopta esta moral tecnocrática. Entonces actúa como si la educación fuera una empresa tecnológica cuyo objeto fuera adaptar al hombre al ambiente que crea el “progreso” de la ciencia. Se ciega ante las pruebas de que el precio de la constante obsolescencia de todas las mercancías es alto: el costo creciente de entrenar personas para que las conozcan. Parece olvidar que el costo creciente de las herramientas se compra a un alto precio en términos de educación: disminuye la intensidad de mano de obra de la economía, hace que el aprendizaje en el trabajo sea imposible o, cuando mucho, un privilegio para unos cuantos. En todo el mundo el costo de educar al hombre para la sociedad aumenta con mayor rapidez que la productividad de toda la economía, y menos personas tienen la sensación de participar inteligentemente en el bienestar común. + +## La contradicción de las escuelas como herramientas del progreso tecnocrático + +Para una sociedad de consumo, educación equivale a entrenamiento del consumidor. La reforma del aula, la dispersión del aula y la difusión del aulason formas diferentes de moldear a los consumidores de mercancías obsoletas. La supervivencia de una sociedad en la que las tecnocracias pueden redefinir constantemente la felicidad humana en función del consumo de su último producto depende de las instituciones educativas (desde las escuelas hasta los anuncios) que convierten a la educación en control social. + +En países ricos como Estados Unidos, Canadá o la URSS, enormes inversiones en escolarización ponen de manifiesto las contradicciones institucionales del progreso tecnocrático. En estos países, la defensa ideológica del progreso ilimitado descansa en la pretensión de que los efectos igualadores de una escolarización abierta pueden contrarrestar la fuerza desigualadora de la constante obsolescencia. La legitimidad de la sociedad industrial misma llega a depender de la credibilidad de la escuela, y no importa si el partido en el poder es el comunista o el republicano. Bajo estas circunstancias, el público está ávido de libros como el informe de Charles Silberman o la Comisión Carnegie, publicado bajo el título de _Crisis in the Classroom_. Este tipo de investigación inspira confianza por su bien documentada condena de la escuela actual, a la luz de la cual los intentos insignificantes por salvar al sistema manicurando sus faltas más obvias puede crear una nueva oleada de expectativas inútiles. Mayores inversiones en escuelas de todas partes hacen monumental la ineficacia de la escolarización. Paradójicamente, los pobres son las primeras víctimas de la mayor escolarización. La Comisión Wright en Ontario tuvo que informar a sus patrocinadores del gobierno que la educación post-secundaria está inevitable e irremediablemente gravando a los pobres en forma desproporcionada para una educación que siempre disfrutarán principalmente los ricos. + +La experiencia confirma estas advertencias. Durante varias décadas un sistema de cuotas en la URSS daba preferencia al ingreso a la universidad a los hijos de padres trabajadores sobre los hijos de graduados universitarios. + +Sin embargo, la desproporción de estos últimos es todavía mayor en las clases que se gradúan en Rusia que en Estados Unidos. + +El 8 de marzo de 1971, el magistrado de la Suprema Corte de Justicia, Warren E. Burger, presentó la opinión unánime de la corte en el caso de Griggs _et al_. frente a la Duke Power Company. Interpretando la intención del Congreso en la sección referente a la igualdad de oportunidades de la Ley de Derechos Civiles de 1964, la corte de Burger determinó que cualquier grado académico o cualquier examen a que se sometan futuros empleados debe “calificar al hombre para el trabajo” y no al “hombre en abstracto”. Lacarga de demostrar que los requisitos educativos son una “medida razonable de la actuación en el trabajo” descansa en el patrón. En esta decisión, la corte sólo habló sobre los exámenes y diplomas como medio de discriminación racial, pero la lógica del argumento del magistrado se aplica a cualquier uso del pedigrí educativo como prerrequisito de un empleo. _The Great Training Robbery (El gran robo del entrenamiento)_, tan eficazmente expuesto por Ivar Berg, debe ahora enfrentarse al desafío de una conjura de compinches, de alumnos, patrones y causantes. + +En los países pobres, las escuelas racionalizan el rezago económico de toda una nación. La mayoría de los ciudadanos quedan excluidos de los escasos medios modernos de producción y consumo, pero arden en deseos de entrar en la economía por la puerta de la escuela. La legitimación de la distribución jerárquica del privilegio y el poder se ha desplazado de la alcurnia, la herencia, el favor del rey o del papa y la crueldad en el mercado o en el campo de batalla, a una forma más sutil de capitalismo: la institución jerárquica pero liberal de la escolarización obligatoria que permite al bien escolarizado imputar culpabilidad al consumidor rezagado de conocimientos por tener un certificado de menor denominación. Sin embargo, esta racionalización de la desigualdad nunca puede ir de acuerdo con los hechos, y los regímenes populistas cada vez se encuentran con mayores problemas para ocultar el conflicto entre la retórica y la realidad. + +Durante 10 años la Cuba de Fidel Castro se ha empeñado en el rápido crecimiento de la educación popular, dependiendo del material humano disponible, sin el respeto normal a las credenciales profesionales. Los éxitos espectaculares al principio de esta campaña, especialmente en lo que se refiere a la disminución del analfabetismo, se han citado como pruebas de que la lenta tasa de crecimiento de otros sistemas escolásticos latinoamericanos se debe a la corrupción, al militarismo y a una economía capitalista de mercado. No obstante, ahora, la lógica de la escolarización jerárquica está alcanzando a Fidel y a su intento de producir al Nuevo Hombre por medio de la escuela. Aun cuando los estudiantes pasan la mitad del año en los campos de caña y se adhieren totalmente a los ideales igualitarios del compañero Fidel, cada año la escuela entrena a una cosecha de consumidores de conocimientos autoconscientes dispuestos a moverse hacia nuevos niveles de consumo. Además, el _Dr_. Castro se enfrenta a las pruebas de que el sistema escolástico nunca producirá suficientes técnicos certificados. Aquellos graduados que obtienen las nuevas colocaciones destruyen con su conservadurismo los resultados obtenidos por los núcleos no certificados que han llegado a sus puestos a través de entrenamientos en el trabajo. No se puede culpar de ninguna manera a los maestros de los fracasos de un gobierno revolucionario que insiste en la capitalización institucional del potencial humano a través de un currículum oculto que garantiza la producción de una burguesía universal. + +## Recuperación de la responsabilidad de enseñar y aprender + +Una revolución en contra de aquellas formas de privilegio y de poder que se basan en el derecho de obtener conocimientos profesionales debe iniciarse con una transformación de la conciencia sobre la naturaleza del aprendizaje. + +Esto significa, sobre todo, un desplazamiento de la responsabilidad de enseñar y aprender. El conocimiento sólo puede definirse como una mercancía mientras se le considere el resultado de una empresa institucional o el cumplimiento de los objetivos institucionales. Sólo cuando el hombre recupere el sentido de la responsabilidad personal de lo que aprende y enseña podrá romperse el sortilegio y superarse el alejamiento entre el aprender y el vivir. + +La recuperación del poder de aprender o enseñar significa que el maestro que se arriesga a interferir en la vida privada de otro individuo también se hace responsable de los resultados. De manera similar, el estudiante que se expone a la influencia de un maestro debe hacerse responsable de su propia educación. Para ello lo ideal sería que las instituciones educativas —si se necesitan— adoptaran la forma de centros de servicios donde se pudiera adquirir un techo adecuado sobre su cabeza, tener acceso a un piano o a un horno y a discos, libros o diapositivas. Las escuelas, las estaciones de televisión, los teatros y similares están diseñados principalmente para el uso de profesionales. La desescolarización de la sociedad significa, sobre todo, la negación del estatus profesional para la segunda profesión más antigua del mundo, a saber: enseñar. La certificación de maestros constituye ahora una restricción indebida del derecho a la libertad de expresión; la estructura corporativa y las pretensiones profesionales del periodismo coartan indebidamente la libertad de prensa. + +Las reglas de asistencia obligatoria interfieren con la libertad de reunión. La desescolarización de la sociedad no es más que una mutación cultural mediante la cual un pueblo recupera el uso efectivo de sus libertades constitucionales: el aprender y enseñar por hombres que saben que han nacido libres y no con una libertad que les ha sido otorgada. La mayoría de las personas aprenden casi siempre cuando hacen algo que les divierte; la mayoría tiene curiosidad y desea dar un significado a todo aquello con que entra en contacto; y la mayoría puede tener relaciones personales íntimas con otros si no están idiotizados por un trabajo inhumano o se cierran a causa de la escolarización. + +El hecho de que las personas en los países ricos no aprendan mucho de _motu proprio_ no es prueba de lo contrario. Más bien es consecuencia de vivir en un medio ambiente del cual, paradójicamente, no pueden aprender mucho precisamente porque está altamente programado. Constantemente se ven frustrados por la estructura de la sociedad contemporánea, donde los hechos en que se basan las decisiones se han vuelto más huidizos. Viven en un ambiente en el que los instrumentos que pueden utilizarse para propósitos creativos se han convertido en un lujo, un ambiente en que los canales de comunicación sirven a unos cuantos para hablar a muchos. + +## Una nueva tecnología más que una nueva educación + +Un mito moderno desea hacernos creer que el sentido de impotencia con el que vive la mayoría de los hombres de hoy es consecuencia de la tecnología que sólo puede crear sistemas enormes. Pero no es la tecnología la que hace enormes sistemas, instrumentos inmensamente poderosos, canales de comunicación unidireccionales. Todo lo contrario: si la tecnología estuviera adecuadamente controlada, podría capacitar a cada hombre para entender mejor su medio ambiente, moldearlo con sus propias manos, y permitirle la intercomunicación total a un grado nunca antes alcanzado. Este uso alternativo de la tecnología constituye la disyuntiva central en la educación. + +Para que una persona pueda desarrollarse necesita, antes que nada, tener acceso a cosas, lugares y procesos, a acontecimientos y datos. Necesita ver, tocar, asir, ocuparse con lo que existe en un escenario significativo. En la actualidad este acceso le está en buena medida negado. Cuando el conocimiento se convirtió en una mercancía adquirió la protección de la propiedad privada; así, un principio diseñado para resguardar la intimidad personal se transformó en una razón para declarar que los conocimientos no son para las personas que carecen de las credenciales apropiadas. En las escuelas los maestros se guardan los conocimientos si no encajan dentrodel programa del día. Los medios informan, pero excluyen lo que consideran inadecuado para imprimirse. La información se encierra en idiomas especiales, y los maestros especializados viven de su retraducción. Las empresas protegen las patentes, las burocracias guardan los secretos, y el poder de alejar a los demás de cotos privados —ya sean cabinas, despachos de abogados, basureros o clínicas— se guarda celosamente por las profesiones, las instituciones y los países. Ni la estructura política ni la profesional de nuestras sociedades, oriental y occidental, podrían soportar la eliminación del poder de impedir el acceso a conocimientos que podrían servir a muchas clases de personas. El acceso a los conocimientos por que abogo va más allá que la verdad etiquetada. El acceso debe construirse dentro de la realidad, mientras que todo lo que pedimos de la publicidad es la garantía de que no nos engañe. El acceso a la realidad constituye una alternativa fundamental en la educación para un sistema que sólo pretende enseñar _sobre_ él. + +La abolición del derecho a un secreto corporativo —aun cuando la opinión profesional sostiene que este secreto sirve al bien común— es, como pronto se verá, un objetivo político mucho más radical que la demanda tradicional de la propiedad pública o el control de los bienes de producción. La socialización de estos bienes sin una socialización efectiva del _know-how_ (saber cómo) de su uso, tiende a colocar al capitalista del conocimiento en la posición que antes tenía el financiero. La única pretensión de poder del tecnócrata es el acervo que tiene de algún tipo de conocimiento escaso y secreto, y la mejor manera de proteger su valor es creando una organización importante con intensidad de capital que hace que el acceso al _know-how_ sea formidable y prohibitivo. + +No pasa mucho tiempo antes de que el aprendiz interesado adquiera casi cualquier habilidad que desee usar. Eso tiende a olvidarse en una sociedad en la que los maestros profesionales monopolizan la entrada a todos los campos y etiquetan como charlatanería la enseñanza impartida por individuos que carecen de un certificado. Existen pocas habilidades mecánicas en la industria o la investigación que sean tan exigentes, complejas y peligrosas como manejar un automóvil; habilidad que la mayoría de la gente adquiere fácilmente de un instructor. No todas las personas están capacitadas para la lógica avanzada, y sin embargo aquellos que lo están progresan rápidamente si se les interesa en juegos matemáticos a una temprana edad. Uno de cada 20 niños en Cuernavaca me gana en un juego de _Wff’n Proof_ después de unas cuantas semanas de entrenamiento. + +En cuatro meses un gran porcentaje de los adultos motivados en el Cidoc aprenden el español con la suficiente corrección para llevar a cabo asuntos académicos en la nueva lengua. + +Un primer paso para abrir el acceso a las diferentes especialidades sería proporcionar distintos incentivos a los individuos calificados para que compartan sus conocimientos. Inevitablemente, esto iría en contra de los intereses de las guildas, las profesiones y los sindicatos. Empero, el aprendizaje múltiple es atractivo; proporciona a todos la oportunidad de aprender algo sobre casi cualquier cosa. No hay razón para que una persona no pueda combinar la capacidad de manejar un auto, componer teléfonos y excusados, ser partera y dibujante de arquitecto. Las grandes empresas y sus consumidores disciplinados pretenderían, desde luego, que el público necesita la protección de una garantía profesional. Pero este argumento lo ponen continuamente en tela de juicio las asociaciones de protección del consumidor. Tenemos que tomar más seriamente la objeción que los economistas hacen a la socialización radical de las habilidades: que no habrá “progreso” si los conocimientos —patentes, habilidades y todo el resto— se democratizan. Sólo podremos encarar sus argumentos si les demostramos la tasa de crecimiento de deseconomías inútiles generadas por cualquiera de los sistemas educativos que existen. + +El acceso a la gente que desea compartir sus habilidades no es garantía de aprendizaje. Este acceso se restringe no sólo por el monopolio de los programas educativos sobre el aprendizaje y de los sindicatos sobre su licitud, sino también por una tecnología de la escasez: las habilidades que hoy cuentan con el _know-how_ en el uso de herramientas que se diseñaron para ser escasas. Estas herramientas producen bienes o prestan servicios que todos quieren, pero que sólo unos cuantos pueden disfrutar, y que sólo un número limitado de personas sabe cómo utilizar. Sólo unos cuantos individuos privilegiados del total de personas que padecen una enfermedad dada se benefician de los resultados de la tecnología médica sofisticada, y todavía menos médicos desarrollan la habilidad para utilizarla. + +Sin embargo, los mismos resultados de la investigación médica también se han utilizado para crear un instrumental básico que permite a los médicos de la armada y la marina, con sólo unos cuantos meses de entrenamiento, obtener resultados en el campo de batalla que habrían sido un sueño imposible de los doctores titulados durante la segunda Guerra Mundial. En un nivel aún más sencillo, cualquier campesina podría aprender a diagnosticar y tratar la mayoría de las infecciones si los científicos de lamedicina prepararan específicamente dosis e instrucciones para un área geográfica dada. + +Todos estos ejemplos ilustran el hecho de que las consideraciones de tipo educativo por sí solas son suficientes para requerir una reducción radical de la estructura profesional que ahora impide la relación entre el científico y la mayoría de los que desean tener acceso a la ciencia. Si se escuchara esta demanda, todos los hombres podrían aprender a usar los instrumentos de ayer, que la ciencia moderna ha vuelto más efectivos y duraderos, para crear el mundo del mañana. + +Por desgracia, en la actualidad existe precisamente la tendencia contraria. Conozco una región costera en Sudamérica donde la mayoría de la gente vive de la pesca con pequeños botes. El motor fuera de borda es sin duda el instrumento que ha cambiado más dramáticamente las vidas de estos pescadores costeños. Pero en la región que yo he estudiado, la mitad de todos los motores fuera de borda se compraron entre 1945 y 1950 y se mantienen en uso por arreglos constantes, mientras que la mitad de los motores adquiridos en 1965 ya no sirven porque no se construyeron para repararse. El progreso tecnológico proporciona a la mayoría de las personas artefactos que no pueden comprar y las priva de las herramientas más sencillas que necesitan. + +Los metales, los plásticos y el cemento armado que se utilizan en la construcción han mejorado muchísimo desde la década de los años cuarenta y deben dar a más personas la oportunidad de construir sus propias casas. + +Pero mientras que en 1948 más de 30% de todas las casas unifamiliares de Estados Unidos las construyeron sus propietarios, para fines de los años sesenta este porcentaje había disminuido a menos de 20 por ciento. + +La reducción del nivel de habilidades a través del llamado desarrollo económico es todavía más palpable en América Latina. Aquí, la mayoría de la gente sigue construyendo su casa desde el piso hasta el techo. A menudo usan barro en forma de adobe y techados de paja de utilidad insuperable en su clima húmedo, caliente y ventoso. En otros lugares hacen sus viviendas de cartón, barriles de petróleo y otros desperdicios industriales. En lugar de proporcionar a la gente instrumentos sencillos y componentes altamente estandarizados, duraderos y fáciles de componer, todos los gobiernos se han pronunciado en favor de la producción masiva de viviendas de bajo costo. + +Es obvio que ningún país puede darse el lujo de proporcionar unidades habitacionales modernas satisfactorias para la mayoría de la gente. No obstante, en todas partes esta política hace que cada vez sea más difícil que la mayoría adquiera el conocimiento y la capacidad que necesita para construirse mejores casas. + +## La pobreza + +Consideraciones de tipo educativo nos permiten formular una segunda característica fundamental que debe poseer cualquier sociedad posindustrial: una caja de herramientas que por su misma naturaleza compense el control tecnocrático. Por razones educativas debemos trabajar para lograr una sociedad en la que el conocimiento científico se incorpore a las herramientas y componentes que puedan utilizarse con buenos resultados en unidades suficientemente pequeñas para que estén al alcance de todos. Sólo este tipo de herramientas podrá socializar el acceso a las habilidades. Sólo estas herramientas favorecen asociaciones temporales entre aquellos que desean utilizarlas en ocasiones específicas. Sólo estas herramientas permiten el surgimiento de objetivos específicos en el proceso de su utilización, como bien sabe cualquier remendón. Sólo con la combinación de un acceso garantizado a los conocimientos y un poder limitado en la mayoría de las herramientas se podrá contemplar una economía de subsistencia capaz de incorporar los frutos de la ciencia moderna. + +El desarrollo de una economía científica de subsistencia como ésta es indudablemente ventajoso para la gran mayoría de las personas en los países pobres. También es la única alternativa a la contaminación progresiva, a la explotación y a la opacidad en los países ricos. Pero, como hemos visto, el derrocamiento del PNB no puede lograrse sin trastornar simultáneamente la ENB (Educación Nacional Bruta, generalmente concebida como capitalización del potencial humano). Una economía igualitaria no puede existir en una sociedad en la que el derecho de producir lo otorgan las escuelas. + +La viabilidad de la economía moderna de subsistencia no depende de nuevos intentos científicos. Depende principalmente de la capacidad de una sociedad para estar de acuerdo sobre restricciones fundamentales antiburocráticas y antitecnocráticas autoelegidas. + +Estas restricciones pueden adoptar muchas formas, pero no funcionarán si no tocan las dimensiones básicas de la vida. (La decisión del Congreso norteamericano en contra del desarrollo de un avión supersónico es uno de los pasos más alentadores en la dirección correcta.) La sustancia de estas restricciones sociales voluntarias sería algo muy sencillo que cualquier hombre prudente puede entender y juzgar plenamente. Los intereses en juego en la controversia del avión supersónico proporcionan un buen ejemplo. Todas estas restricciones se elegirían para fomentar el usufructo estable y equitativo de _know-how_ científico. Los franceses dicen que se tarda 1 000 años para educar a un campesino en el cuidado de una vaca. No se tardarían dos generaciones en ayudar a toda la gente de Latinoamérica o África a utilizar y reparar motores fuera de borda, coches sencillos, bombas de agua, botiquines y máquinas de cemento armado si su diseño no cambiara a cada rato. Y ya que una vida feliz es aquella en la que hay una sensata interrelación con los demás en un ambiente interesante, habría un gozo igual si se traduce en igual educación. En la actualidad es difícil imaginar un consenso sobre austeridad. La razón que generalmente se da para la impotencia de la mayoría se estipula en términos de clases económicas o políticas. Lo que generalmente no se entiende es que la nueva estructura de clase de una sociedad escolarizada está todavía más controlada por los intereses creados. No cabe duda que la organización imperialista y capitalista de la sociedad proporciona una estructura social en la que sólo una minoría puede influir desproporcionadamente sobre la opinión efectiva de la mayoría. Pero en una sociedad tecnocrática el poder de una minoría de capitalistas del conocimiento puede evitar la formación de una opinión pública real a través del control del _know-how_ científico y de los medios de comunicación. Las garantías constitucionales de la libertad de expresión, la libertad de prensa y la libertad de reunión, tenían el propósito de asegurar un gobierno del pueblo. En principio, la electrónica moderna, las prensas de foto-offset, las computadoras y los teléfonos han proporcionado las herramientas que podrían dar un significado enteramente nuevo a estas libertades. Por desgracia estas cosas se utilizan en los medios modernos de comunicación para incrementar el poder de los banqueros del conocimiento para canalizar sus paquetes de programas a través de cadenas internacionales a más gente, en lugar de utilizarlos para aumentar las verdaderas redes que proporcionan iguales oportunidades para una reunión de los miembros de la mayoría. + +La desescolarización de la cultura y la estructura social requieren el uso de tecnología para que la política de participación sea posible. Sólo con base en una coalición de la mayoría podrán determinarse los límites a los secretos y al poder creciente sin dictadura. Necesitamos un nuevo ambiente en el que el desarrollo sea sin clases, o tendremos un “Mundo feliz” en el que el _Big Brother_ nos eduque a todos. + +# Conciencia política y control de la natalidad + +Los programas para controlar la natalidad que se pretenden imponer en América Latina fracasan porque subrayan más el temor a la pobreza que la alegría de vivir. Los que practican la planificación familiar son los mismos que orientan sus consumos conforme a las “necesidades” que crean los avisos de television y la propaganda en general. Tanto en México como en Brasil ellos forman esa minoría rara y marginal que ha dado en llamarse clase media. Su misma situación de privilegio económico los expone a que su intimidad sexual sea regulada desde afuera mediante un juego de demandas. + +Lograr éxito en la escuela, en el trabajo y en el sexo es una combinación de la que sólo goza en Latinoamérica una minoría que va de 1 a 5%. En ella se encuentran los “triunfadores” que se las saben arreglar para mantener el índice de sus entradas por encima del promedio nacional; allí también están los únicos que tienen acceso al poder político, que usarán como instrumento poderoso para favorecer a su estirpe. Incluso suponiendo que el pequeño número de los que han sabido aprovecharse de la Alianza para el Progreso de las clases medias practicase la planificación familiar, eso no afectaría en forma significativa los índices de crecimiento demográfico. Pero la posibilidad de planificar sus familias es algo que está fuera del alcance de los “otros” (que en América Latina quiere decir “los más”). ¿A quién le sorprende que una “igualdad” más se le reconozca al pobre en el papel y se le niegue de hecho? + +En un contexto político seudodemocrático es imposible inducir a la mayoría a practicar el control de la natalidad. Ni la seducción ni la educación producen efecto. Lo primero, porque es propio de tales regímenes aparentar que respetan a la persona y, por tanto, no pueden ser demasiado agresivos en la propaganda, como sería anunciar que se pagan 25 dólares a cada mujer que se haga aplicar una espiral y 100 a la que se deje esterilizar. Eso sería más económico —conforme a sus objetivos—, pero no les permitiría guardar las apariencias. Lo segundo, porque a estos gobiernos no les conviene dar a los adultos analfabetos un tipo de educación en estamateria, que los llevaría a la crítica y a la disensión en el plano político. Saben que hacer eso sería labrarse su propia subversión. + +## El fracaso de lo mágico + +Ese doble fracaso se explica también al ver la inadecuación que existe entre lo que se predica y el estilo de vida común a las mayorías campesinas de América Latina. Éstas no creen que controlar su impulso sexual las llevará a la abundancia material. Creen menos en eso que en la eficacia misma de los métodos anticonceptivos. Sin embargo, se las quiere convencer de que ambas cosas habrán de producirse por arte de magia. Si al pobre le repele el olor del remedio mágico, es porque huele allí el doblez de un rico magnate que le enseña “afablemente” cómo hacer para no seguir trayendo al mundo seres pobres y detestables como él. También se utiliza la agresividad para imponer los nuevos métodos, pero cobardemente, es decir, cuando se tiene enfrente a una criatura indefensa. Baste pensar en la mujer que, víctima de la “curación” hecha en su barrio, llega a la clínica donde será iniciada en el misterio de la contracepción como única alternativa para no tener que volver el año próximo. La demanda, el estilo y el método usados, insisten en cómo protegerse frente al mal, más que en cómo poder expresar más profundamente la vida y ser libres para actuar en ella. Al no tener la planificación familiar así planteada nada de atractivo, no es de maravillar que fracase. + +Mientras no se desmitologicen los programas para controlar la expansión demográfica, éstos no conseguirán reducir la fertilidad. El recurso a la magia, al mito y al misterio lo deben abandonar tanto los abanderados de la contracepción como sus opositores éticos. Pero es que la creciente pobreza del mundo embota la imaginación de quienes deben buscar las soluciones. Entonces se recurre al mito para escapar a esa angustia insoportable: se convierte a las personas hambrientas en un informe enemigo mitológico con la ilusión de poder controlarlo; se confiere a los programas para controlar la natalidad un poder mágico y se les invoca para mantener a raya los desbordamientos en las tablas estadísticas. Pero dado que el hombre no acepta ser tratado como una célula que se reproduce dentro de ese monstruo y lo hace crecer, las invocaciones al mito no hacen disminuir su fertilidad. Sólo los hombres de gabinete creen que se puede convencer a los individuos para que tomen como _motivos personales_ las _razones válidas_ de los economistas de la nación. + +“Población” es algo acéfalo, dirigible pero no motivable. Sólo las personas toman decisiones, y en la medida en que lo hacen son más o menos controlables. Por eso quien se decide libremente a controlar su fertilidad en forma responsable se sentirá también motivado para aspirar al poder político, porque en esa forma se asegura de no ser manejado según el gusto de otros. De ahí que los gobiernos militares de América del Sur no quieran aceptar los programas que buscan promover la paternidad responsable y la participación en el control político. + +En América Latina, como colonia occidental, la escolarización masiva ha sido la forma de someter pasivamente a los niños a una ideología que se encarga de mantenerlos “democráticamente” en su lugar. Su “orden” político no ha tolerado una educación que despierte la conciencia de las masas adultas no escolarizadas, que promueva su originalidad y los impulse al riesgo. Dar eso a los adultos es exhortarlos a liberarse de los tabúes y a destronar los ídolos que los defensores del _statu quo_ tan celosamente custodian. + +Todo tabú que se deja atrás significa un obstáculo menos para la liberación total del hombre. Caer en la cuenta de que el sexo no tiene por qué llevar a una fecundidad que no se desea, hace que la persona vea que la sobrevivencia económica no tiene por qué engendrar la explotación política. + +Ser más libre como consorte, significa serlo también como ciudadano y, por consiguiente, volverse una fuerza activa en el proceso de cambio social. + +## El contexto de la urbanización + +Todos los que procrearán antes de 1984 ya viven hoy día. Me pregunto si a los que aún son niños se les usurparán sus sentimientos por medio de la técnica, se les desposeerá de sus responsabilidades sociales, se les manipulará en su comportamiento sexual para adaptarlos a los intereses de otros, o si el traslado del campo a la ciudad los hará más libres y conscientes para controlar la historia de sus vidas. En otras palabras: ¿llegará la ciudad a tragarse sus vidas o lograrán vivir en ella con mayor libertad? La mayoría de los actuales habitantes de América Latina vive en un mundo donde el modo de pensar, las costumbres y los mitos están enraizados en un pasado rural. Ahora bien, menos de 30% de los 350 millones que se espera tendrá el continente en la próxima generación podrá considerarse “rural”. La diferencia se habrá trasladado a los centros poblados trayendo el bagaje que heredara de sus abuelos: aprecio por la tradición y por la prole numerosa (con la que el grupo hacía frente a la elevada mortalidad). Su lenguaje, símbolos, ideología y religión expresarán tales valores. + +Pero una vez que el campesino se instala en la ciudad, pierde la poderosa herramienta que su cultura le diera para llevar con dignidad su situación de carencia. Más aún, debe renunciar conscientemente a ella para poder sobrevivir. O acepta cambiar libremente la orientación de su vida y adaptar su conducta conforme eso se lo vaya exigiendo o la ciudad lo esclavizará cuando no lo aplastará. La urbanización le ofrece nuevas coordenadas, símbolos y eslogans con los que orientar sus más íntimos sentimientos y tendencias y labrar su carácter. + +La ciudad se vende al recién llegado con una serie de instrucciones para su uso. Allí se mistifica al que no acepta las creencias tradicionales, sino las del credo de la ciudad con sus nuevos dogmas: prolongación de los años de vida obtenida mediante adelantos médicos; exaltación del sistema escolar; habilidad para mejorar de puesto en el trabajo y conseguir mayor remuneración. Producción y consumo se convierten en el patrón medida de los valores, sin excluir el de la fertilidad. Cambio de orientación, conducta y creencia van juntos y solamente la minoría capaz de someterse a los tres podrá abrirse camino hacia las diminutas islas en que florece la abundancia. + +## Resistencia a la riqueza + +Es fácil percibir que un grado elevado de consumo, combinado con una fertilidad abundante, es un lujo que pocos pueden afrontar. Lo común es que quien rápidamente asciende en la pirámide social sea el que controla rigurosamente su número de hijos. Pero eso demanda una disciplina de por vida que no es fácil pedírsela a quien se ha criado en una choza y carece del entrenamiento que se requiere para ajustarse al ritmo que marca la escuela o al horario inflexible de una oficina. Salvo que se dé una rara combinación de carácter y circunstancias, la ciudad —mejor selectora que maestra— no enseñará al campesino las disciplinas que se precisan para triunfar en ella, en los negocios y en la vida de familia. Tampoco es la escuela quien mejor se las puede enseñar, pues ella también es más selectiva que pedagógica. Si bien se ha pensado que la alta escolaridad trae consigo la baja fertilidad, yo prefiero creer que lo que pasa es que las escuelas al hacer su selección sólo se quedan con aquellos mansos corderos capaces de seguir ahora sus órdenes y, más tarde, las del planificador. + +¿Quiénes son los que todavía dicen que si la gente no progresa es porque no quiere; y que las oportunidades son las mismas para todos? + +Miremos los hechos. En Caracas, y en el mejor de los casos, sólo tres de cada 100 están en camino de conseguir lo siguiente: título secundario, auto privado, seguro de enfermedad y un grado de higiene aceptable. + +Se dice que la planificación familiar ha sido adoptada rápidamente por ciertos grupos étnicos. Pero tomemos a los puertorriqueños que viven en Nueva York. Es verdad que la fertilidad del grupo decrece, pero sólo si tomamos en cuenta a los que, habiendo decidido ir a esa ciudad, lograron escapar de Harlem, pasar por la escuela y conseguir un empleo por más de 7 000 dólares al año. Ellos son los privilegiados que pudieron eludir a la policía, las drogas, la discriminación y las agencias de bienestar social. + +Entre los muchos que buscan El Dorado son ellos el grupito selecto que no muere antes de haberlo encontrado. + +En América Latina puede detectarse un fenómeno similar. Me refiero a esos pequeños grupos que a saltos de rana marchan hacia la riqueza. Lo propio de ellos es asociarse al Club de Leones, al Movimiento Familiar Cristiano, a los Caballeros de Colón o a grupos por el estilo, que les permiten organizarse para poder alcanzar nuevos privilegios. La Asociación para la Protección de la Clase Media, recientemente fundada en Caracas por los empleados de Esso, sirve para ilustrar lo que mencionábamos. El que los miembros de estos grupos controlen su fertilidad no prueba que la contracepción sea un resultado de confort. Más bien quiere decir que en Latinoamérica son muy pocos los que tienen acceso a la riqueza. + +El fracaso de la planificación familiar en las naciones en vías de desarrollo es comparable al fracaso que ha tenido en los guetos negros de Estados Unidos. La proliferación entre los norteamericanos pobres alcanza niveles próximos a los latinoamericanos. Con todo, el elemento común es más una disposición de ánimo que un factor numérico. Porque si bien por un lado en el gueto negro se han alcanzado promedios económicos y disponibilidad de servicios que están fuera del alcance de nuestra generación en América Latina, por otro nos encontramos que en ambos lados la participación política es baja, el poder de que se dispone es sumamente limitado y el humor se torna helado. Sorprende entonces que el mínimo público norteamericano que logró sensibilizarse con sus compatriotas de color que rechazaban la trampa que se les tendía para que dejasen de reproducirse, mire como necedad e histeria que el pobre de ultramar busque escapar de la misma trampa. Tal como se viene planteando, dar más información gratis a la gente es un truco que tiene que fracasar en Brasil de la misma forma que fracasó en el gueto: no importa cuál sea el escenario, ese truco anticonceptivo saldrá mal y no hará decrecer la fertilidad. + +El año pasado en Brasil, obispos y comunistas levantaron la indignación pública contra los supuestos favores extendidos por el gobierno militar a los misioneros que importasen a la Amazonia _serpentes_ producidas en Estados Unidos. Las _serpentes_ (espirales), decían los acusadores, habría que “aplicarlas al interior de las mujeres” para preparar la Amazonia a ser colonizada por “sobrantes” negros que se importarían de Estados Unidos. + +El demógrafo criado en torno al Atlántico Norte fácilmente interpreta eso como el arranque de una imaginación enfermiza, más que como una protesta simbólica contra la serpiente norteamericana que solicita a la Eva tropical para que guste la manzana de la abundancia. ¿Es que se busca acaso seducir a nuestros hombres para que acepten como “ley de la naturaleza humana” lo que no es más que idiosincrasia de un pueblo? + +## Alienación ideológica + +Procuraremos tratar el tema libres de cualquier tendencia “imperialista”, moralista o masivista que inconscientemente pueda determinar su intepretación. + +Un individuo puede recurrir a la contracepción como defensa contra la miseria angustiante —caso de tantos abortos— o como medio de mejorar económicamente lo que sólo puede verificarse en la ínfima minoría que ha aceptado los postulados capitalistas y sube rápidamente los escalones del “progreso”. Porque para 90% de la población de ciudades tipo Caracas o Sao Paulo tener pocos hijos no representa un mejoramiento significativo de nivel de vida. De ahí que los incentivos socioeconómicos (ganancia a corto plazo, ventajas paralelas para la pequeña familia…), a través de los cuales los programas tradicionales de educación contraceptiva buscan motivar a las masas de escasa capacidad de consumo, sean percibidos por ellas como un engaño. Se las podrá adoctrinar sutilmente en los “valores de la clase media” o luchar por conseguir su asentimiento irreflexivo, pero eso no conseguirá disminuir su fertilidad, sino tan sólo aumentar su alienación. + +El pobre no teme que se le cierren las puertas de una riqueza futura que nunca llegará a poseer, como tampoco el recurso al infierno ha tenido gran influencia en la conducta sexual de católicos fervientes. Pero es cinismo pedirle que se abstenga del placer para que otros puedan seguir alcanzando lo que a él se le niega. Ni la política de la Casa Blanca, con todas sus “razones”, ni los códigos morales que pueda proponer el papa, logran determinar la conducta sexual de la gente. Ambos son igualmente ineficaces porque usar la ideología para _imponer_ la planificación familiar u oponerse a ella es un llamado a la idolatría y, por lo tanto, es un llamado inhumano. + +La ideología puede encontrarle justificación al egoísmo, al temor al riesgo, a la envidia…; con tal de mover a las personas a usar contraceptivos, se las ingenia incluso para demostrar que todo eso contribuye a la estabilidad política y al aumento de la producción. Pero son sólo unos pocos y raros individuos los que se deciden a controlar su vida sexual engatusados por tales razonamientos. Ya hemos visto lo que pasa con la mayoría a quien se busca convencer con falsas razones: sigue tan prolífera como antes. En sentido contrario, la ideología es capaz de hacer que algunos —¿por un miedo mítico al infierno?— se lancen a procrear con “consciente irresponsabilidad”. Pero también aquí alegra pensar que no sean muchos los que padecen tal neurosis. De tal manera que usar la ideología para motivar el comportamiento individual es a la vez un modo falaz de hacer política dirigida. Porque el recurso a los “absolutos” para determinar a la gente, es más una buena excusa que una buena razón. + +Así como el maestro cree que los libros son la panacea para poder mejorar la situación de la vida, los agentes de Salud Pública prefieren ver en un pesario la alfombra mágica que habrá de llevar al paraíso soñado. El producto del farmacéutico, el del librero y el de la curandera se usan con el mismo estilo. Por lo tanto, las mujeres que tragan a ojos cerrados la píl-dora mágica no se diferencian psicológicamente de quienes depositan toda su confianza en los libros, en los filtros de amor o en San Antonio. + +Pero ni las escuelas ni las agencias de bienestar social han logrado mover a sus clientes con sus motivos. Las escuelas, a un alto precio, consiguen dar algo de alfabetización a unos pocos niños: en América Latina sólo uno de cada cuatro pasa del sexto grado. Las clínicas de bienestar social, por otro lado, logran resultados igualmente modestos: sólo uno de cada cuatro de los que allí se aconsejan, deja de tener hijos. La causa está en que ambas seleccionan mejor de lo que enseñan. + +Si los guardianes del _statu quo_ fueran consecuentes con sus intereses económicos, reconocerían públicamente que una nación ahorra más y a corto plazo por cada vida que se evita que el aumento en la productividadque trae consigo un nuevo niño escolarizado. Pero como decidirse por eso sería dejar al descubierto lo humanamente detestable que es el “orden” que se defiende, prefieren mantener las escuelas y las clínicas tal como funcionan, porque son políticamente necesarias y porque ayudan a mantener la envoltura del mundo occidental. Entonces se entiende por qué cuando se reduce el presupuesto para las escuelas se reinvierte en las clínicas o viceversa; pero las reinversiones nunca se hacen en favor de nuevos programas. + +Los gobiernos militares no pueden sino temerle a Sócrates: hay que encarcelarlo, exiliarlo, ridiculizarlo o forzarlo a la clandestinidad. Son pocos los promotores de la educación fundamental en América Latina que habiendo dado muestras de su capacidad, popularidad y dignidad siguen empleados en sus países. De unirse al gobierno, a la Iglesia o a una agencia internacional, los amenazaría el tener que transar. En nuestro continente los que dirigen la política y los que han terminado la escuela secundaria (sólo 3%) son los mismos. Por eso todo lo que signifique involucrar masivamente a los adultos no escolarizados en el razonamiento político implica un cambio que va más allá del gusto y de la imaginación de esa minoría. Si un nuevo programa educativo se propone alcanzar ese fin, pronto será declarado abortivo, ignorado como demagogia destinada al fracaso, reprimido como incitación al motín y, por supuesto, no financiado. + +Paulo Freire, educador brasileño exiliado, demostró que se puede enseñar a leer y escribir en seis semanas a aproximadamente 15% de los adultos analfabetos de un pueblo, con menos de lo que cuesta tener a un niño en la escuela durante un año. Freire hace que su equipo prepare para la comunidad con la que va a trabajar una lista de palabras profundamente significativas y que, fácilmente, se convierten en foco de controversia política. Las sesiones se centran en torno al análisis de esas palabras. Los atraídos por el programa suelen ser gente que dispone de potencial político. + +Asumiendo que les interesa el diálogo, aprender a leer y escribir las palabras claves les significa dar un paso hacia adelante en la intensidad y efectividad de su participación política. + +Es obvio que tal tipo de educación sea selectivo. También lo son las escuelas. Sólo que el potencial político y la sala de clase reúnen a gente distinta: de un lado los elementos potencialmente subversivos de la sociedad, y de otro los niños dóciles dispuestos a condescender con la dictadura del sistema. + +Los alumnos de Freire consumen una dieta diferente a los desechos con que se alimentan los fracasados de la escuela que consiguieron, sin embargo, aprender a leer. Nunca olvidaré una noche pasada con uno de esos grupos de campesinos hambrientos. Fue en Sergipe a comienzos de 1964. + +Un hombre se levantó, luchó por encontrar las palabras y luego expuso brevemente el argumento que trato de elaborar en este artículo: “Anoche no pude dormir… porque anoche escribí mi nombre… y comprendí que yo soy yo… que quiere decir que _nosotros_ somos responsables”. + +Ciudadanía responsable y paternidad responsable marchan juntas. + +Ambas resultan de haber experimentado la relación que existe entre uno mismo y los demás. Someter a disciplina el comportamiento espontáneo es algo efectivo, creador y sostenible, sólo si se acepta teniendo en vista a los demás. La decisión de actuar como consorte y padre responsable implica participar en la vida política y aceptar la disciplina que eso exige. Hoy día en Brasil, eso significa prontitud para la lucha revolucionaria. + +En esta perspectiva, mi sugerencia para que esos programas vastos para la educación de adultos se orienten hacia la planificación familiar, supone estar en favor de que se dé educación política. La lucha por la liberación política y la participación popular en América Latina podrá adquirir mayor profundidad y conciencia si brota del reconocimiento de que incluso en los dominios más íntimos de la vida el hombre moderno debe aceptar la técnica como una condición. Si la educación para la paternidad se condujera con ese estilo, podría volverse una forma poderosa de agitación que ayudaría a las masas desarraigadas a convertirse en “pueblo”. + +## La iglesia católica como agente publicitario + +Si la Iglesia católica se propusiera oponerse sistemáticamente a los programas que promueven la planificación familiar realista y responsable —posibilidad que no consideré al escribir originalmente este artículo— tendría por resultado el mantener sobre el tapete la controversia, a la vez que despertar el humor y la cordura de la gente. + +Polarizar la atención de los individuos en una determinada dirección provoca el deseo de su contrario, y en ese sentido lleva algo de positivo: el analfabetismo, al fijar al adulto en la ignorancia, mantiene vivo en él el deseo de saber —que no ha sido corrompido por las deformaciones del sistema escolar—. El oscurantismo, de modo semejante, hace consciente a la persona de que se le está ocultando el acceso a algo, logrando de ese modo despertar su curiosidad. Cuando éste descubre que lo que se le oculta nodaña —como se le había dicho con amenazas ideológicas— se desencanta y rechaza la polarización en la que se pretendía recluirlo. Eso es lo que la batalla en torno a los programas oficiales de control de la natalidad está logrando en nuestro continente. Mi impresión es que el clero y la jerarquía católica —pese a sus buenas intenciones—, al tomar partido en esa lucha, se vuelven una fuerza polarizadora que hace brotar lo que buscaba suprimir. Si ayudasen a instruir concientizando para que luego el hombre pudiese tomar sus decisiones, podrían constatar tal vez mejores resultados a su favor y dejarían de jugar el papel que les toca en este momento, es decir, el de agentes publicitarios del producto de sus contrincantes. + +Es curioso notar cómo están compuestos los bandos que se enfrentan en esa lucha. De un lado encontramos un grupo de extraños consortes que se unen y juntos apelan al “machismo” popular. Entre ellos se cuentan quienes se oponen a la planificación familiar por suponerla contra la ley natural, y quienes la rechazan por considerarla enemiga de sus intereses políticos. Los que proponen la explosión demográfica como única forma de defenderse contra el “imperialismo yanqui” llegan hasta citar al papa en su favor. La eficiencia de este grupo se resuelve en dar publicidad a los inventos baratos que están al alcance de quienes viven en una choza y no han ido a la escuela. + +En el bando ideológico contrario se da cita otra rara combinación de aliados: el doctor, el planificador y la solterona rica. Cada uno tiene sus razones para que se fuerce al pobre a que deje de reproducirse. + +A éstos también les sirve la controversia que despiertan las autoridades eclesiásticas, porque aprovechándose de ella dan a conocer sus argumentos. + +Durante medio siglo no hubo otro medio de poder discutir la contracepción que el confesionario o la clase de catecismo. Después de las recriminaciones ardientes oídas allí, han sido más las mujeres que han venido a la clínica pidiendo se les informe cómo hacer para cometer lo que el sacerdote les dijo que era pecado. + +La prédica y la conversación piadosa sobre las técnicas que no deben usarse en el lecho nupcial se vuelven, irónicamente, una gran contribución para que la gente se decida a usar aquellas que se le antojen. ¿Es eso lo mejor que puede hacer la Iglesia católica para cumplir su misión humanizadora? + +Tal vez glosando (o profanando) a Cervantes puede entenderse mejor lo que queremos decir: que no es fácil tener a todo el mundo en poco; ser el espantajo y el coco…; y acreditar nuestra ventura con morir cuerdos y vivir locos. + +# La aceleración paralizadora + +La llamada crisis de energía no es más que un eufemismo bajo el cual se pretende disimular la sujeción imprescindible de nuestra sociedad al uso de los combustibles fósiles. No es la falta de combustibles utilizables sino la propensión maniática al abuso de energía la verdadera razón de la presente crisis. Si pensamos en el futuro, habría que elegir desde ahora entre una burocracia monopólica de la administración de los combustibles fósiles y atómicos, y la limitación voluntaria del consumo mediante una técnica adecuada a fines sociales realizables. Si en los medios técnicos de producción la concentración de energía en favor del consumidor individual sobrepasa un punto crítico, las fuerzas materiales de producción imponen una estructura explotadora de las relaciones sociales. La lucha de clase no tiene solución que no descanse sobre el reconocimiento de estos umbrales técnicos. + +Un ejemplo: se ha calculado que el norteamericano pasa, en promedio, un cuarto de su vida, directa o indirectamente, movilizándose. Anualmente invierte 1 700 horas en ganar el dinero para comprar su coche, mantenerlo, pagar el seguro y las multas por infracciones, y recorrer —con él— la cantidad de 12 000 kilómetros. Si se suma el tiempo que está frente al volante al tiempo que pasa en su trabajo para ganar el dinero que le permita el honor de sentarse en su coche, resulta que una hora de su vida le alcanza para avanzar no mucho más de seis kilómetros. En países no motorizados, los individuos con una hora de vida consagrada al tránsito cubren esta misma distancia, pero en lugar de pasar —en promedio— 25% de su vida trasladándose, los campesinos invierten 3% de su tiempo, y los nómadas menos de 7%. Depender de los motores, fenómeno de exorbitante gravedad para las sociedades industriales, lleva al hecho de que 42% de la energía total de Estados Unidos se usa para construir y mantener coches y carreteras. Sólo por concepto de transporte de personas, 250 millones de norteamericanos usan más energía mecánica que 1 500 millones de asiáticos para todas sus necesidades; a pesar de todo, los yanquis no caminan menos horas, aunque no van a pie directamente a sus destinos: usan sus pies únicamente para llegar hasta sus coches. En países que utilizan menos cantidad de energía per cápita, la parte que se invierte por concepto de transporte es, muchas veces, proporcionalmente más alta que la de los países industrializados. Lo que distingue el transporte de los países “esclavos de la energía” del transporte de los países preindustriales no es una ganancia en la relación de horas de vida por kilómetro recorrido, sino un mayor gasto de tiempo. Eso significa que la mayoría de sus habitantes debe invertir forzosamente más tiempo de vida a causa del consumo de cantidades cada vez más altas de energía que requiere la industria del transporte y que se distribuyen, además, en forma desigual desde el punto de vista social. Elevar la velocidad vehicular de una sociedad más allá de un umbral crítico implica una acumulación material tan intensa que la misma intensidad de energía reduce la movilidad típica de sus miembros. + +Sería perfectamente posible una sociedad que limitara la técnica moderna del transporte de personas a una velocidad adecuada a un máximo de movilidad, pero la mayoría de las personas no pueden imaginarlo. Al contrario, por el hecho de haberse acostumbrado a una aceleración progresiva se les ha removido el suelo bajo los pies, del mismo modo que el proceso de industrialización les ha distorsionado la imaginación política. + +No quieren ver que si una sociedad se pudiera poner de acuerdo en la velocidad máxima decisiva de sus medios de transporte, el tiempo total que gastaría esa sociedad en el transporte podría reducirse, con generosidad e igualdad de oportunidades, sin necesidad de disminuir el total de las distancias que cubren sus miembros. Este umbral de energía crítica fue haciéndose invisible porque, de un lado, se sitúa en una velocidad demasiado baja para que la “gente transportada” la tome en serio y, del otro lado, es demasiado alta para las cuatro quintas partes de la humanidad que nunca la han experimentado. En dos estados mexicanos típicos, Chiapas y Guerrero, una encuesta dio como resultado que, en 1971, menos de una entre 100 personas había cubierto, en el lapso de ese año, la distancia de 15 kilómetros en una hora, a pesar de que en ambos estados hay varias autopistas. + +Hay un umbral crítico de energía que, si se sobrepasa, necesariamente aumentará, en cada sociedad, la dependencia, la impotencia, el despotismo, la explotación y los privilegios. Lo que aquí demuestro para el caso de la aceleración de la movilidad espacial tiene su paralelo en las demás instancias de aplicación de altos niveles de energía. Habría que meter esta verdad de Perogrullo en los ojos de los expertos. Frente a lo modesto de los niveles del umbral, su prestigio queda evidentemente en ridículo. + +Naturalmente, los países pueden optar por el “consumo conspicuo” de combustibles. Pero esta decisión impulsa una aceleración que roba el tiempo de las mayorías, fomenta distancias enajenantes y otorga a una pequeña élite el don de la ubicuidad heroica. Los medios de transporte que se exceden críticamente en el uso de la energía imponen, a la estructuración social del espacio y del tiempo, la jerarquización de los privilegios. Sólo si se toma conciencia del peligro que significa sobrepasar el punto crítico del nivel de energía per cápita, la técnica podría mantenerse dentro de límites “humanos” y el progreso —que consecuentemente implica— permanecer bajo el control político. Una sociedad puede perfectamente intoxicarse a causa de la electricidad excesiva que consumen sus máquinas, del mismo modo que el exceso de calorías lleva a la gente a la obesidad; sólo que la parálisis social es mucho más difícil de admitir que el resultado de la arterioesclerosis provocada por una dieta chatarra. Antes de que sea imposible sustentar el costo del aprovisionamiento de energía, y antes aún de que el exceso de energía contamine y destruya las condiciones ambientales, la energía, en grandes cantidades, corromperá la participación democrática que hubiera permitido un uso igualitario. Sobrepasando la frontera, tal vez sea posible una igualdad en la distribución, pero jamás una igualdad en cuanto a decisiones. La alternativa de la participación democrática se lograría solamente en el caso de llevarse a cabo una política restrictiva de la energía utilizada en los productos industriales. + +Mientras no elijamos, después de haber discutido públicamente el problema, entre el mayor gasto posible de energía y el gasto mínimo necesario al servicio de una comunidad moderna e igualitaria, seremos impotentes frente a la creciente paralización de nuestra sociedad. En el momento actual, la discusión se ha detenido en una controversia que oscurece estas alternativas fundamentales: los que pretenden controlar las inversiones, supervisar la producción, planificar la distribución y fijar los precios, se oponen a aquellos que dan más importancia a un mercado libre que se sustente sobre la posibilidad de encontrar nuevas fuentes de combustibles fósiles. Ambos partidos tratan de resolver la crisis mediante la inversión de grandes cantidades de energía para el uso de un vasto sector mayoritario, en lugar de salir de ella convenciendo a la opinión pública de las ventajas que se desprenden de un consumo mínimo necesario y de un control más amplio y democrático. + +El problema del transporte es sólo un ejemplo con el que puede demostrarse que existen determinadas cantidades de energía que desbaratan las relaciones sociales. El transporte de personas es el resultado de dos procesos diferentes. Uno se basa en el impulso muscular de la fuerza humana, e implica, por lo tanto, un trabajo intensivo; tiene valor de uso pero, en la mayoría de los casos, ningún valor de cambio, y es, por naturaleza, autosuficiente. Con sandalias casi todas las personas tienen a su alrededor un horizonte de movilidad de 15 kilómetros; en bicicleta se triplica el radio, y es 10 veces mayor la superficie de esta nueva circunferencia. El segundo proceso se basa en la propulsión motorizada; requiere un uso intensivo de capital, presupone una industria, tiene carácter de mercancía y, si no se controla, crea necesidades más rápido de lo que puede satisfacerlas. + +No tiene mayor importancia si son el dinero, los diplomas y honores personales o el cumplimiento fiel de la ortodoxia política los que aseguren a un norteamericano, a un ruso o a un chino, respectivamente, su butaca en la “maravillosa máquina de reducir el tiempo”. Más allá de una velocidad crítica, nadie puede economizar su tiempo en un vehículo motorizado sin forzar a otras personas a sacrificar el suyo. La persona “altamente acelerada” se roba tiempo de vida de los “menos acelerados”, y lo hace con el pretexto de una productividad mayor. Esta “transferencia de tiempo de vida” causa problemas éticos mucho mayores que aquellos que produce la elección de pacientes para un trasplante de corazón o para el uso de un riñón artificial. Tal vez este robo de tiempo, justamente por ser tan obvio, se agazapa en el punto ciego de las ideologías. Un solo salto hasta Mallorca enceguece al obrero alemán frente al hecho de que el tiempo que invierte para llegar a su trabajo crece mucho más rápidamente de lo que crece su sueldo o de lo que se acortan sus horas de trabajo. + +Es una ilusión suponer que pueden ser equivalentes progreso técnico y consumo creciente de energía. Hace exactamente 100 años que se fabricó el primer rodamiento, y con esto el roce disminuyó a una fracción de lo que había sido antes. Sin rodamientos no hay ni coche ni bicicleta, y estos dos vehículos pueden servir como símbolos de dos alternativas de la técnica moderna. El coche, y la ciudad planificada en torno a él, obligan al individuo a ser esclavo de una industria que se desborda de energía. En un espacio creado para la bicicleta, y al mismo tiempo adecuado a su velocidad, los productos industriales se repartirían a todos por igual. Los vehículos rápidos no sólo causan la impotencia y el gasto de la vida, también aumentan, y al mismo tiempo ocultan, la injusta distribución de las ventajas. Las distancias se alargan para todos, pero la solución pertenece a unos pocos. Gran parte del tiempo que se desperdicia en transporte se le quita a aquellos que, día a día, son condenados a viajar lentamente en ciudades cada vez más extensas. Pero 1% de los hombres, que son los que realizan la mitad del total de los viajes a larga distancia, reservan sólo para ellos el uso de la “alfombra mágica”. En consecuencia, la sociedad hace uso de la mayor parte de su tiempo, energía y espacio con el fin arbitrario de empequeñecer las distancias para muy pocos e imponer a la mayoría no solamente un costo cada vez más alto sino además un daño irreparable. + +Y sin embargo no es todo, porque el cliente habitual de medios de transporte costea impuestos y pasajes de su propio bolsillo mientras los directores, burócratas, científicos y líderes de partidos utilizan los fondos públicos en viajes gratuitos, generalmente de primera clase. El hombre común y corriente, que necesita trasladarse todos los días, atraviesa suburbios a paso de tortuga, mientras que los “señores del tiempo”, subvencionados con viáticos, llegan rápidamente a su destino, ya sea éste un organismo, algún lugar de veraneo o una simple oficina. + +La bicicleta permitió una nueva utilización de la fuerza humana. En terreno plano, un hombre puede movilizarse cuatro veces más rápido, gastando por kilómetro la quinta parte de las calorías, siempre que lo haga en bicicleta en lugar de a pie. El costo y el mantenimiento de este tipo de máquina requiere poca inversión de tiempo, y su volumen y desplazamiento no necesitan de gran espacio. Los chinos pueden comprarse una bicicleta que les dure toda la vida, y sólo con su escueto salario y una pequeña fracción de las horas de trabajo que necesitaría un europeo para adquirir un coche que, por lo común, pasa de moda apenas comprado. Cuarenta mil personas que cruzan un puente en una hora, necesitarán dos vías si utilizan trenes, cuatro pistas si viajan en autobús, 12, si lo hacen en automóvil, y menos de dos si lo hacen en bicicleta. + +Adecuados a la estructura y velocidad de una bicicleta, los motores sirven de complemento al poder muscular. Si se limita la energía a un _quantum_ razonable per cápita, el progreso técnico puede expandir los horizontes sin alejar a los vecinos; puede crear un tiempo libre para viajes sin apuro, en lugar de compensar la escasez por medio de viajes demasiado rápidos; puede permitirle a los hombres ganar su autonomía, sin que la sociedad recurra a diferencias de clase estructuradas por la velocidad. + +En nuestra sociedad —con velocidades cada vez mayores y, por lo tanto, con un uso creciente de la energía per cápita— el vehículo motorizado ha relegado a segundo plano al vehículo impulsado por la propia energía del ser humano. Sería un error creer que este efecto degradante lo tenga sólo el coche. Cualquier medio de transporte, más allá del umbral típico para él, ejerce el mismo tipo de selección social y de explotación de las mayorías. El resultado de las altas velocidades vehiculares es que la mayoría de las personas han perdido gran parte de la libertad, la igualdad y la eficacia de movimientos, para “ganar”, en cambio, en rigidez de horarios, restricción de tiempo y en menor rendimiento por hora recorrida. Esto quiere decir que a un gran sector mayoritario, y porque el medio ya fue distorsionado en favor de los vehículos veloces, se le roba la posibilidad de trasladarse por sus propios medios. El cada vez más absoluto “monopolio radical” de los procesos industriales no permite ninguna solución que no se ajuste bien a sus modos de producción y comercialización. De esta manera, sin importar si es la Ford o alguna empresa estatal la que suministra los servicios, el ser humano se denigra hasta el punto de no ser otra cosa que un consumidor de transporte. Se engendra, así, un nuevo tipo de individuo: el pasajero que no llega a tiempo por sus propios medios y que, a causa de ello, se va haciendo poco a poco un ausente perpetuo, siempre necesitado de estar en otro lugar. Este robo de poder es, generalmente, independiente del tipo de tecnología, planificación urbana o arquitectura utilizados. Siempre que la velocidad y la distribución sean iguales, el tiempo que invierte el condenado a transportarse es prácticamente el mismo si se usan automóviles o ferrocarriles subterráneos. + +Naturalmente, esta aceleración que se vuelve contra sí misma es un ejemplo más que nos demuestra que tanto en el Este como en el Oeste la humanidad ha sido forzada, por la estructura de los medios de producción, al uso enajenante de la energía. Lo que se ha dicho del transporte humano es igualmente válido para el transporte de las mercancías y para la construcción de edificios. Nuestra conclusión es que el uso creciente y destructivo de la energía se transforma cada vez más en otro síntoma del “monopolio radical” de los procesos industriales, que se manifiesta además en la torturante prolongación de la vida por medio de la medicina, y en el soporífico método de la actual pedagogía. Entendiendo las cosas de este modo, la crisis de energía nos permite llegar hasta el descubrimiento de los límites del proceso industrial de producción que, tanto en los países infratecnificados como en los superindustrializados, tienen la misma magnitud. + +# La expropiación de la salud + +En la última década el _establishment_ médico se ha convertido en la mayor amenaza para la salud. La depresión, infección, incapacidad y el mal funcionamiento que acompañaron su auge causan ahora más sufrimiento que el causado por todos los accidentes de la circulación vehicular y de la industria. Solamente el perjuicio orgánico provocado por la producción industrial de alimentos puede rivalizar con el deterioro de la salud que causan los doctores. Por añadidura, la práctica médica patrocina la enfermedad y fomenta a una sociedad morbosa que no sólo protege sus anormalidades sino que engendra un tipo de cliente ligado al terapeuta de modo cibernético. Finalmente, las llamadas “profesiones para fomentar la salud” tienen un repugnante poder indirecto, una eficacia estructuralmente negativa para la salud. Ellas transforman el dolor, la enfermedad y la muerte, de un desafío personal, en un problema técnico y, de ese modo, enajenan la eficacia de la gente para habérselas con plena autonomía con su condición humana. + +## El contragolpe del progreso + +Este contragolpe final del progreso higiénico supera toda la iatrogénesis técnica; sobrepasa la suma de los tratamientos erróneos o ilegales protegidos, las negligencias administrativas y la insensibilidad profesional contra las cuales el desagravio judicial llega a ser extremadamente difícil; está arraigado más profundamente que la inadecuada distribución de los recursos para la que todavía se buscan remedios políticos; es más global que todos los daños causados por los experimentos y errores de índole médica. El enajenamiento profesional del cuidado de la salud es el resultado de un esfuerzo desenfrenado de su manejo; de ello resulta que la vida se conserva con altos niveles de insalubridad, insalubridad que se experimenta como una nueva clase de horror que llamo Némesis médica. + +Durante los últimos 20 años, el índice de precios en Estados Unidos se ha elevado cerca de 74%, pero el costo de la atención médica ha aumentado hasta 330%. Mientras el _gasto público para el cuidado de la salud_ se ha decuplicado, los pagos con pérdida por servicios de salud se incrementaron al triple y el costo de los seguros privados aumentó 18 veces. El costo de los hospitales públicos desde 1950 ha aumentado 500%. Las cuentas por la atención de pacientes en los hospitales grandes se elevó todavía más, triplicándose en ocho años. Los gastos de administración se multiplicaron por un factor de siete y los costos de laboratorio por un factor de cinco. + +Instalar una cama en un hospital cuesta ahora 65 000 dólares, de los que dos terceras partes son para la adquisición de equipos mecánicos cuya depreciación se fija para 10 años o menos. No obstante, durante este mismo periodo de inflación sin precedente de los gastos médicos, la expectativa de vida para el hombre americano adulto _ha declinado_. + +El Decreto para la Salud en Inglaterra fija una contribución comparable al costo de la inflación, pero también evita algunas de las sorprendentemente malas asignaciones que dan pábulo a la crítica pública en Estados Unidos. La expectativa de vida todavía no ha declinado en Inglaterra, pero las enfermedades crónicas en los hombres de mediana edad han registrado un incremento, tal y como sucedió en la década anterior en Estados Unidos. En la Unión Soviética, el número de médicos y días-hospital per cápita se ha triplicado en el mismo periodo. En China, después de una breve luna de miel con la moderna desprofesionalización, el _establishment_ médico-tecnológico ha crecido más rapidamente. La proporción en que la gente se vuelve dependiente de los médicos parece no guardar relación con la forma de su gobierno. Estas tendencias no reflejan utilidades marginales decrecientes. Ellas son un ejemplo de la economía política de la dependencia en la que impedimentos marginales acompañan inevitablemente el incremento de la inversión. Pero, por sí misma, la dependencia no es todavía Némesis. + +En Estados Unidos, los remedios para el sistema nervioso central forman el sector de más rápido crecimiento en el mercado de los medicamentos, que comprende 31% de las ventas totales. En los últimos 12 años, el aumento en el consumo de licores per cápita fue de 23%, para los derivados ilegales del opio cerca de 50% y para las drogas tranquilizadoras recetadas por médicos, 290%. Algunas personas han tratado de explicar este ejemplo por la manera peculiar en que a los médicos en Estados Unidos se les entrena durante toda su vida en el servicio: en 1970, las compañías farmacéuticas en Estados Unidos gastaron 4 500 dólares en propaganda por cada doctor, entiéndase, por cada uno de los 350 000 médicos que ejercen en ese país. Sorprendentemente, en todo el mundo el uso de tranquilizantes per cápita es correlativo al ingreso personal, aunque en muchos países el costo de la “educación científica” del médico no está incluido en el precio del medicamento. Tan seria como podría ser la creciente dependencia hacia los doctores y los medicamentos, sólo es un síntoma de Némesis. + +La medicina no puede hacer mucho por las enfermedades asociadas con la edad avanzada. No puede curar enfermedades cardiovasculares ni la mayoría de los casos de cáncer, artritis, esclerosis múltiple, cirrosis avanzada o el resfriado común. Algo del dolor que los ancianos sufren puede disminuirse algunas veces. La mayoría de los tratamientos aplicados a personas ancianas que demandan la intervención profesional no sólo aviva su dolor —si se tiene éxito—, sino también lo prolonga. Por lo tanto, se sorprende uno al descubrir a qué grado se gastan recursos en el tratamiento de personas de edad avanzada. Mientras que 10% de la población de Estados Unidos tiene una edad superior a los 65 años, 28% del gasto está dedicado al cuidado de la salud de esa minoría. El número de las personas de edad avanzada está aumentando en forma tal que sobrepasa el incremento del resto de la población en proporción de 3%, mientras que el costo per cápita de la atención de estos ancianos está elevándose en una proporción de 6%. La gerontología se posesiona del producto nacional bruto. Esta mala asignación del poder del hombre, de los recursos y del cuidado social, generará un dolor inenarrable conforme las demandas aumenten y los recursos se agoten. No obstante, eso también es sólo un síntoma y Némesis sobrepasa hasta el desperdicio ritual. + +Desde que Nixon y Brejnev se pusieron de acuerdo sobre la recíproca colaboración científica en lo tocante a la conquista del espacio, el cáncer y las enfermedades cardiacas, las unidades para el cuidado intensivo de las coronarias se han convertido en símbolos del progreso pacífico y en un argumento para elevar los impuestos. Estas unidades requieren tres veces el equipo y cinco veces el personal que normalmente se necesita para la atención de los enfermos; 12% de las enfermeras graduadas encuentran empleo en tales unidades. Éstas demuestran también el desfalco conducido profesionalmente. Estudios efectuados a gran escala en los que se han comparado los resultados obtenidos en el tratamiento de pacientes en cuidados intensivos con el tratamiento doméstico proporcionado a enfermos con características similares, no han demostrado todavía ninguna ventaja. El valor terapéutico de las instalaciones para el control de padecimientos cardiacos es sin duda de la misma clase que el valor de los vuelos espaciales en la televisión, ambos equivalen a danzas de lluvia para millones que aprenden así a confiar en la ciencia y que dejan de preocuparse por ellos mismos. Me encontraba en Rio de Janeiro y en Lima cuando el doctor Christian Barnard visitaba esos lugares como turista. Tanto en Brasil como en Perú, el doctor sudafricano pudo llenar los mayores estadios de futbol dos veces el mismo día con multitudes que aclamaban histéricamente su macabra habilidad para intercambiar corazones humanos. + +Poco tiempo después vi testimonios bien documentados que probaban que la policía brasileña ha sido la primera en utilizar equipos para prolongar la vida en las cámaras de tortura. Inevitablemente, cuando el cuidado o la recuperación de la salud se transfiere a organizaciones o máquinas, la terapéutica se vuelve un ritual en cuyo centro está la muerte: pero Némesis supera hasta el sacrificio humano. + +## Remedios para las explosiones prematuras + +La prevención de las enfermedades por medio de la intervención de terceras personas profesionales se ha vuelto una manía. La demanda por ella está creciendo. Las mujeres embarazadas, los niños sanos, los trabajadores y las personas ancianas son sometidos a “chequeos” periódicos y a procedimientos para diagnósticos cada vez más complejos. Mientras tanto; los ciudadanos se dejan convencer de que ellos son máquinas cuya duración depende de un proyecto social. Una revisión de dos docenas de estudios muestra que esos procedimientos de diagnóstico no tienen impacto alguno sobre las tasas de enfermedad o de mortalidad. De hecho, transforman a la gente sana en pacientes ansiosos, y los riesgos para la salud asociados con este riesgoso diagnóstico automatizado pesan más que cualquier beneficio teórico. Irónicamente, los serios desórdenes asintomáticos que sólo esta clase de ocultamiento puede descubrir son frecuentemente enfermedades incurables en las que el tratamiento prematuro agrava la condición física del paciente: pero Némesis supera hasta la tortura final. + +Hasta cierto punto la medicina moderna estaba interesada en la ingeniería terapéutica —el desarrollo de estrategias para la intervención quirúrgica, química o de modificación del comportamiento en la vida de la gente enferma o propensa a enfermarse—. Como estas intervenciones no resultan más efectivas por el hecho de ser más costosas, un nuevo nivel de ingeniería terapéutica se está impulsando. Los sistemas para la salud ahora se ponen del lado de la medicina curativa y preventiva y se les dará preferencia en el control sanitario del medio ambiente. La obsesión por la inmunidad da lugar a una higiene de pesadilla. Ya que el sistema de salud falla en satisfacer lo que de él se requiere, las condiciones que ahora se clasifican como enfermedad bien podrían pronto clasificarse como desviaciones criminales. Así, la imposición de una intervención médica podría reemplazarse por una reeducación obligatoria o por una autoacusación a la manera soviética. La convergencia de la ingeniería higiénica individual y del control del medio ambiente amenaza ahora a la estirpe humana con una nueva epidemia en la que la explosión prematura de medidas preventivas agudiza la plaga. Esta repugnante sinergia de las funciones técnicas y no técnicas de la medicina es lo que yo llamo la atormentadora Némesis médica o higiénica. + +## Némesis industrial + +El sufrimiento desmedido siempre ha sido obra del hombre: en la historia está la constancia de la esclavitud y la explotación. En ella se habla también de la guerra y del pillaje, del hambre y de la peste. La guerra entre Estados y clases ha sido hasta ahora el principal agente de la miseria causada por el hombre. Así, el hombre es el único animal cuya evolución ha sido condicionada para su adaptación en dos frentes. Si no sucumbió a los elementos, tuvo que hacer frente al uso y abuso de otros seres de su misma especie: el carácter y la cultura reemplazaron al instinto en esta lucha en dos frentes. Un tercer frente ha sido reconocido desde Homero, pero a los mortales comunes se les consideró inmunes a su amenaza. Némesis, el nombre griego para el pavor que se vislumbra en esta tercera dirección fue el destino de unos cuantos héroes que cayeron devorados por la envidia de los dioses. El hombre común creció y pereció en su lucha contra la naturaleza y sus vecinos. Sólo la élite desafiaría los umbrales establecidos por la naturaleza para el hombre. Prometeo no era todos los hombres, sino uno que se desvió. Conducido por Pleonexia, la codicia radical, traspasó los linderos de la condición humana. Con arrogancia desenfrenada o desmedida presunción (_hybris_) trajo el fuego del cielo, con lo que atrajo a Némesis sobre sí mismo. Fue encadenado en una roca del Cáucaso. Un buitre devoró sus entrañas y dioses curativos sin piedad lo mantuvieron vivo injertando su hígado todas las noches. El encuentro con Némesis hizo del héroe clásico un recordatorio inmortal de ineludible represalia cósmica. Se volvió un tema de la tragedia épica, pero no ciertamente un modelo para el anhelo de todos los días. Ahora Némesis se ha vuelto endémica; es el retroceso del progreso. Paradójicamente se ha extendido tan lejos y con tanta amplitud como las franquicias, la enseñanza, la aceleración mecánica y la atención médica. Cada hombre ha caído devorado por la envidia de los dioses. Si la especie debe sobrevivir sólo podrá lograrlo aprendiendo a superarse en este tercer frente. + +La mayor parte de la miseria provocada por el hombre es ahora un subproducto de las instituciones que originalmente se diseñaron para dar protección al hombre común en su lucha contra las inclemencias del medio ambiente y contra la desenfrenada injusticia infligida por la élite. La fuente principal de dolor, incapacidad y muerte es ahora —aunque no intencional — el hostigamiento dirigido. Las dolencias, el desamparo y la injusticia que prevalecen son las consecuencias de las estrategias del progreso. Némesis es ahora tan predominante que muy pronto una parte de la condición humana la confundió. La idea de que la esfera de actividad de la acción humana estaba estrechamente circunscrita era común a toda la antigua ética. + +Techné fue un tributo de la medida a la necesidad y no el camino que escogió la humanidad para la acción. La desesperante incapacidad del hombre contemporáneo para percibir una alternativa a la agresión industrial sobre la condición humana, es una parte integral de la maldición por la cual sufre. + +El intento para sojuzgar a Némesis por el proceso político o biológico frustra cualquier diagnóstico de la actual crisis institucional. Cualquier estudio sobre la controversia de los llamados “límites al crecimiento” se vuelve fútil si reduce Némesis a una amenaza que puede enfrentarse en los dos frentes tradicionales. Némesis no pierde su pavor específico simplemente porque se le ha industrializado. La crisis contemporánea de la sociedad industrial no puede comprenderse sin distinguir entre la agresión intencionalmente explotadora de una clase contra otra y la inevitable predestinación a la ruina en cualquier intento desproporcionado para transformar la condición humana. Nuestro predicamento no puede comprenderse sin establecer distinciones entre la violencia creada por el hombre y la envidia destructora del cosmos; entre la servidumbre impuesta al hombre por el hombre y el avasallamiento del hombre por sus dioses que, por supuesto, son sus instrumentos. Némesis no puede reducirse a un problema que sea de la competencia de ingenieros o de dirigentes políticos. + +La enseñanza, el transporte, el sistema legal, la agricultura moderna y la medicina sirven igualmente bien para ilustrar cómo trabaja la frustración engendrada. Más allá de cierto umbral, la degradación del aprender es el resultado de la enseñanza intencional que inevitablemente engendra una nueva clase de impotencia en la mayoría pobre y un nuevo tipo de estructura de clase que la discrimina. Todas las formas planeadas de enseñanza obligatoria tienen esos efectos secundarios, no importa cuánto dinero se invierta o cuánta buena voluntad se gaste en retórica política, o pedagógica para llevarlas a la práctica; no importa tampoco que el mundo esté abarrotado de aulas o si se transforma en un salón de clases. + +Más allá de cierto nivel de energía usada para la aceleración de cualquier persona en la circulación, la industria del transporte inmoviliza y esclaviza a la mayoría de los pasajeros sin nombre, y brinda sólo discutibles ventajas marginales a una élite olímpica. Ningún nuevo combustible, tecnología o control público puede impedir que la creciente movilización social produzca siempre más apresuramiento, programación, parálisis e injusticia. + +Más allá de cierto nivel de inversión de capital en la agricultura y en la preparación de alimentos, la desnutrición llegará a ser endémica; la ilusión verde despedaza el hígado de los consumidores más efectivamente que los buitres de Zeus el hígado de Prometeo. Ningún control biológico puede evitar ese resultado. + +Más allá de cierto punto crítico, la producción y distribución de la atención médica producen más dolencias de las que pueden curar. El seguro social garantiza una miserable supervivencia más efectiva y democráticamente que los más despiadados dioses. + +El progreso ha llegado con una violencia tal que ya no puede llamarse costo. El primer pago se leía en la etiqueta y podía manifestarse en términos medibles. Pero los pagos a plazos aumentaron en forma de sufrimiento que rebasa todo sentido del “precio”. Han transformado sociedades enteras en prisiones de deudores en las que el nivel de tortura para la mayoría abruma y cancela cualquier posibilidad de recompensas que pudieran todavía beneficiar a unos cuantos. + +El labriego que deja de tejer su ropa, construir su casa y hacer herramientas y se vuelve comprador de trajes hechos, viguetas de cemento y tractores, ya no podrá estar satisfecho sin contribuir a la Némesis mundial. En tanto su vecino, que sigue tejiendo su ropa, construyendo su casa y atendiendo su milpa, no podrá vivir mucho tiempo en un mundo dominado por la Némesis industrial. Esta situación ambigua es el acontecimiento que yo quiero explorar. La exasperante codicia y el cegador atrevimiento dejaron de ser heroicos; se han vuelto parte de la obligación social de cada uno de los hombres industrializados. Al entrar en el mercado de la economía contemporánea, generalmente tomando el camino que pasa por la enseñanza, el ciudadano se incorpora al coro que convoca a Némesis. + +Pero él se incorpora también a una horda de furias desencadenadas sobre aquellos que permanecen fuera del sistema. Los llamados participantes marginales que no entran por completo en el mercado económico se ven privados de los medios tradicionales con los que podrían enfrentarse a la naturaleza y a sus vecinos. + +En algún punto de la expansión de nuestras instituciones mayores, sus clientes comienzan a pagar un precio cada vez mayor por un consumo constante, a pesar de la evidencia de que, además de pagar más, inevitablemente sufrirán más. En este punto del desarrollo, el comportamiento predominante de la sociedad corresponde al que define tradicionalmente a los adictos. La dependencia palidece en comparación con el incremento marginal de los impedimentos. El _homo economicus_ se convierte en _homo religiosus_. Los objetos de su anhelo se vuelven sublimes, aun si cada vez son menos útiles. La venganza de los dioses es doble: _1)_ su precio al consumidor es cada vez más alto; _2)_ sus consecuencias (simbólicos y culturales) pesan más que el daño conjunto hecho a la naturaleza y al prójimo. La Némesis clásica fue el castigo por el temerario abuso de un privilegio. La Némesis industrial es la retribución por la concienzuda participación en la sociedad. + +La guerra y el hambre, la peste y la muerte repentina, la tortura y la locura han acompañado siempre al hombre, pero ahora están moldeados dentro de una _Gestalt_ nueva bajo la égida de Némesis. Entre más grandioso el progreso económico de una sociedad, tanto mayor la parte que juega la Némesis industrial en el dolor, la discriminación y la muerte sufridas por sus miembros. Por lo tanto, el estudio disciplinado de los matices modernos de Némesis debería ser el tema clave de la investigación sobre el cuidado de la salud, de la curación y del consuelo. + +La Némesis industrial es el resultado de la política de desarrollo que produce inevitablemente desgracias contrarias a la intuición que las motivó. + +Es el resultado de un estilo de administración que es poco más que un crucigrama para los que lo proyectan. Mientras estas desgracias se describan con el lenguaje de la ciencia y de la economía política, seguirán apareciendo extrañas sorpresas. El lenguaje para el estudio de la Némesis industrial todavía debe fraguarse. Este lenguaje deberá ser capaz de describir las contradicciones inherentes al modo de pensar de una sociedad que privilegia la verificación del funcionamiento por encima de la evidencia intuitiva. + +## Tántalo + +La Némesis médica es sólo un aspecto de las más generales “desgracias contraintuitivas” características de una sociedad industrial. Es el monstruoso resultado de un muy específico sueño de sensatez especialmente “atormentadora” y de una arrogancia desenfrenada (_hybris_). + +Tántalo fue un famoso rey a quien los dioses invitaron al Olimpo para compartir una de sus comidas. Tántalo se robó a Ambrosía, el divino brebaje que daba a los dioses la inmortalidad. Como castigo fue hecho inmortal en los infiernos (Hades) y condenado a sufrir un hambre y una sed sin fin. Cuando Tántalo se inclinaba hacia el río en donde se encontraba de pie, el agua retrocedia, y cuando trataba de alcanzar la fruta que estaba sobre su cabeza, las ramas se movían fuera de su alcance. Los etólogos podrían decir que ahora la Némesis higiénica lo ha programado para tener un comportamiento obligatoriamente contraintuitivo. + +El anhelo por Ambrosía se ha extendido ahora al común de los mortales. + +El optimismo científico y político ha propagado la adicción. Para sostenerlo, Tántalo se ha organizado en un clero que ofrece una mejoría ilimitada de la salud humana bajo control médico. Los miembros de este gremio se hacen pasar por discípulos del curandero Asklepios, mientras que de hecho pregonan a Ambrosía. La gente exige de ellos que la vida se mejore, se prolongue, se vuelva compatible con las máquinas y capaz de sobrevivir a todos los grados de aceleración, distorsión y esfuerzo. Como resultado, la salud se ha vuelto escasa a tal grado que el hombre común hace que su salud dependa del consumo de Ambrosía. + +## Cultura y salud + +La humanidad evolucionó solamente porque cada uno de sus individuos vino a existir protegido por varios capullos visibles e invisibles. Cada uno conoció la matriz de donde había venido y él mismo se orientó por medio de las estrellas bajo las cuales fue traído al mundo. Para ser humano y volverse humano, el individuo de nuestra especie tiene que encontrar su destino en su singular lucha con la naturaleza y su prójimo. Tiene que bastarse a sí mismo en la lucha, pero las armas y las reglas y el estilo le son dados por la cultura en que ha crecido. Cada una de las culturas evolucionó de acuerdo con su propia viabilidad, y con la cultura creció la gente, aprendiendo cada uno a conservarse vivo en un capullo común. Cada cultura es la esencia de las reglas mediante las cuales el individuo pudo aceptar el dolor, la enfermedad y la muerte; pudo interpretarlas y practicar la compasión mezclado con otros que tendrían que enfrentarse a las mismas amenazas. Cada cultura puso el mito, los rituales, los tabúes y los estándares éticos necesarios para tratar con la fragilidad de la vida. + +La civilización médica cosmopolita niega la necesidad de que el hombre acepte estos males. La civilización médica está planteada para matar el dolor, para eliminar la enfermedad y para luchar contra la muerte. Éstas son nuevas metas que nunca antes fueron la pauta para la vida social y que son antitéticas para cada una de las culturas con las que la civilización médica se enfrenta cuando se lanza de súbito sobre lo que se llama pobre. + +El efecto negativo para la salud de la civilización médica es de ese modo igualmente poderoso en los países ricos y pobres, aun cuando estos últimos escapan todavía a algunos de sus lados más siniestros. + +## La destrucción del dolor + +Para que una experiencia sea dolor en el más completo sentido, debe adaptarse a una cultura. Precisamente porque cada cultura proporciona una manera de sufrir, la cultura es una forma particular de salud. El acto de sufrir está formado por la cultura de tal modo que se vuelve una cuestión que puede expresarse y compartirse. + +La civilización médica sustituye la competencia en el sufrimiento determinada culturalmente, por la creciente demanda de cada individuo por una administración institucional de su dolor. Un gran número de diferentes sentimientos, que expresan alguna clase de fortaleza, se homogeneiza y se vuelve centro de la presión política de los consumidores de anestesia. El dolor se convierte en un artículo en la lista de las quejas. Como resultado, un nuevo tipo de horror emerge. Conceptualmente todavía es dolor; pero el impacto en nuestras emociones de esta lastimadura impersonal, opaca y sin valor, es algo bastante nuevo. + +De esta manera, para el hombre industrial el dolor ha venido a plantear una pregunta estrictamente técnica: ¿qué necesito hacer para lograr que mi dolor sea administrado o amortiguado? Si el dolor continúa, la culpa no es del universo, de Dios, de mis pecados o del diablo, sino del sistema médico. + +El sufrimiento es expresión del reclamo del consumidor para el incremento de la producción médica. Al volverse innecesario, el dolor se ha vuelto intolerable. Con esta actitud, ahora parece racional escapar del dolor y no enfrentarlo, aun a costa de la adicción. También parece razonable eliminar el dolor aun a costa de la salud. Parece culto negar legitimidad a todas las ediciones no técnicas del dolor, aun a costa de desarmar a los pacientes frente al dolor residual. Por un tiempo puede discutirse que el total del dolor anestesiado en una sociedad es más grande que la totalidad del dolor generado. Pero en algún punto, grandes inconvenientes marginales surgen. + +El nuevo sufrimiento no sólo es imposible de administrar sino que ha perdido su carácter de referente. Se ha vuelto una tortura que no pregunta y que no tiene significado. Sólo recobrando la voluntad o el deseo y la habilidad para sufrir puede rehacerse la salud en el dolor. + +## La eliminación de la enfermedad + +Las intervenciones médicas no han afectado la proporción total de la mortalidad: en su mejor momento han transferido la supervivencia de uno a otro segmento de la población. Cambios dramáticos en la naturaleza de las enfermedades que han azotado a las sociedades occidentales durante los últimos 100 años están bien documentados. Primero, la industrialización exacerbó las infecciones, las que a la sazón se han apaciguado. La tuberculosis alcanzó su índice más alto comparándola con un periodo de 50-75 años y declinó antes de que el bacilo de la tuberculosis se hubiese descubierto o los programas antituberculosis hubiesen iniciado. En Gran Bretaña y en Estados Unidos síndromes de extrema desnutrición, raquitismo y pelagra tomaron el lugar de la tuberculosis que también alcanzaron su nivel máximo y después declinaron dando lugar a enfermedades de la primera infancia, las que a su vez dieron paso a las úlceras duodenales en los jóvenes. Cuando esto declinó, las epidemias modernas cobraron su cuota —enfermedades de las coronarias, hipertensión, cáncer, artritis, diabetes y enfermedades mentales—. Por lo menos en Estados Unidos la tasa de mortalidad por enfermedades cardiacas originadas por la hipertensión parece declinar ahora. A pesar de una investigación intensiva ninguno de los cambios en la distribución estadística de las enfermedades citadas puede atribuirse a la práctica profesional de la medicina. + +La abrumadora mayoría de los diagnósticos modernos e intervenciones terapéuticas que han demostrado hacer más bien que mal tienen dos características: los recursos materiales para ellas son extremadamente baratos y pueden empacarse y diseñarse para que uno mismo los use o para que los miembros de la familia los apliquen. El precio de la tecnología significativamente curativa que podría fomentar la salud en la medicina canadiense es tan bajo que los recursos que ahora la India dedica a la medicina moderna serían suficientes para poner esa tecnología a disposición de todo el continente. Por otro lado, las habilidades necesarias para la aplicación de los auxilios terapéuticos y de diagnóstico que más se usan son tan sencillas que la cuidadosa observancia de las instrucciones por personas que se preocupen personalmente por ello, garantizaría un uso más efectivo y responsable que el que la práctica médica profesional puede proporcionar. + +Ni el descenso en cualquiera de las mayores epidemias de enfermedades mortales ni los notables cambios en la estructura de las edades de la población, ni la disminución o el aumento del ausentismo en los centros de trabajo, influyen significativamente en el cuidado de los enfermos y ni siquiera en la adquisición de inmunidad. Los servicios médicos no merecen crédito por la longevidad ni a ellos debe achacarse la amenazante presión de la sobrepoblación. La longevidad le debe mucho más al ferrocarril y a la síntesis de los fertilizantes e insecticidas que a los nuevos medicamentos y a las jeringas. + +La práctica profesional es poco efectiva, pero cada vez más solicitada. Esta inflación no respaldada por resultados técnicos sólo puede explicarse en analogía con un ritual mágico cuyas metas están más allá del alcance técnico y político. Sólo puede combatirse a través de una acción legal, política y decidida a favor de la desprofesionalización del cuidado de la salud. + +La desprofesionalización de la medicina no implica ni debería entenderse como la negación de toda atención especializada, de la competencia, del criticismo mutuo o del control público. Implica ante todo una predisposición contra la mistificación, contra el dominio trasnacional de un modo de ver ortodoxo y contra la exclusión del debate de los curanderos escogidos por sus pacientes, pero no certificados por el gremio. + +La desprofesionalización de la medicina no significa tampoco el rechazo de fondos públicos para propósitos curativos. Significa una predisposición contra el desembolso de tales fondos bajo el control de los miembros del gremio, más bien que bajo el control del consumidor. Desprofesionalizar la medicina no significa eliminar las terapias modernas ni oponerse a la invención de otras nuevas, ni tampoco volver a programas, prescripciones, rituales y medios antiguos. Significa que ningún profesional debe tener el poder de malgastar en cualquiera de sus pacientes un paquete de recursos curativos más grande que el que cualquier otro podría reclamar. Finalmente, desprofesionalizar la medicina no significa descuidar las necesidades especiales que la gente manifiesta en momentos especiales de su vida, como al nacer, romperse una pierna, casarse y dar a luz, enfermarse o enfrentar la muerte. Sólo significa que la gente tiene derecho a vivir en un medio ambiente hospitalario que tome en cuenta el alto grado a que ha llegado la experiencia. + +## La lucha contra la muerte + +El efecto fundamental de la Némesis médica es la expropiación de la muerte. En cada sociedad la imagen de la muerte es la anticipación culturalmente condicionada de una fecha insegura. Esta anticipación determina una serie de normas de comportamiento durante la vida y la estructura de ciertas instituciones. + +Por dondequiera que la civilización médica moderna ha penetrado una cultura médica tradicional, ha fomentado un nuevo ideal cultural de la muerte. Este nuevo ideal se extiende por medio de la tecnología y del carácter profesional que a ella corresponde. + +En las sociedades primitivas, la muerte siempre se imagina como la intervención de un agente: un enemigo, una bruja, un antepasado o un dios. + +La Edad Media cristiana y la islámica vieron en cada muerte la mano de Dios. El ideal occidental de la muerte que viene a todos por igual por causas naturales tiene un origen bastante reciente. La muerte en Occidente sólo tuvo rostro hasta por el año 1420. Fue durante el otoño de la Edad Media cuando la muerte apareció como un esqueleto dotado de poder, y a partir del siglo XVI, los pueblos europeos desarrollaron “el arte y la habilidad para conocer tu deseo de morir” (_arte and crafte to knowe ye will to dye_). + +Durante los tres siglos siguientes, los labriegos y los nobles, los sacerdotes y las prostitutas se preparaban a lo largo de su vida a presidir su propia muerte. La muerte injusta, la muerte amarga se convirtió en el fin más bien que en la meta de la vida. La idea de que la muerte natural vendría sólo en la vejez hizo su aparición en el siglo XVIII como un fenómeno específico de la clase burguesa. La demanda para que los doctores lucharan contra la muerte y conservaran saludables a personas delicadas y enfermizas (valetudinarios) no tiene nada que ver con su habilidad para prolongar la vida. Philippe Ariès ha demostrado que los primeros costosos intentos de prolongar la vida fueron pagados por banqueros cuyo poder se había incrementado por los años que habían pasado ante un escritorio. + +No se puede comprender a fondo la organización social contemporánea si no se ve en ella un exorcismo polifacético de todas las formas de muerte maligna. Nuestras mayores instituciones constituyen un gigantesco programa de defensa de la “humanidad” contra todos aquellos agentes que pueden asociarse con lo que comúnmente se concibe como la injusticia social del trato con la muerte. No sólo las agencias médicas sino también los programas para el bienestar, la ayuda internacional y el desarrollo se han alistado en esta lucha. Las burocracias ideológicas de todos los colores se han unido a la cruzada. Hasta la guerra se usa para justificar la derrota de aquellos a quienes se considera culpables de la tolerancia desenfrenada de la enfermedad y de la muerte. Garantizar la “muerte natural” para todos los hombres está a punto de volverse una justificación fundamental para el control social. Bajo la influencia de rituales médicos, la muerte contemporánea vuelve a ser la justificación razonada de una cacería de brujas. + +## Sumario + +Un creciente daño irreparable acompaña la presente expansión industrial en todos los sectores. En medicina estos daños aparecen como iatrogénesis. La iatrogénesis puede ser directa, cuando el dolor, la enfermedad y la muerte son el resultado de la atención médica; o también puede ser indirecta, cuando los sistemas de salud refuerzan a una organización industrial dañina para la salud; puede ser estructural cuando el comportamiento promovido médicamente y el _bluff_ profesional mutilan la autonomía vital del pueblo, socavando su autonomía creativa, su autoestima y su arte de envejecer. La iatrogénesis nulifica el reto personal planteado por el dolor, la incapacidad y la angustia. + +La mayoría de los remedios propuestos para reducir la iatrogénesis son intervenciones dirigidas. Están terapéuticamente diseñadas para adaptar al individuo al grupo, a la institución o al medio ambiente. Al fomentar un nuevo prejuicio contra la autonomía del ciudadano, estos remedios generan padecimientos iatrogénicos de segundo orden. + +Sin embargo, los efectos iatrogénicos de la estructura técnico-médica son el resultado de sus funciones sociales no técnicas. Las repugnantes consecuencias técnicas y no técnicas de la institucionalización de la medicina se unen para generar una nueva clase de sufrimiento: la supervivencia anestesiada y solitaria en una sala de hospital ancha como el mundo. + +La Némesis médica no puede verificarse funcionalmente. Mucho menos puede medirse. La intensidad con la que se experimenta depende de la independencia, vitalidad y sociabilidad de cada individuo. En tanto concepto teórico es parte de una amplia teoría de las anomalías que plagan hoy los sistemas para el cuidado de la salud. Es un aspecto peculiar de un fenómeno aún más general que he llamado Némesis industrial: el contragolpe de la arrogancia industrial desenfrenada (_hybris_) e institucionalizada. Esta _hybris_ consiste en el descuido de los linderos dentro de los cuales el fenómeno humano permanece viable. La actual investigación científica está abrumadoramente orientada hacia la apertura de pasos inasequibles. Lo que yo he llamado la investigación para la gente es el análisis disciplinado a niveles en los que tales reverberaciones deben inevitablemente dañar al hombre. + +La percepción de una Némesis envolvente nos lleva a una opción social. + +O se reconocen los umbrales naturales de la acción humana y se traducen dentro de límites determinados políticamente, o la alternativa a la extinción será la supervivencia obligatoria, un Infierno planeado y dirigido. + +En varios países, el público está listo para efectuar una revisión de sus sistemas de salud. Las frustraciones de los usuarios de los sistemas controlados por empresas privadas se asemejan cada vez más a las que provocan los sistemas socializados. Las diferencias entre las quejas de los rusos, franceses, americanos e ingleses se han vuelto insignificantes. Hay, sin embargo, un serio peligro de que las evaluaciones de estos sistemas se efectúen dentro de las coordenadas fijadas por las ilusiones poscartesianas. + +Tanto en los países ricos como en los pobres las demandas para reformar los sistemas nacionales de salud están dominadas por las ilusiones de un acceso equitativo a las mercaderías del gremio, por el espejismo de la expansión profesional y de la de los curanderos. Es así como se cree lograr mayor verdad en las proclamas del progreso y el control del acceso al templo de Tántalo. Hasta la fecha la discusión pública de la crisis de la salud se ha usado para canalizar aún más poder, prestigio y dinero hacia los ingenieros y diseñadores biomédicos. + +Todavía es tiempo de evitar un debate que reforzaría al frustrante sistema. La discusión debe orientarse haciendo de la Némesis higiénica el acontecimiento central. La explicación de Némesis requiere la elucidación simultánea del lado técnico y del lado no técnico de la medicina; debe enfocarse tanto a la industria como a la religión. La denuncia de la medicina como una forma de _hybris_ institucional pone en tela de juicio esas ilusiones personales que paralizan al crítico dependiente del cuidado de la salud. + +La percepción y comprensión de Némesis tiene por lo tanto el poder de orientarnos hacia formas de acción que rompan el círculo vicioso de quejas que refuerzan la dependencia del demandante hacia las agencias de planeación sanitaria. El reconocimiento de Némesis puede ser la purga necesaria para una revolución no violenta de nuestras actitudes hacia lo perverso y el dolor. La alternativa a una cruzada contra estos males es la búsqueda de la paz de los fuertes. + +La salud denota un proceso de adaptación. No es fruto del instinto sino una reacción autónoma y viva a una realidad experimentada. Connota la habilidad para adaptarse a cambios del medio ambiente, al crecimiento y al envejecimiento, a sanar cuando se está enfermo, al sufrimiento y a la espera tranquila de la muerte. La salud abarca asimismo el porcentaje y por lo tanto incluye la angustia y la capacidad interior de vivir con ella. + +La fragilidad, la soledad y la sociabilidad vividas conscientemente por el hombre hacen de las experiencias del dolor, de la enfermedad y de la muerte una parte integral de su vida. La habilidad autónoma para hacer frente a este trío es fundamental para su salud. En el momento en que llegara a depender de la administración de su intimidad y renunciara a su autonomía, su salud declinaría inmediatamente. El verdadero milagro de la medicina moderna es diabólico. Consiste en hacer no sólo que individuos sino poblaciones enteras sobrevivan en niveles inhumanos de salud personal. Que la salud declina con el aumento en la distribución de los servicios de salud sorprende únicamente al gerente sanitario para el que las estrategias son el resultado de su ceguera que busca la inalienabilidad de la salud. + +El nivel de la salud pública corresponde al grado en que los medios y la responsabilidad para hacer frente a la enfermedad se distribuyen entre el total de la población. La habilidad para hacer frente a las enfermedades puede acrecentarse. pero nunca reemplazarse por la intervención médica en la vida de la gente o en las características higiénicas del medio ambiente. + +Aquella sociedad que pueda reducir la intervención profesional al mínimo, proveerá las mejores condiciones para la salud. Mientras más grande sea la capacidad autónoma de la adaptación a uno mismo, a otros y al medio ambiente, menos administración para la adaptación se necesitará o tolerará. + +Recobrar una sana actitud hacia la enfermedad no es ni luddita ni romántica ni utópica: es un ideal que servirá de guía y que si bien nunca podrá alcanzarse totalmente, sí podrá lograrse de manera parcial valiéndose de modernos inventos como nunca antes ha habido en la historia. El mismo ideal deberá orientar la política hacia la definición de límites que eviten que se inmiscuya Némesis. + +# La elocuencia del silencio + +La lingüistica nos ha provisto de nuevos horizontes para la comprensión de las comunicaciones humanas. Un estudio objetivo de la manera como se transmiten los significados ha demostrado que es mucho más lo que un hombre retransmite a otro a través del silencio que a través de las palabras. + +Las palabras y las cláusulas están compuestas de silencios mucho más significativos que los sonidos de las mismas. Se puede decir que las pausas entre los sonidos y las articulaciones están preñadas y pasan a ser dominios luminosos en medio de un vacío increíble, como los electrones en un átomo o los planetas del sistema solar. El lenguaje es una cuerda de silencio en el que los sonidos son los nudos —de la misma manera que en un _quipu_ peruano los espacios vacíos hablan—. En Confucio podemos ver el lenguaje como si fuera una rueda. Los rayos convergen hacia un centro, pero son los espacios vacíos los que hacen la rueda. + +Es así que lo que debemos aprender de otra persona para entenderla no son sus palabras sino sus silencios. No son tanto nuestros sonidos los que proveen el significado, sino que nos hacemos entender mediante las pausas. + +El aprendizaje de una lengua radica mucho más en el aprendizaje de sus silencios que de sus sonidos. Solamente el cristiano cree en la Palabra como el Silencio coeterno. Entre los hombres de todas las épocas el ritmo es una ley mediante la cual nuestra conversación se convierte en un _yangyin_ de silencio y sonido. De ahí que aprender una lengua de manera humana y madura consiste en aceptar la responsabilidad de sus silencios y de sus sonidos. El don que una persona nos otorga al enseñarnos su lengua es mucho más la comunicación del don del ritmo, el modo y las sutilezas de su sistema del silencio, que el de sus sonidos. Es un regalo íntimo por el que nos hacemos responsables ante quienes nos han confiado su lenguaje. Un lenguaje del que conozca solamente las palabras, pero no las pausas, es una ofensa permanente; la caricatura de un negativo fotográfico. + +Se requiere más esfuerzo, tiempo y delicadeza para aprender el silencio de un pueblo que para aprender sus sonidos. Algunas personas están mejor dotadas que otras para esto. De ahí, quizás, que algunos misioneros, a pesar de sus esfuerzos, nunca llegan a hablar otra lengua con propiedad, esto es, a comunicarse delicadamente mediante silencios. Aunque “hablen con el acento de los nativos” siempre están a miles de kilómetros de los mismos. + +El aprendizaje de la gramática del silencio es un arte mucho más difícil que el aprendizaje de la gramática de los sonidos. + +Así como las palabras se aprenden al escuchar con atención y al intentar penosamente imitar al nativo, los silencios se adquieren a través de una delicada franqueza hacia ellas. El silencio tiene sus pausas y sus vacilaciones; sus ritmos, expresiones e inflexiones; sus duraciones y sus tonos; sus razones de ser y sus fuera de lugar. Así como con nuestras palabras, hay también una analogía entre nuestro silencio con los hombres y con Dios. Para comprender el significado completo de uno, debemos practicar y profundizar el otro. + +Si clasificáramos los silencios, el primer lugar lo ocuparía el silencio del mero oyente, de una pasividad femenina; un silencio mediante el cual el mensaje de los otros se hace “él en nosotros”. El silencio del profundo interés está amenazado por otro silencio, el silencio de la indiferencia, que asume que no hay nada que yo quiera o pueda recibir de la comunicación del otro. Éste es el silencio ominoso de la esposa que, como si fuera una figura de palo, escucha a su marido relatarle fervorosamente una serie de pequeñeces. Es el mismo silencio del cristiano que lee el Evangelio con la actitud de conocerlo de cabo a rabo. Es el silencio de la piedra —que está muerto porque no se relaciona con la vida—. Es el silencio del misionero que nunca comprendió el milagro de un extranjero oyente y que es un mayor testimonio de amor que el del que habla. El hombre que nos muestra que conoce el ritmo de nuestro silencio está mucho más cerca de nosotros que aquel que cree que sabe hablar. + +Mientras mayor sea la distancia entre los dos mundos, mayor muestra de amor será este silencio del interés. Es fácil para la mayoría de los norteamericanos escuchar chismes sobre el futbol; pero es un signo de amor el que un hombre del Medio Oeste escuche los datos del jai alai. El silencio del cura urbano que escucha los datos de la enfermedad de un chivo en el autobús es un regalo, el fruto verdadero de una forma misionera de largo entrenamiento y paciencia. + +No hay distancia más grande que la que existe entre un hombre que reza y Dios. Sólo cuando esta distancia asoma en la conciencia puede desarrollarse el silencio agradecido de la disposición paciente. Ése debe haber sido el silencio de la Virgen ante el _Ave_, que le permitió convertirse en el modelo eterno de la claridad ante la Palabra. Gracias a ese profundo silencio la Palabra pudo recibir la Carne. Únicamente en la oración de quien escucha silenciosamente puede el cristiano adquirir el hábito de este primer silencio a partir del cual la Palabra nace en una cultura extranjera. Esta Palabra, concebida en el silencio, crece también en el silencio. + +El segundo lugar en una gramática del silencio está ocupado por el silencio de la Virgen después que concibió la Palabra —un silencio del que nació no tanto el _Fiat_ como el _Magnificat_—. No tanto un silencio que acerque al hombre a la concepción como un silencio que alimenta a la Palabra concebida. Un silencio que encierra al hombre en sí mismo permitiéndole así preparar la Palabra para los demás. Es el silencio de la sintonía; un silencio en el que aguardamos el instante propicio para que la Palabra nazca en el mundo. + +Ese silencio también se halla amenazado, no solamente por la prisa y la profanación de la multiplicidad de la acción, sino también por la costumbre del hábito verbal y de la producción masiva que no tiene tiempo para él. + +Está amenazado por un silencio abaratado según el cual una palabra es tan buena como cualquier otra y ninguna necesita crearse. + +El misionero, o el extranjero, que usa las palabras tal como figuran en el diccionario, no conoce este silencio. Es el hombre de habla inglesa que, al tratar de decir algo en español, busca dentro de sí mismo la palabra en inglés en lugar de procurar la sintonía o en lugar de encontrar la palabra o el gesto o el silencio que sea entendido aunque carezca de equivalente en su propio lenguaje o en su propia cultura. Es el hombre que no da tiempo a que la semilla del nuevo lenguaje crezca en el surco extranjero de su alma. Éste es el silencio _anterior_ a las palabras o _entre_ ellas; el silencio en el que las palabras viven y mueren. Es el silencio del rezo lento de duda; el de la oración en la que las palabras tienen la valentía de nadar en un mar de silencio. Es diametralmente opuesto a otras formas de silencio anteriores a la palabra —el silencio de la flor artificial que recuerda a las palabras que no crecen, la pausa entre las repeticiones—. Es el silencio del misionero que espera la dispensa de la siguiente perogrullada que tiene que memorizar porque no ha hecho el esfuerzo de penetrar en el lenguaje vivo de los demás. El silencio antes de las palabras se opone también al silencio de la agresión urdida —si es que a eso puede llamársele silencio—, el cual también es un intervalo empleado para preparar las palabras, pero palabras que en lugar de unir dividen. Éste es el silencio que tienta al misionero cuando se aferra a la idea de que en español no hay manera de significar lo que quiere decir. Un silencio en el que una agresión verbal —por más velada que sea— prepara la siguiente. + +En esta gramática del silencio el lugar próximo está ocupado por el silencio que está _más allá_ de las palabras. A medida que avanzamos en la clasificación de los silencios crece también la distancia que separa a un buen silencio de un mal silencio. Hemos llegado ahora al tipo de silencio que no anticipa ninguna conversación futura. Es el silencio que lo ha dicho todo porque ya no hay nada más que decir. Éste es el silencio que está más allá de un _sí_ o un _no_ terminantes. Es el silencio del amor más allá de las palabras, así como el silencio del no para siempre; el silencio de un paraíso o del infierno. Es la actitud decisiva de un hombre que se enfrenta a la Palabra que es Silencio, o el silencio de un hombre que se ha obstinado en darle la espalda. + +Este silencio es el infierno, un silencio fulminante. En este silencio, la muerte no es la frialdad de la piedra, indiferente a la vida, ni la insensibilidad de una flor seca, rememoración de la vida. Es la muerte después de la vida —el rechazo final de la vida—. Este silencio puede estar lleno de ruidos y de agitaciones y de palabras, pero tiene un solo significado que es común a todos los ruidos y a todos los lapsos que los separan: _No_. + +Hay una manera en la que este silencio infernal amenaza la existencia del misionero. De hecho, las posibilidades inusitadas de testimoniar a través del silencio abren al hombre cargado con la Palabra, en un mundo que no es el suyo, la habilidad inusitada de destruir con el silencio. El silencio misionero arriesga mucho más: convertirse en el infierno en la propia tierra. + +En definitiva, el silencio misionero es un don, un don de oración — aprendido en la oración por alguien infinitamente distante y extranjero, experimentado en el amor a los hombres, siempre mucho más distante y extranjero que un hombre en su propia casa—. Puede que el misionero olvide que su silencio es un don, en el más profundo sentido de lo otorgado gratuitamente, un don que nos transmiten concretamente quienes desean enseñarnos su lenguaje. Si el misionero olvida esto y trata de conquistar a través de su propio poder aquello que sólo los otros pueden ofrendar, entonces su existencia comienza a estar amenazada. El hombre que intenta comprar el lenguaje como si se tratara de una camisa, el hombre que trata de conquistar el lenguaje a través de la gramática para poder hablar “mejor que los nativos de por aquí”, el hombre que olvida la analogía entre el silencio de Dios y el silencio de los otros y no trata de hacerla crecer a través de la oración, es un hombre que básicamente trata de violar la cultura a la que ha sido enviado, y debe por lo tanto esperar las reacciones correspondientes. Si tiene una pizca de humano se dará cuenta de que está en una prisión espiritual, pero no admitirá que él mismo la ha creado; acusará a los otros de ser sus carceleros. La muralla que lo separa de aquellos a los que ha sido enviado se hará cada vez más impenetrable. + +Mientras se vea a sí mismo como “misionero” sabrá que está frustrado, que fue enviado pero no llegó a ninguna parte, que salió de su hogar pero nunca llegó a ninguna tierra firme, que dejó su casa y nunca entró en otra. + +Mientras continúa predicando aumenta en él la conciencia de que no lo entienden, porque dice lo que cree y habla su propio lenguaje en una farsa extranjera. Continúa “haciendo cosas para los demás” y los considera desagradecidos porque entienden que todo lo que hace tiene por objeto defender su ego. Sus palabras se convierten en una burla del lenguaje, en una expresión de un silencio de muerte. + +A esta altura se necesita una gran valentía para regresar al paciente silencio del interés o a la delicadeza del silencio en el que germinan las palabras. La sordera ha dado lugar al mutismo. A menudo, el miedo a enfrentar la dificultad de aprender un lenguaje nuevo, avanzada ya la vida, conduce a un estado de desesperación. Una versión típicamente misionera del silencio infernal nació en su corazón. + +En el polo opuesto de la desesperación está el silencio del amor, las manos entrelazadas de los amantes. La oración en la que la vaguedad anterior a las palabras cedió al vacío absoluto que las sigue. La forma de comunicación que abre la sencilla profundidad del alma. Viene por momentos y se puede convertir en una vida entera —tanto en la oración como entre las personas—. Quizás ése sea el único aspecto universal del lenguaje, el único medio de comunicación que no alcanzó la maldición de Babel. Quizá sea la única manera de estar con los otros y con la Palabra sin tener un acento extranjero. + +Hay todavía otro silencio que está más allá de las palabras: el de la Pietà. No es un silencio de muerte sino el silencio del misterio de la muerte. + +No es el silencio de la aceptación activa de la voluntad de Dios, que da lugar al nacimiento del _Fiat_; ni tampoco el silencio de la aceptación viril del Getsemaní en el que está enraizada la obediencia. El silencio que ustedes como misioneros buscan adquirir a través de este curso de español es el silencio que está más allá del azoro y de las preguntas; un silencio que está más allá de la posibilidad de una respuesta o siquiera de una referencia a la palabra precedente. Es el silencio misterioso a través del cual el Señor pudo descender al silencio del infierno, la aceptación sin frustraciones de una vida, inútil y desperdiciada en Judas, un silencio de impotencia deseada libremente a través de la cual se salvó el mundo. Nacido para redimir el mundo, el Hijo de María murió a manos de Su pueblo, abandonado por Sus amigos y traicionado por Judas, a quien amó pero no pudo salvar — contemplación silenciosa de la paradoja culminante de la Encarnación que no sirvió siquiera para redimir a un amigo personal—. La apertura del alma a este silencio fundamental de la Pietà es la culminación de la lenta maduración de las tres formas previas del silencio misionero. diff --git a/contents/book/awareness/es.notes b/contents/book/awareness/es.notes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..e75b956 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/awareness/es.notes @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +* Nota en español diff --git a/data/pages/es/book/awareness/es.txt b/contents/book/awareness/es.txt index 5464ef4..5464ef4 100644 --- a/data/pages/es/book/awareness/es.txt +++ b/contents/book/awareness/es.txt diff --git a/contents/book/awareness/index b/contents/book/awareness/index new file mode 100644 index 0000000..cfaef41 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/awareness/index @@ -0,0 +1,5 @@ +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Celebration of Awareness_ +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1969 +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# diff --git a/contents/book/awareness/notes.bib b/contents/book/awareness/notes.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..be706e0 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/awareness/notes.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-awareness-notes, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {}, + year = {1969}, + date = {1969}, + origdate = {1969}, + language = {notes}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/notes/book/awareness:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-08} +} diff --git a/contents/book/awareness/tags b/contents/book/awareness/tags new file mode 100644 index 0000000..b0f07e2 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/awareness/tags @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +compilation diff --git a/contents/book/church/en.bib b/contents/book/church/en.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..78489cb --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/church/en.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-church-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {The Church, Change and Development}, + year = {1970}, + date = {1970}, + origdate = {1970}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/book/church:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-19} +} diff --git a/contents/book/church/en.md b/contents/book/church/en.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..cc3eef2 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/church/en.md @@ -0,0 +1,20 @@ +--- + title: "The Church, Change and Development" + author: "Ivan Illich" + date: "1970" + lang: "" + documentclass: book + classoption: + - oneside + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + newtxmathoptions: + - cmintegrals + - cmbraces + toc: true + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue + titlepage: true +--- diff --git a/contents/book/church/en.txt b/contents/book/church/en.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..39067c2 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/church/en.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +# The Church, Change and Development diff --git a/contents/book/church/es.md b/contents/book/church/es.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..c862820 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/church/es.md @@ -0,0 +1,20 @@ +--- + title: "" + author: "Ivan Illich" + date: "1970" + lang: "" + documentclass: book + classoption: + - oneside + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + newtxmathoptions: + - cmintegrals + - cmbraces + toc: true + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue + titlepage: true +--- diff --git a/contents/book/church/index b/contents/book/church/index new file mode 100644 index 0000000..88ba5c8 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/church/index @@ -0,0 +1,5 @@ +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _The Church, Change and Development_ +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1970 +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** ... +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# diff --git a/contents/book/church/notes.bib b/contents/book/church/notes.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..721187b --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/church/notes.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-church-notes, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {}, + year = {1970}, + date = {1970}, + origdate = {1970}, + language = {notes}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/notes/book/church:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-08} +} diff --git a/contents/book/church/tags b/contents/book/church/tags new file mode 100644 index 0000000..b0f07e2 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/church/tags @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +compilation diff --git a/contents/book/church/text.bib b/contents/book/church/text.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d35e8e5 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/church/text.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-church-text, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {}, + year = {1970}, + date = {1970}, + origdate = {1970}, + language = {text}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/text/book/church:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-08} +} diff --git a/contents/book/conviviality/en.bib b/contents/book/conviviality/en.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..cedc1a1 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/conviviality/en.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-conviviality-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Tools for Conviviality}, + year = {1973}, + date = {1973}, + origdate = {1973}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/book/conviviality:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-19} +} diff --git a/contents/book/conviviality/en.md b/contents/book/conviviality/en.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..75c8657 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/conviviality/en.md @@ -0,0 +1,686 @@ +--- + title: "Tools for Conviviality" + author: "Ivan Illich" + date: "1973" + lang: "" + documentclass: book + classoption: + - oneside + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + newtxmathoptions: + - cmintegrals + - cmbraces + toc: true + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue + titlepage: true +--- + +# Acknowledgments + +The multidimensional analysis of ceilings for industrial growth was first formulated in a Spanish document co-authored by Valentina Borremans and myself and submitted as a guideline for a meeting of two dozen Chilean socialists and other Latin Americans at CIDOC (the Center for Intercultural Documentation) in Cuernavaca, Mexico. The next version was presented at the Zeno Symposium organized by Professor Richard Wollheim in Cyprus. It was published in Esprit , Paris, March 1972, with criticisms by Th. Adam, Pierre Caussat, J. P. Chevenement, Paul Fraisse, Yves Goussault, Pierre Kende, J. W. Lapierre, Michel Panoff, Henri Pequignot, Jean Marie Domenach, and Paul Thibaud. A third version served me and my deceased friend Greer Taylor as the basis for our participation in the Canadian Conference on the Law in January 1972 in Ottawa. Comments by David Weisstub , Nils Christie, Allen M. Linden, J. G. Castel, H. W. Arthurs, José Antonio Viera-Gallo, J. C. Smith, and Bonaventura de Sousa Santos, and other critical papers by jurists, will be published in mid-1973 in Toronto. During the summer of 1972, participants in my CIDOC seminar contributed very helpful papers. I’m especially grateful for the assistance of John Bradley, John Brewer, José Maria and Veronica Bulnes, Martin Cohen, Irene Curbelo de Diaz, Dennis Detzel, Joseph Fitzpatrick, Amnon Goldworth, Conrad Johnson, Hartmut von Hentig, John MacKnight, Michael Maccoby, Leslie Marcus, Francisco Miró Quesada, Marie-Noëlle Monteil, William Ophuls, Marta H. Reed, Everett Reimer, Francisco Varela, Etienne Verne, Jacques Vidal and German Zabala. Dennis Sullivan has patiently and critically assisted me in editing the final version. After I had delivered this manuscript to the publisher, I received valuable suggestions from J. P. Naik and his friends in India. These have seeped into the text to the extent this can happen in the correction of proofs. Second only to Valentina Borremans and Greer Taylor, Heinz von Foerster, Erich Fromm, Hermann Schwember and Abrahán Diaz Gonzales have exerted the most decisive influence on the formulation of my ideas. + +# Introduction + +During the next several years I intend to work on an epilogue to the industrial age. I want to trace the changes in language, myth, ritual, and law which took place in the current epoch of packaging and of schooling. I want to describe the fading monopoly of the industrial mode of production and the vanishing of the industrially generated professions this mode of production serves. + +Above all I want to show that two-thirds of mankind still can avoid passing through the industrial age, by choosing right now a postindustrial balance in their mode of production which the hyperindustrial nations will be forced to adopt as an alternative to chaos. To prepare for this task I submit this essay for critical comment. + +In its present form this book is the result of conversations at CIDOC in Cuernavaca during the summer of 1972. Participants in my seminar will recognize their ideas, and often their words. I ask my collaborators to accept my sincere thanks, especially for their written contributions. + +This essay has become too long to appear as an article and too intricate to be read in several installments. It is a progress report. I respectfully thank Ruth Nanda Anshen for issuing this tract as a volume, in World Perspectives , published by Harper & Row. + +For several years at CIDOC in Cuernavaca we have conducted critical research on the monopoly of the industrial mode of production and have tried to define conceptually alternative modes that would fit a postindustrial age. During the late sixties this research centered on educational devices. By 1970 we had found that: + +Universal education through compulsory schooling is not possible. + +Alternative devices for the production and marketing of mass education are technically more feasible and ethically less tolerable than compulsory graded schools. Such new educational arrangements are now on the verge of replacing traditional school systems in rich and in poor countries. They are potentially more effective in the conditioning of job-holders and consumers in an industrial economy. They are therefore more attractive for the management of present societies, more seductive for the people, and insidiously destructive of fundamental values. + +A society committed to high levels of shared learning and critical personal intercourse must set pedagogical limits on industrial growth. + +I have published the results of this research in a previous volume of World Perspectives, entitled Deschooling Society. I clarified some of the points left ill defined in that book by writing an article published in the Saturday Review of April 19, 1971. + +Our analysis of schooling has led us to recognize the mass production of education as a paradigm for other industrial enterprises , each producing a service commodity, each organized as a public utility, and each defining its output as a basic necessity. At first our attention was drawn to the compulsory insurance of professional health care, and to systems of public transport, which tend to become compulsory once traffic rolls above a certain speed. We found that the industrialization of any service agency leads to destructive side effects analogous to the unwanted secondary results well known from the overproduction of goods. We had to face a set of limits to growth in the service sector of any society as inescapable as the limits inherent in the industrial production of artifacts. We concluded that a set of limits to industrial growth is well formulated only if these limits apply both to goods and to services which are produced in an industrial mode. So we set out to clarify these limits. + +I here submit the concept of a multidimensional balance of human life which can serve as a framework for evaluating man’s relation to his tools. In each of several dimensions of this balance it is possible to identify a natural scale. When an enterprise grows beyond a certain point on this scale, it first frustrates the end for which it was originally designed, and then rapidly becomes a threat to society itself. These scales must be identified and the parameters of human endeavors within which human life remains viable must be explored. + +Society can be destroyed when further growth of mass production renders the milieu hostile, when it extinguishes the free use of the natural abilities of society’s members, when it isolates people from each other and locks them into a man-made shell, when it undermines the texture of community by promoting extreme social polarization and splintering specialization, or when cancerous acceleration enforces social change at a rate that rules out legal, cultural, and political precedents as formal guidelines to present behavior. Corporate endeavors which thus threaten society cannot be tolerated. At this point it becomes irrelevant whether an enterprise is nominally owned by individuals, corporations , or the state, because no form of management can make such fundamental destruction serve a social purpose. + +Our present ideologies are useful to clarify the contradictions which appear in a society which relies on the capitalist control of industrial production; they do not, however, provide the necessary framework for analyzing the crisis in the industrial mode of production itself. I hope that one day a general theory of industrialization will be stated with precision, that it will be formulated in terms compelling enough to withstand the test of criticism. Its concepts ought to provide a common language for people in opposing parties who need to engage in the assessment of social programs or technologies, and who want to restrain the power of man’s tools when they tend to overwhelm man and his goals. Such a theory should help people invert the present structure of major institutions. I hope that this essay will enhance the formulation of such a theory. + +It is now difficult to imagine a modern society in which industrial growth is balanced and kept in check by several complementary , distinct, and equally scientific modes of production. Our vision of the possible and the feasible is so restricted by industrial expectations that any alternative to more mass production sounds like a return to past oppression or like a Utopian design for noble savages. In fact, however, the vision of new possibilities requires only the recognition that scientific discoveries can be used in at least two opposite ways. The first leads to specialization of functions, institutionalization of values and centralization of power and turns people into the accessories of bureaucracies or machines. The second enlarges the range of each person ’s competence, control, and initiative, limited only by other individuals’ claims to an equal range of power and freedom. + +To formulate a theory about a future society both very modern and not dominated by industry, it will be necessary to recognize natural scales and limits. We must come to admit that only within limits can machines take the place of slaves; beyond these limits they lead to a new kind of serfdom. Only within limits can education fit people into a man-made environment: beyond these limits lies the universal schoolhouse, hospital ward, or prison. Only within limits ought politics to be concerned with the distribution of maximum industrial outputs, rather than with equal inputs of either energy or information. Once these limits are recognized, it becomes possible to articulate the triadic relationship between persons, tools, and a new collectivity. Such a society, in which modern technologies serve politically interrelated in dividuals rather than managers, I will call “convivial.” + +After many doubts, and against the advice of friends whom I respect, I have chosen “convivial” as a technical term to designate a modern society of responsibly limited tools. In part this choice was conditioned by the desire to continue a discourse which had started with its Spanish cognate. The French cognate has been given technical meaning (for the kitchen) by Brillat-Savarin in his Physiology of Taste: Meditations on Transcendental Gastron omy . This specialized use of the term in French might explain why it has already proven effective in the unmistakably different and equally specialized context in which it will appear in this essay. I am aware that in English “convivial” now seeks the company of tipsy jollyness, which is distinct from that indicated by the OED and opposite to the austere meaning of modern “ eutra pelia ,” which I intend. By applying the term “convivial” to tools rather than to people, I hope to forestall confusion. + +“Austerity,” which says something about people, has also been degraded and has acquired a bitter taste, while for Aristotle or Aquinas it marked the foundation of friendship. In the Summa Theologica , II, II, in the 186th question, article 5, Thomas deals with disciplined and creative playfulness. In his third response he defines “austerity” as a virtue which does not exclude all enjoyments , but only those which are distracting from or destructive of personal relatedness. For Thomas “austerity” is a complementary part of a more embracing virtue, which he calls friendship or joyfulness. It is the fruit of an apprehension that things or tools could destroy rather than enhance eutrapelia (or graceful playfulness) in personal relations[^n01]. + +# Two Watersheds + +The year 1913 marks a watershed in the history of modern medicine . Around that year a patient began to have more than a fifty-fifty chance that a graduate of a medical school would provide him with a specifically effective treatment (if, of course, he was suffering from one of the standard diseases recognized by the medical science of the time). Many shamans and herb doctors familiar with local diseases and remedies and trusted by their clients had always had equal or better results. + +Since then medicine has gone on to define what constitutes disease and its treatment. The Westernized public learned to demand effective medical practice as defined by the progress of medical science. For the first time in history doctors could measure their efficiency against scales which they themselves had devised . This progress was due to a new perspective of the origins of some ancient scourges; water could be purified and infant mortality lowered; rat control could disarm the plague; treponemas could be made visible under the microscope and Salvarsan could eliminate them with statistically defined risks of poisoning the patient; syphilis could be avoided, or recognized and cured by rather simple procedures; diabetes could be diagnosed and self-treatment with insulin could prolong the life of the patient. Paradoxically, the simpler the tools became, the more the medical profession insisted on a monopoly of their application, the longer became the training demanded before a medicine man was initiated into the legitimate use of the simplest tool, and the more the entire population felt dependent on the doctor. Hygiene turned from being a virtue into a professionally organized ritual at the altar of a science. + +Infant mortality was lowered, common forms of infection were prevented or treated, some forms of crisis intervention became quite effective. The spectacular decline in mortality and morbidity was due to changes in sanitation, agriculture, marketing, and general attitudes toward life. But though these changes were sometimes influenced by the attention that engineers paid to new facts discovered by medical science, they could only occasionally be ascribed to the intervention of doctors. + +Indirectly, industrialization profited from the new effectiveness attributed to medicine; work attendance was raised, and with it the claim to efficiency on the job. The destructiveness of new tools was hidden from public view by new techniques of providing spectacular treatments for those who fell victims to industrial violence such as the speed of cars, tension on the job, and poisons in the environment. + +The sickening side effects of modern medicine became obvious after World War II, but doctors needed time to diagnose drug-resistant microbes or genetic damage caused by prenatal X-rays as new epidemics. The claim made by George Bernard Shaw a generation earlier, that doctors had ceased to be healers and were assuming control over the patient’s entire life, could still be regarded as a caricature. Only in the mid-fifties did it become evident that medicine had passed a second watershed and had itself created new kinds of disease. + +Foremost among iatrogenic (doctor-induced) diseases was the pretense of doctors that they provided their clients with superior health. First, social planners and doctors became its victims. Soon this epidemic aberration spread to society at large. Then, during the last fifteen years, professional medicine became a major threat to health. Huge amounts of money were spent to stem immeasurable damage caused by medical treatments. The cost of healing was dwarfed by the cost of extending sick life; more people survived longer months with their lives hanging on a plastic tube, imprisoned in iron lungs, or hooked onto kidney machines. New sickness was defined and institutionalized; the cost of enabling people to survive in unhealthy cities and in sickening jobs skyrocketed . The monopoly of the medical profession was extended over an increasing range of everyday occurrences in every man’s life. + +The exclusion of mothers, aunts, and other nonprofessionals from the care of their pregnant, abnormal, hurt, sick, or dying relatives and friends resulted in new demands for medical services at a much faster rate than the medical establishment could deliver . As the value of services rose, it became almost impossible for people to care. Simultaneously, more conditions were defined as needing treatment by creating new specializations or paraprofessions to keep the tools under the control of the guild. + +At the time of the second watershed, preservation of the sick life of medically dependent people in an unhealthy environment became the principal business of the medical profession. Costly prevention and costly treatment became increasingly the privilege of those individuals who through previous consumption of medical services had established a claim to more of it. Access to specialists , prestige hospitals, and life-machines goes preferentially to those people who live in large cities, where the cost of basic disease prevention, as of water treatment and pollution control, is already exceptionally high. The higher the per capita cost of prevention , the higher, paradoxically, became the per capita cost of treatment. The prior consumption of costly prevention and treatment establishes a claim for even more extraordinary care. Like the modern school system, hospital-based health care fits the principle that those who have will receive even more and those who have not will be taken for the little that they have. In schooling this means that high consumers of education will get postdoctoral grants, while dropouts learn that they have failed. In medicine the same principle assures that suffering will increase with increased medical care; the rich will be given more treatment for iatrogenic diseases and the poor will just suffer from them. + +After this second turning point, the unwanted hygienic by-products of medicine began to affect entire populations rather than just individual men. In rich countries medicine began to sustain the middle-aged until they became decrepit and needed more doctors and increasingly complex medical tools. In poor countries, thanks to modern medicine, a larger percentage of children began to survive into adolescence and more women survived more pregnancies. Populations increased beyond the capacities of their environments and the restraints and efficiencies of their cultures to nurture them. Western doctors abused drugs for the treatment of diseases with which native populations had learned to live. As a result they bred new strains of disease with which modern treatment, natural immunity, and traditional culture could not cope. On a world-wide scale, but particularly in the U.S.A., medical care concentrated on breeding a human stock that was fit only for domesticated life within an increasingly more costly, man-made, scientifically controlled environment. One of the main speakers at the 1970 AMA convention exhorted her pediatric colleagues to consider each newborn baby as a patient until the child could be certified as healthy. Hospital-born, formula -fed, antibiotic-stuffed children thus grow into adults who can breathe the air, eat the food, and survive the lifelessness of a modern city, who will breed and raise at almost any cost a generation even more dependent on medicine. + +Bureaucratic medicine spread over the entire world. In 1968, after twenty years of Mao’s regime, the Medical College of Shanghai had to conclude that it was engaged in the training of “ so-called first-rate doctors … who ignore five million peasants and serve only minorities in cities…. They create large expenses for routine laboratory examinations … prescribe huge amounts of antibiotics unnecessarily … and in the absence of hospital or laboratory facilities have to limit themselves to explaining the mechanisms of the disease to people for whom they cannot do anything, and to whom this explanation is irrelevant.” In China this recognition led to a major institutional inversion. Today, the same college reports that one million health workers have reached acceptable levels of competence. These health workers are laymen who in periods of low agricultural manpower needs have attended short courses, starting with the dissection of pigs, gone on to the performance of routine lab tests, the study of the elements of bacteriology, pathology, clinical medicine, hygiene, and acupuncture, and continued in apprenticeship with doctors or previously trained colleagues. These “barefoot doctors” remain at their work places but are excused occasionally when fellow workers require their assistance. They have responsibility for environmental sanitation, for health education, immunization , first aid, primary medical care, postillness follow-up, as well as for gynecological assistance, birth control, and abortion education . Ten years after the second watershed of Western medicine had been acknowledged, China intends to have one fully competent health worker for every hundred people. China has proved that a sudden inversion of a major institution is possible. It remains to be seen if this deprofessionalization can be sustained against the overweening ideology of unlimited progress and pressures from classical doctors to incorporate their barefoot homonym as part-time professionals on the bottom rung of a medical hierarchy. + +In the West during the sixties dissatisfaction with medicine grew in proportion to its cost, reaching the greatest intensity in the U.S.A. Rich foreigners flocked to the medical centers of Boston , Houston, and Denver to seek exotic repair jobs, while the infant mortality of the U.S. poor remained comparable to that in some tropical countries of Africa and Asia. Only the very rich in the United States can now afford what all people in poor countries have: personal attention around the deathbed. An American can now spend in two days of private nursing the median yearly cash income of the world’s population. + +Instead of exposing the systemic disorder, however, only the symptoms of “sick” medicine are now publicly indicted in the United States. Spokesmen for the poor object to the capitalist prejudices of the AMA and the income of doctors. Community leaders object to the lack of community control over the delivery systems of professional health maintenance or of sick care, believing that laymen on hospital boards can harness professional medics. Black spokesmen object to the concentration of research grants on the types of disease which tend to strike the white, elderly, overfed foundation official who approves them. They ask for research on sickle-cell anemia, which strikes only the black. The general voter hopes that the end of the war in Vietnam will make more funds available for an increase of medical production. This general concern with symptoms, however, distracts attention from the malignant expansion of institutional health care which is at the root of the rising costs and demands and the decline in well-being . + +The crisis of medicine lies on a much deeper level than its symptoms reveal and is consistent with the present crisis of all industrial institutions. It results from the development of a professional complex supported and exhorted by society to provide increasingly “better” health, and from the willingness of clients to serve as guinea pigs in this vain experiment. People have lost the right to declare themselves sick; society now accepts their claims to sickness only after certification by medical bureaucrats. + +It is not strictly necessary to this argument to accept 1913 and 1955 as the two watershed years in order to understand that early in the century medical practice emerged into an era of scientific verification of its results. And later medical science itself became an alibi for the obvious damage caused by the medical professional . At the first watershed the desirable effects of new scientific discoveries were easily measured and verified. Germ-free water reduced infant mortality related to diarrhea, aspirin reduced the pain of rheumatism, and malaria could be controlled by quinine. Some traditional cures were recognized as quackery, but, more importantly, the use of some simple habits and tools spread widely. People began to understand the relationship between health and a balanced diet, fresh air, calisthenics, pure water and soap. New devices ranging from toothbrushes to Band-Aids and condoms became widely available. The positive contribution of modern medicine to individual health during the early part of the twentieth century can hardly be questioned. + +But then medicine began to approach the second watershed. Every year medical science reported a new breakthrough. Practitioners of new specialties rehabilitated some individuals suffering from rare diseases. The practice of medicine became centered on the performance of hospital-based staffs. Trust in miracle cures obliterated good sense and traditional wisdom on healing and health care. The irresponsible use of drugs spread from doctors to the general public. The second watershed was approached when the marginal utility of further professionalization declined, at least insofar as it can be expressed in terms of the physical well-being of the largest number of people. The second watershed was superseded when the marginal dis utility increased as further monopoly by the medical establishment became an indicator of more suffering for larger numbers of people. After the passage of this second watershed, medicine still claimed continued progress, as measured by the new landmarks doctors set for themselves and then reached: both predictable discoveries and costs. For instance, a few patients survived longer with transplants of various organs. On the other hand, the total social cost exacted by medicine ceased to be measurable in conventional terms. Society can have no quantitative standards by which to add up the negative value of illusion, social control, prolonged suffering, loneliness, genetic deterioration, and frustration produced by medical treatment. + +Other industrial institutions have passed through the same two watersheds. This is certainly true for the major social agencies that have been reorganized according to scientific criteria during the last 150 years. Education, the mails, social work, transportation , and even civil engineering have followed this evolution. At first, new knowledge is applied to the solution of a clearly stated problem and scientific measuring sticks are applied to account for the new efficiency. But at a second point, the progress demonstrated in a previous achievement is used as a rationale for the exploitation of society as a whole in the service of a value which is determined and constantly revised by an element of society , by one of its self-certifying professional élites. + +In the case of transportation it has taken almost a century to pass from an era served by motorized vehicles to the era in which society has been reduced to virtual enslavement to the car. During the American Civil War steam power on wheels became effective. The new economy in transportation enabled many people to travel by rail at the speed of a royal coach, and to do so with a comfort kings had not dared dream of. Gradually, desirable locomotion was associated and finally identified with high vehicular speeds. But when transportation had passed through its second watershed, vehicles had created more distances than they helped to bridge; more time was used by the entire society for the sake of traffic than was “saved.” + +It is sufficient to recognize the existence of these two watersheds in order to gain a fresh perspective on our present social crisis. In one decade several major institutions have moved jointly over their second watershed. Schools are losing their claim to be effective tools to provide education; cars have ceased to be effective tools for mass transportation; the assembly line has ceased to be an acceptable mode of production. + +The characteristic reaction of the sixties to the growing frustration was further technological and bureaucratic escalation. Self-defeating escalation of power became the core-ritual practiced in highly industrialized nations. In this context the Vietnam war is both revealing and concealing. It makes this ritual visible for the entire world in a narrow theater of war, yet it also distracts attention from the same ritual being played out in many so-called peaceful arenas. The conduct of the war proves that a convivial army limited to bicycle speeds is served by the opponent’s escalation of anonymous power. And yet many Americans argue that the resources squandered on the war in the Far East could be used effectively to overwhelm poverty at home. Others are anxious to use the $20 billion the war now costs for increasing international development assistance from its present low of $2 billion. They fail to grasp the underlying institutional structure common to a peaceful war on poverty and a bloody war on dissidence. Both escalate what they are meant to eliminate. + +While evidence shows that more of the same leads to utter defeat, nothing less than more and more seems worthwhile in a society infected by the growth mania. The desperate plea is not only for more bombs and more police, more medical examinations and more teachers, but also for more information and research . The editor-in-chief of the Bulletin of Atomic Scientists claims that most of our present problems are the result of recently acquired knowledge badly applied, and concludes that the only remedy for the mess created by this information is more of it. It has become fashionable to say that where science and technology have created problems, it is only more scientific understanding and better technology that can carry us past them. The cure for bad management is more management. The cure for specialized research is more costly interdisciplinary research, just as the cure for polluted rivers is more costly nonpolluting detergents . The pooling of stores of information, the building up of a knowledge stock, the attempt to overwhelm present problems by the production of more science is the ultimate attempt to solve a crisis by escalation. + +# Convivial Reconstruction + +The symptoms of accelerated crisis are widely recognized. Multiple attempts have been made to explain them. I believe that this crisis is rooted in a major twofold experiment which has failed, and I claim that the resolution of the crisis begins with a recognition of the failure. For a hundred years we have tried to make machines work for men and to school men for life in their service. Now it turns out that machines do not “work” and that people cannot be schooled for a life at the service of machines. The hypothesis on which the experiment was built must now be discarded. The hypothesis was that machines can replace slaves. The evidence shows that, used for this purpose, machines enslave men. Neither a dictatorial proletariat nor a leisure mass can escape the dominion of constantly expanding industrial tools. + +The crisis can be solved only if we learn to invert the present deep structure of tools; if we give people tools that guarantee their right to work with high, independent efficiency, thus simultaneously eliminating the need for either slaves or masters and enhancing each person’s range of freedom. People need new tools to work with rather than tools that “work” for them. They need technology to make the most of the energy and imagination each has, rather than more well-programmed energy slaves. + +I believe that society must be reconstructed to enlarge the contribution of autonomous individuals and primary groups to the total effectiveness of a new system of production designed to satisfy the human needs which it also determines. In fact, the institutions of industrial society do just the opposite. As the power of machines increases, the role of persons more and more decreases to that of mere consumers. + +Individuals need tools to move and to dwell. They need remedies for their diseases and means to communicate with one another . People cannot make all these things for themselves. They depend on being supplied with objects and services which vary from culture to culture. Some people depend on the supply of food and others on the supply of ball bearings. + +People need not only to obtain things, they need above all the freedom to make things among which they can live, to give shape to them according to their own tastes, and to put them to use in caring for and about others. Prisoners in rich countries often have access to more things and services than members of their families, but they have no say in how things are to be made and cannot decide what to do with them. Their punishment consists in being deprived of what I shall call “conviviality.” They are degraded to the status of mere consumers. + +I choose the term “conviviality” to designate the opposite of industrial productivity. I intend it to mean autonomous and creative intercourse among persons, and the intercourse of persons with their environment; and this in contrast with the conditioned response of persons to the demands made upon them by others, and by a man-made environment. I consider conviviality to be individual freedom realized in personal interdependence and, as such, an intrinsic ethical value. I believe that, in any society, as conviviality is reduced below a certain level, no amount of industrial productivity can effectively satisfy the needs it creates among society’s members. + +Present institutional purposes, which hallow industrial productivity at the expense of convivial effectiveness, are a major factor in the amorphousness and meaninglessness that plague contemporary society. The increasing demand for products has come to define society’s process. I will suggest how this present trend can be reversed and how modern science and technology can be used to endow human activity with unprecedented effectiveness. This reversal would permit the evolution of a life style and of a political system which give priority to the protection, the maximum use, and the enjoyment of the one resource that is almost equally distributed among all people: personal energy under personal control. I will argue that we can no longer live and work effectively without public controls over tools and institutions that curtail or negate any person’s right to the creative use of his or her energy. For this purpose we need procedures to ensure that controls over the tools of society are established and governed by political process rather than by decisions by experts. + +The transition to socialism cannot be effected without an inversion of our present institutions and the substitution of convivial for industrial tools. At the same time, the retooling of society will remain a pious dream unless the ideals of socialist justice prevail. I believe that the present crisis of our major institutions ought to be welcomed as a crisis of revolutionary liberation because our present institutions abridge basic human freedom for the sake of providing people with more institutional outputs. This world-wide crisis of world-wide institutions can lead to a new consciousness about the nature of tools and to majority action for their control. If tools are not controlled politically , they will be managed in a belated technocratic response to disaster. Freedom and dignity will continue to dissolve into an unprecedented enslavement of man to his tools. + +As an alternative to technocratic disaster, I propose the vision of a convivial society. A convivial society would be the result of social arrangements that guarantee for each member the most ample and free access to the tools of the community and limit this freedom only in favor of another member’s equal freedom. + +At present people tend to relinquish the task of envisaging the future to a professional élite. They transfer power to politicians who promise to build up the machinery to deliver this future. They accept a growing range of power levels in society when inequality is needed to maintain high outputs. Political institutions themselves become draft mechanisms to press people into complicity with output goals. What is right comes to be subordinated to what is good for institutions. Justice is debased to mean the equal distribution of institutional wares. + +The individual’s autonomy is intolerably reduced by a society that defines the maximum satisfaction of the maximum number as the largest consumption of industrial goods. Alternate political arrangements would have the purpose of permitting all people to define the images of their own future. New politics would aim principally to exclude the design of artifacts and rules that are obstacles to the exercise of this personal freedom. Such politics would limit the scope of tools as demanded by the protection of three values: survival, justice, and self-defined work. I take these values to be fundamental to any convivial society, however different one such society might be from another in practice, institutions , or rationale. + +Each of these three values imposes its own limits on tools. The conditions for survival are necessary but not sufficient to ensure justice; people can survive in prison. The conditions for the just distribution of industrial outputs are necessary, but not sufficient to promote convivial production. People can be equally enslaved by their tools. The conditions for convivial work are structural arrangements that make possible the just distribution of unprecedented power. A postindustrial society must and can be so constructed that no one person’s ability to express him-or herself in work will require as a condition the enforced labor or the enforced learning or the enforced consumption of another. + +In an age of scientific technology, the convivial structure of tools is a necessity for survival in full justice which is both distributive and participatory. This is so because science has opened new energy sources. Competition for inputs must lead to destruction , while their central control in the hands of a Leviathan would sacrifice equal control over inputs to the semblance of an equal distribution of outputs. Rationally designed convivial tools have become the basis for participatory justice. + +But this does not mean that the transition from our present to a convivial mode of production can be accomplished without serious threats to the survival of many people. At present the relationship between people and their tools is suicidally distorted. The survival of Pakistanis depends on Canadian grain, and the survival of New Yorkers on world-wide exploitation of natural resources. The birth pangs of a convivial world society will inevitably be violently painful for hungry Indians and for helpless New Yorkers . I will later argue that the transition from the present mode of production, which is overwhelmingly industrial, toward conviviality may start suddenly. But for the sake of the survival of many people it will be desirable that the transition does not happen all at once. I argue that survival in justice is possible only at the cost of those sacrifices implicit in the adoption of a convivial mode of production and the universal renunciation of unlimited progeny, affluence, and power on the part of both individuals and groups. This price cannot be extorted by some despotic Leviathan, nor elicited by social engineering. People will rediscover the value of joyful sobriety and liberating austerity only if they relearn to depend on each other rather than on energy slaves. The price for a convivial society will be paid only as the result of a political process which reflects and promotes the society-wide inversion of present industrial consciousness. This political process will find its concrete expression not in some taboo, but in a series of temporary agreements on one or the other concrete limitation of means, constantly adjusted under the pressure of conflicting insights and interests. + +In this volume I want to offer a methodology by which to recognize means which have turned into ends. My subject is tools and not intentions. The choice of this subject makes it impossible to undertake several related, relevant, and tempting tasks because: + +1. It would not serve my purpose to describe in detail any fictional community of the future. I want to provide guidelines for action, not for fantasy. A modern society, bounded for convivial living, could generate a new flowering of surprises far beyond anyone’s imagination and hope. I am not proposing a Utopia, but a procedure that provides each community with the choice of its unique social arrangements. + +2. I do not want to contribute to an engineering manual for the design of convivial institutions or tools, nor do I want to engage in a sales campaign for what would be obviously a better technology. My purpose is to lay down criteria by which the manipulation of people for the sake of their tools can be immediately recognized, and thus to exclude those artifacts and institutions which inevitably extinguish a convivial life style. Paradoxically, a society of simple tools that allows men to achieve purposes with energy fully under their own control is now difficult to imagine. Our imaginations have been industrially deformed to conceive only what can be molded into an engineered system of social habits that fit the logic of large-scale production. We have almost lost the ability to frame in fancy a world in which sound and shared reasoning sets limits to everybody’s power to interfere with anybody’s equal power to shape the world. + +The present world is divided into those who do not have enough and those who have more than enough, those who are pushed off the road by cars and those who drive them. The have-nots are miserable and the rich anxious to get more. A society whose members know what is enough might be poor, but its members would be equally free. Men with industrially distorted minds cannot grasp the rich texture of personal accomplishments within the range of modern though limited tools. There is no room in their imaginations for the qualitative change that the acceptance of a stable-state industry would mean; a society in which members are free from most of the multiple restraints of schedules and therapies now imposed for the sake of growing tools. Much less do most of our contemporaries experience the sober joy of life in this voluntary though relative poverty which lies within our grasp. + +3. I will focus on the structure of tools, not on the character structure of their users. The use of industrial tools stamps in an identical way the landscape of cities each having its own history and culture. Highways, hospital wards, classrooms, office buildings , apartments, and stores look everywhere the same. Identical tools also promote the development of the same character types. Policemen in patrol cars or accountants at computers look and act alike all over the world, while their poor cousins using nightstick or pen are different from region to region. The progressive homogenization of personalities and personal relationships cannot be stemmed without a retooling of society. Research on the social character traits that make retooling difficult or doubtful is complementary to what I propose. But I am not postulating the creation of a new man as a condition for a new society, nor am I pretending to know how either social character or cultures will change. A pluralism of limited tools and of convivial commonweals would of necessity encourage a diversity of life styles. + +4. It would distract from the core of my argument if I were to deal with political strategies or tactics. With the possible exception of China under Mao, no present government could restructure society along convivial lines. The managers of our major tools–nations, corporations, parties, structured movements, professions–hold power. This power is vested in the maintenance of the growth-oriented structures which they manipulate. These managers have the power to make major decisions; they can generate new demands for the output of their tools and enforce the creation of new social labels to fit them. They can even go so far as to limit the output of tools in the interest of maximizing benefits. But they have no power to reverse the basic structure of the institutional arrangements which they manage. + +The major institutions now optimize the output of large tools for lifeless people. Their inversion implies institutions that would foster the use of individually accessible tools to support the meaningful and responsible deeds of fully awake people. Turning basic institutions upside down and inside out is what the adoption of a convivial mode of production would require. Such an inversion of society is beyond the managers of present institutions . + +Today’s managers form a new class of men, selected for their character, competence, and interest–which enable them to both expand the productive society and promote the further operant conditioning of their clients. They hold and manage power no matter who lives in the illusion that he owns the tools. This class of power-holders must be eliminated, but this cannot be done by mass slaughter or replacement. The new élite would only claim more legitimacy in the manipulation of the inherited structured power. Management can be done away with only by eliminating the machinery that makes it necessary and, therefore, the demands for output that give it sway. In a convivial society there is little need for replacing the chairman of the board. + +In a society in which power–both political and physical–is bounded and spread by political decision there is place not only for a new flowering of products and characters, but also for a variety in forms of governance. Certainly, new tools would provide new options. Convivial tools rule out certain levels of power, compulsion, and programming, which are precisely those features that now tend to make all governments look more or less alike. But the adoption of a convivial mode of production does not of itself mean that one specific form of government would be more fitting than another, nor does it rule out a world federation, or agreements between nation-states, or communes, or many of the most traditional forms of governance. I restrict myself to the description of basic structural criteria within which the retooling of society can be achieved. + +5. A methodology by which to recognize when corporate tools become destructive of society itself requires the recognition of the value of distributory and participatory justice. I believe that my succinct statement will be sufficient to identify necessary restraints on tools, but it will also preclude that in this essay I reach any conclusion about a desirable degree of subordination of means to ends. + +6. The economics applicable to a postindustrial and convivial society can neither be ignored nor taken for granted. In a society that accepts politically defined limits on all types of industrial growth, many accepted terms will have to be redefined, but it is certain that in such a society inequality will not be excluded. In fact, each individual’s power to make effective changes would be greater than in preindustrial or in industrial times. Though they would be bounded, common tools would be incomparably more efficient than primitive, and more widely distributed than industrial, devices. Their products would accrue more to some than to others. The task of keeping net transfer of power within bounds requires the use of traditional as well as new economic devices. It will be argued that the limitation of tools cannot be effected before a corresponding new economic theory has been elaborated and has become operational. This is correct. I do propose that we use a dimensional analysis to obtain information about the major variables which can upset the balance of life, and that we rely on political process to identify the significant dimensions which man can control. I therefore propose an approach to the relationship between man’s ends and his means in which the key units of economics come to signify a dimensionless set of factors. Economics useful for the inversion of our present institutional structure starts out from politically defined limiting criteria. It is on these negative design criteria for technological devices that I want to focus attention. + +A methodology, by which to recognize the public perversion of tools into purposes, encounters resistance on the part of people who are used to measuring what is good in terms of dollars. Plato knew that the bad statesman is he who believes that the art of measurement is universal, and who jumbles together what is greater or smaller and what is more fit to the purpose. Our present attitudes toward production have been formed over the centuries. Increasingly, institutions have not only shaped our demands but also in the most literal sense our logic, or sense of proportion. Having come to demand what institutions can produce, we soon believe that we cannot do without it. + +The invention of education is an example of what I mean. We often forget that education acquired its present sense only recently. It was unknown before the Reformation, except as that part of early upbringing which is common to piglets, ducks, and men. It was clearly distinguished from the instruction needed by the young, and from the study in which some engaged later on in life and for which a teacher was needed. Voltaire still called it a presumptuous neologism, used only by pretentious schoolmasters. + +The endeavor to put all men through successive stages of enlightenment is rooted deeply in alchemy, the Great Art of the waning Middle Ages. John Amos Comenius, a Moravian bishop of the seventeenth century, a self-styled pansophist and pedagogue , is rightly considered one of the founders of the modern school. He was among the first to propose seven or twelve grades of compulsory learning. In his Magna Didactica he described schools as devices to “teach everybody everything” and outlined a blueprint for the assembly-line production of knowledge, which according to his method would make education cheaper and better and make growth into full humanity possible for all. But Comenius was not only an early theoretician of mass production, he was an alchemist who adapted the technical language of his craft to describe the art of rearing children. The alchemist sought to refine base elements by graduating their spirits through twelve stages of successive enlightenment, so that for their own and all the world’s benefit they might be transformed into gold. Of course, alchemists failed no matter how often they tried, but each time their “science” yielded new reasons for their failure, and they tried again. + +The industrial mode of production was first fully rationalized in the manufacture of a new invisible commodity, called “ education .” Pedagogy opened a new chapter in the history of the Ars Magna. Education became the search for an alchemic process that would bring forth a new type of man who would fit into an environment created by scientific magic. But no matter how much each generation spent on its schools, it always turned out that the majority of people were certified as unfit for higher grades of enlightenment and had to be discarded as unprepared for the good life in a man-made world. + +Not only has the redefinition of learning as schooling made schools seem necessary, it has also compounded the poverty of the unschooled with discrimination against the uneducated. People who have climbed up the ladder of schooling know where they dropped out and how uneducated they are. Once they accept the authority of an agency to define and measure their level of knowledge, they easily go on to accept the authority of other agencies to define for them their level of appropriate health or mobility. It is difficult for them to identify the structural corruption of our major institutions. Just as they come to believe in the value of the “knowledge stock” they acquired in school, so they come to believe that higher speeds save time and that income levels define well-being or, as an alternative, that the production of more services rather than more goods increases the quality of life. + +The commodity called “education” and the institution called “school” make each other necessary. The circle can be broken only by a widely shared insight that the institution has come to define the purpose. Values abstractly stated are reduced to mechanical processes that enslave men. This serfdom can be broken only by the joyful self-recognition of the fool who assumes personal responsibility for his folly. + +The institutional definition of values has made it difficult to focus our attention on the deep structure of social means. It is hard to imagine that the division of sciences, of labor, and of professions has gone too far. It is difficult to conceive of higher social effectiveness with lower industrial efficiency. To recognize the nature of desirable limits to specialization and output, we must focus our attention on the industrially determined shape of our expectations. Only then can we recognize that the emergence of a convivial and pluralist mode of production will follow the limitation of industrial institutions. + +In the past, convivial life for some inevitably demanded the servitude of others. Labor efficiency was low before the steel ax, the pump, the bicycle, and the nylon fishing line. Between the High Middle Ages and the Enlightenment, the alchemic dream misled many otherwise authentic Western humanists. The illusion prevailed that the machine was a laboratory-made homunculus , and that it could do our labor instead of slaves. It is now time to correct this mistake and shake off the illusion that men are born to be slaveholders and that the only thing wrong in the past was that not all men could be equally so. By reducing our expectations of machines, however, we must guard against falling into the equally damaging rejection of all machines as if they were works of the devil. + +A convivial society should be designed to allow all its members the most autonomous action by means of tools least controlled by others. People feel joy, as opposed to mere pleasure, to the extent that their activities are creative; while the growth of tools beyond a certain point increases regimentation, dependence, exploitation , and impotence. I use the term “tool” broadly enough to include not only simple hardware such as drills, pots, syringes, brooms, building elements, or motors, and not just large machines like cars or power stations; I also include among tools productive institutions such as factories that produce tangible commodities like corn flakes or electric current, and productive systems for intangible commodities such as those which produce “education,” “health,” “knowledge,” or “decisions.” I use this term because it allows me to subsume into one category all rationally designed devices, be they artifacts or rules, codes or operators, and to distinguish all these planned and engineered instrumentalities from other things such as basic food or implements, which in a given culture are not deemed to be subject to rationalization. School curricula or marriage laws are no less purposely shaped social devices than road networks. + +Tools are intrinsic to social relationships. An individual relates himself in action to his society through the use of tools that he actively masters, or by which he is passively acted upon. To the degree that he masters his tools, he can invest the world with his meaning; to the degree that he is mastered by his tools, the shape of the tool determines his own self-image. Convivial tools are those which give each person who uses them the greatest opportunity to enrich the environment with the fruits of his or her vision. Industrial tools deny this possibility to those who use them and they allow their designers to determine the meaning and expectations of others. Most tools today cannot be used in a convivial fashion. + +Hand tools are those which adapt man’s metabolic energy to a specific task. They can be multipurpose, like some primitive hammers or good modern pocket knives, or again they can be highly specific in design such as spindles, looms, or pedal-driven sewing machines, and dentists’ drills. They can also be complex such as a transportation system built to get the most in mobility out of human energy–for instance, a bicycle system composed of a series of man-powered vehicles, such as pushcarts and three-wheel rickshas , with a corresponding road system equipped with repair stations and perhaps even covered roadways. Hand tools are mere transducers of the energy generated by man’s extremities and fed by the intake of air and of nourishment. + +Power tools are moved, at least partially, by energy converted outside the human body. Some of them act as amplifiers of human energy: the oxen pull the plow, but man works with the oxen–the result is obtained by pooling the powers of beast and man. Power saws and motor pulleys are used in the same fashion. On the other hand, the energy used to steer a jet plane has ceased to be a significant fraction of its power output. The pilot is reduced to a mere operator guided by data which a computer digests for him. The machine needs him for lack of a better computer; or he is in the cockpit because the social control of unions over airplanes imposes his presence. + +Tools foster conviviality to the extent to which they can be easily used, by anybody, as often or as seldom as desired, for the accomplishment of a purpose chosen by the user. The use of such tools by one person does not restrain another from using them equally. They do not require previous certification of the user. Their existence does not impose any obligation to use them. They allow the user to express his meaning in action. + +Some institutions are structurally convivial tools. The telephone is an example. Anybody can dial the person of his choice if he can afford a coin. If untiring computers keep the lines occupied and thereby restrict the number of personal conversations, this is a misuse by the company of a license given so that persons can speak. The telephone lets anybody say what he wants to the person of his choice; he can conduct business, express love, or pick a quarrel. It is impossible for bureaucrats to define what people say to each other on the phone, even though they can interfere with–or protect–the privacy of their exchange. + +Most hand tools lend themselves to convivial use unless they are artificially restricted through some institutional arrangements. They can be restricted by becoming the monopoly of one profession , as happens with dentist drills through the requirement of a license and with libraries or laboratories by placing them within schools. Also, tools can be purposely limited when simple pliers and screwdrivers are insufficient to repair modern cars. This institutional monopoly or manipulation usually constitutes an abuse and changes the nature of the tool as little as the nature of the knife is changed by its abuse for murder. + +In principle the distinction between convivial and manipulatory tools is independent of the level of technology of the tool. What has been said of the telephone could be repeated point by point for the mails or for a typical Mexican market. Each is an institutional arrangement that maximizes liberty, even though in a broader context it can be abused for purposes of manipulation and control. The telephone is the result of advanced engineering; the mails require in principle little technology and considerable organization and scheduling; the Mexican market runs with minimum planning along customary patterns. + +Any institution that moves toward its second watershed tends to become highly manipulative. For instance, it costs more to make teaching possible than to teach. The cost of roles exceeds the cost of production. Increasingly, components intended for the accomplishment of institutional purposes are redesigned so that they cannot be used independently. People without cars have no access to planes, and people without plane tickets have no access to convention hotels. Alternate tools which are fit to accomplish the same purposes with fewer claims are pushed off the market. For instance, civilized correspondence becomes a lost art. During the last several years this barring of alternatives has usually coincided with the increased power of the tool and the development of more complex tool systems. + +It is possible that not every means of desirable production in a postindustrial society would fit the criteria of conviviality. It is probable that even in an overwhelmingly convivial world some communities would choose greater affluence at the cost of some restrictions on creativity. It is almost certain that in a period of transition from the present to the future mode of production in certain countries electricity would not commonly be produced in the backyard. It is also true that trains must run on tracks and stop on schedule at a limited number of points. Oceangoing vessels are built for one purpose; if they were sailing clippers, they might be even more specialized for one route than are present tankers. Telephone systems are highly determined for the transmission of messages of a certain band width and must be centrally administered even if they are limited to the service of only one area. It is a mistake to believe that all large tools and all centralized production would have to be excluded from a convivial society . It would equally be a mistake to demand that for the sake of conviviality the distribution of industrial goods and services be reduced to the minimum consistent with survival in order to protect the maximum equal right to self-determined participation . Different balances between distributive justice and participatory justice can prevail in societies equally striving for postindustrial conviviality, depending on the history, political ideals, and physical resources of a community. + +What is fundamental to a convivial society is not the total absence of manipulative institutions and addictive goods and services, but the balance between those tools which create the specific demands they are specialized to satisfy and those complementary , enabling tools which foster self-realization. The first set of tools produces according to abstract plans for men in general ; the other set enhances the ability of people to pursue their own goals in their unique way. + +The criteria by which anticonvivial or manipulative tools are recognized cannot be used to exclude every tool that meets them. These criteria, however, can be applied as guidelines for structuring the totality of tools by which a society desires to define the style and level of its conviviality. A convivial society does not exclude all schools. It does exclude a school system which has been perverted into a compulsory tool, denying privileges to the dropout . A convivial society does not exclude some high-speed intercity transport, as long as its layout does not in fact impose equally high speeds on all other routes. Not even television must be ruled out–although it permits very few programmers and speakers to define what their viewers may see–as long as the over-all structure of society does not favor the degradation of everyone into a compulsory voyeur. The criteria of conviviality are to be considered as guidelines to the continuous process by which a society’s members defend their liberty, and not as a set of prescriptions which can be mechanically applied. + +At present the reverse guideline prevails, even in societies where the producer is told that he is in the saddle. The socialist planner competes with the free-market advocate in claiming that a society run on his principles is more productive. In 1931 Stalin translated “control over the means of production” to mean the increase of productivity by new methods used to control the producer. In the midst of the U.S. Depression he launched Russia on an industrial race. Since then a socialist policy has been considered one which serves the industrially organized productivity of a socialist country. Stalin’s reinterpretation of Marxism has since then served as a form of blackmail against socialists and the left. It remains to be seen if after Mao’s death China will also trade productive conviviality for institutional productivity. The Stalinist interpretation of socialism has made it possible for socialists and capitalists alike to agree on how to measure the level of development a society has achieved. Societies in which most people depend for most of their goods and services on the personal whim, kindness, or skill of another are called “ underdeveloped ,” while those in which living has been transformed into a process of ordering from an all-encompassing store catalogue are called “advanced.” Stalinism makes it possible to interpret as revolutionary whatever increases the amount of schooling, expands the road systems, or increases the productivity of extraction and manufacture. To be revolutionary has come to mean either to champion the nation that lags in production and to make its members keenly aware of the lag, or to inflame the frantic and frustrated attempts of underconsuming minorities in rich countries to catch up. + +Every aspect of industrial societies has become part of a larval system for escalating production and increasing the demand necessary to justify the total social cost. For this reason, criticism of bad management, official dishonesty, insufficient research, or technological lag distracts public attention from the one issue that counts: careful analysis of the basic structure of tools as means. It is equally distracting to suggest that the present frustration is primarily due to the private ownership of the means of production , and that the public ownership of these same factories under the tutelage of a planning board could protect the interest of the majority and lead society to an equally shared abundance. As long as Ford Motor Company can be condemned simply because it makes Ford rich, the illusion is bolstered that the same factory could make the public rich. As long as people believe that the public can profit from cars, they will not condemn Ford for making cars. The issue at hand is not the juridical ownership of tools, but rather the discovery of the characteristic of some tools which make it impossible for anybody to “own” them. The concept of ownership cannot be applied to a tool that cannot be controlled. The issue at hand, therefore, is what tools can be controlled in the public interest. Only secondarily does the question arise whether private control of a potentially useful tool is in the public interest. + +Certain tools are destructive no matter who owns them, whether it be the Mafia, stockholders, a foreign company, the state, or even a workers’ commune. Networks of multilane highways, long-range , wide-band-width transmitters, strip mines, or compulsory school systems are such tools. Destructive tools must inevitably increase regimentation, dependence, exploitation, or impotence, and rob not only the rich but also the poor of conviviality, which is the primary treasure in many so-called “underdeveloped” areas. + +It has become difficult for contemporary man to imagine development and modernization in terms of lower rather than higher energy use. High technology has been mistakenly identified with powerful intervention in physical, psychological, and social processes. The illusion that a high culture is one that uses the highest possible quantities of energy must be overcome if we are to get tools into focus. In classical societies power sources were very equally distributed. Each man was born with the potential to use most of the power he would need in a lifetime if his organism was properly maintained. Control over larger amounts of physical energy was the result of psychic manipulation or of political domination. + +Men did not need power tools to build the Mexican pyramids of Teotihuacán or the Philippine rice terraces of Ibagué. Their muscles provided the force to raise St. Peter’s and to dig the channels of Angkor Vat. Runners carried the messages between Caesar’s generals and between village chiefs and Inca planners. Hands and feet moved the spindle and the loom, the pottery wheel and the saw. Human metabolism provided the energy that powered classical agriculture, manufacture, and war. Individual skills were the controls that shaped animal energy into socially defined work. The energy that rulers could control was the sum of the performance their subjects voluntarily or involuntarily conceded. + +I do not claim that human metabolism provided all useful power, but I do claim that in most cultures it was the main source of power. Men knew how to harness some of the forces of the environment. They steered barges down the Nile; they gentled beasts to draw the plow; they caught the wind in their sails; they became experts in the construction of simple machines which combined the power of men and of rain and of gravity. They also tamed fire in the forge and the kitchen, but the total output of these sources remained secondary. Even Mongols who lived on their mounts provided more energy with their muscles than with their horsepower. All the energy tapped from the environment to build Athens and Florence did not contribute as much controlled power to these classical societies as did their men. Only when man lit fires to turn cities into ruins or jungles into swiddens did he release–but certainly not control–energies that overwhelmed the power of the people who used them. + +The amount of physical power available to old societies can be estimated. It can be expressed in multiples of the average man’s working time and metabolic energy. He can burn 2,500 calories a day, four-fifths of them just to stay alive. They go into making his heart beat and his brain pulse. The remainder can be externalized , but this does not mean that all of it can be transformed into work. A large portion of the lifetime capacity of a man to act on his physical and social environment is burnt running around while he grows up. More is spent for chores that lie beyond his personal choice–but also beyond other men’s reach. He consumes energy in getting up, in preparing food, in seeking protection from the cold, or in avoiding the slavedriver’s whip. If man is deprived of the use of this power, he becomes useless for work. Society can give shape to these personal activities, but it cannot appropriate the energy used on them for other tasks. Custom, language, and law can determine the form of the slave’s pottery, but the master cannot take the last pots or the roof away from his slaves, not if he wants them to go on slaving for him. A small energy parcel from each man was the major source of physical power with which temples were built, mountains were moved, cloth was woven, wars were waged, and kings were carried around or amused. + +Power was limited. It was proportional to the population. Its major source was the muscles of individual men. Its efficient use depended on the stage of development which hand tools had reached and the distribution of necessary tools throughout the population. Tools all matched the impedance of manpower to the task. Except by redirecting the forces of gravity and wind they did not and could not act as amplifiers of this power. To control more power than others in his society, a man had to lord it over his fellows. If a ruler could draw power from sources other than men, his control over this power still depended on his control over men. Each pair of oxen required a man to lead them. Even the forge needed a boy to blow into the fire. Political control coincided with the control over physical power, and the control of power depended entirely on authority. + +Equal power and equal direct control of power were both features of preindustrial societies, but this did not guarantee an equal autonomy in the exercise of this control. On a very primitive level the physical predominance of one person made him into the lord of others. A slight advantage in organization or weaponry made one people the master of another. The appropriation of resources and tools created the basis of class societies and fostered the rituals and myths that shaped men to fit into the class to which they were assigned. + +In a preindustrial society political control could extend only over the excess power that people could produce. As soon as a population became efficient enough to produce more power than was required to maintain it, people could be deprived of control over this energy. They could be compelled to cede their power to the decisions of others. They could be either taxed or enslaved. Part of what they produced on their own could be taken from them, or they could be put to work for the king or the village. Ideology, economic structure, and life style tended to favor this concentration of excess energy under the control of a few. + +The degree to which this concentration of control polarized social benefits varied from one culture to another. At best it improved the range within which most members of society could employ their remaining energies. High peasant cultures offer good examples. While all shared in the tasks of defending their land from enemies or floods, each was also better dressed, housed, and fed. At worst, the concentration of decisions over power led to the establishment of empires which were expanded by mercenaries and fed from plantations worked by slaves. + +The total energy available to society increased rapidly toward the end of the Iron Age, that is, between the time of Agrippa and the time of Watt. Most of the radical technical mutations that came into existence before the scientific discoveries in the field of electricity in fact came about early in the Middle Ages. Because they used windpower far more effectively than any previous invention , three-masted sailing ships made world-wide transportation possible. Speedy transportation with regular deliveries was made possible by the building of canals in Europe, a millennium after the same discovery was implemented in Southeast Asia. A vastly increased application of nonhuman energy to industries like brewing, dyeing, pottery-making, brick-making, sugar-refining, salt manufacture, and transportation went parallel with the construction of vastly improved water wheels and windmills . + +From the High Middle Ages to the late Renaissance, new social tools developed that ensured the protection of the worker’s self-image and dignity, although he was now sometimes dwarfed by the size of machines. The guild system did indeed give the worker a new claim to the monopoly over tools specific to his trade. But the mill had not yet grown out of proportion to the miller. His monopoly over grain-processing protected the guildsman, provided him with extra holidays, and still maximized the services that he could render to his town. Guilds were neither unions nor professional associations. + +Lewis Mumford in his The Myth of the Machine: The Penta gon of Power points out that one particular enterprise, namely mining, + +set the pattern for later modes of mechanization by its callous disregard for human factors, by its indifference to the pollution and destruction of the neighboring environment, by its concentration upon the physicochemical process for obtaining the desired metal or fuel, and above all by its topographic and mental isolation from the organic world of the farmer and the craftsman, and the spiritual world of the Church, the University and the City. In its destruction of the environment and its indifference to the risks to human life, mining closely resembles warfare –though likewise it often, through its confrontation of danger and death, brings into existence a tough, self-respecting personality … the soldier at his best. But the destructive animus of mining and its punishing routine of work, along with its environmental poverty and disorder were passed on to the new industries that used its products. These negative social results offset the mechanical gains. + +This new attitude toward gainful activity is well reflected in the introduction of a new term to designate it. Tripaliare meant to torture on the trepalium , which was first mentioned in the sixth century as an instrument of impalement made out of three wooden sticks. By the twelfth century the word in both French and Spanish expressed a painful experience to which man is subjected ; only in the sixteenth century did it become possible to use the verb trabajar interchangeably with laborar and sudar on the job. Equally significant is what happened in the English language. Things began to work –first medicines (1600) and then physical tools (1650), even though these were not yet tools driven by any outside power. The alchemist’s dream of making a homunculus in the test tube slowly took the shape of creating robots to work for man, and to educate men to work alongside them. The ideology of an industrial organization of tools and a capitalist organization of the economy preceded by many centuries what is usually called the Industrial Revolution. On Baconian premises Europeans began, according to Mumford, to save time, shrink space, augment power, multiply goods, overthrow organic norms and displace real organisms with mechanisms that stimulated them or vastly magnified some single function they performed. All these imperatives, which have become the groundwork of science as technology in our present society, seem axiomatic and absolute only because they remain unexamined . The same change of mind appears also in a transfer from ritual regularity to mechanical regularity with an emphasis on time-keeping, space-measuring, account-keeping, thus translating concrete objects and complex events into abstract quantities. According to Mumford, it was this capitalistic devotion to repetitive order that helped undermine the unmeasurable personal balance between the workman and his tools. + +New power meant a new relation to time. The lending of money against interest was considered “against nature” by the Church: money naturally was a means of exchange to buy necessities , not a capital that could work or bear fruits. During the seventeenth century even the Church abandoned this view–though reluctantly–to accept the fact that Christians had become capitalist merchants. Time became like money: I now can have a few hours before lunch; how shall I spend time? … I am short of time so I can’t afford to spend that much time on a committee; it’s not worth the time! … It would be a waste of time; I’d rather save an hour. + +Scientists began to consider man as a power source. They sought to measure the maximum daily exertion that might be expected from a man and compare both his maintenance and his power to those of a horse. Man was reinvented as a source of mechanical power. Prisoners condemned to the galleys were not much use most of the time, since galleys were most of the time in port. Prisoners condemned to the treadmills produced rotary power to which any of the new machines could be hooked. Up to the early nineteenth century men in English prisons actually labored on the treadmills to make machines work. + +The new attitude of man to his tools during the Industrial Revolution, which began as capitalism did in the fifteenth century , finally called for the invention of new sources of power. The steam engine was a product of the Industrial Revolution rather than the cause of it. Power plants soon became mobile, and with the railroad the Iron Age and the Industrial Revolution came to an end. Industrial ways became the status quo. + +Immense new sources of power were tapped during the twentieth century, and much of this power became self-governing. Man has now been almost replaced by machines and reduced to being their operator. Fewer men are needed as gang workers in the fields: slavery has become uneconomical. But also fewer men are needed on the assembly line, as engineers have designed machines to perform the tasks that mass production and industrialization had created in the centuries before the steam engine. More power has become available, so more power is used. The human slaveowner is replaced by the operant conditioning of men in the mega-machine. + +We have all grown up as children of our time, and therefore it is extremely difficult to envisage a postindustrial yet human type of “work.” To reduce industrial tools seems equivalent to a return to the tortured labor of the mine and the factory, or to the labor of the U.S. farm hand who has to compete with his mechanical neighbor. The worker who had to dip a heavy tire into a solution of hot sulfur each time the machine asked for it was literally hooked onto his apparatus. Agricultural labor also ceased to be what it was for a slave or a farmer. For the slave it was labor at the service and behest of a master; for the peasant it was his own work which he could organize and shape in accordance with the demands of growing plants, hungry animals, and unpredictable weather. The modern farmhand in the United States today who is deprived of power tools is under a double pressure quite different from that of the classical slave: he must measure up to performance standards set by farm hands elsewhere who use machines, and he is constantly aware that he is underprivileged , exploited, and abused because in an age of the mega-machine he feels that he is used like a component. The prospect that moving toward a convivial society might imply a society with low power tools would seem to him like a return to the exploitation of manpower by inefficient industrial machines in the early periods of steam. + +I have described three types of institutional arrangements within which tools can be used. Certain tools can be used effectively within only one of these arrangements. There are tools which can be used normally for fully satisfying, imaginative, and independent work ; others tend to be used primarily in activities best labeled as labor ; and, finally, certain machines can only be operated. The same can be said about physical artifacts and about the set of rules that define formal institutional arrangements . Cars are machines that call for highways, and highways pretend to be public utilities while in fact they are discriminatory devices. Compulsory schools constitute a huge bureaucratic system ; no matter how convivially a teacher tries to conduct his class, his pupils learn through him to which class they belong. Cars operate on highways as teachers operate in schools. Only in a very limited sense can what the truck driver and the teacher do be called labor. Only exceptionally will a teacher feel that his operations within the school system do not directly interfere with his work. + +The market characteristics of these three types of human activity help to clarify the distinction among them. Labor can be purchased or sold in the marketplace. Not work as an activity, but only the result of convivial work can be marketed. Finally, the right to operate machines and to obtain the scarce privileges that go with employment must be earned through the previous consumption of certified treatments, which take the form of a curriculum of schooling and testing along with successive jobs. + +Tools for a convivial and yet efficient society could not have been designed at an earlier stage of history. We now can design the machinery for eliminating slavery without enslaving man to the machine. Science and technology are not bound to the peculiar notion, seemingly characteristic of the last 150 years of their application to production, that new knowledge of nature’s laws has to be locked into increasingly more specialized and highly capitalized preparation of men to use them. The sciences, which specialized out of philosophy, have become the rationale for an increasing division of operations. The division of labor has finally led to the labor- saving division of tools. New technology is now used to amplify supply funnels for commodities. Public utilities are turned from facilities for persons into arenas for the owners of expensive tools. The use of science and technology constantly supports the industrial mode of production, and thereby crowds off the scene all tool shops for independent enterprise . But this is not the necessary result of new scientific discoveries or of their useful application. It is rather the result of a total prejudice in favor of the future expansion of an industrial mode of production. Research teams are organized to remedy minor inefficiencies that hold up the further growth of a specific production process. These planned discoveries are then heralded as costly breakthroughs in the interest of further public service. Research is now mostly oriented toward industrial development. + +This unqualified identification of scientific advance with the replacement of human initiative by programmed tools springs from an ideological prejudice and is not the result of scientific analysis. Science could be applied for precisely the opposite purpose . Advanced or “high” technology could become identified with labor-sparing, work-intensive decentralized productivity. Natural and social science can be used for the creation of tools, utilities, and rules available to everyone, permitting individuals and transient associations to constantly recreate their mutual relationships and their environment with unenvisaged freedom and self-expression. + +New understanding of nature can now be applied to our tools either for the purpose of propelling us into a hyperindustrial age of electronic cybernetics or to help us develop a wide range of truly modern and yet convivial tools. Limited resources can be used to provide millions of viewers with the color image of one performer or to provide many people with free access to the records of their choice. In the first case, technology will be used for the further promotion of the specialized worker, be he a plumber, surgeon, or TV performer. More and more bureaucrats will study the market, consult their balance sheets, and decide for more people on more occasions about the range of products among which they may choose. There will be a further increase of useful things for useless people. But science can also be used to simplify tools and to enable the layman to shape his immediate environment to his taste. The time has come to take the syringe out of the hand of the doctor, as the pen was taken out of the hand of the scribe during the Reformation in Europe. + +Most curable sickness can now be diagnosed and treated by laymen. People find it so difficult to accept this statement because the complexity of medical ritual has hidden from them the simplicity of its basic procedures. It took the example of the barefoot doctor in China to show how modern practice by simple workers in their spare time could, in three years, catapult health care in China to levels unparalleled elsewhere. In most other countries health care by laymen is considered a crime. A seventeen-year-old friend of mine was recently tried for having treated some 130 of her high-school colleagues for VD. She was acquitted on a technicality by the judge when expert counsel compared her performance with that of the U.S. Health Service. Nowhere in the U.S.A. can her achievement be considered “standard,” because she succeeded in making retests on all her patients six weeks after their first treatment. Progress should mean growing competence in self-care rather than growing dependence. + +The possibilities of lay therapy also run up against our commitment to “better” health, and have blinded us to the distinction between curable and incurable sickness. This is a crucial distinction because as soon as a doctor treats incurable sickness, he perverts his craft from a means to an end. He becomes a charlatan set on providing scientific consolation in a ceremony in which the doctor takes on the patient’s struggle against death. The patient becomes the object of his ministrations instead of a sick subject who can be helped in the process of healing or dying. Medicine ceases to be a legitimate profession when it cannot provide each man or his next of kin with the tool to make this one crucial differential diagnosis for himself. + +New opportunities for the progressive expansion of lay therapy and the parallel progressive reduction of professional medicine are rejected because life in an industrial society has made us place such exaggerated value on standard products, uniformity, and certified quality. Industrialized expectations have blurred the distinction between personal vocation and standard profession. Of course, any layman can grow up to become a general healer, but this does not mean that every layman must be taught how to heal. It simply means that in a society in which people can and must take care of their neighbors and do so on their own, some people will excel at using the best available tools. In a society in which people can once again be born in their homes and die in their homes and in which there is a place for cripples and idiots in the street, and where a distinction is made between plumbing and healing, quite a few people would grow up capable of assisting others to heal, to suffer, or to die. + +Just as with proper social arrangements most people would grow up as readers without having to be schooled and without having to recreate the pre-Gutenberg profession of the scribe, so a sufficient number would grow up competent with medical tools. This would make healing so plentiful that it would be difficult to turn this competence into a monopoly or to sell it as a commodity . Deprofessionalization means a renewed distinction between the freedom of vocation and the occasional boost sick people derive from the quasi-religious authority of the certified doctor. + +Of course the deprofessionalization of most ordinary medicine could sometimes substitute a quack for today’s impostor, but the threat of quackery becomes less convincing as professionally caused damage grows. There just is no substitute for the self- correcting judgment of the layman in socializing the tools invented or used by the professional. Lifelong familiarity with the specific dangers of a specific remedy is the best preparation for accepting or rejecting it in time of crisis. + +Take another tool–transportation–as an example. Under President Cárdenas in the early thirties, Mexico developed a modern system of transportation. Within a few years about 80 percent of the population had gained access to the advantages of the automobile. Most important, villages had been connected by dirt roads or tracks. Heavy, simple, and tough trucks traveled over them every now and then, moving at speeds far below twenty miles per hour. People were crowded together on rows of wooden benches nailed to the floor to make place for merchandise loaded in the back and on the roof. Over short distances the vehicle could not compete with people, who had been used to walking and to carrying their merchandise, but long-distance travel had become possible for all. Instead of a man driving his pig to market , man and pig could go together in a truck. Any Mexican could now reach any point in his country in a few days. + +Since 1945 the money spent on roads has increased every year. It has been used to build highways between a few major centers. Fragile cars now move at high speeds over smooth roads. Large, specialized trucks connect factories. The old, all-purpose tramp truck has been pushed back into the mountains or swamps. In most areas either the peasant must take a bus to go to the market to buy industrially packaged commodities, or he sells his pig to the trucker in the employ of the meat merchant. He can no longer go to town with his pig. He pays taxes for the roads which serve the owners of various specialized monopolies and does so under the illusion that the benefits will ultimately spread to him. + +In exchange for an occasional ride on an upholstered seat in an air-conditioned bus, the common man has lost much of the mobility the old system gave him, without gaining any new freedom. Research done in two typical large states of Mexico–one dominated by deserts, the other by mountains and lush growth– confirms this conclusion. Less than one percent of the population in either state traveled a distance of over fifteen miles in any one hour during 1970. More appropriate pushcarts and bicycles, both motorized when needed, would have presented a technologically much more efficient solution for 99 percent of the population than the vaunted highway development. Such pushcarts could have been built and maintained by people trained on the job, and operated on roadbeds built to Inca standards, yet covered to diminish drag. The usual rationale given for the investment in standard roads and cars is that it is a condition for development and that without it a region cannot be integrated into the world market. Both claims are true, but can be considered as desirable only if monetary integration is the goal of development. + +During the last few years the promoters of development have come to admit that cars, as operated now, are inefficient. This inefficiency is blamed on the fact that modern vehicles are designed for private ownership, not for the public good. In fact, modern personnel transport is inefficient not because an individual capsule rather than a cabin is the model for the largest number of vehicles, or because these vehicles are now owned by their drivers. It is inefficient because of the obsessive identification of higher speed with better transport. Just as the demand for better health at all costs is a form of mental sickness, so is the pretense of higher speed. + +The railroads reflected the class societies they served simply by putting different fares on the same speed. But when a society commits itself to higher speeds, the speedometer becomes an indicator of social class. Any peasant could accompany Lázaro Cárdenas on horseback. Today only his personal staff can accompany a modern governor in his private helicopter. In capitalist countries how often you can cover great distances is determined by what you can pay. In socialist countries your velocity depends on the social importance the bureaucracy attaches to you. In both cases the particular speed at which you travel puts you into your class and company. Speed is one of the means by which an efficiency-oriented society is stratified. + +Fostered addiction to speed is also a means of social control. Transportation in its various forms now swallows 23 percent of the U.S. gross expenditures. The United States may be rich enough to allocate one-fourth of its energy resources and human time to the enterprise of getting somewhere. Under Khufu, Egyptians might have spent that much during a few years to build the Great Pyramid and to get their ruler to the underworld. Unfortunately , however, transportation exacts an ever higher percentage of the cash spent in a given year within many a Latin-American municipality. The road degrades the subsistence farmer and artisan, integrates the village into the money economy, and swallows much of the available cash. It is true that modern transportation does incorporate a region into the world market. It also trains the inhabitants for the consumption of foreign goods and the acceptance of foreign values. For example, throughout history Thailand was known for its klongs. These canals crisscrossed the country; people, rice, and tax collectors all moved easily along them. Some villages were cut off during the dry season, but their seasonal rhythm of life turned this periodic isolation into an occasion for meditation and festivities. A society that can afford long holidays and fill them with activities is certainly not poor. During the last half-decade major klongs were filled in to build roads. Since bus drivers are paid by the number of miles they can cover in a day, and since cars are still few, the Thais for a short while will be able to circulate in their country at world-record bus speeds. They will pay with the destruction of waterways that took millennia to build. The economists argue that buses and trucks pump more money per year through the economy. They do, but at the cost of depriving most Thais of the independence which their sleek rice boats once granted each family. Of course, car owners could never have competed with rice boats unless the World Bank had financed roads for them and the Thai government had made new laws that permitted them to profane the klongs. + +The building trades are another example of an industry that modern nation-states impose on their societies, thereby modernizing the poverty of their citizens. The legal protection and financial support granted the industry reduces and cancels opportunities for the otherwise much more efficient self-builder. Quite recently Mexico launched a major program with the aim of providing all workers with proper housing. As a first step, new standards were set for the construction of dwelling units. These standards were intended to protect the little man who purchases a house from exploitation by the industry producing it. Paradoxically , these same standards deprived many more people of the traditional opportunity to house themselves. The code specifies minimum requirements that a man who builds his own house in his spare time cannot meet. Besides that, the real rent for industrially built quarters is more than the total income of 80 percent of the people. “Better housing,” then, can be occupied only by those who are well-off or by those on whom the law bestows direct rent subsidies. + +Once dwellings that fall below industrial standards are defined as improper, public funds are denied to the overwhelming majority of people who cannot buy housing but could “house” themselves. The tax funds meant to improve the living quarters of the poor are monopolized for the building of new towns next to the provincial and regional capitals where government employees , unionized workers, and people with good connections can live. These are all people who are employed in the modern sector of the economy, that is, people who hold jobs. They can be easily distinguished from other Mexicans because they have learned to speak about their trabajo as a noun, while the unemployed or the occasionally employed or those who live near the subsistence level do not use the noun form when they go to work. + +These people, who have work, not only get subsidies for the building of their homes; the entire public-service sector is rearranged and developed to serve them. In Mexico City it has been estimated that 10 percent of the people use 50 percent of the household water, and on the high plain water is very scarce indeed . The building code has standards far below those of rich countries, but by prescribing certain ways in which houses must be built, it creates a rising scarcity of housing. The pretense of a society to provide ever better housing is the same kind of abberation we have met in the pretense of doctors to provide better health and of engineers to provide higher speeds. The setting of abstract impossible goals turns the means by which these are to be achieved into ends. + +What happened in Mexico happened all over Latin America during the decade of the Alliance for Progress, including Cuba under Castro. It also happened in Massachusetts. In 1945, 32 percent of all one-family housing units in Massachusetts were still self-built: either built by their owners from foundation to roof or constructed under the full responsibility of the owner. By 1970 the proportion had gone down to 11 percent. Meanwhile, hous ing had been discovered as a major problem. The technological capability to produce tools and materials that favor self-building had increased in the intervening decades, but social arrangements–like unions, codes, mortgage rules, and markets–had turned against this choice. + +Most people do not feel at home unless a significant proportion of the value of their houses is the result of the input of their own labor. Convivial policies would define what people who want to house themselves cannot get, and thereby make sure that all can get access to some minimum of physical space, to water, some basic building elements, some convivial tools ranging from power drills to mechanized pushcarts, and, probably, to some limited credit. Such an inversion of the present policy could give a postindustrial society modern homes almost as desirable for its members as those which were standard for the old Mayas and are still the rule in Yucatán. + +Our present tools are engineered to deliver professional energies . Such energies come in quanta. Less than a quantum cannot be delivered. Less than four years of schooling is worse than none. It only defines the former pupil as a dropout. This is equally true in medicine, transportation, and housing, as in agriculture and in the administration of justice. Mechanical transportation is worthwhile only at certain speeds. Conflict resolution is effective only when the issue is of sufficient weight to justify the costs of court action. The planting of new grains is productive only if the acreage and capital of the farmer are beyond a certain size. Powerful tools created to achieve abstractly conceived social goals inevitably deliver their output in quanta that are beyond the reach of a majority. What is more, these tools are integrated. Access to key positions in government or industry is reserved to those who are certified consumers of high quanta of schooling. They are the individuals chosen to run the plantation of mutant rubber trees, and they need a car to rush from meeting to meeting. Productivity demands the output of packaged quanta of institutionally defined values, and productive management demands the access of an individual to all these packages at once. + +Professional goal-setting produces goods for an environment produced by other professions. Life that depends on high speed and apartment houses makes hospitals inevitable. By definition all these are scarce, and get even scarcer as they approach the standards set more recently by an ever-evolving profession; thereby each unit or quantum appearing on the market frustrates more people than it satisfies. + +A just society would be one in which liberty for one person is constrained only by the demands created by equal liberty for another . Such a society requires as a precondition an agreement excluding tools that by their very nature prevent such liberty. This is true for tools that are fundamentally purely social arrangements , such as the school system, as well as for tools that are physical machines. In a convivial society compulsory and open-ended schooling would have to be excluded for the sake of justice. Age-specific, compulsory competition on an unending ladder for lifelong privileges cannot increase equality but must favor those who start earlier, or who are healthier, or who are better equipped outside the classroom. Inevitably, it organizes society into many layers of failure, with each layer inhabited by dropouts schooled to believe that those who have consumed more education deserve more privilege because they are more valuable assets to society as a whole. A society constructed so that education by means of schools is a necessity for its functioning cannot be a just society. Power tools having certain structural characteristics are inevitably manipulative and must also be eliminated for the sake of justice. In a modern society, energy inputs represent one of the major new liberties. Each man’s ability to produce change depends on his ability to control low-entropy energy. On this control of energy depends his right to give his meaning to the physical environment . His ability to act toward the future he chooses depends on his control of the energy that gives shape to that future. Equal freedom in a society that uses large amounts of environmental energy means equal control over the transformation of that energy and not just an equal claim to what has been done with it. + +Most of the power tools now in use favor centralization of control. Industrial plants with their highly specialized tools give neither the worker nor most engineers a choice over what use will be made of the energy they manage. This is equally true, though less evident, of the high-powered consumer tools that dominate our society. Most of them, such as cars and air conditioners , are too costly to be available on an equal basis outside a few superrich societies. Others, such as mechanical household devices , are so specialized in nature that they in no way offer more freedom than much simpler hand tools. The monopoly of industrial production deprives even privileged clients of control over what they may get. Few people get the cars that most people want, and GM designers can only build vehicles to fit the existing roads. + +Nations and multinational corporations have become means for the spreading empire of international professions. Professional imperialism triumphs even where political and economic domination has been broken. Schools everywhere are governed by pedagogues who read the same books on learning theory and curriculum -planning. In a given year, schools produce more or less the same model of pupils in every nation. Nineteen-fifty graduates are as obsolete in Dakar as they are in Paris. The same iatrogenic sicknesses are produced all over the world by doctors who administer chloromycin or steroid pills. Every country tends to select those productive processes which are more capital-intensive and promise greater cost-benefit ratios, so that the same kind of technological unemployment is produced everywhere. Basic needs are defined as those that international professions can meet. Since the local production of these wares is to the advantage of highly schooled national élites, a country’s doctors, teachers, and engineers will defend it as an antidote to foreign domination. The knowledge-capitalism of professional imperialism subjugates people more imperceptibly than and as effectively as international finance or weaponry. + +The principal source of injustice in our epoch is political approval for the existence of tools that by their very nature restrict to a very few the liberty to use them in an autonomous way. The pompous rituals by which each man is given a vote to choose between factions only cover up the fact that the imperialism of industrial tools is both arbitrary and growing. Statistics which prove increased outputs and high per capita consumption of professionally defined quanta only veil the enormously high invisible costs. People get better education, better health, better transportation, better entertainment, and often even better nourishment only if the experts’ goals are taken as the measurement of what “better” means. The possibility of a convivial society depends therefore on a new consensus about the destructiveness of imperialism on three levels: the pernicious spread of one nation beyond its boundaries; the omnipresent influence of multinational corporations; and the mushrooming of professional monopolies over production. Politics for convivial reconstruction of society must especially face imperialism on this third level, where it takes the form of professionalism. The public ownership of resources and of the means of production, and public control over the market and over net transfers of power, must be complemented by a public determination of the tolerable basic structure of modern tools. This means that politics in a postindustrial society must be mainly concerned with the development of design criteria for tools rather than as now with the choice of production goals. These politics would mean a structural inversion of the institutions now providing and defining new man-made essentials. + +To invert politics, it will not be enough to show that a convivial life style is possible, or even to demonstrate that it is more attractive than life in a society ruled by industrial productivity. We cannot rest with the claim that this inversion would bring society closer to meeting the goals now stated as those of our major institutions . It is not even enough to show that a just or socially equal order can become a reality only through a convivial reconstruction of tools and the consequent redefinition of ownership and power. We need a way to recognize that the inversion of present political purpose is necessary for the survival of all people. + +Most people have staked their self-images in the present structure and are unwilling to lose their ground. They have found security in one of the several ideologies that support further industrialization . They feel compelled to push the illusion of progress on which they are hooked. They long for and expect increased satisfaction, with less input of human energy and with more division of competence. They value handicraft and personal care as luxuries, but the ideal of a more labor-intensive, yet modern, production process seems to them quixotic and anachronistic . + +It seems absurd to prepare politicians who have pledged themselves to increased outputs and better distribution of goods and services among their constituents for the day when a majority of voters will choose limits for all rather than promises of equal consumption. It appears equally hopeless to expect inverse insight from humanitarian liberals who have come to feel that feeding the starving millions is their vocation. They forget that people eat , and that people die when they are fed. These self- appointed keepers of their brothers make other people’s survival depend on their own growing efficiency. By shifting from the production of guns to the production of grains they reduce their sense of guilt and increase their sense of power. They are blind to the convergence of population growth and the failure of the green revolution, which guarantees that feeding people now will escalate starvation by 1985. Their hubris distracts them from understanding that only the renunciation of industrial expansion can bring food and population into a balance in the so-called backward countries. The attempt to feed people and to control their increase are two mutually reinforcing, and very dangerous, illusions. Nor can economists foresee institutional inversion when for them all institutions must be evaluated according to the increase in their planned output and their ability to externalize internal diseconomies in an unobtrusive way. The terms and frameworks of economics have been shaped by the ideology of an irresistible institutionalization of values that overarches otherwise opposed economic creeds. + +To translate the theoretical possibility of a postindustrial convivial life style into a political program for new tools, it must soon be shown that the prevailing fundamental structure of our present tools menaces the survival of mankind. It must be shown that this menace is imminent and that the effects of compulsive efficiency do more damage than good to most people in our generation . For this purpose we must identify the range within which our present institutions have become frustrating, and we must recognize another range within which our tools become destructive of society as a whole. + + + +# The Multiple Balance + +The human equilibrium is open. It is capable of shifting within flexible but finite parameters. People can change, but only within bounds. In contrast, the present industrial system is dynamically unstable. It is organized for indefinite expansion and the concurrent unlimited creation of new needs, which in an industrial environment soon become basic necessities. + +Once the industrial mode of production has become dominant in a society, it may still admit shifts from one type of output to another, but it does not admit limits to the further institutionalization of values. Such growth makes the incongruous demand that man seek his satisfaction by submitting to the logic of his tools. + +The demands made by tools on people become increasingly costly. This rising cost of fitting man to the service of his tools is reflected in the ongoing shift from goods to services in over-all production. Increasing manipulation of man becomes necessary to overcome the resistance of his vital equilibrium to the dynamic of growing industries; it takes the form of educational, medical, and administrative therapies. Education turns out competitive consumers; medicine keeps them alive in the engineered environment they have come to require; bureaucracy reflects the necessity of exercising social control over people to do meaningless work. The parallel increase in the cost of the defense of new levels of privilege through: military, police, and insurance measures reflects the fact that in a consumer society there are inevitably two kinds of slaves: the prisoners of addiction and the prisoners of envy. + +Political debate must now be focused on the various ways in which unlimited production threatens human life. This political debate will be misled by those who insist on prescribing palliatives which only disguise the deep reasons why the systems of health, transport, education, housing, and even politics and law are not working. The environmental crisis, for example, is rendered superficial if it is not pointed out that antipollution devices can only be effective if the total output of production decreases. Otherwise they tend to shift garbage out of sight, push it into the future, or dump it onto the poor. The total removal of the pollution created locally by a large-scale industry requires equipment, material, and energy that can create several times the damage elsewhere. Making antipollution devices compulsory only increases the unit cost of the product. This may conserve some fresh air for all, because fewer people can afford to drive cars or sleep in air-conditioned homes or fly to a fishing ground on the weekend, but it replaces damage to the physical environment with further social disintegration. To shift from coal to atomic power replaces smog now with higher radiation levels tomorrow. To relocate refineries overseas, where pollution controls are less stringent, preserves Americans–not Venezuelans–from unpleasant odors at the cost of higher levels of world-wide poisoning. + +The overgrowth of tools threatens persons in ways which are profoundly new, though they are also analogous to traditional forms of nuisance and tort. These threats are of a new kind, because their perpetrators and victims are the same people: both operators and clients of inexorably destructive tools. Though some people may cash in on the game at first, ultimately all lose everything they have. + +I will identify six ways in which all people of the world are threatened by industrial development after passage through the second watershed: (1) Overgrowth threatens the right to the fundamental physical structure of the environment with which man has evolved. (2) Industrialization threatens the right to convivial work. (3) The overprogramming of man for the new environment deadens his creative imagination. (4) New levels of productivity threaten the right to participatory politics. (5) Enforced obsolescence threatens the right to tradition: the recourse to precedent in language, myth, morals, and judgment. I will describe these five threats as distinct though interrelated categories all having in common a destructive inversion of means into ends. (6) Pervasive frustration by means of compulsory though engineered satisfaction constitutes a sixth and more subtle threat. + +I am typifying the hazards created by the overgrowth of tools in six categories chosen so the damages can be recognized in traditional terms. That impersonal tools placed at the service of the injured party should inevitably inflict the injury is new, but the damage which threatens each person is not. These six categories can serve in the recovery of procedural principles by which people can expose and redress the present imbalance in the functioning of tools. These underlying principles of moral, political, and juridical procedure I assume to be three: recognition of the legitimacy of personal conflict, the dialectic authority of history over present procedures, and the recourse to laymen or peers for binding policy decisions. The radical functional inversion of our major institutions constitutes a revolution much more profound than the shifts in ownership or power usually proposed. It can be neither envisaged nor enacted unless a basic structure of procedure is recovered and clearly agreed upon. This structure can even now be discussed in concrete terms. I will therefore refer to formal juristic concepts in illustrating my argument. + +## Biological Degradation + +The precarious balance between man and the biosphere has been recognized and has suddenly begun to worry many people. The degradation of the environment is dramatic and highly visible . For years car traffic in Mexico City increased steadily under a sparkling sky. Then, within a couple of years, smog descended and soon became worse than in Los Angeles. This phenomenon can be easily discussed and appreciated by people who have never studied science. Poisons of unknown potency are discharged into the biotic system of the earth. There is no way to retrieve some of them, nor any means to predict how some of them may suddenly combine their action so that the whole earth, like Lake Erie or Baikal, will die. Man has evolved to fit into one niche in the universe. The earth is his home. This home is now threatened by the impact of man. + +Overpopulation, excessive affluence, and faulty technology are usually identified as the three trends which combine and threaten to break the environmental balance. Paul Ehrlich points out that to face honestly the need for population control and stabilized consumption may “expose one to the painful criticism of being both anti-people and anti-poor,” but he also emphasizes that “these unpopular measures offer mankind’s only hope for averting unprecedented misery.” Ehrlich wants to implement birth control with industrial efficiency. Barry Commoner insists that faulty technology, the third element in the equation, accounts for most of the recent deterioration in the quality of the environment. He exposes himself to the criticism of being an antitechnological demagogue. Commoner wants to retool industry rather than invert the basic structure of our tools. + +Fascination with the environmental crisis has forced the debate about survival to focus on only one balance threatened by tools. A one-dimensional dispute is futile. Three trends have indeed been identified, each of them tending to upset the balance between man and the physical environment. Overpopulation makes more people dependent on limited resources. Affluence compels each person to use more energy. Faulty technology degrades energy in an inefficient way. + +If these three trends are considered to be the only significant threats, and the physical environment is considered as the only fundamental milieu that is threatened, only two central issues must be discussed: (1) To decide which factor or trend has degraded the environment most, and which factor will impose the greatest burden on the environment during the next few years. (2) To decide which factor merits most attention because we can in some way reduce or invert it. One party claims it is easier to do away with people, the other that it is more feasible to reduce entropy-producing production. + +Honesty requires that we each recognize the need to limit procreation, consumption, and waste, but equally we must radically reduce our expectations that machines will do our work for us or that therapists can make us learned or healthy. The only solution to the environmental crisis is the shared insight of people that they would be happier if they could work together and care for each other. Such an inversion of the current world view requires intellectual courage for it exposes us to the unenlightened yet painful criticism of being not only antipeople and against economic progress, but equally against liberal education and scientific and technological advance. We must face the fact that the imbalance between man and the environment is just one of several mutually reinforcing stresses, each distorting the balance of life in a different dimension. In this view, overpopulation is the result of a distortion in the balance of learning, dependence on affluence is the result of a radical monopoly of institutional over personal values, and faulty technology is inexorably consequent upon a transformation of means into ends. + +The one-dimensional debate among proponents of various panaceas for the ecological imbalance will only inspire the false expectation that somehow human action can be engineered to fit into the requirements of the world conceived as a technological totality. Bureaucratically guaranteed survival under such circumstances means the expansion of industrial economics to the point where a centrally planned system of production and reproduction is identified with the guided evolution of the Earth. If such an industrially minded solution becomes generally accepted as the only way of preserving a viable environment, the preservation of the physical milieu can become the rationale for a bureaucratic Leviathan at the levers which regulate levels of human reproduction , expectation, production, and consumption. Such a technological response to growing population, pollution, and affluence can be founded only on a further development of the presently prevailing institutionalization of values. The belief in the possibility of this development is founded on an erroneous supposition , namely, that “The historical achievement of science and technology has rendered possible the translation of values into technical tasks –the materialization of values. Consequently, what is at stake is the redefinition of values in technical terms , as elements in technological process. The new ends, as technical ends, would then operate in the project and in the construction of the machinery, and not only in its utilization.”[^n02] + +The re-establishment of an ecological balance depends on the ability of society to counteract the progressive materialization of values. Otherwise man will find himself totally enclosed within his artificial creation, with no exit. Enveloped in a physical, social , and psychological milieu of his own making, he will be a prisoner in the shell of technology, unable to find again the ancient milieu to which he was adapted for hundreds of thousands of years. The ecological balance cannot be re-established unless we recognize again that only persons have ends and that only persons can work toward them. Machines only operate ruthlessly to reduce people to the role of impotent allies in their destructive progress. + +## Radical Monopoly + +When overefficient tools are applied to facilitate man’s relations with the physical environment, they can destroy the balance between man and nature. Overefficient tools corrupt the environment . But tools can also be made overefficient in quite a different way. They can upset the relationship between what people need to do by themselves and what they need to obtain ready-made. In this second dimension overefficient production results in radical monopoly. + +By radical monopoly I mean a kind of dominance by one product that goes far beyond what the concept of monopoly usually implies. Generally we mean by “monopoly” the exclusive control by one corporation over the means of producing (or selling) a commodity or service. Coca-Cola can create a monopoly over the soft-drink market in Nicaragua by being the only maker of soft drinks which advertises with modern means. Nestlé might impose its brand of cocoa by controlling the raw material, some car maker by restricting imports of other makes, a television channel by licensing. Monopolies of this kind have been recognized for a century as dangerous by-products of industrial expansion , and legal devices have been developed in a largely futile attempt to control them. Monopolies of this kind restrict the choices open to the consumer. They might even compel him to buy one product on the market, but they seldom simultaneously abridge his liberties in other domains. A thirsty man might desire a cold, gaseous, and sweet drink and find himself restricted to the choice of just one brand. He still remains free to quench his thirst with beer or water. Only if and when his thirst is translated without meaningful alternatives into the need for a Coke would the monopoly become radical. By “radical monopoly” I mean the dominance of one type of product rather than the dominance of one brand. I speak about radical monopoly when one industrial production process exercises an exclusive control over the satisfaction of a pressing need, and excludes nonindustrial activities from competition. + +Cars can thus monopolize traffic. They can shape a city into their image–practically ruling out locomotion on foot or by bicycle in Los Angeles. They can eliminate river traffic in Thailand . That motor traffic curtails the right to walk, not that more people drive Chevies than Fords, constitutes radical monopoly. What cars do to people by virtue of this radical monopoly is quite distinct from and independent of what they do by burning gasoline that could be transformed into food in a crowded world. It is also distinct from automotive manslaughter. Of course cars burn gasoline that could be used to make food. Of course they are dangerous and costly. But the radical monopoly cars establish is destructive in a special way. Cars create distance. Speedy vehicles of all kinds render space scarce. They drive wedges of highways into populated areas, and then extort tolls on the bridge over the remoteness between people that was manufactured for their sake. This monopoly over land turns space into car fodder. It destroys the environment for feet and bicycles. Even if planes and buses could run as nonpolluting, nondepleting public services, their inhuman velocities would degrade man’s innate mobility and force him to spend more time for the sake of travel. + +Schools tried to extend a radical monopoly on learning by redefining it as education. As long as people accepted the teacher’s definition of reality, those who learned outside school were officially stamped “uneducated.” Modern medicine deprives the ailing of care not prescribed by doctors. Radical monopoly exists where a major tool rules out natural competence. Radical monopoly imposes compulsory consumption and thereby restricts personal autonomy. It constitutes a special kind of social control because it is enforced by means of the imposed consumption of a standard product that only large institutions can provide. + +The control of undertakers over burial shows how radical monopoly functions and how it differs from other forms of culturally defined behavior. A generation ago, in Mexico, only the opening of the grave and the blessing of the dead body were performed by professionals: the gravedigger and the priest. A death in the family created various demands, all of which could be taken care of within the family. The wake, the funeral, and the dinner served to compose quarrels, to vent grief, and to remind each participant of the fatality of death and the value of life. Most of these were of a ritual nature and carefully prescribed–different from region to region. Recently, funeral homes were established in the major cities. At first undertakers had difficulty finding clients because even in large cities people still knew how to bury their dead. During the sixties the funeral homes obtained control over new cemeteries and began offering package deals, including the casket, church service, and embalming. Now legislation is being passed to make the mortician’s ministrations compulsory. Once he gets hold of the body, the funeral director will have established a radical monopoly over burial, as medicine is at the point of establishing one over dying. + +The current debate over health-care delivery in the United States clearly illustrates the entrenchment of a radical monopoly. Each political party in the debate makes sick-care a burning public issue and thereby relegates health care to an area about which politics has nothing important to say. Each party promises more funds to doctors, hospitals, and drugstores. Such promises are not in the interest of the majority. They only serve to increase the power of a minority of professionals to prescribe the tools men are to use in maintaining health, healing sickness, and repressing death. More funds will strengthen the hold of the health industry over public resources and heighten its prestige and arbitrary power. Such power in the hands of a minority will produce only an increase in suffering and a decrease in personal self- reliance . More money will be invested in tools that only postpone unavoidable death and in services that abridge even further the civil rights of those who want to heal each other. More money spent under the control of the health profession means that more people are operationally conditioned into playing the role of the sick, a role they are not allowed to interpret for themselves. Once they accept this role, their most trivial needs can be satisfied only through commodities that are scarce by professional definition . + +People have a native capacity for healing, consoling, moving, learning, building their houses, and burying their dead. Each of these capacities meets a need. The means for the satisfaction of these needs are abundant so long as they depend primarily on what people can do for themselves, with only marginal dependence on commodities. These activities have use-value without having been given exchange-value. Their exercise at the service of man is not considered labor. + +These basic satisfactions become scarce when the social environment is transformed in such a manner that basic needs can no longer be met by abundant competence. The establishment of radical monopoly happens when people give up their native ability to do what they can do for themselves and for each other, in exchange for something “better” that can be done for them only by a major tool. Radical monopoly reflects the industrial institutionalization of values. It substitutes the standard package for the personal response. It introduces new classes of scarcity and a new device to classify people according to the level of their consumption . This redefinition raises the unit cost of valuable service, differentially rations privilege, restricts access to resources, and makes people dependent. Above all, by depriving people of the ability to satisfy personal needs in a personal manner, radical monopoly creates radical scarcity of personal–as opposed to institutional–service. + +Against this radical monopoly people need protection. They need this protection whether consumption is imposed by the private interests of undertakers, by the government for the sake of hygiene, or by the self-destructive collusion between the mortician and the survivors, who want to do the best thing for their dear departed. They need this protection even if the majority is now sold on the professional’s services. Unless the need for protection from radical monopoly is recognized, its multiple implementation can break the tolerance of man for enforced inactivity and passivity. + +It is not always easy to determine what constitutes compulsory consumption. The monopoly held by schools is not established primarily by a law that threatens punishment to parent or child for truancy. Such laws exist, but school is established by other tactics: by discrimination against the unschooled, by centralizing learning tools under the control of teachers, by restricting public funds earmarked for baby-sitting to salaries for graduates from normal schools. Protection against laws that impose education, vaccination, or life prolongation is important, but it is not sufficient. Procedures must be used that permit any party who feels threatened by compulsory consumption to claim protection, whatever form the imposition takes. Like intolerable pollution, intolerable monopoly cannot be defined in advance. The threat can be anticipated, but the definition of its precise nature can result only from people’s participation in deciding what may not be produced. + +Protection against this general monopoly is as difficult as protection against pollution. People will face a danger that threatens their own self-interest but not one that threatens society as a whole. Many more people are against cars than are against driving them. They are against cars because they pollute and because they monopolize traffic. They drive cars because they consider the pollution created by one car insignificant, and because they do not feel personally deprived of freedom when they drive. It is also difficult to be protected against monopoly when a society is already littered with roads, schools, or hospitals, when independent action has been paralyzed for so long that the ability for it seems to have atrophied, and when simple alternatives seem beyond the reach of the imagination. Monopoly is hard to get rid of when it has frozen not only the shape of the physical world but also the range of behavior and of imagination. Radical monopoly is generally discovered only when it is too late. + +Commercial monopoly is broken at the cost of the few who profit from it. Usually, these few manage to evade controls. The cost of radical monopoly is already borne by the public and will be broken only if the public realizes that it would be better off paying the costs of ending the monopoly than by continuing to pay for its maintenance. But the price will not be paid unless the public learns to value the potential of a convivial society over the illusion of progress. It will not be paid voluntarily by those who confuse conviviality with intolerable poverty. + +Some of the symptoms of radical monopoly are reaching public awareness, above all the degree to which frustration grows faster than output in even the most highly developed countries and under whatever political regime. Policies aimed to ease this frustration may easily distract attention from the general nature of the monopoly at its roots, however. The more these reforms succeed in correcting superficial abuses, the better they serve to bolster the monopoly I am trying to describe. + +The first palliative is consumer protection. Consumers cannot do without cars. They buy different makes. They discover that most cars are unsafe at any speed. So they organize to get safer, better, and more durable cars and to get more as well as wider and safer roads. Yet when consumers gain more confidence in cars, the victory only increases society’s dependence on high-powered vehicles–public or private–and frustrates even more those who have to, or would prefer to, walk. + +While the organized self-protection of the addict-consumer immediately raises the quality of the dope and the power of the peddler, it also may lead ultimately to limits on growth. Cars may finally become too expensive to purchase and medicines too expensive to test. By exacerbating the contradictions inherent in this institutionalization of values, majorities can more easily become aware of them. Discerning consumers who are discriminatory in their purchasing habits may finally discover that they can do better by doing things for themselves. + +The second palliative proposed to cure growing frustration with growing output is planning. The illusion is common that planners with socialist ideals might somehow create a socialist society in which industrial workers constitute a majority. The proponents of this idea overlook the fact that anticonvivial and manipulative tools can fit into a socialist society in only a very limited measure. Once transportation, education, or medicine is offered by a government free of cost, its use can be enforced by moral guardians. The underconsumer can be blamed for sabotage of the national effort. In a market economy, someone who wants to cure his flu by staying in bed will be penalized only through loss of income. In a society that appeals to the “people” to meet centrally determined production goals, resistance to the consumption of medicine becomes an act of public immorality. Protection against radical monopoly depends on a political consensus opposed to growth. Such a consensus is diametrically opposed to the issues now raised by political oppositions, since these converge in the demand to increase growth and to provide more and better things for more completely disabled people. + +Both the balance that defines man’s need for a hospitable environment and the balance that defines everyone’s need for authentic activity are now close to the breaking point. And still this danger does not concern most people. It must now be explained why most people are either blind to this threat or feel helpless to correct it. I believe that the blindness is due to the decline in a third balance–the balance of learning–and that the impotence people experience is the result of yet a fourth upset in what I call the balance of power. + +## Overprogramming + +The balance of learning is determined by the ratio of two kinds of knowledge in a society. The first is a result of the creative action of people on their environment, and the second represents the result of man’s “trivialization” by his manufactured milieu. Their first kind of knowledge is derived from the primary involvement of people with each other and from their use of convivial tools; the second accrues to them as a result of purposeful and programmed training to which they are subjected. Speaking the mother tongue is learned in the first way, while some pupils learn mathematics in the second. No sane person would say that speaking or walking or nursing a child is primarily the result of education, while competence in mathematics, ballet dancing, or painting usually is. + +The relation between what can be learned from ordinary living and what must be learned as a result of intentional teaching differs widely with place and time. It depends very much on rituals. All Muslims learn some Arabic as the result of prayer. This learning evolves from interaction in a context bounded by tradition. In much the same manner, peasants pick up the folklore of their region. Class and caste also generate opportunities to learn. The rich acquire “proper” table manners or accents and insist that these cannot be taught. The poor learn to fend in dignity where no education could teach the rich to survive. + +Crucial to how much anyone can learn on his own is the structure of his tools: the less they are convivial, the more they foster teaching. In limited and well-integrated tribes, knowledge is shared quite equally among most members. All people know most of what everybody knows. On a higher level of civilization, new tools are introduced; more people know more things, but not all know how to execute them equally well. Mastery of skill does not yet imply a monopoly of understanding. One can understand fully what a goldsmith does without being one oneself. Men do not have to be cooks to know how to prepare food. This combination of widely shared information and competence for using it is characteristic of a society in which convivial tools prevail. The techniques used are easily understood by observing the artisan at work, but the skills employed are complex and usually can be acquired only through lengthy and programmed apprenticeship. Total learning expands when the range of spontaneous learning widens along with access to an increasing number of taught skills and both liberty and discipline flower. This expansion of the balance of learning cannot go on forever; it is self-limiting. It can be optimized, but it cannot be forcibly extended. One reason is that man’s life span is limited. Another–just as inexorable–is that the specialization of tools and the division of labor reinforce each other. When centralization and specialization grow beyond a certain point, they require highly programmed operators and clients. More of what each man must know is due to what another man has designed and has the power to force on him. + +The city child is born into an environment made up of systems that have a different meaning for their designers than for their clients. The inhabitant of the city is in touch with thousands of systems, but only peripherally with each. He knows how to operate the TV or the telephone, but their workings are hidden from him. Learning by primary experience is restricted to self-adjustment in the midst of packaged commodities. He feels less and less secure in doing his own thing. Cooking, courtesy, and sex become subject matters in which instruction is required. The balance of learning deteriorates: it is skewed in favor of “ education .” People know what they have been taught, but learn little from their own doing. People come to feel that they need “ education .” + +Learning thus becomes a commodity, and, like any commodity that is marketed, it becomes scarce. The nature of this scarcity is hidden–at a high cost–by the many forms education takes. Education can be programmed preparation for life in the future in the form of packaged, serial instructions produced by schools, or it can be constant communication about ongoing life through the output of the media and through the instructions built into consumer goods. Sometimes these instructions are attached to the item and must be read. In more thoroughly designed goods, the shape, color, and provoked associations speak to the user about the way the item must be handled. Education can also become a periodic remedy for workers whose original training gets left behind by industrial innovation. When people become obsolete and need constantly to renew their educational security, when the accountant must be reprogrammed for each new generation of computers, then learning has indeed become scarce. Educator becomes the most vulnerable and confusing issue in the society. + +Everywhere the direct cost of training rises faster than the total output. This has been interpreted in either of two ways. One interpretation assumes that education is a means to a social end. From this perspective the capitalization of man through knowledge inputs is a necessary requirement for higher productivity. The disproportionate growth rate of the educational sector means total production is nearing an asymptote. To avoid this, ways must be found to increase the cost-benefit ratio in education. Schools will be the first victims of a drive for rationalization in the production of knowledge capital. In my opinion, this is unfortunate. Although the school is destructive and quite inefficient, its traditional character protects at least some rights of the pupil. Educators freed from the restraint of schools could be much more effective and deadly conditioners. + +The second interpretation starts from the opposite assumption. According to this view, education is the most valuable output of institutional growth. The transition to a stationary state in the production of goods and perhaps even of energy will usher in an explosive growth in the production of invisible commodities such as information, education, and fun. In this argument the marginal utility of education also decreases, but this is no reason to limit its production. Some economists go even further. In the name of a misnamed quality of life they want to put the breaks on the manufacturing sector when it interferes with the growth of the service sector, seemingly unaware of the stultifying effects of escalating treatments. In neither of these two views is a distinction made between learning by the use of convivial tools and learning through manipulation. Both views skew the balance of learning by increasing manipulative teaching and crushing autonomous questions. Those who treat education as a means for production and those who treat education as the supreme luxury product agree on the need for more education. They upset the balance of learning in favor of more teaching. They assume that a modern world is inevitably so alien that it has passed beyond the reach of people and can be known only by mystagogues and disciples. + +The transformation of learning into education paralyzes man’s poetic ability, his power to endow the world with his personal meaning. Man will wither away just as much if he is deprived of nature, of his own work, or of his deep need to learn what he wants and not what others have planned that he should learn. The overdetermination of the physical environment renders it hostile. Radical monopoly makes people prisoners of welfare. Men overwhelmed by commodities are rendered impotent and in their rage either kill or die. The corruption of the balance of learning makes people into puppets of their tools. + +Poets and clowns have always risen up against the oppression of creative thought by dogma. They expose literal-mindedness with metaphor. They demonstrate the follies of seriousness in a framework of humor. Their intimate wonder dissolves certainties, banishes fears, and undoes paralysis. The prophet can denounce creeds and expose superstitions and mobilize persons to use their lights and wits. Poetry, intuition, and theory can offer intimations of the advance of dogma against wit that may lead to a revolution in awareness. Only the separation of Church and State, of compulsory knowledge from political action, can redress the balance of learning. The law has been used, and can be used again, to this purpose. The law has protected societies against the exaggerated claims of its priests, and can protect it against the claims of educators. Compulsory school attendance or other compulsory treatment is analogous to compulsory attendance at a religious ritual. The law can disestablish it. The law can be used against the rising cost of education, and against the use of education in the reproduction of a class society. + +To understand the rising cost of education, we must recognize two facts: first, that nonconvivial tools create educational side effects which at some point become intolerable and, second, that education which employs nonconvivial tools is economically unfeasible . The first recognition opens our eyes to the possibility of a society where work and leisure and politics would favor learning and that could function with less formal education; the second recognition permits us to set up educational arrangements that favor self-initiated, self-chosen learning, and that relegate programmed teaching to limited, clearly specified occasions. + +Throughout the world, highly capitalized tools require highly capitalized men. Following the Second World War, economic development penetrated even “backward” areas. Spot industrialization created an intense demand for schools to program people not only to operate but also to live with their new tools. The establishment of more schools in Malaysia or Brazil teaches people the accountant’s view of the value of time, the bureaucrat’s view of the value of promotion, the salesman’s view of the value of increased consumption, and the union leader’s view of the purpose of work. People are taught all this not by the teacher but by the curriculum hidden in the structure of school. It does not matter what the teacher teaches so long as the pupil has to attend hundreds of hours of age-specific assemblies to engage in a routine decreed by the curriculum and is graded according to his ability to submit to it. People learn that they acquire more value in the market if they spend more hours in class. They learn to value progressive consumption of curricula. They learn that whatever a major institution produces has value, even invisible things such as education or health. They learn to value grade advancement, passive submission, and even the standard misbehavior that teachers like to interpret as a sign of creativity. They learn disciplined competition for the favor of the bureaucrat who presides over their daily sessions, who is called their teacher as long as they are in class and their boss when they go to work. They learn to define themselves as holders of knowledge stock in the specialty in which they have made investments of their time. They learn to accept their place in society precisely in the class and career corresponding to the level at which they leave school and to the field of their academic specialization. + +Industrial jobs are arranged so that the better-schooled fit into the scarcer slots. Scarce jobs are defined as more productive, so people with less schooling are barred from access to the more desirable goods produced in the new industries. Industrially produced shoes, bags, clothes, frozen foods, and soft drinks drive off the market equivalent goods that had been convivially produced . As production becomes more centralized and more capital-intensive , the screening process performed by tax-supported schools not only costs more for those who get through it, but double-charges those who do not. + +Education becomes necessary not only to grade people for jobs but to upgrade them for consumption. As industrial output rises, it pushes the education system to exercise the social control necessary for its efficient use. The housing industry in Latin-American countries is a good example of the educational diseconomies produced by architects. All the major cities in such countries are surrounded by vast tracts of self-built favelas, barriadas, or pobla ciones . Components for new houses and utilities could be made very cheaply and designed for self-assembly. People could build more durable, more comfortable, and more sanitary dwellings, as well as learn about new materials and systems. But instead of supporting the ability of people to shape their own environment , the government deposits in these shantytowns public utilities designed for people who live in standard modern houses. The presence of a new school, a paved road, and a glass-and-steel police station defines the professionally built house as the functional unit, and stamps the self-built home a shanty. The law establishes this definition by refusing a building permit to people who cannot submit a plan signed by an architect. People are deprived of their ability to invest their own time with the power to produce use-value, and are compelled to work for wages and to exchange their earnings for industrially defined rented space. They are deprived also of the opportunity to learn while building . + +Industrial society demands that some people be taught before they can drive a truck and that other people be taught before they can build a house. Others must be taught how to live in apartment buildings. Teachers, social workers, and policemen cooperate to keep people who have low-paying or occasional jobs in houses they may not build or change. To accommodate more people on less land, Venezuela and Brazil experimented with high-rise tenements. First, the police had to dislodge people from their “slums” and resettle them in apartments. Then the social workers had to socialize tenants who lacked sufficient schooling to understand that pigs may not be raised on eleventh-floor balconies nor beans cultivated in their bathtubs. + +In New York people with less than twelve years of schooling are treated like cripples: they tend to be unemployable, and are controlled by social workers who decide for them how to live. The radical monopoly of overefficient tools exacts from society the increasing and costly conditioning of clients. Ford produces cars that can be repaired only by trained mechanics. Agriculture departments turn out high-yield crops that can be used only with the assistance of farm managers who have survived an expensive school race. The production of better health, higher speeds, or greater yields depends on more disciplined recipients. The real cost of these doubtful benefits is hidden by unloading much of them on the schools that produce social control. + +Pressure for more and better conditioning of people in the name of education has led schools over their second watershed. Planners make programs more varied and complex, but their marginal utility thereby declines. Compulsory attendance has been extended to the point that it now can be defined by teachers as independent study on the city streets, or as a field project supervised by the weavers of Teotitlán del Valle. + +Parallel with the growing pretensions of school, other agencies discovered their educational mission. Newspapers, television, and radio were no longer just media of communication. They were pressed into the service of socialization. Periodicals expanded to accommodate all fit news, which meant that a few professional journalists got vast readerships, while the majority was reduced to token representation in the “Letters to the Editor” section. + +The industrial manufacture and marketing of knowledge reduce the access of people to convivial tools for self-initiated learning . Witness the fate of the book. The book is the result of two major inventions that enormously extended the balance of learning : the alphabet and the printing press. Both techniques are almost ideally convivial. Almost anybody can learn to use them, and for his own purpose. They use cheap materials. People can take them or leave them as they wish. They are not easily controlled by third parties. Even the Soviet government cannot stop the samizdat circulation of subversive typescripts. + +The alphabet and the printing press have in principle deprofessionalized the recorded word. With the alphabet the merchant broke the monopoly of the priest over hieroglyphs. With cheap paper and pencil, and later with the typewriter and modern copying devices, a set of new techniques had in principle opened the era of nonprofessional, truly convivial, communication by record. The tape recorder and camera added new media to fully interactive communication. Yet the manipulative nature of institutions and schooling for the acceptance of manipulation have put these ideally convivial tools at the service of more one-way teaching. Schools train people in the use of constantly revised textbooks. They produce readers of instructions and of news. The per capita purchase of nontechnical books by high-school graduates declines with the increased percentage of people who finish high school. More books are written for the school-trained specialist , and the self-initiated reading of books declines. More people spend more time hooked on the curriculum defined by new principals: the publisher, the producer, and the program director. Every week they wait for Time. + +Even the library has become a component of a schooled world. As the library got “better,” the book was further withdrawn from the handy bookshelf. The reference librarian placed himself between people and shelves; now he is being replaced by the computer . Putting the book into huge deposits and into the hands of computers, the New York Public Library has become so expensive to operate that it now opens only from ten to six weekdays and is open only partially on Saturdays. This means that its books have become the specialized tool of readers who live on a grant to stay away from work and school. + +At its best the library is the prototype of a convivial tool. Repositories for other learning tools can be organized on its model, expanding access to tapes, pictures, records, and very simple labs filled with the same scientific instruments with which most of the major breakthroughs of the last century were made. + +Manipulative teaching tools raise the cost of learning. Now we only ask what people have to learn and then invest in a means to teach them. We should learn to ask first what people need if they want to learn and provide these tools for them. Professional teachers laugh at the idea that people would learn more from random access to learning resources than they can be taught. In fact, they frequently cite as proof for their skepticism the declining use of libraries. They overlook the fact that libraries are little used because they have been organized as formidable teaching devices. Libraries are not used because people have been trained to demand that they be taught. Neither are contraceptives, and for analogous reasons we have to explore. + +People must learn to live within bounds. This cannot be taught. Survival depends on people learning fast what they can not do. They must learn to abstain from unlimited progeny, consumption , and use. It is impossible to educate people for voluntary poverty or to manipulate them into self-control. It is impossible to teach joyful renunciation in a world totally structured for higher output and the illusion of declining costs. + +People must learn why and how to practice contraception. The reason is clear. Man has evolved in a small corner of the universe. His world is bounded by the resources of the ecosphere, and can accommodate only a limited number of people. Technology has transformed the characteristics of this niche. The ecosphere now accommodates a larger number of people, each less vitally adapted to the environment–each on the average having less space, less freedom to survive with simple means, fewer roots in tradition. The attempt to make a better environment has turned out to be as presumptuous as the attempt to create better health, education, or communication. As a result there are now more people, most of them less at home in the world. This large population can survive because of new tools. In turn, it spurs the search for even more powerful tools, and thereby demands more radical monopoly; this monopoly, in its turn, calls for more and more education. But, paradoxically, what people most need to learn, they cannot be taught or educated to do. If they are voluntarily to keep their numbers and consumption within bounds, they must learn to do so by living active and responsible lives, or they will perish–passive though well informed, frustrated yet resigned. Voluntary and therefore effective population control is impossible under conditions of radical monopoly and overprogramming. An efficient, specialized birth control program must fail in the same way that schools and hospitals fail. It can start with a futile attempt at effective seduction. It will logically escalate to enforced sterilization and abortion. Finally, it will provide a rationale for mega-deaths. + +Voluntary and effective contraception is now absolutely necessary . If such contraception is not practiced in the very near future , humanity is in danger of being crushed by its own size rather than by the power of its tools. But this universal practice cannot possibly be the result of some miracle tool. A new practice, inverse to the present, can only be the result of a new relationship between people and their tools. The universal practice of effective contraception is a necessary premise for the limitation of tools which I advocate. But equally, the psychological inversion that will accompany a limitation of tools is a premise for the convivial psychological pressure necessary for effective contraception. + +The devices needed for birth control are a paradigm for modern convivial tools. They incorporate science in instruments that can be handled by any reasonably prudent and well-apprenticed person. They provide new ways to engage in the millenary practice of contraception, sterilization, and abortion. They are cheap enough to be made universally available. They are made to fit alternate tasks, beliefs, and situations. They are obviously tools that structure the bodily relationship of each individual to himself and to others. To be effective, some must be used by every adult, and many of them must be used every day. Birth control is an immense task. It must be accomplished within one decade. It can be accomplished only in a convivial manner. It is ridiculous to try to control populations with tools which by their nature are convivial while conditioning the population by formal education to fit more effectively into an industrial and professional world. It is absurd to expect that Brazilian peasants can be taught to depend on doctors for injections and prescriptions, on lawyers for conflict resolution, and on teachers for learning to read, while asking them to use the condom on their own. But it is equally fanciful to expect that Indian doctors will allow illiterate but well-trained hospital assistants to compete with them in the performance of sterilizations. If the public realized that this delicate intervention could be equally or even more carefully performed by a layman whose attention, dexterity, and programming skills were refined in the weaving of saris, doctors would lose their monopoly on all interventions which are economically feasible for any majority of people. Professional taboos and industrial tools stand and fall together once truly rational, postindustrial tools are available. Only the convergent use of convivial tools in all significant areas of need-satisfaction can render their use in each sector truly effective. Only among convivially structured tools can people learn to use the new levels of power that modern technology can incorporate in them. + +## Polarization + +The present organization of tools impels societies to grow both in population and in levels of affluence. This growth takes place at the opposite ends of the privilege spectrum. The underprivileged grow in number, while the already privileged grow in affluence. The underprivileged thus strengthen their frustrating claims, while the rich defend their presumed rights and needs. Hunger and impotence lead the poor to demand rapid industrialization , and the defense of growing luxuries pushes the rich into more frantic production. Power is polarized, frustration is generalized, and the alternative of greater happiness at lower affluence is pushed into the blind spot of social vision. + +This blindness is a result of the broken balance of learning. People who are hooked on teaching are conditioned to be customers for everything else. They see their own personal growth as an accumulation of institutional outputs, and prefer what institutions make over what they themselves can do. They repress the ability to discover reality by their own lights. The skewed balance of learning explains why the radical monopoly of commodities has become imperceptible. It does not explain why people feel impotent to correct those profound disorders which they do perceive. + +This helplessness is the result of a fourth disruption: the growing polarization of power. Under the pressure of an expanding mega-machine, power is concentrated in a few hands, and the majority becomes dependent on handouts. New levels of luxuriant overproduction grow faster than the output of commodities which this wanton production imposes. + +A 3 percent increase in the standard of living of the U.S. population costs twenty-five times as much as a similar increase in the living standard of India, despite the greater size and more rapid growth of the Indian population. Significant benefits for the poor demand a reduction of the resources used by the rich, while significant benefits for the rich make murderous demands on the resources of the poor. Yet the rich pretend that by exploiting the poor nations they will become rich enough to create a hyperindustrial abundance for all. The élites of poor countries share this fantasy. + +The rich will get richer and many more of the poor will become destitute during the next ten years. But anguish about the hungry should not prevent us from understanding the structural problem of power distribution that constitutes the fourth dimension of destructive overgrowth. Unchecked industrialization modernizes poverty. Poverty levels rise and the gap between rich and poor widens. These two aspects must be seen together or the nature of destructive polarization will be missed. + +Poverty levels rise because industrial staples are turned into basic necessities and have a unit cost beyond what a majority could ever pay. The radical monopoly of industries has created new types of demeaning poverty in societies of sometimes profligate affluence. The former subsistence farmer is put out of business by the green revolution. He earns more as a laborer, but he cannot give his children their former diet. More importantly, the U.S. citizen with ten times his income is also desperately poor. Both get increasingly less at greater cost. + +The other side of modernized poverty is related but distinct. The power gap widens because control over production is centralized to make the most goods for the greatest number. Whereas rising poverty levels are due to the structure of industrial outputs, the gaping power lag is due to the structure of inputs. To seek remedies for the former without simultaneously dealing with the latter would only postpone and aggravate the world-wide modernization of poverty. + +The surface effects of industrially concentrated power can be obviated by income equalization. Progressive taxes without loopholes can be supplemented by social security, income supports, and equal welfare benefits for all. Confiscation of private capital beyond a certain limit can be attempted. Keeping maximum close to minimum income is an even tougher way to stem personal enrichment through the management of corporate power. But such curbs on personal income will be effective only in regulating private consumption. It has no effect on equalizing the privileges that really count in a society where the job has become more important than the home. As long as workers are graded by the amount of manpower capital they represent, those who hold high denominations of knowledge stock will be certified for the use of all kinds of timesaving privileges. The concentration of privileges on a few is in the nature of industrial dominance. + +With the introduction of agriculture and animal husbandry, patriarchal government and some centralization of power became feasible . At this stage political means could be used to get the power of many slaves under one man’s control. One man could transform a multitude into a tool for the realization of his design. Religion, ideology, and the whip were the principal means of control. But the amount of power controlled was small. The centralization of power which now seems normal could not have been imagined even a century ago. + +In modern society, energy conversion enormously exceeds the body power of all men. Manpower stands to mechanical power in a ratio of 1:15 in China and 1:300 in the U.S.A. Switches concentrate the control over this power more effectively than whips ever could. The social distribution of control over power inputs has been radically changed. If capital means the power to make effective change, power inflation has reduced most people to paupers. + +As tools get bigger, the number of potential operators declines. There are always fewer operators of cranes than of wheelbarrows. As tools become more efficient, more scarce resources are put at the service of the operator. On a Guatemalan construction site, only the engineer gets air conditioning in his trailer. He is also the only one whose time is deemed so precious that he must be flown to the capital, and whose decisions seem so important that they are transmitted by shortwave radio. He has of course earned his privileges by cornering the largest amount of tax money and using it to acquire a university degree. The Indio who works on the gang does not notice the relative increase in privilege between him and his Ladino gang boss, but the geometricians and draftsmen who also went to school, but did not graduate, feel the heat and the distance from their families in a new and acute way. Their relative poverty has been aggravated by their bosses’ claim to greater efficiency. + +Never before have tools approached present power. Never before have they been so integrated at the service of a small élite. Kings could not claim divine right with as little challenge as executives claim services for the sake of greater production. The Russians justify supersonic transport by saying it will economize the time of their scientists. High-speed transportation, broad band-width communication, special health maintenance, and unlimited bureaucratic assistance are all explained as requirements to get the most out of the most highly capitalized people. + +A society with very large tools must rely on multiple devices to keep the majority from claiming the most expensive packages of privilege. These must be reserved for the most productive individuals . The most prestigious way to measure a person’s productivity is by the price tag on his education consumption. The higher a person’s knowledge capital, the greater the social value placed on the decisions he “makes” and the more legitimate is his claim to high-level packages of industrial outputs. + +When the legitimacy of educational certification breaks down, other more primitive forms of discrimination are bound to assume renewed importance. People are judged to be less valuable manpower because they are born in the Third World, because they are black, because they are women, because they belong to the wrong group or party, or because they cannot pass the right battery of tests. The scene is set for the multiplication of minority movements, each one claiming its share, and each one destined to be foiled by its own intent. + +Hierarchies must rise and conglomerate as they extend over fewer and larger corporations. A seat in a high-rise job is the most coveted and contested product of expanding industry. The lack of schooling, compounded with sex, color, and peculiar persuasions , now keeps most people down. Minorities organized by women, or blacks, or the unorthodox succeed at best in getting some of their members through school and into an expensive job. They claim victory when they get equal pay for equal rank. Paradoxically, these movements strengthen the idea that unequal graded work is necessary and that high-rise hierarchies are necessary to produce what an egalitarian society needs. If properly schooled, the black porter will blame himself for not being a black lawyer. At the same time, schooling generates a new intensity of frustration which ultimately can act as social dynamite. + +It does not matter for what specific purpose minorities now organize if they seek an equal share in consumption, an equal place on the pyramid of production, or equal nominal power in the government of ungovernable tools. As long as a minority acts to increase its share within a growth-oriented society, the final result will be a keener sense of inferiority for most of its members. + +Movements that seek control over existing institutions give them a new legitimacy, and also render their contradictions more acute. Changes in management are not revolutions. The shared control of workers and women, or blacks and the young, does not constitute a social reconstruction if what they claim to control are industrial corporations. Such changes are at best new ways to administer an industrial mode of production which, thanks to these shifts, continues unchallenged. More commonly, these changes are professional insurgencies against the status quo. They expand management, and, at an even faster rate, they degrade labor. A new desk usually means more capital-intensive production in one firm and a new guarantee of so-called underemployment somewhere else in society. A majority loses further productive ability, and a minority is forced to seek new reasons and weapons to protect its privilege. + +New classes of underconsumers and of underemployed are one of the inevitable by-products of industrial progress. Organization makes them aware of their common plight. At present articulate minorities–often claiming the leadership of majorities–seek equal treatment. If one day they were to seek equal work rather than equal pay–equal inputs rather than equal outputs–they could be the pivot of social reconstruction. Industrial society could not possibly resist a strong women’s movement, for example, which would lead to the demand that all people, without distinction, do equal work. Women are integrated into all classes and races. Most of their daily activities are performed in nonindustrial ways. Industrial societies remain viable precisely because women are there to perform those daily tasks which resist industrialization. It is easier to imagine that the North American continent would cease to exploit the underindustrialization of South America than that it would cease to use its women for industry-resistant chores. In a society ruled by the standards of industrial efficiency, housework is rendered inhuman and devalued. It would be rendered even less tolerable if it were given pro-forma industrial status. The further expansion of industry would be brought to a halt if women forced upon us the recognition that society is no longer viable if a single mode of production prevails. The effective recognition that not two but several equally valuable, dignified , and important modes of production must coexist within any viable society would bring industrial expansion under control . Growth would stop if women obtained equally creative work for all, instead of demanding equal rights over the gigantic and expanding tools now appropriated by men. + +## Obsolescence + +Convivial reconstruction demands the disruption of the present monopoly of industry, but not the abolition of all industrial production. It does imply the adoption of labor-intensive tools, but not the regression to inefficient tools. It requires a considerable reduction of all kinds of now compulsory therapy, but not the elimination of teaching, guidance, or healing for which individuals take personal responsibility. Neither must a convivial society be stagnant. Its dynamics depend on wide distribution of the power to make effective change. In the present scheme of large-scale obsolescence a few corporate centers of decision- making impose compulsory innovation on the entire society. Continued convivial reconstruction depends on the degree to which society protects the power of individuals and of communities to choose their own styles of life through effective, small-scale renewal . + +I have shown that social polarization is the result of two complementary factors: the excessive cost of industrially produced and advertised products, and the excessive rarity of jobs that are considered highly productive. Obsolescence, on the other hand, produces devaluation–which is the result not of a certain general rate of change but of change in those products which exercise a radical monopoly. Social polarization depends on the fact that industrial inputs and outputs come in units so large that most people are excluded from them. Obsolescence, on the other hand, can become intolerable even when people are not directly priced out of the market. Product elaboration and obsolescence are two distinct dimensions of overefficiency, both of which underpin a society of hierarchically layered privilege. + +It does not really matter if forced obsolescence becomes destructive of old models or of old functions, if Ford discontinues the distribution of spare parts for its 1955 model, or if the police rule old cars off the road because they lack features that safety lobbyists have made standard. Renewal is intrinsic to the industrial mode of production coupled to the ideology of progress. Products cannot be improved unless huge machines are retooled –and in the technical sense engineers have given this word. To make this pay, huge markets must be created for the new model. The most effective way to open a market is to identify the use of what is new as an important privilege. If this identification succeeds, the old model is devalued and the self-interest of the consumer is wedded to the ideology of never-ending and progressive consumption . Individuals are socially graded according to the number of years their bill of goods is out of date. Some people can afford to keep up with the Joneses who buy the latest model, while others still use cars, stoves, and radios that are five to ten years old–and probably spend their vacations in places that are just as many years out of style. They know where they fit on the social ladder. + +The social grading of individuals by the age of the things they use is not just a capitalist practice. Wherever the economy is built around the large-scale production of elaborate and obsolescent packages of staples, it is only the privileged who have access to the newest model of services and goods. Only a few nurses get the most recent course in anesthesiological nursing, and only a few functionaries get the new model of a “people’s car.” The members of this minority within a minority recognize each other by the recent date at which the products they use came onto the market, and it makes little difference whether they use them at home or at work. + +Industrial innovations are costly, and managers must justify their high cost by producing measurable proof of their superiority . Under the rule of industrial socialism, pseudo science will have to provide the alibi, while in market economies, appeal can be made to a survey of consumer opinion. In any case, periodic innovations in goods or tools foster the belief that anything new will be proven better. This belief has become an integral part of the modern world view. It is forgotten that whenever a society lives by this delusion, each marketed unit generates more wants than it satisfies. If new things are made because they are better, then the things most people use are not quite good. New models constantly renovate poverty. The consumer feels the lag between what he has and what he ought to get. He believes that products can be made measurably more valuable and allows himself to be constantly re-educated for their consumption. The “better” replaces the “good” as the fundamental normative concept. + +In a society caught up in the race for the better, limits on change are experienced as a threat. The commitment to the better at any cost makes the good impossible at all costs. Failure to renew the bill of goods frustrates the expectation of what is possible , while renewal of the bill of goods intensifies the expectations of unattainable progress. What people have and what they are about to get are equally exasperating to them. Accelerating change has become both addictive and intolerable. At this point the balance among stability, change, and tradition has been upset; society has lost both its roots in shared memories and its bearings for innovation. Judgment on precedents has lost its value. + +One of the major objections against a stationary-state economy is the fear that the production of a limited and durable number of goods would set intolerable limits on the freedom of innovation and of scientific exploration. This would be justified if I were discussing the transition from the present industrial society to its next model: clean and limited production of goods and unlimited growth in the service sector. I am not, however, discussing the evolution of industrial society, but the transition to a new mixed mode of production. + +Industrial innovations are planned, trivial, and conservative. The renewal of convivial tools would be as unpredictable, creative , and lively as the people who use them. Scientific progress is also dulled by the present identification of research with industrial development. Most of the cost of research derives from its competitive nature and pressure; most of its tools are restricted to people who have been carefully programmed to look at the world through the prisms of profit and power; most of its goals are set by the need for more power and efficiency. Leisurely scientific research does not exclude a bevatron or some ultracentrifuges ; removal of access restrictions now created by schools would again admit the curious, rather than the orthodox, to the alchemist’s vault; and study for its own sake would produce more surprises than team research on how to eliminate production snags. + +A changeless society would be as intolerable for people as the present society of constant change. Convivial reconstruction requires limits on the rate of compulsory change. An unlimited rate of change makes lawful community meaningless. Law is based on the retrospective judgment of peers about circumstances that occur ordinarily and are likely to occur again. If the rate of change which affects all circumstances accelerates beyond some point, such judgments cease to be valid. Lawful society breaks down. Social control does not accommodate community participation and becomes the function of experts. Educators define how people are to be trained and retrained throughout their lives–shaped and reshaped until they fit the demands of industry and are attracted by its profits. Ideologues define what is right or wrong. The tooling of man for the milieu becomes the major industry when this milieu changes beyond a certain rate; then man’s need for language and law, for memories and myths, imposes limits to the change of tools. + +## Frustration + +I have identified five realms in each of which the efficiency of tools can upset the balance of life. Faulty technology can render the environment uninhabitable. Radical monopoly can force the demand for affluence to the point of paralyzing the ability to work. Overprogramming can transform the world into a treatment ward in which people are constantly taught, socialized, normalized, tested, and reformed. Centralization and packaging of institutionally produced values can polarize society into irreversible structural despotism. And, finally, engineered obsolescence can break all bridges to a normative past. In each or several of these dimensions a tool can threaten survival by making it unfeasible for most people to relate themselves in action to one of the great dimensions of their environment. + +In the assessment of society it is not sufficient to select just one of these realms. Each one of these balances must be preserved. Even clean and equally distributed electricity could lead to intolerable radical monopoly of power tools over man’s personal energy. Not only compulsory schools but pervasive teaching media can be used to upset the balance of learning or to polarize society into an oppressive meritocracy. Any form of engineering can lead to unendurable obsolescence. It is true that man’s physical niche is threatened; but just as he evolved within one particular physiological environment, so he also evolved within a social, political and psychological environment which can also be irreversibly destroyed. Mankind may wither and disappear because he is deprived of basic structures of language, law, and myth, just as much as he can be smothered by smog. Future shock can destroy what is human just as much as radical monopoly or social polarization . + +I have argued that in each of five realms conceptual criteria can be used to recognize escalating imbalance. These criteria serve as guidelines for political processes by which the members of a technological society can develop constitutive boundaries within which tools must be kept. Such boundaries circumscribe the kind of power structures that can be kept under the control of people. By growing beyond this range, tools escape political control. Man’s ability to claim his rights is extinguished by his bondage to processes over which he has no say. Biological functions, work, meaning, freedom, and roots–insofar as he can still enjoy them–are reduced to concessions, which optimize the logic of tools. Man is reduced to an indefinitely malleable resource of a corporate state. Without constitutive limits translated into constitutional provisions survival in dignity and freedom is squelched. + +Present research is overwhelmingly concentrated in two directions : research and development for breakthroughs to the better production of better wares and general systems analysis concerned with protecting man for further consumption. Future research ought to lead in the opposite direction; let us call it counterfoil research. Counterfoil research also has two major tasks: to provide guidelines for detecting the incipient stages of murderous logic in a tool; and to devise tools and tool systems that optimize the balance of life, thereby maximizing liberty for all. + +Counterfoil research is not a new branch of science, nor is it some interdisciplinary project. It is the dimensional analysis of the relationship of man to his tools. It seems obvious that each person lives in several concentric social environments. To each social environment there corresponds a set of natural scales. This is true for the primary group, for the production unit, for the city, the state, and the organization of men on the globe. To each of these social environments there correspond certain characteristic distances, periods, populations, energy sources, and energy sinks. In each of these dimensions tools that require time periods or spaces or energies much beyond the order of corresponding natural scales are dysfunctional. They upset the homeostasis which renders the particular environment viable. At present we tend to define human needs in terms of abstract goals and treat these as problems to which technocrats can apply escalating solutions. What we need is rational research on the dimensions within which technology can be used by concrete communities to implement their aspirations without frustrating equivalent aspirations by others. + +The barriers beyond which destruction looms are of a different nature from the boundaries within which a society freely constrains its tools. The former establish the realm of possible survival ; the latter determine the shape of a culturally preferred environment . The former define the conditions for uniform regimentation ; the latter set the conditions of convivial justice. The boundaries of doom are constitutive requirements common to all postindustrial societies. Statutory characteristics setting more narrow bounds than those absolutely necessary are the result of joint options made in a commonweal, as a result of its members’ defining their life style and their level of liberty. + +Supersonic transports could be easily ruled out to protect the environment, air transport to avoid social polarization, cars to protect against radical monopoly. The balance of purpose I want to highlight at this point provides a further criterion by which to select desirable tools. In view of this balance it might even be possible to exclude public transportation moving at high velocity. + +There is a form of malfunction in which growth does not yet tend toward the destruction of life, yet renders a tool antagonistic to its specific aims. Tools, in other words, have an optimal, a tolerable, and a negative range. Tolerable overefficiency also disturbs a balance, but a balance of a subtler and more subjective kind than those discussed before. The balance here threatened is that between personal cost and return. It can be expressed more generally as the perception of the balance between means and ends. When ends become subservient to the tools choosen for their sake, the user first feels frustration and finally either abstains from their use or goes mad. Compulsory maddening behavior in Hades was considered the ultimate punishment reserved for blasphemy . Sisyphus was forced to keep rolling a stone uphill, only to see it roll back down. When maddening behavior becomes the standard of a society, people learn to compete for the right to engage in it. Envy blinds people and makes them compete for addiction. + +Wherever the maximum velocity of any one type of commuter vehicle grows beyond a certain mph, the travel time and the cost of transportation for the median commuter is increased. If the maximum velocity at any one point of a commuter system goes beyond a certain mph, most people are obliged to spend more time in traffic jams, or waiting for connections, or recovering from accidents. They will also have to spend more time paying for the transportation system they are compelled to use. + +The critical velocity depends to a certain extent on a variety of factors: geography, culture, market controls, level of technology, and money flow. With so many variables affecting a quantity, it would seem that its value could fluctuate over a very wide range. Just the contrary is true. Once it is understood that we refer to any vehicular velocity in the transportation of people within a community, we find that the range within which the critical velocity can vary is very narrow. It is, in fact, so narrow and so low that it seems improbable and not worth the time of most traffic engineers to worry about. + +Commuter transportation leads to negative returns when it admits, anywhere in the system, speeds much above those reached on a bicycle. Once the barrier of bicycle velocity is broken at any point in the system, the total per capita monthly time spent at the service of the travel industry increases. + +High output leads to time lack. Time becomes scarce, partly because it takes time to consume goods and to undergo therapies, and partly because dependence on production makes abstention from it more costly. The richer we get in a consumer society, the more acutely we become aware of how many grades of value–of both leisure and labor–we have climbed. The higher we are on the pyramid, the less likely we are to give up time to simple idleness and to apparently nonproductive pursuits. The joy of listening to the neighborhood finch is easily overshadowed by stereophonic recordings of “Bird Songs of the World,” the walk through the park downgraded by preparations for a packaged bird-watching tour into the jungle. It becomes difficult to economize time when all commitments are for the long run. Staffan Linder points out that there is a strong tendency for us to overcommit the future, so that when the future becomes present, we seem to be conscious all the time of having an acute scarcity, simply because we have committed ourselves to about thirty hours a day instead of twenty-four. In addition to the mere fact that time has competitive uses and high marginal utility in an affluent society, this overcommitment creates a sense of pressure and harriedness. + +Life in a society where speedy transportation is taken for granted renders time scarce in both of these ways. Activities related to the use of speedy vehicles by many people in a society occupy an increasing percentage of the time budget of most members of that society, as the speed of the vehicles increases beyond a certain point. Beyond this point the competition of transportation activities with stationary activities becomes fierce, especially competition for the allocation of limited real estate and available energy. This competition seems to grow exponentially with the rise of speed. The time reserved for commuting displaces both work and leisure time. Hence, the speedier vehicles are, the more it becomes important to keep them filled at all times. If they are individual capsules, they tend to become disproportionately costly and scarce. If they are public vehicles, they tend to be large, and run at infrequent intervals or along only a few routes. + +As speed increases, the adaptation of life patterns to vehicles becomes more tyrannical. It becomes necessary to make constant corrections and amendments to the allocation of shorter periods. It becomes necessary to make appointments and commitments months or even years ahead. Since some of these commitments, which have been made at great cost, cannot be kept, there is a sense of constant failure which produces a sense of constant tension . Man has only a limited ability to submit to programming. When speed increases beyond a certain point, the transportation system vies with other systems in exhausting human tolerance for social controls. + +Machines turn against men at a much lower level of power than would be ruled out by the first five criteria. But while these criteria identify necessary safeguards for life and liberty, the balance of purpose depends on a different kind of value. Conceptual rather than empirical criteria can be set for the constitutional limitation of power. It ought to be relatively easy for a majority to rule what abuse it will take from any minority, or what damage it will not expose its offspring to. The recognition of the most socially desirable power of a tool is of a different nature; it can only be the outcome of political procedure. The value obtained for time wasted on speed transportation is conditioned by the consensus in a community about the level of its freedom as a concrete option of its civilization. + +Transportation beyond bicycle speeds demands power inputs from the environment. Velocity translates directly into power, and soon power needs increase exponentially. In the United States, 22 percent of the energy converted drives vehicles, and another 10 percent keeps roads open for them. The amount of energy is comparable to the total energy–except for domestic heating–required for the combined economies of India and China. The energy used up in the United States for the sole purpose of driving vehicles built to accelerate beyond bicycle speed would suffice to add auxiliary motors to about twenty times that many vehicles for people all over the world who want to move at bicycle speeds and do not or cannot push the pedals because they are sick or old, or because they want to transport a heavy load or move over a great distance, or because they just want to relax. Simply on the basis of equal distribution on a world-wide scale, speeds above those attained by bicycles could be ruled out. It is of course mere fantasy to assume an egalitarian consensus sufficiently strong to accept such a proposal. At closer inspection though, many communities will find that the very same speed limit necessary for equal distribution of mobility is also very close to the optimum velocity giving maximum value to community life. At 20 mph constant speed Phileas Fogg could have made his trip around the world in half of eighty days. Simulation studies would be useful for exploring imaginative policies that seek optimal liberty with convivial power tools. To whose advantage would Calcutta’s traffic flow stabilize if speeds were limited to 10 mph? What price would Peru’s military pay for limiting the nation’s speed to 20 mph? What gains in equality, activity, health, and freedom would result from limiting all other vehicles to the speed of bicycles and sailing ships? + +Negative returns are not unique to transportation. Ninety percent of all medical care for patients with terminal diseases is unrelated to their health; such treatment tends to increase suffering and disability without demonstrably lengthening life. The maximum feasibility of service for the optimum care of an individual patient lies within a certain range. Beyond this range medical bills measure the health of a patient in the same way that GNP measures the wealth of a nation. Both add on the same scale the market value of benefits and the defensive expenditures which become necessary to offset the unwanted side effects of their production . The technological escalation of medicine first ceases to serve healing and then ceases to prolong life. It turns into a death-denying ritual of terminal care: a final race in which the personality best fitted to machines turns in the most spectacular performance . + +Counterfoil research is concerned first with an analysis of increasing marginal disutility and the menace of growth. It is then concerned with the discovery of general systems of institutional structure which optimize convivial production. This kind of research meets psychological resistance. Growth has become addictive . Like heroin addiction, the habit distorts basic value judgments . Addicts of any kind are willing to pay increasing amounts for declining satisfactions. They have become tolerant to escalating marginal disutility. They are blind to deeper frustration because they are absorbed in playing for always mounting stakes. Minds accustomed to thinking that transportation ought to provide speedy motion rather than reduction of the time and effort spent moving are boggled by this contrary hypothesis. Man is inherently mobile, and speeds higher than those he can achieve by the use of his limbs must be proven to be of great social value to warrant support by public sacrifice. + +Counterfoil research must clarify and dramatize the relationship of people to their tools. It ought to hold constantly before the public the resources that are available and the consequences of their use in various ways. It should impress on people the existence of any trend that threatens one of the major balances on which life depends. Counterfoil research leads to the identification of those classes of people most immediately hurt by such trends and helps people to identify themselves as members of such classes. It points out how a particular freedom can be jeopardized for the members of various groups which have otherwise conflicting interests. Counterfoil research involves the public by showing that the demands for freedom of any group or alliance can be identified with the implicit interest of all. + +Withdrawal from growth mania will be painful, but mostly for members of the generation which has to experience the transition and above all for those most disabled by consumption. If their plight could be vividly remembered, it might help the next generation avoid what they know would enslave them. + + +# Recovery + +I have discussed five dimensions on which the balance of life depends. In each I have indicated tendencies that must be kept in equilibrium to maintain the homeostasis which constitutes human life. I have argued that the control of natural forces is functional only if the use of nature does not make nature useless for man. I have argued that institutions are functional when they promote a delicate balance between what people can do for themselves and what tools at the service of anonymous institutions can do for them. Formal instruction also depends on a balance. Special arrangements must never outweigh opportunities for independent learning. An increase in social mobility can render society more human, but only if at the same time there is a narrowing of the difference in power which separates the few from the many. Finally , an increase in the rate of innovation is of value only when with it rootedness in tradition, fullness of meaning, and security are also strengthened. + +A tool can grow out of man’s control, first to become his master and finally to become his executioner. Tools can rule men sooner than they expect: the plow makes man the lord of a garden but also the refugee from a dust bowl. Nature’s revenge can produce children less fit for life than their fathers, and born into a world less fit for them. Homo faber can be turned into a sorcerer’s apprentice . Specialization can make his every day so complicated that it becomes estranged from his activity. Addiction to progress can enslave all men to a race in which none ever reaches the goal. + +There are two ranges in the growth of tools: the range within which machines are used to extend human capability and the range in which they are used to contract, eliminate, or replace human functions. In the first, man as an individual can exercise authority on his own behalf and therefore assume responsibility. In the second, the machine takes over–first reducing the range of choice and motivation in both the operator and the client, and second imposing its own logic and demand on both. Survival depends on establishing procedures which permit ordinary people to recognize these ranges and to opt for survival in freedom, to evaluate the structure built into tools and institutions so they can exclude those which by their structure are destructive, and control those which are useful. Exclusion of the malignant tool and control of the expedient tool are the two major priorities for politics today. Multiple limits to overefficiency must be expressed in language that is simple and politically effective. This urgent task is faced, however, with three formidable obstacles: the idolatry of science, the corruption of ordinary language, and loss of respect for the formal process by which social decisions are made. + +## The Demythologization of Science + +Above all, political discussion is stunned by a delusion about science. This term has come to mean an institutional enterprise rather than a personal activity, the solving of puzzles rather than the unpredictably creative activity of individual people. Science is now used to label a spectral production agency which turns out better knowledge just as medicine produces better health. The damage done by this misunderstanding about the nature of knowledge is even more fundamental than the damage done to the conceptions of health, education, or mobility by their identification with institutional outputs. False expectations of better health corrupt society, but they do so in only one particular sense. They foster a declining concern with healthful environments, healthy life styles, and competence in the personal care of one’s neighbor. Deceptions about health are circumstantial. The institutionalization of knowledge leads to a more general and degrading delusion. It makes people dependent on having their knowledge produced for them. It leads to a paralysis of the moral and political imagination. + +This cognitive disorder rests on the illusion that the knowledge of the individual citizen is of less value than the “knowledge” of science. The former is the opinion of individuals. It is merely subjective and is excluded from policies. The latter is “objective”–defined by science and promulgated by expert spokesmen. This objective knowledge is viewed as a commodity which can be refined , constantly improved, accumulated and fed into a process, now called “decision-making.” This new mythology of governance by the manipulation of knowledge-stock inevitably erodes reliance on government by people. + +The world does not contain any information. It is as it is. Information about it is created in the organism through its interaction with the world. To speak about storage of information outside the human body is to fall into a semantic trap. Books or computers are part of the world. They can yield information when they are looked upon. We move the problem of learning and of cognition nicely into the blind spot of our intellectual vision if we confuse vehicles for potential information with information itself. We do the same when we confuse data for potential decision with decision itself. + +Overconfidence in “better knowledge” becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy. People first cease to trust their own judgment and then want to be told the truth about what they know. Overconfidence in “better decision-making” first hampers people’s ability to decide for themselves and then undermines their belief that they can decide. + +The growing impotence of people to decide for themselves affects the structure of their expectations. People are transformed from contenders for scarce resources into competitors for abundant promises. Adjudication by ordeal is replaced by recourse to secular rituals. These rituals are organized as frenzied consumption of the offerings of some menu: a curriculum, a therapy, or a court case. The promise that science will provide affluence for all and for each according to his objectively verified merits deprives personal conflict of its creative legitimacy. People who have unlearned how to decide about their own rights on their own evidence become pawns in a world game operated by mega-machines . No longer can each person make his or her own contribution to the constant renewal of society. Recourse to better knowledge produced by science not only voids personal decisions of the power to contribute to an ongoing historical and social process, it also destroys the rules of evidence by which experience is traditionally shared. The knowledge-consumer depends on getting packaged programs funneled into him. He finds security in the expectation that his neighbor and his boss have seen the same programs and read the same columns. The procedure by which personal certainties are honestly exchanged is eroded by the increasing recourse to exceptionally qualified knowledge produced by a science, profession, or political party. Mothers poison their children on the adman’s or the M.D.’s advice. Even in the courtroom and in parliament, scientific hearsay–well hidden under the veil of expert testimony–biases juridical and political decisions. Judges, governments, and voters abdicate their own evidence about the necessity of resolving conflicts in a situation of defined and permanent scarcity and opt for further growth on the basis of data which they admittedly cannot fully understand . + +When communities have grown overconfident in science, they leave it to experts to set the upper limits on growth. This man-date rests on a fallacy. Experts can define standards at levels slightly below those at which people complain with too much force. They can keep the public sullen and forestall mutiny. But closed peer groups cannot be entrusted with self-restraint in furthering their expert knowledge. Nor can we expect them to be representative of the common man. Scientific expertise cannot define what people will tolerate. No person can abdicate the right to decide on this for himself. It is, of course, possible to experiment on humans. Nazi doctors explored what the organism can endure. They found out how long the average person can survive torture, but this did not tell them anything about what someone can tolerate. These doctors were condemned under a statute signed in Nuremberg two days after Hiroshima and the day before the bomb was dropped on Nagasaki. + +What a population will endure remains beyond experiment. We can tell what happens to particular groups of people under extreme circumstances–in prison, on an expedition, or in an experiment. Such precedents cannot serve as measures for the privations which a society will tolerate as a result of tools or rules made for its service. Scientific measurements may suggest that a certain endeavor threatens a major balance of life. Only the informed judgment of a majority of prudent men who act on the much more complex basis of everyday evidence can determine how to limit individual and social goals. Science can clarify the dimensions of man’s realm in the universe. Only a political community can dialectically choose the dimensions of the roof under which its members will live. + +## The Rediscovery of Language + +Between 1830 and 1850 a dozen inventors formulated the law of the conservation of energy. Most of them were engineers, and independently from each other they redefined the floating life force of the universe in terms of work machines could perform. Measurements that could be taken in the laboratory became the scale by which the mysterious cosmic nexus–called vis viva for centuries–could henceforth be defined. + +During the same period industry successfully competed with other modes of production for the first time. Industrial performance became the scale according to which human effectiveness in the entire economy was now measured. Housework, farming , handicraft, and subsistence activities ranging from the making of preserves to the self-building of a home began to be viewed as subsidiary or second-rate forms of production. The industrial mode first degraded and later paralyzed the nexus of productive relationships which coexisted in society. + +This monopoly of one mode of production over all social relations is much more profound than the competition of firms which overshadows it. In the surface competition the winner is easily recognized as the more capital-intensive factory, the better- organized business, the more exploitative and better-protected branch of industry, the corporation that sheds diseconomies the most unobtrusively or produces for war. On a broad scale this race takes the form of a competition among multinational corporations and industrializing nation-states. But this deadly game among giants diverts attention from the ritual service which the game itself renders to the contestants. As the arena of the contest expands, an industrial structure is imposed on world society. The mode of corporate production establishes a radical monopoly not only over resources and tools but also over the imagination and motivational structure of people. Political systems compete to baptize the same expanding industrial structure into opposing creeds, without recognizing that it is beyond their control. The convergence of corporate monopolies on the deep structural level of society can be called the industrialization of man. This trend must be inverted if people are to be free. But the industrial corruption of language itself makes this issue terribly difficult to formulate. + +Language reflects the monopoly of the industrial mode of production over perception and motivation. The tongues of industrial nations identify the fruits of creative work and of human labor with the outputs of industry. The materialization of consciousness is reflected in Western languages. Schools operate by the slogan “education!” while ordinary language asks what children “learn.” The functional shift from verb to noun highlights the corresponding impoverishment of the social imagination. People who speak a nominalist language habitually express proprietary relationships to work which they have. All over Latin America only the salaried employees, whether workers or bureaucrats, say that they have work; peasants say that they do it: “ Van a trabajar, pero no tienen trabajo .” Those who have been modernized and unionized expect industries to produce not only more goods but also more work for more people. Not only what men do but also what men want is designated by a noun. “Housing” designates a commodity rather than an activity. People acquire knowledge, mobility, even sensitivity or health. They have not only work or fun but even sex. + +This shift from verb to noun reflects a transformation in the idea of ownership. “Possessing,” “holding,” and “seizing” no longer describe the relationships people can have to corporations, such as systems of schools or highways. Possessive statements made about tools come to mean the ability to command their outputs, interest from capital, or merchandise, or some kind of prestige connected with their operation. Fully industrialized man calls his own principally what has been made for him. He says “my education ,” “my transportation,” “my entertainment,” “my health” about the commodities he gets from school, car, show business, or doctor. Western languages, and above all English, become almost inseparable from industrial production. Western men might have to learn from other languages that ownership relations can be restructured in a convivial way. For instance, in Micronesian tongues there exist entirely distinct devices to express the relationship I have to my acts (which can no longer be separated from me), to my nose (which can be cut off), to my relatives (who were inflicted on me), to my canoe (without which I could not be a full man), to a drink (which I serve you), or to the same drink (which I intend to swallow). + +In a society whose language has undergone this shift, predicates come to be stated in terms of a commodity and claims in terms of competition for a scarce resource. “I want to learn” is translated into “I want to get an education.” The decision to do something is turned into the demand for a stake in the gamble of schooling. “I want to walk” is restated as “I need transportation.” The subject in the first case designates himself as an actor, and in the second as a consumer. Linguistic change supports the expansion of the industrial arena: competition for institutionalized values is reflected in the use of nominal language. This competition for shares inevitably takes the form of a game. People gamble for what they perceive as nouns. Of course, that competition can be organized either as a zero-sum game, in which one wins when another loses, or as a non-zero-sum game, in which both competitors get more than if either had lost. Compulsory school could be construed as an example of a zero-sum game: there are only winners and losers; by definition school bestows privilege on fewer people than it degrades. An example of the second would be the transition from private to public transport: at least for the time being, more commuters could get faster wherever they want to go. + +Conflict does not have to be a competition for scarce commodities. It could also manifest disagreement about which conditions would best remove restraints on autonomous action. Conflict can lead to the creation of new freedom; but this possibility has been obscured by nominalist language. It can create for both parties the right to do, and to do things which by definition are neither commodities nor scarce. Conflict which leads to the right to walk, to participate in shaping society, to speak and communicate equally, to live in clean air or to use convivial tools deprives both adversaries of some affluence for the sake of an incommensurable gain–new liberty. + +In some societies the corruption of language has crippled the political fantasy to the point where the difference between a claim to commodities and a right to convivial tools cannot be understood . Limits on tools cannot be publicly discussed. Public blindness to urgent issues is not a new phenomenon. People for decades refused to open their eyes to the urgency of population control, for example. Limiting tools for the sake of freedom and conviviality is now such an issue that cannot be raised. A limit on vehicular velocity as a major election issue seems an implausible idea to the rich and an irrelevant idea to the poor. People who are born next to highways cannot imagine a world without speed, and the peasant in the Andes cannot grasp why anyone should travel that fast. A slowdown as the condition for good transportation sounds shocking. To recommend limits on tools sounds as deeply obscene today as the recommendation for greater sexual frankness and freedom as a condition for a good marriage law would have sounded a generation ago. + +The operating code of industrial tools encroaches on everyday language and reduces the poetic self-affirmation of men to a barely tolerated and marginal protest. The consequent industrialization of man can be inverted only if the convivial function of language is recuperated, but with a new level of consciousness. Language which is used by a people jointly claiming and asserting each person’s right to share in the shaping of the community becomes , so to speak, a second-order tool to clarify the relationships of a people to engineered instrumentalities. + +## The Recovery of Legal Procedure + +Support of an ever-expanding productive society has become the overwhelmingly dominant purpose of the existing structure of politics and law. The procedure by which people decide what ought to be done has become subservient to the ideology that corporations ought to produce more: more knowledge and decisions, more goods and services. This perversion constitutes the third obstacle to the translation of the need for a bounded society into actual social process. + +Political parties, legislatures, and the juridical system have been consistently used to foster and protect the growth of schools, unions, hospitals, and road systems, not to speak of industries. Gradually, not only the police but even the courts and the legal system itself have come to be thought of as tools made for the service of an industrial state. That they sometimes protect individuals against industrial claims has become an alibi for their habitual service of legitimizing the further concentration of power. Along with the idolatry of scientific method and the corruption of language, this progressive loss of confidence in political and legal processes is a major obstacle to retooling society. + +People come to understand that an alternative society is possible by using clear language. They can bring it about by recovering consciousness of the deep structure by which, in their society, decisions are made. Such a structure exists wherever people form a community. Contradictory decisions can be the outcome of the same process because the structure can be used to define personal values and also to shore up institutional behavior. But the existence of such conflicting results does not contradict the existence of a consistent structure which generates them. People can decide to get an education in school even though they have decided that it would be better to learn something on their own. They can let themselves be taken to a hospital, though they have decided to die at home. Just as cognitive dissonance is a foundation for dialectics, so the simultaneous acceptance of contradictory norms proves the existence of normative procedures. + +Public confidence in the existence of shared procedures has been shaken because these procedures are constantly misused. They have become tools to support unlimited production through converging arguments that alternately take a moral, a political, or a legal character. Christian churches preach meekness, charity, and austerity but finance industrial programs; socialists enforce a Stalinist mode of production, and the common law has come to favor the firm over the individual. Soon the computer will be used to define at every juncture what should be done for the growth of tools, unless people rediscover that they share a deep commitment to formal procedures by which they can decide how their present major institutions ought to be turned around. + +Unless people agree on a process that can be continuously, convivially , and effectively used to control society’s tools, the inversion of the present institutional structure cannot be either enacted or, what is more important, precariously maintained. Managers will always re-emerge to increase institutional productivity and capture public support for the better service they promise. + +Three objections are usually made whenever law is proposed as a tool for the inversion of society. One of them is rather superficial: not everybody can be a lawyer, and so not everybody can operate the law on his own. This, of course, is true only to some degree. Parajuridical systems could be set up in particular communities and incorporated into the over-all structure. Much wider scope could be given to alternative mechanisms to allow for greater participation by the nonprofessional, such as mediation , conciliation, and arbitration. But insofar as this objection is valid, it is also irrelevant to my point. The law, as it deals with the regulation of large-scale production agencies, can surely be decentralized , demystified and debureaucratized. But even then some social concerns are, and could for a long time remain, complex and of vast range, demanding corresponding legal tools. Precisely if it is to be used for the negotiating of world-wide proscriptions among large communities, each with its own centuries-old traditions, the law as the process enabling us to regulate these concerns is and will remain a tool requiring some experts to operate it. But this does not mean that such experts have to be graduates of a law school, or that they must be members of a closed profession. + +The second objection is completely relevant and much more profound: persons who now operate the law as a social tool are deeply infected with the myths that pervade a growth society. Their imagination of the possible and of the feasible is determined by the lore of industry. It would be folly to expect the present corporations of social enigneers of a utilitarian society to turn into the guardians of a convivial one. The critical importance of this observation is complemented and underlined by a third objection. The juristic system is not simply a set of written laws; it is a continuing process by which those laws are made and then applied to actual situations. The law is used to impose a given mind-set on all participants. The resulting content of the law embodies the ideologies of lawmakers and judges. How they experience the ideology inherent in a culture becomes established mythology in the laws they make and apply. The body of laws that regulates an industrial society inevitably reflects and reinforces its ideology, social character, and class structure. “More” is always in the common good–more power to firms, professions, and parties. + +While this objection does indicate a fundamental difficulty against the use of law in an inversion of society, it also misses the point. I carefully distinguish between a body of laws and the purely formal structure by which it is made, just as I have distinguished the use of slogans by which our institutions operate from the use of ordinary language, and as I will later distinguish between policies and formal political process. It is the latter and not the former which are the second order of tools we need, can share, and have to use. + +It is almost impossible to insist strongly enough on the distinction between means and ends in an epoch in which purposes have been reduced to operations, in an epoch in which people “raise” consciousness, movements pretend to provide “liberation,” languages rather than persons are said to “speak,” and politicians “make” revolutions. The law can again serve to highlight the general difference between substance and what might be called not “due process” but rather “due procedure.” + +Two major complementary features of the common law make its formal structure particularly applicable to the needs which arise in a profound crisis. One is the inherent continuity of the system, and the other is its adversary nature. Analogous features can be found in other law systems; I here choose the Anglo- American system of law as an illustration of my more general point. + +The continuity built into the lawmaking process does in one sense conserve the substance of a body of laws. This is less obvious in the legislative stage. Legislators are free to innovate at their own discretion, as long as they stay within a constitutional framework . But they do also have to fit any new law into the context of existing legislation, and this tends to ensure that new legislation will not vary too widely from the over-all tradition of existing law. + +The function of the courts in providing continuity to the substance of the law is more obvious. A court applies existing law to actual situations. Like cases are decided alike, or the facts are found to be of a different significance today. The law represents the sovereign authority of the past over the present controversy, the continuity of a dialectic process. The court recognizes the controversy as a social concern and incorporates its resolutions into the body of the law. In the process the social experience of the past is readapted to present needs. The present decision will in turn serve as reference in future cases. + +The continuity of the formal structure used in this process is of a different order from the continuous embodiment of one set of prejudices in a set of laws. Considered in this formal sense, the system of continuity is not designed to preserve the content of any existing set of laws. It could even be used to preserve the continuous development of a set of laws that fit an inverted society . There is nothing in most constitutions that prevents the passage of laws setting upper limits to productivity, privilege, professional monopoly, or efficiency. In principle, the existing process of legislatures and courts can, with a reversal of its focus, make and apply such law. + +The adversary nature of the common law is equally important. The common law is not formally concerned with what is ethically or technically good. It is a tool for the understanding of mutualities that surface as actual conflicts. It leaves to those directly concerned with a social interest the task of insisting on the protection of their rights or the pursuit of their claims to what they consider to be good. This works in both legislation and jurisprudence; the decision is an act of balancing conflicting interests in a way that is theoretically best for all. + +It is obvious that during the last few generations this balance has been wholly distorted in favor of a production-oriented society . But the current misuse of the juristic structure is not a valid argument against its use for precisely the opposite purpose. Interests wholly opposed to such a society, free from the illusion that growth can overcome injustice, and concerned with limits, can in principle use the same tool. It is not, of course, sufficient that new types of plaintiffs appear; it is equally true that the growth illusions of legislators must fade, and that parties must be brought forward to represent their interest in a reassessment of what are now taken as facts. + +Not only the legislative but also the juridical process depends on the presentation of conflicting social interests by interested parties for settlement by disinterested tribunals. These tribunals operate in a continuous way. Ideally, judges are ordinary, prudent men or women indifferent to the substance of the issue they are expected to reconcile, and experts in the application of process. In practice, however, tribunals have also come to serve the concentration of power and the increase of industrial production. Not only do judges, like legislators, perceive that a conflict is best balanced when the balance is tipped in favor of the over-all interest of corporations, but society has also conditioned the plaintiffs always to demand more. A larger share of institutional output constitutes the substance of a claim much more frequently than protection against an institution which limits a person’s freedom to do something on his own. But this abuse of the formal structure of common law does not corrupt the structure itself. + +An objection is frequently raised when adversary procedures are presented as a major tool to oppose industrial growth. Society already heavily relies on such proceedings. Their extension to new areas is continually recommended. Legal reformers tend to provide new weapons to all classes of disadvantaged: blacks, Indians, women, employees, cripples. As a result proceedings have become cumbersome, costly, and only a few of the interested parties can come forward. Decisions are often delayed until they have lost their relevance. Role-playing is encouraged, and this often creates new tensions between artificial groups. In going out of the way to create structures so that adversary processes may be used, decisions are made scarce. + +This objection is very relevant if it opposes the proliferation of adversary proceedings in the resolution of conflicts between people . But neither the conflict between individuals nor the competition between groups is the substance of our issue. The fundamental conflict in society is about acts, facts, and things on which people are opposed to corporations. Formal adversary procedure is the paradigmatic tool for citizens to oppose the threat of industry to their basic liberties. This is the process suited to the opposition of two partners whom the law has rendered equal, in which the aggrieved party is interested in disputing one fact or a relevant law or principle, and considers this issue the only continuing interest he has in common with the other. A group of citizens interested in retooling society is not concerned with negotiations or mediation but with direct opposition to the industrial mode of production and its undue expansion in a specific instance. + +Like ordinary English, formal process is a convivial tool. Undoubtedly , industrial institutions have entrenched themselves by corrupting the habitual use of these tools by individuals and communities . Yet language and formal process remain intrinsically distinct from the purposes for which they are used. People can defend language and legal procedure as inherently theirs; they can find in their inalienable natures the confidence to use their unchanged formal structures to express contents entirely opposed to those for which they were taught to use them in their childhood . The formal structure of law still offers a process by which the ordinary citizen can present to society his own practical interest in conflict with the interest of a corporation, even when this corporation is an agency of the state, and even if this interest favors or opposes any functioning or proposed program. + +It would be absurd to expect that professionals who are experts in the corrupt use of language or of law could suddenly think clearly and proceed rightly. Educators who are aware of the breakdown of schools usually engage in a frantic search for advice that permits them to teach more people about more things. Doctors tend to believe that at least some of the generally useful knowledge they hold cannot be expressed outside their hieratic code. It is useless to expect the American Medical Association, the National Education Association, or the association of traffic engineers to explain in ordinary language the professional gangsterism of their colleagues. It would be equally fruitless to count on present legislators, lawyers, and judges to recognize the independence of what is right from the preconceived good, which for them is identical with the higher output of goods by corporations . They are trained to adjust any conflict in favor of over-all industrial growth. But just as an exceptional doctor here and there helps people live responsibly, to suffer as a matter of fact, and to face death, so an exceptional lawyer can help people use the formal structure of the law to represent their interest in a convivial society. Even though he will probably be frustrated in his claims, he can use the courtroom drama to make his point. + +Legal procedure applied to a society filled by optimism about its expanding tools has turned into the most effective instrument for the social control of people at the service of these tools. To advance an industrial society, the law is systematically used for social engineering and the continually more complete and effective elimination of waste and friction in the mega-machine. Anglo-American industry has consistently been more successful, in the long run, than the industry of socialist countries. Law is more effective than centralized planning in bringing and keeping people under the rule of machines. Yet the current misuse of the juristic structure is not a valid argument against its use for precisely the opposite purpose, though it suggests caution against overly optimistic hopes for such an inverted use. + +Most of the present laws and present legislators, most of the present courts and their decisions, most of the claimants and their demands are deeply corrupted by an overarching industrial consensus: that more is better, and that corporations serve the public interest better than men. But this entrenched consensus does not invalidate my thesis that any revolution which neglects the use of formal legal and political procedures will fail. Only an active majority in which all individuals and groups insist for their own reasons on their own rights, and whose members share the same convivial procedure, can recover the rights of men against corporations. + +The use of procedure for the purpose of hampering, stopping, and inverting our major institutions will appear to their managers and addicts as a misuse of the law and as subversion of the only order which they recognize. The use of due convivial procedure appears corrupt and criminal to the bureaucrat, even one who calls himself a judge. + + + +# Political Inversion + +If within the very near future man cannot set limits to the interference of his tools with the environment and practice effective birth control, the next generations will experience the gruesome apocalypse predicted by many ecologists. Faced with these impending disasters, society can stand in wait of survival within limits set and enforced by bureaucratic dictatorship. Or it can engage in a political process by the use of legal and political procedures. Ideologically biased interpretations of the past have made the recognition of political process increasingly difficult. Liberty has been interpreted as a right to power tools, a right claimed without reasonable limitation by individuals and private associations in capitalist countries and by the state in socialist societies. Recovery becomes feasible only if the fundamental structure of Western societies is clearly recognized and reclaimed. Analogous efforts to recover entirely different formal structures will become necessary when former political or cultural colonies shake off the Western mode of production. + +The bureaucratic management of human survival is unacceptable on both ethical and political grounds. It would also be as futile as former attempts at mass therapy. This does not, of course, mean that a majority might not at first submit to it. People could be so frightened by the increasing evidence of growing population and dwindling resources that they would voluntarily put their destiny into the hands of Big Brothers. Technocratic caretakers could be mandated to set limits on growth in every dimension , and to set them just at the point beyond which further production would mean utter destruction. Such a kakotopia could maintain the industrial age at the highest endurable level of output. + +Man would live in a plastic bubble that would protect his survival and make it increasingly worthless. Since man’s tolerance would become the most serious limitation to growth, the alchemist ’s endeavor would be renewed in the attempt to produce a monstrous type of man fit to live among reason’s dreams. A major function of engineering would become the psychogenetic tooling of man himself as a condition for further growth. People would be confined from birth to death in a world-wide schoolhouse , treated in a world-wide hospital, surrounded by television screens, and the man-made environment would be distinguishable in name only from a world-wide prison. + +The alternative to managerial fascism is a political process by which people decide how much of any scarce resource is the most any member of society can claim; a process in which they agree to keep limits relatively stationary over a long time, and by which they set a premium on the constant search for new ways to have an ever larger percentage of the population join in doing ever more with ever less. Such a political choice of a frugal society remains a pious dream unless it can be shown that it is not only necessary but also possible: (1) to define concrete procedures by which more people are enlightened about the nature of our present crisis and will come to understand that limits are necessary and a convivial life style desirable; (2) to bring the largest number of people into now suppressed organizations which claim their right to a frugal life style and keep them satisfied and therefore committed to convivial life; and (3) to discover and revalue the political or legal tools that are accepted within a society and learn how to use them to establish and protect convivial life where it emerges. Such procedures may sound idealistic at the present moment. This is not proof that they cannot become effective as the present crisis deepens. + +## Myths and Majorities + +The ultimate obstacle to the restructuring of society is not the lack of information about which limits are needed, nor the lack of people who would accept them if they became inevitable, but the power of political myths. + +Almost everyone in rich societies is a destructive consumer. Almost everyone is, in some way, engaged in aggression against the milieu. Destructive consumers constitute a numerical majority. Myth transforms them into a political one. Numerical majorities come to form a mythical voting bloc on a nonexistent issue; “they” are invoked as the unbeatable guardians of vested interest in growth. This mythical majority paralyzes political action. At closer inspection, “they” are a number of reasonable individuals. One is an ecologist who takes a jet plane to a conference on protecting the environment from further pollution. Another is an economist who knows that growing efficiency renders work increasingly scarce; he tries to create new sources of employment. Neither of them has the same interests as the slum-dweller in Detroit who purchases his color TV on time. The three belong no more to a voting bloc that will defend growth than clerks, repairmen, and salesmen are somehow politically homogenized because each fears for his job, needs a car, and wants medicine for his children. + +There can be no such thing as a majority opposed to an issue that has not arisen. A majority agitating for limits to growth is as ludicrous a concept as one demanding growth at all cost. Majorities are not created by shared ideologies. They develop out of enlightened self-interest. The most that even the best of ideologies can do is interpret this interest. The stance each man or woman takes when a social problem becomes an overwhelming threat depends on two factors: the first is how a smoldering conflict erupts into a political issue demanding attention and partisan action; the second is the existence of new élites which can provide an interpretative framework for new–and hitherto unexpected–alignments of interest. + +## From Breakdown to Chaos + +I can only conjecture on how the breakdown of industrial society will ultimately become a critical issue. But I can make rather firm statements about the qualifications for providing guidance within the coming crisis. I believe that growth will grind to a halt. The total collapse of the industrial monopoly on production will be the result of synergy in the failure of the multiple systems that fed its expansion. This expansion is maintained by the illusion that careful systems engineering can stabilize and harmonize present growth, while in fact it pushes all institutions simultaneously toward their second watershed. Almost overnight people will lose confidence not only in the major institutions but also in the miracle prescriptions of the would-be crisis managers. The ability of present institutions to define values such as education, health, welfare, transportation, or news will suddenly be extinguished because it will be recognized as an illusion . + +This crisis may be triggered by an unforeseen event, as the Great Depression was touched off by the Wall Street Crash. Some fortuitous coincidence will render publicly obvious the structural contradictions between stated purposes and effective results in our major institutions. People will suddenly find obvious what is now evident to only a few: that the organization of the entire economy toward the “better” life has become the major enemy of the good life. Like other widely shared insights, this one will have the potential of turning public imagination inside out. Large institutions can quite suddenly lose their respectability, their legitimacy, and their reputation for serving the public good. It happened to the Roman Church in the Reformation, to Royalty in the Revolution. The unthinkable became obvious overnight: that people could and would behead their rulers. + +Sudden change is of a different order than feedback or evolution . Observe the whirlpools below a waterfall. For many seasons the eddies stay in the same place no matter whether the water is high or low. Then, suddenly, one more stone falls into the basin, the entire array changes, and the old can never be reconstructed. People who invoke the specter of a hopelessly growth-oriented majority seem incapable of envisaging political behavior in a crash. Business ceases to be as usual when the populace loses confidence in industrial productivity, and not just in paper currency . + +It is still possible to face the breakdown of each of our various systems in a separate perspective. No remedy seems to work, but we can still find resources to support every remedy proposed. Governments think they can deal with the breakdown of utilities, the disruption of the educational system, intolerable transportation , the chaos of the judicial process, the violent disaffection of the young. Each is dealt with as a separate phenomenon, each is explained by a different report, each calls for a new tax and a new program. Squabbles about alternative remedies give credibility to both: free schools vs. public schools double the demand for education; satellite cities vs. monorails for commuters make the growth of cities seem inexorable; higher professional standards in medicine vs. more paramedical professions further aggrandize the health professions. Since each of the proposed remedies appeals to some, the usual solution is an attempt to try both. The result is a further effort to make the pie grow, and to forget that it is pie in the sky. + +The Coolidge approach to the warnings of the Depression is now applied to the signs of a much more radical crisis. General systems analysis is trusted to relate the institutional breakdowns to each other, which only leads to more planning, centralization, and bureaucracy in order to achieve control over population, affluence, and inefficient industry. Unemployment in the manufacturing sector is supposed to be compensated for by growth in the output of decisions, controls, and therapies. Fascination with industry and mechanical production still blinds people to the possibility of a postindustrial society in which several distinct modes of production would complement each other. Trying to bring about an era which is both hyperindustrial and ecologically feasible, they accelerate the breakdown of several other non-physical and equally fundamental dimensions of the balance of life. + +It would be a mere exercise in geomancy to predict which series of events will play the role of the Wall Street Crash as catalyst of the first crisis of, not just in, industrial society. But it would be folly not to expect in the very near future an event whose effects will jam the growth of tools. When this happens, the noise that accompanies the crash will distract attention from seeing it in proper perspective. + +We still have a chance to understand the causes of the coming crisis, and to prepare for it. If we are to anticipate its effects, we must investigate how sudden change can bring about the emergence into power of previously submerged social groups. It is not calamity as such that creates these groups; it is much less calamity that brings about their emergence; but calamity weakens the prevailing powers which have excluded the submerged from participation in the social process. It is the power of surprise that weakens control, that shakes up the established controllers, and brings to the top those people who have not lost their bearings . + +When controls are weakened, those accustomed to control must seek new allies. In the weakened economic-industrial state of the Great Depression, the establishment could not do without organized labor, so organized labor got its share of power within the structure. In the weakened labor market during the Second World War, industry could not do without black labor. The blacks began to assert their power. + +## Insight into Crisis + +Forces tending to limit production are already at work within society. Public, counterfoil research can significantly help these individuals become more cohesive and self-conscious in their indictment of growth they consider destructive. We can anticipate that their voices will acquire new resonance when the crisis of overproductive society becomes acute. They form no constituency, but they are spokesmen for a majority of which everyone is a potential member. The more unexpectedly the crisis comes, the more suddenly their velleities can turn into a program. But the ability to direct events at that moment depends on how well these minorities grasp the profound nature of the crisis, and know how to state it in effective language: to declare what they want, what they can do, and what they do not need. The critical use of ordinary language is the first pivot in a political inversion. A second pivot is needed. + +Further growth must lead to a multiple catastrophe. That people would accept multiple limits to growth without catastrophe seems highly improbable. The inevitable catastrophic event could be either a crisis in civilization or its end: end by annihilation or end in B. F. Skinner’s world-wide concentration camp run by a T. E. Frazier. The foreseeable catastrophe will be a true crisis–that is, the occasion for a choice–only if at the moment it strikes the necessary social demands can be effectively expressed. They must be represented by people who can demonstrate that the breakdown of the current industrial illusion is for them a condition for choosing an effective and convivial mode of production . The preparation of such groups is the key task of new politics at the present moment. + +I have already argued that these groups must be prepared to provide a logically coherent analysis of the catastrophic event and to communicate it in ordinary language. I have argued that they must be prepared to propose the necessity for a bounded society in practical terms that have general appeal. Sacrifice must be shown as the inevitable price for different groups of people to get what they want–or at least to be liberated from what has become intolerable. But beyond using words to describe the limits as both necessary and appealing, the leadership of these groups must be prepared to use a social tool that is fit to ordain what is good enough for all. It must be a tool which, like language, is respected by all; a tool which, like language, does not lose its power because of the purpose to which it has been put in recent history; a tool which, like language, possesses a fundamental structure that misuse cannot totally corrupt. + +I have already argued that such a tool can only be the formal structure of politics and law. At the moment of the crash which is industrial rather than simply financial, the transformation of catastrophe into crisis depends on the confidence an emerging group of clear-thinking and feeling people can inspire in their peers. They must then argue that the transition to a convivial society can be, and must be, the result of conscious use of disciplined procedure that recognizes the legitimacy of conflicting interests , the historical precedent out of which the conflict arose, and the necessity of abiding by the decision of peers. Convivially used procedure guarantees that an institutional revolution will remain a tool whose goals emerge as they are enacted; the conscious use of procedure in a continually antibureaucratic sense is the only possible protection against the revolution itself becoming an institution. Whether the application of this procedure to the inversion of all major institutions of society is then called a cultural revolution, or the recuperation of the formal structure of law, or participatory socialism or a return to the spirit of the Fueros de España, is merely a matter of labeling. + +## Sudden Change + +When I speak about emerging interest groups and their preparation , I am not speaking of action groups, or of a church, or of new kinds of experts. I am above all not speaking about one political party which could assume power at a moment of crisis. Management of the crisis would make catastrophe irreversible. A well-knit, well-trained party can establish its power at the moment of a crisis in which the choice to be made is one within an over-all system. Such was the Great Depression. What was at issue was control over the tools of production. Such were the events which brought the Marxists to power in Eastern Europe. But the crisis I have described as imminent is not a crisis within industrial society, but a crisis of the industrial mode of production itself. The crisis I have described confronts people with a choice between convivial tools and being crushed by machines. The only response to this crisis is a full recognition of its depth and an acceptance of inevitable self-limitations. The more varied the perspectives from which this insight is shared by interest groups and the more disparate the interests that may be protected only by a reduction of power within society, the greater the probability that the inevitable will be recognized as such. + +I am also not speaking about a majority opposed to growth on some abstract principles. Such a majority is unfeasible. A well-organized élite, vocally promulgating an antigrowth orthodoxy, is indeed conceivable. It is probably now forming. But such a programmatic antigrowth élite would be highly undesirable. By pushing people to accept limits to industrial output without questioning the basic industrial structure of modern society, it would inevitably provide more power to the growth-optimizing bureaucrats and become their pawn. One of the first results of transition toward a stable-state industrial economy would be the development of a labor-intensive, highly disciplined, and growing subsector of production that would control people by giving them jobs. Such a stabilized production of highly rationalized and standardized goods and services would be–if this were possible–even further away from convivial production than the industrial-growth society we have now. + +The proponents of a bounded society have no need to put together some kind of majority. A voting majority in a democracy is not motivated by the explicit commitment of all its members to some specific ideology or to some particular value. A voting majority in favor of a specific institutional limitation would have to be composed of very disparate elements: those seriously aggrieved by some aspect of overproduction, those who do not profit from it, and those who may have objections to the over-all organization of society–but not directly to the specific limit being set. How this functions in times of normal politics can be well illustrated by the example of school. Some people are childless and resent the school tax. Others feel they are taxed more heavily and served less well than their peers in another district. Others object to tax support of schools since they want to send their children to parochial schools. Others object to compulsory schooling as such: some because it does harm to the young and others because it fosters discrimination. All these people could form a voting majority, but not a party or a sect. Under present circumstances they might succeed in cutting school down to size, but thereby they would merely assure its more legitimate survival. A majority vote to limit one major institution tends to be conservative when business is as usual. + +But a majority can have the contrary effect in a crisis which affects society on a deeper level. The joint arrival of several institutions at their second watershed is the beginning of such a crisis. The crash that will follow must make it clear that industrial society as such–and not just its separate institutions–has outgrown the range of its effectiveness. + +The nation-state has become so powerful that it cannot perform its stated functions. Just as General Vo Nguyen Giap could use the U.S. military machine to win his war, so the multinational corporations and professions can now use the law and the two-party system to establish their empire. But while democracy in the United States can survive a victory by Giap, it cannot survive one by ITT and its like. As a total crisis approaches, it becomes more obvious that the nation-state has grown into the holding corporation for a multiplicity of self-serving tools, and the political party into an instrument to organize stockholders for the occasional election of boards and presidents. In this situation, parties support each voter’s right to claim higher levels of individual consumption and to enforce thereby higher levels of industrial consumption. People can claim cars, but the appropriation of society’s over-all resources by a transportation system which determines that cars are useful is left to the decision of experts. Such parties support a state whose only purpose is the support of an increasing GNP, and they are obviously useless at the moment of a general crash. + +When business is normal, the procedural opposition between corporations and clients usually heightens the legitimacy of the latter’s dependence. But at the moment of a structural crisis not even the voluntary reduction of overefficiency on the part of major institutions will keep any of them functioning. A general crisis opens the way to social reconstruction. The loss of legitimacy of the state as a holding corporation does not destroy, but reasserts, the need for constitutional procedure. The loss of confidence in parties that have become stockholders’ factions brings out the importance of adversary procedures in politics. A loss of credibility of opposing claims for more individual consumption only highlights the importance of the use of adversary procedures when the issue to be decided upon is the reconciliation of opposing sets of society-wide limitations. The same general crisis that could easily lead to one-man rule, expert government, and ideological orthodoxy is also the great opportunity to reconstruct a political process in which all participate. + +The structures of political and legal procedures are integral to one another. Both shape and express the structure of freedom in history. If this is recognized, the framework of due procedure can be used as the most dramatic, symbolic, and convivial tool in the political area. The appeal to law remains powerful even where society makes access to legal machinery a privilege, or where it systematically denies justice, or where it cloaks despotism in the mantle of show tribunals. Even when he who upholds the formal structure of ordinary language and procedure earns the scorn, ridicule , and persecution of his fellow revolutionaries, the appeal of an individual to the formal structure embedded in a people’s history remains the most powerful instrument to say the truth and denounce the cancerous domination of the industrial dominance over production as the ultimate form of idolatry. I feel almost unbearable anguish when faced by the fact that only the word recovered from history should be left to us as the power for stemming disaster. Yet only the word in its weakness can associate the majority of people in the revolutionary inversion of inevitable violence into convivial reconstruction. + +Reconstruction for poor countries means adopting a set of negative design criteria within which their tools are kept, in order to advance directly into a postindustrial era of conviviality. The limits to choose are of the same order as those which hyperindustrialized countries will have to adopt for the sake of survival and at the cost of their vested interest. Such social reconstruction cannot be supported by a high-powered army, both because the maintenance of such an army would foil reconstruction and because no such army would be powerful enough. Defense of conviviality is possible only if undertaken by the people with tools they control. Imperalist mercenaries can poison or maim but never conquer a people who have chosen to set boundaries to their tools for the sake of conviviality. + +[^n01]:Hugo v. Rahner, Man at Play , New York, 1972. + +[^n02]:Herbert Marcuse, One-Dimensional Man , Boston, 1970. + diff --git a/data/pages/en/book/conviviality/en.txt b/contents/book/conviviality/en.txt index a7b0216..a7b0216 100644 --- a/data/pages/en/book/conviviality/en.txt +++ b/contents/book/conviviality/en.txt diff --git a/contents/book/conviviality/es.bib b/contents/book/conviviality/es.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..642358f --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/conviviality/es.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-conviviality-es, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {La convivencialidad}, + year = {1973}, + date = {1973}, + origdate = {1973}, + language = {es}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/book/conviviality:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-19} +} diff --git a/contents/book/conviviality/es.md b/contents/book/conviviality/es.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..2a143f0 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/conviviality/es.md @@ -0,0 +1,770 @@ +--- + title: "La convivencialidad" + author: "Ivan Illich" + date: "1973" + lang: "" + documentclass: book + classoption: + - oneside + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + newtxmathoptions: + - cmintegrals + - cmbraces + toc: true + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue + titlepage: true +--- + +> Esta versión traducida de la obra esta basada en las siguientes ediciones pre-existentes: Barral Editores, España (1974); Editorial Posada, México (1978); Joaquín Mortiz / Planeta, México (1985). Se incorporan cambios y correcciones tomando como referencia el texto original. + + + +# Prefacio + +En enero de 1972 un grupo de latinoamericanos, principalmente chilenos, peruanos y mexicanos, se encontraron en el Centro Intercultural de Documentación (CIDOC), en Cuernavaca, para discutir la hipótesis siguiente: existen características técnicas en los medios de producción que hacen imposible su control en un proceso político. Sólo una sociedad que acepte la necesidad de escoger un techo común a ciertas dimensiones técnicas en sus medios de producción tiene alternativas políticas. La tesis discutida había sido formulada en un documento elaborado en 1971 con Valentina Borremans, cofundadora y directora del CIDOC. + +Formulé las líneas fundamentales de este ensayo sucesivamente en español, inglés y francés; sometí mis ideas a grupos de médicos, arquitectos, educadores y otros ideólogos; las publiqué en revistas serias y en hojitas atrevidas. Agradezco profundamente a quienes quisieron criticarme y así me ayudaron a precisar mis conceptos. Sobre todo doy las gracias a los participantes en mi seminario en CIDOC en los años 1971-1973, quienes reconocerán en estas páginas no solamente sus ideas sino, con mucha frecuencia, sus palabras. + +Este libro tomó su forma definitiva a raíz de una presentación que hice para un grupo de magistrados y legisladores canadienses. Ahí utilicé por primera vez el paradigma del derecho común anglosajón, que desde entonces quedó incorporado en la estructura del ensayo. Me hubiese gustado poder ilustrar los mismos puntos refiriéndome a los fueros de España, pero mi tardío descubrimiento posterga intentarlo. + +Ivan Illich, Ocotepec, Morelos, enero de 1978. + +# Introducción + +Durante estos próximos años intento trabajar en un epílogo a la era industrial. Quiero delinear el contorno de las mutaciones que afectan al lenguaje, al derecho, a los mitos y a los ritos, en esta época en que se condicionan los hombres y los productos. Quiero trazar un cuadro del ocaso del modo de producción industrial y de la metamorfosis de las profesiones que él engendra y alimenta. + +Sobre todo quiero mostrar lo siguiente: las dos terceras partes de la humanidad pueden aún evitar el atravesar por la era industrial si eligen, desde ahora, un modo de producción basado en un equilibrio posindustrial, ese mismo contra el cual las naciones superindustrializadas se verán acorraladas por la amenaza del caos. Con miras a ese trabajo y en preparación al mismo presento este manifiesto a la atención y la crítica del público. + +En este sentido hace ya varios años que sigo una investigación crítica sobre el monopolio del modo industrial de producción y sobre la posibilidad de definir conceptualmente otros modos de producción posindustrial. Al principio centré mi análisis en la instrumentación educativa; en los resultados publicados en _La sociedad desescolarizada_ (Illich, 1971), quedaron establecidos los puntos siguientes: + +_1._ La educación universal por medio de la escuela obligatoria es imposible. + +_2._ Condicionar a las masas por medio de la educación permanente en nada soluciona los problemas técnicos, pero esto resulta moralmente menos tolerable que la escuela antigua. Nuevos sistemas educativos están en vías de suplantar los sistemas escolares tradicionales tanto en los países ricos como en los pobres. Estos sistemas son instrumentos de condicionamiento, poderosos y eficaces, que producirán en serie una mano de obra especializada consumidores dóciles, usuarios resignados. Tales sistemas hacen rentable y generalizan los procesos de educación a escala de toda una sociedad. Tienen aspectos seductores, pero su seducción oculta la destrucción. Tienen también aspectos que destruyen, de manera sutil e implacable, los valores fundamentales. + +_3._ Una sociedad que aspire a repartir equitativamente el acceso al saber entre sus miembros y a ofrecerles la posibilidad de encontrarse realmente, debería reconocer límites a la manipulación pedagógica y terapéutica que puede exigirse por el crecimiento industrial y que nos obliga a mantener este crecimiento más acá de ciertos umbrales críticos. + +El sistema escolar me ha parecido el ejemplo-tipo de un escenario que se repite en otros campos del complejo industrial: se trata de producir un servicio, llamado de utilidad pública, para satisfacer una necesidad llamada elemental. Luego, nuestra atención se trasladó al sistema de la asistencia médica obligatoria y al sistema de los transportes que, al rebasar cierto umbral de velocidad, también se convierten, a su manera, en obligatorios. La superproducción industrial de un servicio tiene efectos secundarios tan catastróficos y destructores como la superproducción de un bien. Así pues, nos encontramos enfrentando un abanico de límites al crecimiento de los servicios de una sociedad; como en el caso de los bienes, estos límites son inherentes al proceso del crecimiento y, por lo tanto, inexorables. + +De manera que podemos concluir que los _límites_ asignables al crecimiento deben concernir a _los bienes y los servicios_ producidos industrialmente. Son estos límites lo que debemos descubrir y poner de manifiesto. + +Anticipo aquí el concepto de _equilibrio multidimensional_ de la vida humana. Dentro del espacio que traza este concepto, podremos analizar la relación del hombre con su herramienta. Aplicando _'el análisis dimensional'_ esta relación adquirirá una significación absoluta _'natural'_. En cada una de sus dimensiones, este equilibrio de la vida humana corresponde a una escala natural determinada. Cuando una labor con herramientas sobrepasa un umbral definido por la escala _ad hoc_, se vuelve contra su fin, amenazando luego destruir el cuerpo social en su totalidad. Es menester determinar con precisión estas escalas y los umbrales que permitan circunscribir el campo de la supervivencia humana. + +En la etapa avanzada de la producción en masa, una sociedad produce su propia destrucción. Se desnaturaliza la naturaleza: el hombre, desarraigado, castrado en su creatividad, queda encarcelado en su cápsula individual. La colectividad pasa a regirse por el juego combinado de una exacerbada polarización y de una extrema especialización. La continua preocupación por renovar modelos y mercancías produce una aceleración del cambio que destruye el recurso al _precedente_ como guía de la acción. El monopolio del modo de producción industrial convierte a los hombres en materia prima elaboradora de la herramienta. Y esto ya es insoportable. Poco importa que se trate de un monopolio privado o público, la degradación de la naturaleza, la destrucción de los lazos sociales y la desintegración del hombre nunca podrán servir al pueblo. + +Las ideologías imperantes sacan a la luz las contradicciones de la sociedad capitalista. No presentan un cuadro que permita analizar la crisis del modo de producción industrial. Yo espero que algún día, con suficiente vigor y rigor, se formule una teoría general de la industrialización, para que enfrente el asalto de la crítica. + +Para que funcionara adecuadamente, esta teoría tendría que plasmar sus conceptos en un lenguaje común a todas las partes interesadas. Los criterios, conceptualmente definidos, serían otras tantas herramientas a escala humana: instrumentos de medición, medios de control, guías para la acción. Se evaluarían las técnicas disponibles y las diferentes programaciones sociales que implican. Se determinarían umbrales de nocividad de las herramientas, según se volvieran contra su fin o amenazaran al hombre; se limitaría el poder de la herramienta. Se inventarían formas y ritmos de un modo de producción posindustrial y de un nuevo mundo social. + +No es fácil imaginar una sociedad donde la organización industrial esté equilibrada y compensada con modos distintos de producción complementarios y de alto rendimiento. Estamos en tal grado deformados por los hábitos industriales, que ya no osamos considerar el campo de las posibilidades; para nosotros, renunciar a la producción en masa significa retornar a las cadenas del pasado, o adoptar la utopía del buen salvaje. Pero si hemos de ensanchar nuestro ángulo de visión hacia las dimensiones de la realidad, habremos de reconocer que no existe una única forma de utilizar los descubrimientos científicos, sino por lo menos dos, antinómicas entre sí. Una consiste en la aplicación del descubrimiento que conduce a la especialización de las labores, a la institucionalización de los valores, a la centralización del poder. En ella el hombre se convierte en accesorio de la megamáquina, en engranaje de la burocracia. Pero existe una segunda forma de hacer fructificar la invención, que aumenta el poder y el saber de cada uno, permitiéndole ejercitar su creatividad, con la sola condición de no coartar esa misma posibilidad a los demás. + +Si queremos, pues, hablar sobre el mundo futuro, diseñar los contornos teóricos de una sociedad por venir que no sea hiperindustrial, debemos reconocer la existencia de escalas y de límites _naturales_. El equilibrio de la vida se expande en varias dimensiones, y, frágil y complejo, no transgrede ciertos cercos. Hay umbrales que no deben rebasarse. Debemos reconocer que la esclavitud humana no fue abolida por la máquina, sino que solamente obtuvo un rostro nuevo, pues al trasponer un umbral, la herramienta se convierte de servidor en déspota. Pasado un umbral la sociedad se convierte en una escuela, un hospital o una prisión. Es entonces cuando comienza el gran encierro. Importa ubicar precisamente en dónde se encuentra este umbral crítico para cada componente del equilibrio global. Entonces será posible articular de forma nueva la milenaria tríada del hombre, de la herramienta y de la sociedad. Llamo sociedad convivencial a aquella en que la herramienta moderna está al servicio de la persona integrada a la colectividad y no al servicio de un cuerpo de especialistas. Convivencial es la sociedad en la que el hombre controla la herramienta. + +Me doy cuenta de que introduzco una palabra nueva en el uso habitual del lenguaje. Me fundo para ello en el recurso al precedente. El padre de este vocablo es Brillat Savarin en su _Physiologie du gout: Med tat ons sur la gastronomie trascendentale_. Debo precisar, sin embargo, que en la aceptación un poco novedosa que confiero al calificativo, convivencial es la herramienta, no el hombre. + +Al hombre que encuentra su alegría y su equilibrio en el empleo de la herramienta convivencial, le llamo austero. Conoce lo que en castellano podría llamarse _la convivencialidad_; vive dentro de lo que el idioma alemán describe como _Mitmenschlichkeit_. Porque la austeridad no tiene virtud de aislamiento o de reclusión en sí misma. Para Aristóteles como para Tomás de Aquino la austeridad es lo que funda la amistad. Al tratar del juego ordenado y creador, Tomás definió la austeridad[^n01] como una virtud que no excluye todos los placeres, sino únicamente aquellos que degradan la relación personal. La austeridad forma parte de una virtud que es más frágil, que la supera y que la engloba: _la alegría, la eutrapelia, la amistad_. + +# Dos umbrales de mutación + +El año 1913 marca un giro en la historia de la medicina moderna, ya que traspone un umbral. A partir aproximadamente de esta fecha, el paciente tiene más de cincuenta por ciento de probabilidades de que un médico diplomado le proporcione tratamiento eficaz, a condición, por supuesto, de que su mal se encuentre en el repertorio de la ciencia médica de la época. Familiarizados con el ambiente natural, los chamanes y los curanderos no habían esperado hasta esa fecha para atribuirse resultados similares, en un mundo que vivía en un estado de salud concebido en forma diferente. + +A partir de entonces, la medicina ha refinado la definición de los males y la eficacia de los tratamientos. En Occidente, la población ha aprendido a sentirse enferma y a ser atendida de acuerdo con las categorías de moda en los círculos médicos. La obsesión de la cuantificación ha llegado a dominar la clínica, lo cual ha permitido a los médicos medir la magnitud de su éxito por criterios que ellos mismos han establecido. Es así como la salud se ha vuelto una mercancía dentro de una economía en desarrollo. Esta transformación de la salud en producto de consumo social se refleja en la importancia que se da a las estadísticas médicas. + +Sin embargo, los resultados estadísticos sobre los que se basa cada vez más el prestigio de la profesión médica no son, en lo esencial, fruto de sus actividades. La reducción, muchas veces espectacular, de la morbilidad y de la mortalidad se debe sobre todo a las transformaciones del hábitat y del régimen alimenticio y a la adopción de ciertas reglas de higiene muy simples. + +Los alcantarillados, la clorización del agua, el matamoscas, la asepsia y los certificados de no contaminación que requieren los viajeros o las prostitutas, han tenido una influencia benéfica mucho más fuerte que el conjunto de los 'métodos' de tratamientos especializados muy complejos. El avance de la medicina se ha traducido más en controlar las tasas de incidencia que en aumentar la vitalidad de los individuos. + +En cierto sentido, la industrialización, más que el hombre, es la que se ha beneficiado con los progresos de la medicina; la gente se capacitó mejor para trabajar con mayor regularidad bajo condiciones más deshumanizantes. Para ocultar el carácter profundamente destructor de la nueva instrumentación, del trabajo en cadena y del imperio del automóvil, se dio amplia publicidad a los tratamientos espectaculares aplicados a las victimas de la agresión industrial en todas sus formas: velocidad, tensión nerviosa, envenenamiento del ambiente. Y el médico se transformó en un mago; sólo él dispone del poder de hacer milagros que exorcicen el temor; un temor que es engendrado, precisamente, por la necesidad de sobrevivir en un mundo amenazador. + +Al mismo tiempo, si los medios para diagnosticar la necesidad de ciertos tratamientos y el instrumento terapéutico correspondiente se simplificaban, cada uno podría haber determinado mejor por sí mismo los casos de gravidez o septicemia, como podría haber practicado un aborto o tratado un buen número de infecciones. La paradoja está en que mientras más sencilla se vuelve la herramienta, más insiste la profesión médica en conservar el monopolio. Mientras más se prolonga la duración para la iniciación del terapeuta, más depende de él la población en la aplicación de los cuidados más elementales. La higiene, una virtud desde la antigüedad, se convierte en el ritual que un cuerpo de especialistas celebra ante el altar de la ciencia. + +Recién terminada la Segunda Guerra Mundial, se puso de manifiesto que la medicina moderna tenía peligrosos efectos secundarios. Pero habría de transcurrir cierto tiempo antes de que los médicos identificaran la nueva amenaza que representaban los microbios que se habían hecho resistentes a la quimioterapia, y reconocieran un nuevo género de epidemias dentro de los desórdenes genéticos debidos al empleo de rayos X y otros tratamientos durante la gravidez. Treinta años antes, Bernard Shaw se lamentaba ya: los médicos dejan de curar, decía, para tomar a su cargo la vida de sus pacientes. Ha sido necesario esperar hasta los años cincuenta para que esta observación se convirtiera en evidencia: al producir nuevos tipos de enfermedades, la medicina franqueaba un segundo umbral de mutación. + +En el primer plano de los desórdenes que induce la profesión, es necesario colocar su pretensión de fabricar una salud 'mejor'. Las primeras víctimas de este mal iatrogenético (es decir, engendrado por la medicina) fueron los planificadores y los médicos. Pronto la aberración se extendió por todo el cuerpo social. En el transcurso de los quince años siguientes, la medicina especializada se convirtió en una verdadera amenaza para la salud. Se emplearon sumas colosales para borrar los estragos inconmensurables producidos por los tratamientos médicos. No es tan cara la curación como lo es la prolongación de la enfermedad. Los moribundos pueden vegetar por mucho tiempo, aprisionados en un pulmón de acero, dependientes de un tubo de perfusión, o sometidos al funcionamiento de un riñón artificial. Sobrevivir en ciudades insalubres, y a pesar de las condiciones de trabajo extenuantes, cuesta cada vez más caro. Mientras tanto, el monopolio médico extiende su acción a un número cada vez mayor de situaciones de la vida cotidiana. No sólo el tratamiento médico, sino también la investigación biológica, han contribuido a esta proliferación de las enfermedades. La invención de cada nueva modalidad de vida y de muerte ha llevado consigo la definición paralela de una nueva norma y, en cada caso, la definición correspondiente de una nueva desviación, de una nueva malignidad. + +Finalmente, se ha hecho imposible para la abuela, para la tía o para la vecina, hacerse cargo de una mujer encinta, de un herido, de un enfermo, de un lisiado o de un moribundo, con lo cual se ha creado una demanda imposible de satisfacer. A medida que sube el precio del servicio, la asistencia personal se hace más difícil, y frecuentemente imposible. Al mismo tiempo, cada vez se hace más justificable el tratamiento para situaciones comunes, a partir de la multiplicación de las especializaciones y para profesiones cuyo único fin es mantener la instrumentación terapéutica bajo el control de la corporación. + +Al llegar al segundo umbral, es la _vida_ misma la que parece enferma dentro de un ambiente deletéreo. La protección de una población sumisa y dependiente se convierte en la preocupación principal, y en el gran negocio, de la profesión médica. Se vuelve un privilegio la costosa asistencia de prevención o de cura, al cual tienen derecho únicamente los consumidores importantes de servicios médicos. Las personas que pueden recurrir a un especialista, ser admitidas en un gran hospital o beneficiarse de la instrumentación para el tratamiento de la vida, son los enfermos cuyo caso se presenta interesante o los habitantes de las grandes ciudades, en donde el costo para la prevención médica, la purificación del agua y el control de la contaminación es excepcionalmente elevado. Paradójicamente, la asistencia por habitante resulta tanto más cara cuanto más elevado el costo de la prevención. Y se necesita haber consumido prevención y tratamiento para tener derecho a cuidados excepcionales. Tanto el hospital como la escuela descansan en el principio de que sólo hay que dar a los que tienen. Es así cómo para la educación, los consumidores importantes de la enseñanza tendrán becas de investigación, en tanto que los desplazados tendrán como único derecho el de aprender su fracaso. En relación a la medicina, mayor asistencia conducirá a mayores dolencias: el rico se hará atender cada vez más los males engendrados por la medicina, mientras que el pobre se conformará con sufrirlos. + +Pasado el segundo umbral, los subproductos de la industria médica afectan a poblaciones enteras. La población envejece en los países ricos. Desde que se entra en el mercado del trabajo, se comienza a ahorrar para contratar seguros que garantizarán, por un periodo cada vez más largo, los medios de consumir los servicios de una geriatría costosa. En Estados Unidos el 27% de los gastos médicos van a los ancianos, que representan el nueve por ciento de la población. Es significativo el hecho de que el primer campo de colaboración científica elegido por Nixon y Brejnev concierna a las investigaciones sobre las enfermedades de los ricos que van envejeciendo. De todo el mundo, los capitalistas acuden a los hospitales de Boston, de Houston o de Denver para recibir los cuidados más costosos y singulares, en tanto que en los mismos Estados Unidos, entre las clases pobres, la mortalidad infantil se mantiene comparable a la existente en ciertos países tropicales de África o de Asia. En Norteamérica es preciso ser muy rico para pagarse el lujo que a todo el mundo se le ofrece en los países pobres: ser asistido a la hora de la muerte (estar acompañado por familiares o amigos). En dos días de hospital un norteamericano gasta lo que el Banco Mundial de Desarrollo calcula que es el ingreso medio anual de la población mundial. La medicina moderna hace que más niños alcancen la adolescencia y que más mujeres sobrevivan a sus numerosos embarazos. Entretanto, la población aumenta, sobrepasa la capacidad de acogerse al medio natural, y rompe los diques y las estructuras de la cultura tradicional. Los médicos occidentales hacen ingerir medicamentos a la gente que, en su vida pasada, había aprendido a vivir con sus enfermedades. El mal que se produce es mucho peor que el mal que se cura, pues se engendran nuevas especies de enfermedad que ni la técnica moderna, ni la inmunidad natural, ni la cultura tradicional saben cómo enfrentar. A escala mundial, y muy particularmente en Estados Unidos, la medicina fabrica una raza de individuos vitalmente dependientes de un medio cada vez más costoso, cada vez más artificial, cada vez más higiénicamente programado. En 1970, durante el Congreso de la _American Medical Association_, el presidente, sin atraer ninguna oposición, exhortó a sus colegas pediatras a considerar a todo recién nacido como _paciente_ mientras no haya sido certificada su buena salud. Los niños nacidos en el hospital, alimentados bajo prescripciones, atiborrados de antibióticos, se convierten en adultos que, respirando un aire viciado y comiendo alimentos envenenados, vivirán una existencia de sombras en la gran ciudad moderna. Aún les costará más caro criar a sus hijos, quienes, a su vez, serán aún más dependientes del monopolio médico. El mundo entero se va convirtiendo poco a poco en un hospital poblado de gente que, a lo largo de su vida, debe plegarse a las reglas de higiene dictadas y a las prescripciones médicas. + +Esta medicina burocratizada se expande por el planeta entero. En 1968, el Colegio de Medicina de Shanghai tuvo que inclinarse ante la evidencia: + +> "Producimos médicos llamados de primera clase [...] que ignoran la existencia de quinientos millones de campesinos y sirven únicamente a las minorías urbanas [...] adjudican grandes gastos de laboratorio para exámenes de rutina [...] prescriben, sin necesidad, enormes cantidades de antibióticos [...] y, cuando no hay hospital, ni laboratorios, se ven reducidos a explicar los mecanismos de la enfermedad a gentes por quienes no pueden hacer nada, y a quienes esta explicación a nada conduce."" + +En China, esta toma de conciencia condujo a una inversión de la institución médica. En 1971, informa el mismo colegio, un millón de trabajadores de la salud han alcanzado un nivel aceptable de competencia. Estos trabajadores son campesinos. Durante la temporada de poca actividad, siguen cursos acelerados: aprenden la disección en cerdos, practican los análisis de laboratorio más corrientes, adquieren conocimientos elementales en bacteriología, patología, medicina clínica, higiene y acupuntura. Luego hacen su aprendizaje con médicos o con trabajadores de la salud ya ejercitados. Después de esta primera formación, estos _médicos descalzos_ vuelven a su trabajo original, pero, cuando es necesario, se ausentan para ocuparse de sus camaradas. Son responsables de lo siguiente: la higiene del ambiente de vida y de trabajo, la educación sanitaria, las vacunaciones, los primeros auxilios, la supervivencia de los convalecientes, los partos, el control de la natalidad y los métodos abortivos. + +Diez años después de que la medicina occidental franquease el segundo umbral, China emprende la formación, cada centenar de ciudadanos, de un trabajador competente de la salud. Su ejemplo prueba que es posible invertir de golpe el funcionamiento de una institución dominante. Queda por ver hasta qué punto esta desprofesionalización puede mantenerse, frente al triunfo de la ideología del desarrollo ilimitado y a la presión de los médicos clásicos, recelosos de incorporar a sus homónimos descalzos a la jerarquía médica y formar con ellos una infantería de no graduados que trabajan a tiempo parcial. + +Pero por todas partes se exhiben los síntomas de la enfermedad de la medicina, sin tomar en consideración el desorden profundo del sistema que la engendra. En Estados Unidos, los abogados de los pobres acusan a la _American Medical Association_ de ser un bastión de prejuicios capitalistas, y a sus miembros de llenarse los bolsillos. Los portavoces de las minorías critican la falta de control social en la administración de la salud y en la organización de los sistemas de asistencia. ¿Quieren creer que participando en los consejos de administración de los hospitales podrían controlar las actuaciones del cuerpo médico? Los portavoces de la comunidad negra encuentran escandaloso que los fondos para investigación se concentren en las enfermedades que afligen a los blancos provectos y sobrealimentados. Exigen que las investigaciones se dediquen a una forma particular de la anemia, que afecta solamente a los negros. El elector norteamericano espera que con el término de la guerra del Vietnam se destinen más fondos al desarrollo de la producción médica. Todas estas acusaciones y críticas descansan sobre los síntomas de una medicina que prolifera como un tumor maligno y que produce el alza de los costos y de la demanda, junto con un malestar general. + +La crisis de la medicina tiene raíces mucho más profundas de lo que se puede sospechar a simple vista del examen de sus síntomas. Forma parte integrante de la crisis de todas las instituciones industriales. La medicina se ha desarrollado en una organización compleja de especialistas. Financiada y promovida por la colectividad, se empeña en producir una salud mejor. Los clientes no han faltado, voluntarios para todas las experiencias. Como resultado, el hombre ha perdido el derecho a declararse enfermo: necesita presentar un certificado médico. Aún más, es a un médico a quien hoy corresponde, como representante de la sociedad, elegir la hora de la muerte del paciente. Igual que el condenado a muerte, el enfermo es vigilado escrupulosamente para evitar que encuentre la muerte cuando ella le venga a buscar. + +Las fechas de 1913 y de 1955 que hemos elegido como indicativas de dos umbrales de mutación de la medicina no son restrictivas. Lo importante es comprender lo siguiente: a principios de siglo, la práctica médica se dedicó a la verificación científica de sus resultados empíricos. La aplicación del resultado ha marcado, para la medicina moderna, la trasposición de su primer umbral. El segundo umbral se traspuso al comenzar a decrecer la utilidad marginal de la mayor especialización, cuantificable en términos del bienestar del mayor número; se puede decir que este último umbral se traspuso cuando la _desutilidad_ marginal comenzó a aumentar, a medida que el desarrollo de la institución médica llegó a significar mayor sufrimiento para más gente. En ese momento la institución médica fue más vehemente en cantar victoria. Los virtuosos de las nuevas especialidades exhibían como _vedettes_ a algunos individuos atacados de raras enfermedades. La práctica médica se concentró en operaciones espectaculares realizadas por equipos hospitalarios. La fe en la operación-milagro cegaba el buen sentido y destruía la sabiduría antigua en materia de salud y curación. Los médicos extendieron el uso inmoderado de drogas químicas entre el público general. En la actualidad el costo social de la medicina ha dejado de ser mensurable en términos clásicos. ¿Cómo medir las falsas esperanzas, el agobio del control social, la prolongación del sufrimiento, la soledad, la degradación del patrimonio genético y el sentimiento de frustración engendrados por la institución médica? + +Otras instituciones industriales han traspuesto también estos dos umbrales. En particular es el caso de las grandes industrias terciarias y de las actividades productivas, _organizadas_ científicamente desde mediados del siglo XIX. La educación, el correo, la asistencia social, los transportes y hasta las obras públicas, han seguido esta evolución. En un principio se aplica un nuevo conocimiento a la solución de un problema claramente definido y los criterios científicos permiten medir los beneficios en eficiencia obtenidos. Pero, en seguida, el progreso obtenido se convierte en medio para explotar al conjunto social, para ponerlo al servicio de los valores que una élite especializada, garante de su propio valor, determina y revisa constantemente. + +En el caso de los transportes, se ha necesitado el transcurso de un siglo para pasar de la liberación lograda a través de los vehículos motorizados, a la esclavitud impuesta por el automóvil. Los transportes a vapor comenzaron a ser utilizados durante la Guerra de Secesión. Este nuevo sistema dio a mucha gente la posibilidad de viajar en ferrocarril a la velocidad de una carroza real y con un confort jamás soñado por rey alguno. Poco a poco se empezó a confundir la buena circulación con la alta velocidad. Desde que la industria de los transportes traspuso su segundo umbral de mutación, los vehículos crean más distancia de la que suprimen. El conjunto de la sociedad consagra a la circulación cada vez más tiempo del que supone que ésta le ha de hacer ganar. Por su parte, el norteamericano tipo dedica más de 1.500 horas por año a su automóvil: sentado en él, en movimiento o estacionado, trabajando para pagarlo, para pagar la gasolina, los neumáticos, los peajes, el seguro, las contravenciones y los impuestos. De manera que emplea cuatro horas diarias en su automóvil, sea usándolo, cuidando de él o trabajando para sus gastos. Y conste que aquí no se han tomado en cuenta otras actividades determinadas por el transporte: el tiempo pasado en el hospital, en los tribunales o en garaje, el tiempo pasado en ver por televisión la publicidad automovilística, el tiempo consumido en ganar dinero necesario para viajar en vacaciones, etc. Y este norteamericano necesita esas 1.500 horas para hacer apenas 10.000 kilómetros de ruta; seis kilómetros le toman una hora. + +La visión que se tiene de la crisis social actual se ilumina con la comprensión de los dos umbrales de mutación descritos. En sólo una década, varias instituciones dominantes han traspuesto juntas, gallardamente, el segundo umbral. La escuela ya no es un buen instrumento de educación, ni el automóvil un buen instrumento de transporte, ni la línea de montaje un modo aceptable de producción. La escuela produce males y la velocidad devora el tiempo. + +Durante los años sesenta, la reacción característica contra el crecimiento de la insatisfacción ha sido la _escalada_ de la técnica y de la burocracia. La escalada del poder de autodestruirse se convierte en el rito ceremonial de las sociedades altamente industrializadas. La guerra de Vietnam ha sido en este sentido una revelación y un encubrimiento. Ha revelado ante el planeta entero el ritual _en ejercicio_, sobre un campo de batalla. Pero, al hacerlo, ha desviado nuestra atención de los sectores llamados pacíficos, en donde el mismo rito se repite más discretamente. La historia de la guerra de Vietnam demuestra que un ejército convivencial de ciclistas y de peatones puede revertir en su favor las oleadas del poder anónimo del enemigo. Por lo tanto, ahora que la guerra ha 'terminado', son muchos los norteamericanos que piensan que con el dinero gastado anualmente para dejarse vencer por los vietnamitas, sería posible vencer la pobreza doméstica. Otros quieren destinar los veinte billones de dólares del presupuesto de guerra a reforzar la cooperación internacional, lo que multiplicaría por diez los recursos actuales. Ni los unos ni los otros comprenden que la misma estructura institucional sostiene la guerra pacífica contra la pobreza y la guerra sangrienta contra la disidencia. Todos elevan en un grado más la escalada que tratan de eliminar. + +# La reconstrucción convivencial + +## La herramienta y la crisis + +Ya son manifiestos los síntomas de una crisis planetaria progresivamente acelerada. Por todos lados se ha buscado el porqué. Anticipo, por mi parte, la siguiente explicación: la crisis se arraiga en el fracaso de la empresa moderna, a saber, la sustitución del hombre por la máquina. El gran proyecto se ha metamorfoseado en un implacable proceso de servidumbre para el productor, y de intoxicación para el consumidor. + +El señorío del hombre sobre la herramienta fue reemplazado por el señorío de la herramienta sobre el hombre. Es aquí donde es preciso saber reconocer el fracaso. Hace ya un centenar de años que tratamos de hacer trabajar a la máquina _para el hombre_ y de educar al hombre para _servir a la máquina_. Ahora se descubre que la máquina no 'marcha', y que el hombre no podría conformarse a sus exigencias, convirtiéndose de por vida en su servidor. Durante un siglo, la humanidad se entregó a una experiencia fundada en la siguiente hipótesis: la herramienta puede sustituir al esclavo. Ahora bien, se ha puesto de manifiesto que, aplicada a estos propósitos, es la herramienta la que hace al hombre su esclavo. + +La sociedad en que la planificación central sostiene que el productor manda, como la sociedad en que las estadísticas pretenden que el consumidor es rey, son dos variantes políticas de la misma dominación por los instrumentos industriales en constante expansión. El fracaso de esta gran aventura conduce a la conclusión de que la hipótesis era falsa. + +La solución de la crisis exige una conversión radical: solamente echando abajo la sólida estructura que regula la relación del hombre con la herramienta, podremos darnos unas herramientas justas. La herramienta justa responde a tres exigencias: es generadora de eficiencia sin degradar la autonomía personal; no suscita ni esclavos ni amos; expande el radio de acción personal. El hombre necesita de una herramienta _con la cual trabajar_, y no de instrumentos que _trabajen en su lugar_. Necesita de una tecnología que saque el mejor partido de la energía y de la imaginación personales, no de una tecnología que le avasalle y le programe. + +Yo creo que se deben _invertir_ radicalmente las instituciones industriales y _reconstruir_ la sociedad completamente. Para poder ser eficiente y poder cubrir las necesidades humanas que determina, un nuevo sistema de producción debe también reencontrar nuevamente la dimensión personal y comunitaria. La persona, la célula de base, conjugando en forma óptima la eficacia y la autonomía, es la única escala que debe determinar la necesidad humana dentro de la cual la producción social es realizable. + +El hombre quieto o en movimiento necesita de herramientas. Necesita de ellas tanto para comunicarse con el otro como para atenderse a sí mismo. El hombre que camina y se cura con sencillez no es el hombre que hace cien kilómetros por hora sobre la autopista y toma antibióticos. Pero ninguno de ellos puede valerse totalmente por sí mismo y depende de lo que le suministra su ambiente natural y cultural. La herramienta es, pues, el proveedor de los objetos y servicios que varían de una civilización a otra. + +Pero el hombre no se alimenta únicamente de bienes y servicios, necesita también de la libertad para moldear los objetos que le rodean, para darles forma a su gusto, para utilizarlos con y para los demás. En los países ricos, los presos frecuentemente disponen de más bienes y servicios que su propia familia, pero no tienen voz ni voto sobre la forma en que se hacen las cosas, ni tienen derechos sobre lo que se hace con ellas. Degradados esencialmente al rango de meros consumidores-usuarios, se ven privados de la _convivencialidad_. + +Por _convivencialidad_ entiendo lo inverso de la productividad industrial. Cada uno de nosotros se define por la relación con los otros y con el ambiente, así como por la sólida estructura de las herramientas que utiliza. Éstas pueden ordenarse en una serie continua cuyos extremos son la herramienta como instrumento dominante y la herramienta convivencial. El paso de la productividad a la convivencialidad es el paso de la repetición de la falta a la espontaneidad del don. La relación industrial es reflejo condicionado, una respuesta estereotipada del individuo a los mensajes emitidos por otro usuario a quien jamás conocerá a no ser por un medio artificial que jamás comprenderá. La relación convivencial, en cambio siempre nueva, es acción de personas que participan en la creación de la vida social. Trasladarse de la productividad a la convivencialidad es sustituir un valor técnico por un valor ético, un valor material por un valor realizado. _La convivencialidad es la libertad individual, realizada dentro del proceso de producción, en el seno de una sociedad equipada con herramientas eficaces_. Cuando una sociedad, no importa cuál, rechaza la convivencialidad antes de alcanzar un cierto nivel, se convierte en presa de la falta, ya que ninguna hipertrofia de la productividad logrará jamás satisfacer las necesidades creadas y multiplicadas por la envidia. + +## La alternativa + +La institución industrial tiene sus fines que justifican los medios. El dogma del crecimiento acelerado justifica la sacralización de la productividad industrial, a costa de la convivencialidad. La desarraigada sociedad actual se nos presenta de pronto como un teatro de la peste, un espectáculo de sombras productoras de demandas y generadoras de escasez. Únicamente _invirtiendo la lógica de la institución_ se hace posible revertir el movimiento. Por esta inversión radical la ciencia y la tecnología moderna no serán aniquiladas, sino que dotarán a la actividad humana de una eficacia sin precedentes. Por esta inversión ni la industria ni la burocracia serán destruidas, sino eliminadas como impedimentos a otros modos de producción. Y la convivencialidad será restaurada en el centro mismo de los sistemas políticos que protegen, garantizan y refuerzan el ejercicio óptimo del recurso que mejor repartido está en el mundo: _la energía personal que controla la persona_. Oigo decir que desde ahora es necesario que aseguremos colectivamente la defensa de nuestra vida y de nuestro trabajo contra los instrumentos y las instituciones, que amenazan o desconocen el derecho de las personas a utilizar su energía en forma creativa. Oigo proponer que con este objeto debemos explicitar la estructura formal común a los procesos de decisión ética, legal y política: es ella _la que garantiza que la limitación y el control de las herramientas sociales_ serán resultado de un proceso de participación y no de los oráculos de los expertos. + +El ideal propuesto por la tradición socialista no se traducirá en realidad mientras no se inviertan las instituciones imperantes y no sea sustituida la instrumentación industrial por herramientas convivenciales. Y por su parte la reinstrumentación de la sociedad tiene todas las probabilidades de perdurar como piadoso propósito, si los ideales socialistas de justicia no lo adoptan. Por ello se debe saludar a la crisis declarada de las instituciones dominantes como al amanecer de una liberación revolucionaria que nos emancipará de aquellas instancias que mutilan la libertad elemental del ser humano, con el solo fin de atosigar cada vez a más usuarios. Esta crisis planetaria de las instituciones nos puede hacer llegar a un _nuevo estado de conciencia_, que afecte a la naturaleza de la herramienta y a la acción a seguir, para que la mayoría tome el control. Si, desde ahora, las herramientas no se someten a un control político, la cooperación de los burócratas del bienestar y de los burócratas de la ideología nos hará reventar de 'felicidad'. La libertad y la dignidad del ser humano seguirán degradándose, estableciendo una servidumbre sin precedentes del hombre a su herramienta. + +A la amenaza de un apocalipsis tecnocrático, yo opongo la visión de una sociedad convivencial. La sociedad convivencial descansará sobre contratos sociales que garanticen a cada uno el mayor y más libre acceso a las herramientas de la comunidad, con la condición de no lesionar una igual libertad de acceso al otro. + +## Los valores de base + +En nuestros días existe la tendencia a confiar a un cuerpo de especialistas la tarea de sondear y anunciar el futuro. Se entrega el poder a hombres políticos que prometen construir la megamáquina para producir el porvenir. Se acepta una creciente disparidad de niveles de energía y de poder, puesto que el desarrollo de la productividad requiere la desigualdad. Mientras más igualitaria es la distribución, más centralizado es el control de la producción. Las propias instituciones políticas funcionan como mecanismos de presión y de represión, que doman al ciudadano y vuelven a domar al desviado para conformarlos a los objetivos de producción. El Derecho se subordina al bien de la institución. El consenso de la fe utilitaria degrada la justicia al simple rango de una distribución equitativa de los productos de la institución. + +Una sociedad que define el bien como la satisfacción máxima, por el mayor consumo de bienes y servicios industriales, del mayor número de gente, mutila en forma intolerable la autonomía de la persona. Una solución política de repuesto a este utilitarismo definiría el bien por la capacidad de cada uno para moldear la imagen de su propio porvenir. Esta redefinición del bien puede ser operacional sólo si se aplican criterios negativos. Ante todo se trata de proscribir los instrumentos y las leyes que obstaculizan el ejercicio de la libertad personal. Esta empresa colectiva limitaría las dimensiones de las herramientas, a fin de defender valores esenciales que yo llamaría: _sobrevivencia, equidad, autonomía creadora_, pero que asimismo podrían designarse por los tres criterios matemáticos de viabilidad, curva de distribución de _inputs_ y curva de control de _outputs_. Estos valores son fundamento para toda estructura convivencial, aun cuando las leyes y la moral varíen de una cultura a otra. + +Cada uno de estos valores limita, a su manera, la herramienta. La supervivencia es condición necesaria, pero no suficiente, para la equidad: se puede sobrevivir en prisión. La _equidad_ en la distribución de los productos industriales es condición necesaria, pero no suficiente, para un trabajo convivencial: uno puede convertirse en prisionero de la instrumentación. La autonomía, como poder de control sobre la energía, engloba los dos primeros valores citados, y define el _trabajo convivencial_. Éste tiene, como condición, el establecimiento de estructuras que posibiliten esta distribución equitativa de la energía. Debemos construir --y gracias a los progresos científicos lo podemos hacer-- una sociedad posindustrial en que el ejercicio de la creatividad de una persona no imponga jamás a otra un trabajo, un conocimiento o un consumo obligatorio. En la era de la tecnología científica, _solamente una estructura convivencial de la herramienta puede conjugar la supervivencia y la equidad_. La equidad exige que, a un tiempo, se compartan el poder y el haber. Si bien la carrera por la energía conduce al holocausto, la centralización del control de la energía en manos de un leviatán burocrático sacrificaría el control igualitario de la misma a la ficción de una distribución equitativa de los productos obtenidos. La estructuración convivencial de las herramientas es una necesidad y una urgencia desde el momento en que la ciencia libera nuevas formas de energía. Una estructura convivencial de la herramienta hace realizable la equidad y practicable la justicia; ella constituye la única garantía de supervivencia. + +## El precio de esta inversión + +Sin embargo, la transición del presente estado de cosas a un modo de producción convivencial amenazará a mucha gente, incluso en sus posibilidades de sobrevivir. En opinión del hombre industrializado, los primeros en sufrir y morir, a consecuencia de los límites impuestos a la industria, serían los pobres. Pero la dominación del hombre por la herramienta ha tomado ya un giro suicida. La supervivencia de Bangladesh depende del trigo canadiense, y la salud de los neoyorquinos exige el saqueo de los recursos planetarios. La transición pues a una sociedad convivencial irá acompañada de extremos sufrimientos: hambre para algunos, pánico para otros. Tienen el derecho a desear esta transición sólo aquellos que saben que la organización industrial dominante está en vías de producir sufrimientos aún peores, so pretexto de aliviarlos. Para ser posible dentro de la equidad, la supervivencia exige sacrificios y postula una elección. Exige una renuncia general a la sobrepoblación, a la sobreabundancia y al superpoder, ya se trate de individuos o de grupos. Esto redunda en renunciar a la ilusión que sustituye la preocupación por lo prójimo, es decir _del más próximo_, por la insoportable pretensión de organizar la vida en las antípodas. Esto implica renunciar al poder, en servicio tanto de los demás como de sí mismo. La supervivencia dentro de la equidad no será producto de un _ukase_ de los burócratas, ni efecto de un cálculo de los tecnócratas. Será resultado del idealismo de los humildes. La convivencialidad no tiene precio, pero se debe saber muy bien lo que costará desprenderse del modelo actual. El hombre reencontrará la alegría de la sobriedad y de la austeridad, reaprendiendo a depender del otro, en vez de convertirse en esclavo de la energía y de la burocracia todopoderosa. + +## Los límites de mi demostración + +En lo que sigue, no pretendo otra cosa que ofrecer una metodología que permita detectar los medios que han sido transformados en fines. Me ciño a la rudeza de la herramienta, no a la sutileza de la intención. El rigor de mi propósito me impedirá tratar cuestiones laterales, complementarias o subordinadas. + +_1._ De nada me serviría ofrecer una ficción detallada de la sociedad futura. Quiero dar una guía para actuar y dejar libre curso a la imaginación. La _vida_ dentro de una sociedad convivencial y moderna nos reserva sorpresas que sobrepasan nuestra imaginación y nuestra esperanza. No propongo una _utopía normativa_, sino las condiciones formales de un procedimiento que permita a cada colectividad elegir continuamente su utopía realizable. La convivencialidad es multiforme. + +_2._ No he de proponer aquí _un tratado de organización_ de las instituciones, ni un _manual técnico_ para la fabricación de la herramienta justa, ni un _modo de empleo_ de la institución convivencial, desde el momento en que no pretendo vender una tecnología 'mejor', ni soy propagandista de una ideología. Sólo espero definir los indicadores que hacen guiños cada vez que la herramienta manipula al hombre, con el fin de poder proscribir la instrumentación y las instituciones que destruyen el modo de vida convivencial. Este manifiesto es pues guía, detector para utilizarlo como tal. La paradoja es que, actualmente, hemos alcanzado un nivel anteriormente impensable en nuestra habilidad de instrumentar la acción humana y que, por lo mismo, es justamente en nuestra época cuando resulta difícil imaginar una sociedad de herramientas simples, en donde el hombre pudiera lograr sus fines utilizando una energía puesta bajo su control personal. Nuestros sueños están estandarizados, nuestra imaginación industrializada, nuestra fantasía programada. No somos capaces de concebir más que sistemas de hiperinstrumentalización para los hábitos sociales, adaptados a la lógica de la producción en masa. Casi hemos perdido la capacidad de soñar un mundo en donde la palabra se tome y se comparta, en donde nadie límite la creatividad del prójimo, en donde cada uno pueda cambiar la vida. + +El mundo actual está dividido en dos: están aquellos que no tienen lo suficiente y aquellos que tienen demasiado; aquellos a quienes los automóviles sacan de la carretera y aquellos que conducen esos vehículos. Los pobres se sienten frustrados y los ricos siempre insatisfechos. Una sociedad equipada con el sistema de rodamientos a bolas (menor fricción en el rodaje) y que rodara al ritmo del hombre sería incomparablemente más autónoma que todas las sociedades programadas del presente. Nos encontramos en la época de los hombres-máquina, incapaces de considerar, en su riqueza y en su concreción, el radio de acción que ofrecen las herramientas modernas mantenidas dentro de ciertos límites. En su mente no hay un lugar reservado al salto cualitativo que implicaría una economía en equilibrio estable con el mundo. + +En su cerebro no hay un hueco para una sociedad liberada de los horarios y de los tratamientos que les impone el incremento de la instrumentalización. El hombre-máquina no conoce la alegría que tiene al alcance de la mano dentro de una pobreza querida; no conoce la sobria embriaguez de la vida. Una sociedad en donde cada cual apreciara lo que es suficiente sería quizás una sociedad pobre, pero sería seguramente rica en sorpresas y sería libre. + +_3._ Me atengo a la estructura de la herramienta, _no a la estructura del carácter del individuo y de la comunidad_. Ciertamente, la reconstrucción social, esencialmente en los países ricos implica que la mirada adquiera transparencia, que la sonrisa se haga atenta y que los gestos se suavicen: exige una reconstrucción del hombre y de la índole de la sociedad. Pero aquí no hablo como psicólogo, aunque estoy seguro de que dominar la herramienta permitirá disminuir la distorsión del carácter social. + +Cada ciudad tiene su historia y su cultura y, por lo mismo, cada paisaje urbano de hoy sufre la misma degradación. Todas las supercarreteras, todos los hospitales, todas las aulas, todas las oficinas, todos los grandes complejos urbanos y todos los supermercados se asemejan. Las mismas herramientas producen los mismos efectos. Todos los policías motorizados y todos los especialistas en informática se parecen; en toda la superficie del planeta tienen la misma apariencia y hacen los mismos gestos, en tanto que, de una región a otra, los pobres difieren. A menos de reinstrumentalizar la sociedad, no escaparemos a la homogeneización progresiva de todo, al desarraigamiento cultural y a la estandarización de las relaciones personales. Una investigación complementaria sería la que se ocuparía de los caracteres del hombre industrial que obstaculizan o amenazan la reinstrumentación. Yo no quiero dar recetas para cambiar al hombre y crear una nueva sociedad, y no pretendo saber cómo van a cambiar las personalidades y las culturas. Pero sí tengo una certeza: una pluralidad de herramientas limitadas y de organizaciones convivenciales estimularía una diversidad de modos de vida, que tendría más en cuenta la memoria, es decir la herencia del pasado, o la invención, es decir la creación. + +_4._ Cae fuera de mi propósito central el ocuparme _de la estrategia o de la táctica política_; a excepción tal vez de China bajo el presidente Mao Tse Tung, ningún gobierno actual podría reestructurar su proyecto para la sociedad siguiendo una linea convivencial. Los dirigentes de los partidos y de las industrias son como los oficiales de un barco, apostados al timón de mando de las instituciones dominantes: empresas multinacionales, estados, partidos políticos y movimientos organizados, monopolios profesionales, etc., pueden cambiar de ruta, de cargamento y de dotación, pero no de oficio. Hasta pueden producir una demanda que satisfaga la oferta de herramientas, o limitarla para maximizar las ganancias. El presidente de una empresa europea o el de una comuna china pueden facilitar la participación cómplice de los trabajadores en las directrices de producción, pero no tienen el poder de invertir la estructura de la institución que dirigen. + +Las instituciones dominantes optimizan la producción de los megainstrumentos y la orientan hacia una población de fantasmas. Los directivos de hoy forman una clase nueva de hombres; seleccionados por su personalidad, su saber y su gusto por el poder, son hombres entrenados para garantizar, al mismo tiempo, el incremento del producto bruto y el acondicionamiento del cliente. Detentan el poder y poseen la energía, dejando al público la ilusión de mantener la propiedad legal de los instrumentos. Es a ellos a quienes hay que liquidar. Pero de nada servirá eliminarlos, sobre todo si es para limitarse a reemplazarlos. El nuevo equipo en el poder, pretendería ser más legítimo, con mayor base para manipular ese poder heredado y bien estructurado. Así sólo hay una forma de liquidar para siempre a los dirigentes: demoliendo la maquinaria que los hace necesarios y, con ello, la demanda masiva que asegura su imperio. La profesión de gerente general no tiene porvenir en una sociedad convivencial, como no tiene cabida el profesor en una sociedad sin escuela. Una especie se extingue cuando ya no tiene razón de ser. + +Lo inverso es un medio propicio a la producción, obra de un pueblo anárquico. Pero el político que ha conquistado el poder es el último en comprender el poder de la renuncia. En una sociedad donde la decisión política encauzara la eficacia de la herramienta, no sólo se extenderían los destinos personales, sino que saldrían a la luz nuevas formas de participación política. El hombre hace la herramienta y se hace por la herramienta. La herramienta convivencial suprime ciertos escalones de poder, de limitación y de programación, aquellos precisamente que tienden a uniformar a todos los gobiernos actuales. La adopción de un modo de producción convivencial no prejuzga en favor de ninguna forma determinada de gobierno, como tampoco excluye una federación mundial, pactos entre naciones, entre comunas o conservación de ciertos tipos de gobiernos tradicionales. En el centro de una sociedad convivencial está la vida política, pero aquí me concreto a describir los criterios estructurales negativos de la producción y la estructura formal base para un nuevo pluralismo político. + +_5._ Una metodología que nos permita detectar la destrucción de la sociedad por la mega-instrumentación postula el reconocimiento de la supervivencia dentro de la equidad como valor fundamental e implica, por lo tanto la elaboración de una teoría de la justicia. Pero este primer manifiesto no puede ser _ni un tratado ni un compendio de ética_. En apoyo de mi argumento, es preciso que me contente con enunciar simplemente los valores fundamentales de esta teoría. + + +_6._ En una sociedad posindustrial y convivencial, los problemas económicos no desaparecerán de un día para otro, como tampoco se resolverán por sí solos. Reconocer que el PNB no evalúa el bienestar, no elimina la necesidad de una noción que cuantifique las transferencias injustas de poder; asignar límites no monetarios y políticamente definidos al incremento industrial, entraña someter a revisión muchas nociones económicas consagradas, pero no hace desaparecer la desigualdad entre los hombres. Limitar la explotación del hombre por la herramienta trae consigo el peligro de que ella sea sustituida por nuevas formas de explotación del hombre por el hombre. Pero de hecho, el individuo tendrá mayores posibilidades de integrarse a la sociedad, de provocar el cambio, que en la era industrial o preindustrial. + +Aún limitada, la herramienta convivencial será incomparablemente más eficiente que la herramienta primitiva, y, a diferencia de la instrumentación industrial, estará al alcance de todos. Pero habrá quienes le saquen más ventajas que otros. Se dirá que la limitación de los instrumentos no pasará de ser letra muerta mientras _una nueva teoría económica_ no haya alcanzado la etapa de operación que asegure la redistribución dentro de una sociedad descentralizada. Esto, que es absolutamente exacto, cae, sin embargo, _fuera del propósito_ que nos ocupa, que es el de una teoría sobre la eficacia y la distribución de los medios de producción, y no el de una teoría que se refiera directamente a la reorganización financiera. Propongo, pues, la identificación de seis cercos imponibles a la expansión de la producción. Cada uno de ellos representa una dimensión natural dentro de la cual las unidades de medida de la economía se reducen a una clase de factores sin dimensión. + +## La industrialización de la falta + +Una metodología que permita señalar la perversión de la herramienta al convertirse en su propio fin, encontrará necesariamente una fuerte resistencia entre quienes están habituados a medir el bien en términos de francos o de dólares. Platón decía que el mal hombre de estado cree poder medirlo todo y mezcla la consideración de lo inferior y de lo superior en busca de lo que conviene más al fin pretendido. Nuestra actitud hacia la producción ha sido moldeada, a lo largo de los siglos, por una larga sucesión de este tipo de hombres de estado. Poco a poco las instituciones no sólo han conformado nuestra demanda, sino que también han dado forma a nuestra lógica, es decir, a nuestro sentido de la medida. Primero se pide lo que produce la institución, pronto se cree no poder vivir sin ello. Y mientras menos se puede gozar de lo que ha llegado a convertirse en necesidad, más fuertemente se siente la necesidad de cuantificarlo. La necesidad personal se convierte así en falta medible. + +La invención de la 'educación' es un ejemplo de lo que expongo. Se tiene la tendencia a olvidar que la necesidad de educación, en su acepción moderna, es una invención reciente. Era desconocida antes de la Reforma, excepto en la crianza de la primera edad, que los animales y los hombres prodigan a sus crías. Se la distinguía con mucha exactitud de la instrucción necesaria al niño, y del estudio al cual más tarde se dedicaban algunos, bajo la dirección de un maestro. Para Voltaire, la palabra 'educación' era todavía un neologismo presuntuoso, empleado por fatuos maestros de escuela. + +La empresa que consiste en hacer pasar a todos los hombres por grados sucesivos de iluminación encuentra raíces profundas en la alquimia, el Gran Arte de finales de la Edad Media. Con muy justo título se considera Juan Amos Comenius, obispo moravo del siglo XVII --pansofista y pedagogo, como él mismo se nombraba--, uno de los fundadores de la escuela moderna. Fue uno de los primeros en proponer siete o doce grados de aprendizaje obligatorio. En su _Magna Didáctica_ describe la escuela como un instrumento para «enseñar a todos totalmente todo» ( _omnes_ , _omnta_ , _omino_ ) y esboza el proyecto de una producción en cadena del saber, que disminuye el costo y aumenta el valor de la educación, con el fin de permitir a cada cual alcanzar la plenitud de la humanidad. Pero Comenius no sólo fue uno de los primeros teóricos de la producción en masa, fue también un alquimista, que adaptó el vocabulario técnico de la transmutación de los elementos al arte de criar a los niños. El alquimista quiere refinar los elementos base, purificando sus espíritus a través de doce etapas sucesivas de iluminación. Al término de este proceso, para su mayor bien y el del universo, los elementos son transformables en metal precioso: el residuo de la materia, habiendo sufrido siete clases de tratamiento, da plata, y lo que subsiste, después de doce pruebas, da oro. Naturalmente los alquimistas fracasaban siempre, cualquiera que fuera la perseverancia en sus esfuerzos, pero siempre su ciencia les ofrecía nuevas buenas razones para volver a la carga con tenacidad. El fracaso de la alquimia culmina con el fracaso de la industria. + +El modo industrial de producción fue plenamente racionalizado, por primera vez, con motivo de la fabricación de un nuevo bien de servicio: la educación, la pedagogía agregó un nuevo capítulo a la historia del Gran Arte. Dentro del proceso alquimista, la educación se convierte en la búsqueda de aquello de donde nacerá un nuevo tipo de hombre, requerido por el medio, moldeado por la magia científica. Pero sea cual haya sido el precio pagado por las sucesivas generaciones, se reveló cada vez de nuevo que la mayoría de los alumnos no eran dignos de alcanzar los más altos grados de la iluminación, y era preciso excluirlos del juego, por ineptos para llevar la 'verdadera' vida, ofrecida en ese mundo creado por el hombre. + +La redefinición del proceso de adquisición del saber, en términos de escolarización, no sólo ha justificado a la escuela, al darle apariencia de necesidad, sino que también, simultáneamente, ha creado una nueva especie de pobres, los no escolarizados, y una nueva clase de segregación social, la discriminación de los que carecen de educación por parte de los orgullosos de haberla recibido. El individuo escolarizado sabe exactamente el nivel que ha alcanzado en la pirámide jerárquica del saber, y conoce con precisión lo que le falta para alcanzar la cúspide. Una vez que acepta ser definido por una administración, según su grado de conocimientos, acepta después, sin dudar, que los burócratas determinen sus necesidades de salud, que los tecnócratas definan su falta de movilidad. Una vez moldeado en la mentalidad de consumidor-usuario, ya no puede ver la perversión de los medios en fines, inherente a la estructura misma de la producción industrial tanto de lo necesario como de lo suntuario. Condicionado para creer que la escuela puede ofrecerle una existencia de conocimientos, llega a creer igualmente que los transportes pueden ahorrarle tiempo, o que en sus aplicaciones militares, la física atómica le puede proteger. Se apega a la idea de que el aumento de salarios corresponde al del nivel de vida y que el crecimiento del sector terciario refleja un alza en la calidad de la vida. + +En realidad, la industrialización de las necesidades reduce toda satisfacción a un acto de verificación operacional, sustituye la alegría de vivir por el placer de aplicar una medida. + +El servicio _educación_ y la institución escuela se justifican mutuamente. La colectividad sólo tiene una manera de salir de ese círculo vicioso, y es tomando conciencia de que la institución ha llegado a fijar ella misma los fines: la institución presenta valores abstractos, luego los materializa encadenando al hombre a mecanismos implacables. ¿Cómo romper el círculo? Es necesario hacerse la pregunta: ¿quién me encadena, quién me habitúa a sus drogas? Hacerse la pregunta es ya responderla. Es liberarse de la opresión del sin sentido y de la falta, reconociendo cada uno su propia capacidad de aprender, de moverse, de descuidarse, de hacerse entender y de comprender. Esta liberación es obligadamente instantánea, puesto que no hay término medio entre la inconsciencia y el despertar. La falta, que la sociedad industrial mantiene con esmero, no sobrevive al descubrimiento que muestra cómo las personas y las comunidades pueden, ellas mismas, satisfacer sus verdaderas necesidades. + +La definición industrial de los valores entorpece extremadamente la posibilidad del usuario de percibir la estructura profunda de los medios sociales. Le es difícil captar que existe una vía distinta, que no es la alienación del trabajo, la industrialización de la falta y la supereficiencia de la herramienta. Le es difícil imaginar que se puede ganar en rendimiento social lo que se pierde en rentabilidad industrial. El temor de que rechazando el presente se retorne a la esclavitud del pasado, le encierra en la prisión multinacional de hoy, llámese ésta fábrica Phillips o escuela. + +En tiempos pasados la existencia dorada de unos cuantos descansaba sobre la servidumbre de los demás. La eficiencia de cada uno era débil: la vida fácil de una minoría exigía el embargo del trabajo de la mayoría. Ahora bien, una serie de descubrimientos recientes, muy simples, pero inconcebibles en el siglo XVIII, han aumentado la eficiencia del hombre. El balero[^n02], la sierra, la reja de acero del arado, la bomba de agua o la bicicleta, han multiplicado el rendimiento horario del hombre y facilitado su trabajo. + +En Occidente, entre la alta Edad Media y el Siglo de las Luces, más de un auténtico humanista se extravió en el sueño del alquimista. La ilusión consistía en creer que la máquina era un hombre artificial que reemplazaría al esclavo. + +## La otra posibilidad: una estructura convivencial + +Una sociedad convivencial es la que ofrece al hombre la posibilidad de ejercer la acción más autónoma y más creativa, con ayuda de las herramientas menos controlables por los otros. La productividad se conjuga en términos de tener, la convivencialidad en términos de ser. En tanto que el incremento de la instrumentación, pasados los umbrales críticos, produce siempre más uniformación reglamentada, mayor dependencia, explotación e impotencia, el respeto a los límites garantizará un libre florecimiento de la autonomía y de la creatividad humanas. Claramente, yo empleo el término _herramienta_ en el sentido más amplio posible, como instrumento o como medio, independientemente de ser producto de la actividad fabricadora, organizadora o racionalizante del hombre o, como es el caso del sílex prehistórico, simplemente apropiado por la mano del hombre para realizar una tarea específica, es decir, para ser puesto al servicio de una intencionalidad. + +Una escoba, un bolígrafo, un destornillador, una jeringa, un ladrillo, un motor, son herramientas, a igual título que un automóvil o un televisor. Una fábrica de empanadas o una central eléctrica, como instituciones productoras de bienes, entran también en la categoría de la herramienta. Dentro del herramental, hay que ordenar también las instituciones productoras de servicios, como son la escuela, la institución médica, la investigación, los medios de comunicación o los centros de planificación. Las leyes sobre el matrimonio o los programas escolares conforman la vida social del mismo modo que las redes de carreteras. La categoría de la herramienta engloba todos los instrumentos razonados de la acción humana, la máquina y su modo de empleo, el código y su operador, el pan y el circo. Como se ve, el campo abierto al concepto de herramienta varía de una cultura a otra. Depende de la impronta que una sociedad determinada ejerza sobre su estructura y su medio ambiente. Todo objeto tomado como medio para un fin se convierte en herramienta. + +La herramienta es inherente a la relación social. En tanto actúo como hombre, me sirvo de herramientas. Según que yo la domine o ella me domine, la herramienta o me liga, o me desliga del cuerpo social. En tanto que yo domine la herramienta, yo doy al mundo mi sentido; cuando la herramienta me domina, su estructura conforma e informa la representación que tengo de mí mismo. La herramienta convivencial es la que me deja la mayor latitud y el mayor poder para modificar el mundo en la medida de mi intención. La herramienta industrial me niega ese poder; más aún, por su medio, es otro quien determina mi demanda, reduce mi margen de control y rige mi propio sentido. La mayoría de las herramientas que hoy me rodean no podrían ser utilizadas de manera convivencial. + +La herramienta es a la vez medio de control y elemento transformador de energía. Como se sabe, el hombre dispone de dos tipos de energía, la que genera de sí mismo (o energía metabólica) y la que extrae del exterior. El hombre maneja la primera y manipula la segunda. Es por eso que haré una distinción entre la herramienta manejable y la herramienta manipulable. + +_La herramienta manejable_ adapta la energía metabólica a una tarea específica. Es multivalente, como el sílex original, el martillo o el cortaplumas. Es univalente y altamente elaborada, como el torno del alfarero, el telar, la máquina de coser a pedal o la fresa del dentista. La herramienta manejable puede alcanzar la complejidad de una organización de transportes que saca de la energía humana el máximo de movilidad, como ocurre en un sistema de bicicletas y de triciclos, al que correspondería una red de pistas tal vez cubiertas y con estaciones de mantenimiento. La herramienta manejable es conductora de energía metabólica: la mano, el pie, la dominan; la energía que ella pide puede producirla cualquiera que coma y respire. + +_La herramienta manipulable_ es movida, por lo menos en parte, por energía exterior. Puede servir para multiplicar la energía humana: los bueyes tiran del arado, pero para guiarlos se necesita del labrador. Asimismo un montacargas o una sierra eléctrica conjugan la energía metabólica con la energía exógena. Sin embargo, la herramienta manipulable puede exceder la escala humana. La energía que proporciona el piloto de un avión supersónico ya no es parte significativa de la energía consumida en el vuelo. El piloto es un simple operador, cuya acción es regida por los datos que un ordenador dirige por él. Y aun hay alguien más en la cabina de mando, porque el ordenador es imperfecto, o porque el sindicato de pilotos es poderoso y organizado. + +_La herramienta es convivencial_ en la medida en que cada uno puede utilizarla sin dificultad, tan frecuente o raramente como él lo desee, y para los fines que él mismo determine. El uso que cada cual haga de ella no invade la libertad del otro para hacer lo mismo. Nadie necesita de un diploma para tener el derecho de usarla a voluntad; se lo puede tomar o no. Entre el hombre y el mundo ella es un conductor de sentido, un traductor de intencionalidad. + +Ciertas instituciones son, estructuralmente, herramientas convivenciales y ello independientemente de su nivel tecnológico. El teléfono puede servir de ejemplo. Bajo la única condición de disponer de las monedas necesarias para su funcionamiento, cualquiera puede llamar a la persona que quiera para decirle lo que quiera; informaciones bursátiles, injurias o palabras de amor. Ningún burócrata podrá fijar de antemano el contenido de una comunicación telefónica --si acaso, podrá violar el secreto, pero asimismo puede protegerlo--. Cuando los computadores infatigables mantienen ocupadas más de la mitad de las líneas californianas y, con ello, restringen la libertad de las comunicaciones personales, es la compañía telefónica la responsable, al desviar la explotación de una licencia concedida originariamente a las personas para el habla. Cuando una población entera se deja intoxicar por el uso abusivo del teléfono y pierde así la costumbre de intercambiar cartas o visitas, este error conduce al recurso inmoderado a una herramienta que es convivencial por esencia, pero cuya función se desnaturaliza por haber recibido su campo de acción una extensión errónea. + +La herramienta manejable llama al uso convivencial. Si no se presta a ello es porque la institución reserva su uso para el monopolio de una profesión, como lo hace, por ejemplo, al poner las bibliotecas en el recinto de las escuelas o al decretar la extracción de los dientes y otras intervenciones simples como actos médicos, practicables sólo por especialistas. Pero la herramienta puede también ser objeto de una especie de segregación, como es el caso de los motores, concebidos de tal manera que uno mismo no puede practicar pequeñas reparaciones con ayuda de una tenaza y un destornillador. El monopolio de la institución sobre este tipo de herramientas manejables constituye un abuso, pervierte el uso del mismo, pero sin que por ello éste se desnaturalice, como el cuchillo del asesino no deja de ser cuchillo. + +El carácter convivencial de la herramienta no depende, en principio, de su nivel de complejidad. Lo que se ha dicho del teléfono podría repetirse, punto por punto, respecto al sistema de correos, o al de transportes fluviales en Tailandia. Cada uno de esos sistemas es una estructura institucional que maximiza la libertad de la persona, aun cuando pueda ser desviada de su finalidad y pervertida en su uso. El teléfono es el producto de una técnica avanzada; el sistema de correos puede funcionar a diversos niveles técnicos, pero exige siempre mucha organización; la red de canales y de piraguas integra una programación mínima, dentro del cuadro de una técnica consuetudinaria. + +## El equilibrio institucional + +Al aproximarse a su segundo umbral la institución pervierte el uso de la herramienta manejable. Es entonces cuando se abre el reino de las manipulaciones. Cada vez más, se va adoptando el medio como fin. Reunidas en esa forma, las condiciones para la enseñanza cuestan más caras que la enseñanza misma, y el costo de la formación ya no se compensa con el fruto que produce. Los medios para el fin perseguido por la institución son cada vez menos accesibles a una persona autónoma o, dicho con más exactitud, se integran a una cadena de eslabones solidarios que hay que aceptar en su totalidad. En Estados Unidos no hay viaje en avión sin automóvil, y sin viaje en avión no hay congreso de especialistas. Las herramientas que alcanzarían los mismos fines, exigiendo menos del usuario, respetando su libertad de maniobra, son eliminadas del mercado. Mientras que las aceras van desapareciendo, la complejidad de la red de carreteras no hace sino crecer. + +Es posible que ciertos medios de producción, no convivenciales, parezcan deseables en una sociedad posindustrial. Es probable que, aun en un mundo convivencial, ciertas colectividades elijan tener más abundancia, a costa de menos creatividad. Es casi seguro que, durante el periodo de transición, la electricidad no sea en todas partes el resultado de una producción doméstica. Ciertamente, el conductor de un tren no puede salirse de la vía férrea ni elegir sus estaciones y su horario. Los postillones no estaban menos sujetos a una ruta precisa que los petroleros modernos lo están hoy, muy al contrario. La transmisión de mensajes telefónicos se hace sobre una banda de frecuencia determinada y debe ser dirigida por una administración central, aun cuando cubra una zona delimitada. En realidad, no hay ninguna razón para proscribir de una sociedad convivencial toda herramienta poderosa y toda producción centralizada. Dentro de la perspectiva convivencial, el equilibrio entre la justicia en la participación y la igualdad dentro de la distribución puede variar de una sociedad a otra, en función de la historia, de los ideales y del medio ambiente de esa sociedad. + +No es esencial que las instituciones manipuladoras o los bienes y los servicios susceptibles de intoxicar sean totalmente excluidos de una sociedad convivencial. Lo que importa es que semejante sociedad logre un equilibrio entre, por una parte, la instrumentación concebida para satisfacer la demanda que produce y, por otra, los instrumentos que estimulan la realización personal. Lo primero materializa programas abstractos concernientes a los hombres en general; lo segundo favorece la aptitud de cada uno para perseguir sus fines a su manera personal, inimitable. + +No es cuestión de proscribir una herramienta por el sólo hecho de que, de acuerdo con nuestros criterios de clasificación, se pueda calificar de anticonvivencial. Estos criterios son guías para la acción. Una sociedad puede utilizarlos para reestructurar la totalidad de su instrumentación, en función del estilo y del grado de convivencialidad que desee alcanzar. Una sociedad convivencial no prohíbe la escuela. Proscribe el sistema escolar pervertido en herramienta obligatoria, basada en la segregación y el rechazo de los fracasados. Una sociedad convivencial no suprime los transportes interurbanos a gran velocidad, a menos que su existencia impida garantizar al conjunto de la población la posibilidad de circular a la velocidad y al ritmo que quiera. Una sociedad convivencial ni siquiera pretende rechazar la televisión, aun cuando ésta deja a discreción de algunos productores y charlatanes seleccionar y fabricar lo que habrá de 'tragar' la masa de televidentes; sin embargo, una sociedad de ese tipo debe proteger a la persona contra la _obligación_ de convertirse en cautiva de la pantalla. Como se ve, los criterios de la convivencialidad no son reglas a aplicarse mecánicamente, sino indicadores de la acción política concerniente a todo lo que se debe evitar. Son criterios de detección de una amenaza, que permiten a cada uno hacer valer su propia libertad. + +## La ceguera actual y el ejemplo del pasado + +En el presente, los criterios institucionales sobre la acción humana son opuestos a los nuestros, incluso en las sociedades marxistas en donde la clase obrera se cree en el poder. El planificador socialista rivaliza con el vocero de la libre empresa, en su intento por demostrar que sus principios aseguran a una sociedad el máximo de productividad. En los países socialistas, la política económica con frecuencia se define por su preocupación de aumentar la productividad industrial. El monopolio de la interpretación industrial del marxismo sirve de barrera y de medio de chantaje contra toda forma de marxismo heterodoxo. Falta ver si China, después de la muerte del presidente Mao Tse-Tung, abandonará, ella también, la convivencialidad productiva, para volverse hacia la productividad estandarizada. La interpretación exclusivamente industrial del socialismo, permite a los comunistas y a los capitalistas hablar el mismo idioma, medir en forma similar el grado de desarrollo alcanzado por una sociedad. Una sociedad en donde la mayoría de la gente depende, respecto a los bienes y servicios que recibe, de las cualidades, de la imaginación, del amor y de la habilidad de cada cual, pertenece a la clase considerada como subdesarrollada. En cambio, una sociedad en donde la vida cotidiana no es más que una serie de pedidos sobre catálogo al gran supermercado universal, se considera avanzada. Y el revolucionario no es más que un entrenador deportivo: campeón del Tercer Mundo o portavoz de las minorías subconsumidoras, encauza la frustración de las masas a las que revela su _retraso_; canaliza la violencia popular y la transforma en _energía para dar alcance_. + +Cada uno de los aspectos de la sociedad industrial es componente de un sistema de conjunto que implica la escalada de la producción y el incremento de la demanda indispensables para justificar el costo social total. Es por ello que, cuando se concentra la crítica social sobre la mala administración, la corrupción, la insuficiencia de la investigación o el retraso tecnológico, no se hace más que distraer la atención del público del único problema que cuenta: la estructura inherente a la herramienta que se toma como medio, y que determina una creciente falta general. Otro error consiste en creer que la frustración actual se debe principalmente a la propiedad privada de los medios de producción, y que la apropiación pública de esos medios, a través de un organismo central de planificación, protegerá los intereses de la mayoría y conducirá a un reparto equitativo de la abundancia. Este remedio propuesto no cambiará la estructura antihumana de la herramienta. Mientras se ataque al consorcio Ford por la única razón de que enriquece al señor Ford, se mantendrá la ilusión de que las fábricas Ford podrían enriquecer a la colectividad. Mientras la población suponga que el automóvil le reporta ventajas, no tendrá queja contra Ford por construir automóviles. Mientras comparta la ilusión de que es posible aumentar la velocidad de desplazamiento de cada uno, la sociedad continuará criticando su propio sistema político, en vez de imaginar otro sistema de transportes. Sin embargo, la solución está al alcance de la mano: no reside en una forma determinada de apropiación de la herramienta, sino en el descubrimiento del carácter de ciertas herramientas, en saber que nadie podrá jamás _poseerlas_. El concepto de apropiación no se podrá aplicar a una instrumentación incontrolable. La cuestión urgente sería determinar qué herramientas pueden ser controladas en interés general, y comprender que una herramienta incontrolable representa una amenaza insoportable. Es secundaria la cuestión de saber cómo organizar un medio privado de control que responda al interés general. + +Ciertas herramientas son siempre destructoras, cualesquiera que sean las manos que las detenten: la mafia, los capitalistas, una firma multinacional, el Estado o incluso una colectiva obrera. Es así, por ejemplo, en el caso de las redes de autopistas de vías múltiples, de los sistemas de comunicación a larga distancia que utilizan bandas anchas de frecuencias y también de las minas o de las escuelas. El instrumento destructor incrementa la uniformación, la dependencia, la explotación y la impotencia; despoja al pobre de su parte de convivencialidad, para frustrar más al rico de la suya. + +Al hombre moderno le es difícil concebir el desarrollo y la modernización en términos de reducción y no de incremento del consumo de energía. Para él, una técnica avanzada rima con una profunda intervención en el proceso físico, mental y social. Si queremos aprehender la instrumentación con exactitud, debemos abandonar la ilusión de que un alto grado de cultura implica el más alto consumo de energía posible. En las civilizaciones antiguas, los recursos energéticos estaban repartidos equitativamente. Cada ser humano, por su constitución biológica, disponía de por vida de toda la energía potencial necesaria para transformar conscientemente el contorno físico según su voluntad, puesto que la fuente era su propio cuerpo bajo la sola condición de que se le mantuviera en buena salud. En estas condiciones, controlar grandes cantidades de energía física no era más que resultado de manipulaciones psíquicas o de una dominación política. + +Para edificar las pirámides de Teotihuacán en México, para formar las terrazas de arrozales de Ibagué, en Filipinas, los hombres no necesitaron para nada de herramientas manipulables. La cúpula de San Pedro en Roma y los canales de Angkor Vat fueron construidos sin bulldozeres, sólo a fuerza de brazos. Los generales de César recibían las noticias a través de _jinetes_, los Fugger y los jefes incas utilizaban corredores. Hasta el siglo XVIII, las galeras de la República Veneciana y todos los mensajeros viajaban a menos de 120 kilómetros por día. El ejército de Napoleón se desplazaba siempre con la misma lentitud que el de César. La mano o el pie impulsaban la bobina o el torno, la rueda de alfarero y la sierra de madera. La energía metabólica del hombre alimentaba la agricultura, la artesanía y la guerra. La ingeniosidad del individuo canalizaba la energía animal hacia ciertas tareas sociales. Los poderosos de la tierra no controlaban otra energía más que la suministrada, de grado o por fuerza por sus propios súbditos. + +Ciertamente, el metabolismo humano no bastaba para procurar toda la energía deseable, pero en la mayoría de las culturas se mantenía incluso como su fuente principal: el hombre sabía poner a su servicio ciertas fuerzas naturales. Utilizaba el fuego para cocer sus alimentos y más tarde para forjar las armas; sabía extraer el agua de la tierra, descender por los ríos, navegar a vela, utilizar la fuerza de la gravedad, domesticar al animal. Pero en su totalidad estos recursos fueron secundarios y de poco rendimiento. La sociedad ateniense del siglo VI o la del Cuatrocientos florentino, sabían utilizar en forma armoniosa las fuerzas naturales, pero la construcción de templos y palacios se hizo, en lo esencial, sólo por obra de la energía humana. Es cierto que el hombre podía reducir una ciudad a cenizas o hacer del Sahara un desierto, pero esta explosión de energía, una vez desatada, escapaba a su poder de control. + +Es posible dar un valor aproximado a la cantidad de energía física de que disponían las sociedades tradicionales. El ser humano quemaba un promedio de 2.500 calorías diarias, de las cuales cuatro quintos servían únicamente para mantenerle vivo, hacer latir su corazón y accionar su cerebro. El remanente se podía aplicar a diversas tareas, pero no todo era transformable en trabajo. No sólo se aplicaba a los juegos de la infancia, sino también, y sobre todo, a las actividades de sobrevivencia cotidiana: levantarse, preparar los alimentos, protegerse contra el frío o contra la amenaza de los otros. Privado del impulso de sus actividades, el hombre se ha vuelto inepto para el trabajo: la sociedad puede moldearlas, pero no puede suprimirlas, para destinar a otras tareas la energía que requieren. La costumbre, el lenguaje y el Derecho determinan la forma de alfarería que fabrica el esclavo, pero el amo no puede privar a su esclavo de techo, salvo privándose a sí mismo del esclavo. Sumando múltiples descargas pequeñas de energía individual, puestas a disposición de la colectividad, se construyeron templos, se trasladaron montañas, se tejieron vestimentas, se hicieron guerras, se transportó al monarca y se le honró. + +La energía estaba limitada, era función del nivel de la población, se abastecía del vigor del cuerpo. Su eficacia dependía del grado de desarrollo --y de distribución en la población-- de las herramientas manejables. La herramienta incorporaba la energía metabólica a la tarea. Jugaba con las fuerzas, ya fuera la de gravedad o la del viento, pero no ampliaba la fuerza de trabajo. Para disponer de más poder físico que el vecino había que avasallarle. Si el amo empleaba formas de energía humana, podía controlarlas únicamente si gobernaba sobre otros hombres. Cada yunta de bueyes requería un boyero para cuidarla y conducirla. Hasta el fuego de la forja requería de un guardián para cuidarlo. El poder político era el dominio de la voluntad de los demás, y el dominio de la fuerza física era la detentación de la autoridad. + +En las sociedades preindustriales, el poder político no podía controlar más que la energía _excedente_, proporcionada por la población. Cada ventaja en la eficiencia, obtenida gracias a una nueva herramienta o a un nuevo modo de organización, significaba para la población el riesgo de verse privada del control de ese excedente de energía. Todo aumento en la eficiencia permitía a la clase dominante apropiarse de una parte mayor de la energía total disponible. De modo que a la evolución de las técnicas correspondía una evolución paralela de las clases sociales. Se cobraban impuestos al individuo, quitándole una parte de su producto personal, o bien se le imponían trabajos obligatorios suplementarios. La ideología, la estructura de la economía, el armamento y el modo de vida favorecían esta concentración, en manos de unos cuantos, del dominio de la energía biológica aumentada. + +Sin embargo, este tipo de concentración no tiene los mismos efectos en una cultura u otra, sobre el reparto de los frutos del esfuerzo social. En el mejor de los casos, amplía el radio de acción para las energías personales. La sociedad campesina en Europa central, a finales de la Edad Media, es un buen ejemplo de ello. Tres invenciones recientes --el estribo, las herraduras para caballos y el arnés-- triplicaron el rendimiento del caballo. Equipado así, el arado tirado por un caballo hizo posible la rotación trienal de los cultivos, la explotación de nuevas tierras y, enganchado a una carreta, elevó al cuadrado el radio de acción del campesino, lo cual provocó el movimiento de concentración del _hábitat_ en poblaciones agrupadas en torno a una iglesia, más tarde a una escuela. En el peor de los casos, la concentración del poder, al disponer de la energía, condujo al establecimiento de grandes imperios, propagados por los ejércitos mercenarios y alimentados por los campesinos reducidos al vasallaje. + +Hacia finales de la Edad de Hierro, o sea desde el reino de Agripa hasta el siglo de Watt, la cantidad total de energía disponible aumentó rápidamente. De hecho, la mayoría de las grandes mutaciones técnicas anteriores al descubrimiento de la electricidad, se produjeron durante la alta Edad Media. La invención de los tres mástiles, sacando mejor partido de la fuerza del viento, hizo posible la navegación alrededor del mundo. La excavación de los canales europeos y la invención de la esclusa hicieron posibles los transportes regulares de cargamentos pesados. Los cerveceros, los tintoreros, los alfareros, los ladrilleros, los azucareros y los salineros se beneficiaron del perfeccionamiento y difusión de los molinos de viento y de agua. La forja a orillas del torrente sustituye a la fragua en el bosque; el martillo es reemplazado por los molinetes de pilón para triturar el mineral, y al canasto a espaldas del hombre, lo reemplaza la polea que permite levantar cargas. La fuerza hidráulica acciona sopletes para ventilar galerías y gracias a las norias se bombea el agua para drenar el fondo de la mina y el hombre se sumerge más adentro de la tierra. Aun se dice del campesino, detrás de su arado, que 'labora'; del minero se dice que 'trabaja'. Después, el carro, equipado de un tren delantero pivotante y de ejes móviles, permite duplicar la velocidad del desplazamiento, con lo cual, a partir del siglo XVIII, se benefician el correo y el transporte de pasajeros. Por primera vez en la historia del hombre es posible desplazarse a cien kilómetros por hora. Poblados y campos, unos más lentamente que los otros, fueron transformados, remodelados, poco a poco. + +En su libro _The Myth of the Machine: The Pentagon of Power_ , Lewis Mumford subraya las características específicas que convirtieron la actividad minera en prototipo de las formas ulteriores de mecanización: + +> "... indiferencia hacia los factores humanos, a la contaminación y a la destrucción del contorno, puesto el acento en el proceso fisicoquímico con miras a obtener el metal o el carburante deseado y, sobre todo, el aislamiento geográfico y mental del universo del granjero y del artesano, del mundo de la Iglesia, de la Universidad y de la Ciudad. Por su efecto destructor sobre el medio ambiente y su desprecio por los riesgos impuestos al hombre, la actividad minera se acerca mucho a la actividad guerrera --como la guerra, la mina produce con frecuencia un tipo de hombre duro y digno, habituado a afrontar el peligro y la muerte [...], el soldado en su mejor aspecto--. Pero el _animus_ destructor de la mina, su siniestra labor, su aura de miseria humana y la degradación del paisaje, todo eso lo transmite la actividad minera a las industrias que utilizan su producción. El costo social excede grandemente al beneficio mecánico". + +De manera que a la herramienta accionada al ritmo del hombre, sucedió un hombre actuando al ritmo de la herramienta, con lo cual, todas las modalidades humanas de actuar se vieron transformadas. + +## Un nuevo concepto del trabajo + +A finales de la Edad Media, el antiguo sueño del alquimista de fabricar un homúnculo en el laboratorio, poco a poco tomó la forma de la creación de robots para que trabajaran por el hombre, y de la educación del hombre para trabajar a su lado. Esta nueva actitud hacia la actividad productora se reflejaba en la introducción de una nueva palabra. _Tripaliare_ significaba torturar sobre el _trepalium_ , mencionado en el siglo VI como un armazón formado de tres troncos, suplicio que reemplazó en el mundo cristiano al de la cruz. En el siglo XII, la palabra trabajo significaba una prueba dolorosa. Hubo que esperar al siglo XVI para poder emplear la palabra 'trabajo' en lugar de obra o de labor. A la _obra_ ( _poiesis_ ) del hombre artista y libre, a la _labor_ ( _poneros_ ) del hombre apremiado por el otro o por la naturaleza, se agrega entonces el _trabajo_, al ritmo de la máquina. En seguida la palabra 'trabajador' desliza su sentido hacia 'labrador' y 'obrero': a fines del siglo XIX los tres términos apenas se distinguen. + +La ideología de la organización industrial, de la instrumentación y de la organización capitalista de la economía, aparece antes de lo que se ha dado en llamar Revolución Industrial. Desde la época de Bacon, los europeos comenzaron a realizar operaciones indicadoras de un nuevo estado mental: ganar tiempo, reducir el espacio, aumentar la energía, multiplicar los bienes, echar por la borda las normas naturales, prolongar la duración de la vida, sustituir los organismos vivos por mecanismos que los simulan o amplían una función particular. De estos imperativos se desarrollaron en nuestras sociedades los dogmas de la ciencia y de la técnica que tienen valor de axiomas porque no se les somete a análisis. El mismo cambio de mente se refleja en la transición del ritmo ritual a la regularidad mecánica, se pone el acento en la puntualidad, en la medida del espacio y en la contabilización de los votos, de manera que los objetos concretos y los sucesos complejos se transforman en _quanta_ abstracta. Esta pasión capitalista por un orden repetitivo mina el equilibrio cualitativo entre el obrero y su débil instrumentación. + +El surgimiento de nuevas formas de energía y de poder alteró la relación que el hombre mantenía con el tiempo. El préstamo a interés era condenado por la Iglesia como una práctica contra natura; el dinero era, por naturaleza, un medio de cambio para comprar lo necesario, no un capital que pudiera _trabajar_ o dar frutos. En el siglo XVII, la Iglesia misma abandona esta concepción, aunque a su pesar, para aceptar el hecho de que los cristianos se habían convertido en capitalistas comerciantes. El uso del reloj se generaliza y, con él, la idea de la 'falta' de tiempo. El tiempo se transforma en dinero: «he ganado tiempo»; «me sobra tiempo, ¿cómo voy a gastarlo?»; «me falta tiempo»; «¡no puedo permitirme el lujo de derrocharlo, ganar una hora, ya es ganancia!» + +Pronto se comenzó a considerar abiertamente al hombre como una fuente de energía. Se trató de medir la prestación diaria máxima que se podía obtener de un hombre, luego a comparar el costo de manutención y la potencia del hombre con la del caballo. El hombre fue redefinido como fuente de energía mecánica. Se observó que los galeotes no eran muy eficientes porque permanecían sujetos al movimiento simple del remo. En cambio, los prisioneros condenados al suplicio de la ardilla, utilizado aún en el siglo XIX en las prisiones inglesas, proporcionaban una potencia rotativa capaz de alimentar cualquier máquina nueva. + +La nueva relación del hombre con su instrumentalización echa raíces durante la Revolución Industrial; como, a su vez, el capitalismo, en el siglo XVI, reclamó nuevas fuentes de energía. La máquina a vapor es más un efecto de esta sed de energía que una causa de la Revolución Industrial. Con el ferrocarril, esta preciosa máquina se vuelve móvil y el hombre se hace usuario. En 1782, la diligencia franqueó los cien kilómetros por día entre París y Marsella; en 1855, Napoleón III se ufanaba de recorrer cien kilómetros por hora. Poco a poco, la máquina puso al hombre en movimiento: en 1900, un trabajador francés, no empleado en la agricultura, alcanzaba en promedio treinta veces más kilómetros que su homónimo en 1850. Llega entonces el fin de la Edad de Hierro y a la vez el de la Revolución Industrial. La capacidad de moverse se sustituye por el recurso a los transportes. El hacer en serie reemplaza al _savoir-faire_[^n03], la industrialización se convierte en norma. + +En el siglo XX, el hombre pone en explotación gigantescas reservas naturales de energía. El nivel energético así logrado establece sus propias normas, determina los caracteres técnicos de la herramienta, más aún, el nuevo emplazamiento del hombre. A la obra, a la labor, al trabajo, viene a agregarse el servicio de la máquina: obligado a adaptarse a su ritmo, el trabajador se transforma en operador de motores o en empleado de oficina. Y el ritmo de la producción exige la docilidad del consumidor que acepta un producto estandarizado y condicionado. + +A partir de entonces, disminuye la necesidad de jornaleros en el campo y el siervo deja de ser rentable. También el trabajador deja de ser rentable, desde que la automatización logra por medio de la industrialización, la franca transformación que la producción en masa ha perseguido. El encanto discreto del condicionamiento abstracto de la mega-máquina reemplaza el efecto del chasquido del látigo en el oído del labrador esclavo, y el avance implacable de la cadena sin fin desencadena el gesto estereotipado del esclavo. + +Así, pues, hemos revisado cuatro niveles energéticos que pueden marcar la organización de una sociedad, la estructura de sus herramientas y el estilo dominante de sus actividades productoras. Esas cuatro organizaciones circunscriben, respectivamente, el campo de la obra independiente y creadora, de la labor bajo la ley de la necesidad, del trabajo al ritmo de la cadena sin fin y del funcionamiento 'condicionado operacionalmente' dentro de la mega- máquina. La manera en que estos diferentes tipos de actividad participan en los cambios de la economía y afrontan las leyes del mercado es reveladora de sus mutuas diferencias. El creador de una obra no puede ofrecerse él mismo en el mercado, solamente puede ofrecer el fruto de su actividad. El labrador y el trabajador pueden ofrecer a otro su fuerza y su competencia. En fin, el puesto del funcionario y del operador se ha convertido también en una mercancía. El derecho a manejar una máquina y a beneficiarse con los privilegios correspondientes se obtiene como resultado del consumo de una serie de tratamientos previos: currículum escolar, condicionamiento profesional, educación permanente. + +Todos somos hijos de nuestro tiempo y, como tales, nos resulta bien difícil imaginar un tipo de producción posindustrial, y por lo mismo, humana. Para nosotros, limitar la instrumentación industrial significa el retorno al infierno de la mina y al cronómetro de la fábrica, o al trabajo del granjero que compite con la agricultura mecanizada. El obrero que sumerge un neumático en una solución hirviente de ácido sulfúrico debe repetir ese gesto absurdo y agotador a cada gemido de la máquina, y está así realmente atado a la máquina. Por otra parte, el trabajo del campo ya no es lo que fue para el siervo o para el campesino tradicional. Para éstos era laborar un campo en función del crecimiento de las plantas, del apetito de los animales y del tiempo que haría al día siguiente. El obrero agrícola moderno que no dispone de herramientas manipulables, se encuentra en cambio en una situación absurda. Cogido entre dos fuegos, o debe agotarse para rivalizar con los rendimientos de los que poseen tractores y máquinas de usos múltiples, o bien debe hacer funcionar esta maquinaria moderna, consciente de estar fastidiado, explotado y chasqueado, con la sensación de ser una simple pieza de recambio para la mega- máquina. Es incapaz de imaginar la posibilidad de usar herramientas manejables que son, a la vez, menos fatigadoras que el antiguo arado, menos alienantes que la trilladora y más productivas que uno y otra. + +Ninguno de los tipos de instrumentos fabricados en el pasado posibilitaba un tipo de sociedad y un modo de actividad marcados a la vez con el sello de la eficiencia y de la convivencialidad. Pero hoy en día podemos concebir herramientas que permitan eliminar la esclavitud del hombre frente al hombre, sin someterlo a la máquina. La condición para esta posibilidad es la reversión del cuadro de las instituciones que rigen la aplicación de los resultados de las ciencias y de las técnicas. En nuestros días, el avance científico se identifica con la sustitución de la iniciativa humana por la instrumentación programada, pero lo que, de esa manera, se toma por efecto de la lógica del saber, no es en realidad más que la consecuencia de un prejuicio ideológico. + +La convicción común es que la ciencia y la técnica apoyan el modo industrial de producción, y que, por este hecho, imponen el reemplazo de todos los instrumentos específicamente relacionados con un trabajo autónomo y creador. Pero semejante proceso no está implícito en los descubrimientos científicos, y no es una consecuencia ineluctable de su aplicación. Lejos de ello, es el resultado de la decisión absoluta en favor del desarrollo del modo industrial de producción: la investigación se esfuerza por reducir en todas partes los obstáculos secundarios que entraban en el crecimiento de un determinado proceso; bajo una programación a largo plazo, se adorna como si se tratara de un logro costoso, realizado con gran esfuerzo en interés del público. En realidad, la investigación está casi totalmente al servicio del desarrollo industrial. Pero una técnica avanzada podría reducir el peso de la labor y, de mil maneras, servir también a la expansión de la obra de producción personal. Las ciencias de la naturaleza y las ciencias del hombre podrían aplicarse a crear herramientas, a trazar su marco de utilización y forjar sus reglas de empleo para alcanzar una incesante recreación de la persona, del grupo y del ambiente --un despliegue total de la iniciativa y de la imaginación de cada uno--. + +Hoy podemos comprender la naturaleza de una manera nueva. Todo consiste en saber para qué fines. Ha llegado la hora de elegir entre la constitución de una sociedad hiperindustrial, electrónica y cibernética, y el despliegue en un amplio abanico de las herramientas modernas y convivenciales. La misma cantidad de acero puede servir para producir tanto una sierra y una máquina de coser como un elemento industrial: en el primer caso se multiplicará por tres o por diez la eficacia de mil personas; en el segundo, gran parte del _savoir-faire_ perderá su razón de ser. Se debe elegir entre distribuir a millones de personas, al mismo tiempo, la imagen a colores de un tipo agitándose sobre la pantalla, a conceder a cada grupo la posibilidad de producir y distribuir sus propios programas en centros de vídeo. En el primer caso, la técnica está puesta al servicio de la promoción del especialista, regida por burócratas. Cada vez, más planificadores harán estudios de mercado, elaborarán equilibrios planificados y moldearán la demanda de más y más gente en un número mayor de sectores. Habrá siempre más cosas útiles entregadas a los inútiles. Pero se vislumbra una posibilidad. La ciencia se puede emplear también para simplificar la instrumentación, para que cada uno sea capaz de moldear su medio ambiente inmediato, es decir, sea capaz de cargarse de sentido, cargando el mundo de signos. + +## La desprofesionalización + +### La medicina + +A semejanza de lo que hizo la Reforma al arrancar el monopolio de la escritura a los clérigos, podemos nosotros arrancar el enfermo a los médicos. No es necesario ser muy sabio para aplicar los descubrimientos fundamentales de la medicina moderna, reconocer y atender la mayoría de los males curables, para aliviar el sufrimiento del otro y acompañarle cuando se aproxima la muerte. Nos es difícil creerlo, porque, complicado a sabiendas, el ritual médico nos encubre la simplicidad de los actos. Conozco una niña norteamericana de diecisiete años que fue procesada por haber atendido la sífilis primaria de 130 camaradas de escuela. Un detalle de orden técnico, señalado por un experto, le valió el indulto: los resultados obtenidos fueron, estadísticamente, mejores que los del Servicio de Salud. Seis semanas después del tratamiento ella logró exámenes de control satisfactorios de todos sus pacientes, sin excepción. Se trata de saber si el progreso debe significar independencia progresiva o progresiva dependencia. + +La posibilidad de confiar la atención médica a no especializados va en contra de nuestra concepción del mayor bienestar, debido a la organización establecida por la medicina. Concebida como una _empresa industrial_, está en manos de _productores_ (médicos, hospitales, laboratorios, farmacéuticos) que estimulan la difusión de procedimientos avanzados, costosos y complicados, reduciendo así al enfermo y a sus cercanos al estatus de clientes dóciles. Organizada como sistema de distribución social de beneficencia, la medicina incita a la población a luchar por unos siempre crecientes cuidados dispensados por profesionales en materia de higiene, de anestesia o de asistencia a los moribundos. Antaño el deseo de justicia distributiva se basaba en la confianza en la autonomía. Actualmente, congelada en el monopolio de una _jerarquía monolítica_, la medicina protege sus fronteras impulsando la formación de una valla de para-profesionales a cuyos subtratamientos se somete al enfermo, que antes los recibía de sus allegados. Con esto la organización médica protege su monopolio ortodoxo contra la competencia desleal de toda curación obtenida por medios heterodoxos. En realidad, cualquiera puede cuidar de su prójimo y en este campo no todo es necesariamente materia de enseñanza. En una sociedad en que cualquiera podría y debería cuidar de su prójimo, simplemente unos serían más expertos que otros. En una sociedad en que se naciera y muriera en casa, o en que el lisiado y el idiota no fueran desterrados de la plaza pública, en que se supiera distinguir la vocación médica de la profesión de plomero, se encontrarían personas para ayudar a los demás a vivir, a sufrir y a morir. + +La complicidad evidente entre el profesional y su cliente no basta para explicar la resistencia del público a la idea de desprofesionalizar la atención. En la raíz de la impotencia del hombre industrializado se encuentra la otra función de la medicina actual, que sirve de ritual para conjurar la muerte. El paciente se confía al médico, no sólo a causa de su padecimiento, sino por miedo a la muerte, para protegerse de ella. La identificación de toda enfermedad con una amenaza de muerte es de origen bastante reciente. Al perder la diferenciación entre el alivio de una enfermedad curable y la preparación para aceptar un mal incurable, el médico moderno ha perdido el derecho de sus predecesores a distinguirse claramente del brujo y del charlatán; y su cliente ha perdido la capacidad de distinguir entre el alivio del sufrimiento y el recurso al conjuro. Con la celebración del ritual médico, el médico encubre la divergencia entre el hecho que profesa y la realidad que crea, entre la lucha contra el sufrimiento y la muerte por una parte, y el retardo de la muerte a costa de sufrimientos prolongados, por otra. La entereza de asistirse a sí mismo la tiene únicamente el hombre que tiene la entereza de enfrentarse a la muerte. + +### El sistema de transportes + +A comienzos de la década del treinta, bajo la presidencia de Lázaro Cárdenas, México fue dotado de un sistema moderno de transportes. En pocos años, las cuatro quintas partes de la población percibieron las ventajas del transporte motorizado. Las poblaciones principales fueron unidas por caminos o trochas. Camiones sólidos, sencillos y duraderos, hacían el trayecto a una velocidad inferior a treinta kilómetros por hora. Los pasajeros se apretaban en los bancos clavados al piso, mientras los equipajes y las mercancías iban atrás o sobre el techo. En distancias cortas, el camión no aventajaba a la gente habituada a caminar llevando pesadas cargas, pero daba a todos la posibilidad de recorrer distancias largas. El hombre ya no arrastraba su cerdo al mercado, lo llevaba consigo en el camión. Cualquiera, en México, podía ir a cualquier punto del país en unos cuantos días. + +A partir de 1945, cada año es mayor el gasto para el sistema vial. Se construyeron autopistas entre algunos centros importantes. Frágiles automóviles ruedan sobre carreteras bien asfaltadas. Los vehículos pesados van de una fábrica a la obra. Los viejos camiones para todo terreno y para todo uso han sido desplazados a las montañas. En la mayoría de los Estados, el campesino debe tomar un autobús para ir al mercado a comprar productos industrializados, pero le es imposible cargar en el vehículo a su cerdo, y se ve obligado a venderlo al comprador ambulante. Sin embargo, contribuye a financiar la construcción de carreteras que aprovechan los detentadores de diversos monopolios especializados. Está obligado a hacerlo, bajo el supuesto de que, en última instancia, también él será beneficiario del progreso. + +A cambio de un trayecto ocasional sobre el asiento tapizado de un autobús con aire acondicionado, el hombre medio ha perdido mucho de la movilidad que le garantizaba el sistema antiguo, sin que por ello haya ganado en libertad. Un estudio hecho en dos de los grandes estados típicos de México --uno desértico, el otro montañoso y tropical-- confirma lo que decimos. Menos del uno por ciento de la población de esos dos estados ha recorrido en 1970 más de veinte kilómetros en menos de una hora. Un sistema de bicicletas o de carretas, motorizadas quizás, hubiera representado para el 99% de la población una solución técnicamente mucho más eficaz que la tan cacareada red de carreteras. Esta clase de vehículos pueden construirse y mantenerse a costos relativamente bajos, y podrían moverse por redes viales análogas a las del Imperio Inca. El argumento en favor de la producción masiva de automóviles y de carreteras es que ellas son condición del desarrollo, que sin ellas una región queda desconectada del mercado mundial. Queda por ver si la integración al mercado monetario, que en nuestros días es un símbolo luminoso, es realmente la meta del desarrollo. + +Desde hace algunos años se empieza a admitir que los automóviles, en la forma en que se utilizan, no son eficaces. Se atribuye esta falta de eficiencia al hecho de que los vehículos se han concebido para la propiedad privada y no para el bien público. En realidad, el sistema moderno de transportes no es eficiente porque todo incremento en velocidad se asimila a un progreso en la circulación. Al igual que el imperativo de mayor bienestar a toda costa, la carrera por la velocidad es una forma de desorden mental. En el país capitalista el viaje largo es una cuestión de dinero. En el país socialista, es una cuestión de poder. La velocidad es un nuevo factor de estratificación social en las sociedades supereficientes. + +La intoxicación por la velocidad es un buen campo para el control social de las condiciones del desarrollo. En Estados Unidos, la industria de los transportes, en todas sus formas, devora el 23% del presupuesto total de la nación, consume el 35% de la energía y, al mismo tiempo, es la fuente principal de contaminación y la razón más poderosa del endeudamiento de las familias. Esta misma industria con frecuencia consume una fracción aún mayor del presupuesto anual de las municipalidades latinoamericanas. Y lo que en las estadísticas aparece bajo la rúbrica 'desarrollo', es en realidad el vehículo motorizado del médico o del político. Cuesta más caro al conjunto de la población que a los egipcios la construcción de la pirámide de Keops. + +Tailandia, por ejemplo, es célebre en la historia por su sistema de canales, los _klongs_. Estos canales cubrían con su red todo el país. Garantizaban la circulación de los hombres, del arroz y de los impuestos. Ciertos poblados quedaban aislados durante la temporada seca, pero el ritmo estacional de la vida hacía de este aislamiento periódico ocasión para la meditación y las celebraciones. Un pueblo que se concede largas vacaciones y las llena de actividades, ciertamente no es un pueblo pobre. Durante los últimos cinco años, los canales más importantes han sido rellenados y transformados en carreteras. A los conductores de autobús se les paga por kilómetro, y los vehículos aún son poco numerosos. Asimismo, en un corto plazo, los tailandeses probablemente batirán los records mundiales de velocidad en autobús. Pero habrán de pagar cara la destrucción de las milenarias vías acuáticas. Los economistas dicen que el autobús y los automóviles inyectan dinero a la economía. Esto es cierto, ¿pero a qué precio? ¿Cuántas familias van a perder su ancestral embarcación y, con ella, la libertad? Jamás los automovilistas hubieran podido competir con ellas si el Banco Mundial no les hubiera pagado las carreteras y si el gobierno tailandés no hubiera promulgado nuevas leyes que autorizaran la profanación de los canales. + +### La industria de la construcción + +El Derecho y las Finanzas están detrás de la industria de la construcción, dándole poder para sustraer al hombre la facultad de construir su propia casa. Últimamente, en más de un país de América Latina se han lanzado programas destinados a dar a cada trabajador 'un alojamiento decente'. Al principio se establecieron nuevas normas para la construcción de unidades habitacionales. Éstas estaban destinadas a proteger al adquisidor de los abusos de la industria de la construcción. Pero, paradójicamente, estas mismas normas han privado a un número mayor de gente de la posibilidad tradicional de construirse su casa. Este nuevo código habitacional dicta condiciones mínimas que un trabajador, al construirse su casa en el tiempo libre, no puede satisfacer. Aún más, el solo alquiler de una vivienda cualquiera construida industrialmente sobrepasa el ingreso del ochenta por ciento de la población. Este 'alojamiento decente', como se dice, no puede ser ocupado más que por gente acomodada o por aquellos a quienes la ley concede una subvención para vivienda. + +Los alojamientos que no satisfacen las normas industriales se declaran peligrosos e insalubres. Se rehúsa ayuda pública a la aplastante mayoría de la población que no tiene medios para comprar una casa, pero que bien podría construirla. Los fondos públicos destinados al mejoramiento de las condiciones habitacionales en las barriadas pobres se destinan a la construcción de poblaciones nuevas cercanas a las capitales provinciales y regionales, en donde podrán vivir los funcionarios, los obreros sindicados y los que tienen conexiones. Toda esa gente es empleada del sector moderno de la economía, _tiene trabajo_. Se les puede clasificar entre los que hablan de su trabajo en sustantivo. Los que no trabajan o que trabajan de cuando en cuando, y los que apenas alcanzan el nivel de subsistencia, utilizan la forma verbal cuando, por casualidad, les es posible _trabajar_. + +Sólo las personas que tienen trabajo reciben subvenciones para construir su casa; además, todos los servicios públicos están organizados para hacerles la vida grata. En las grandes ciudades de América Latina, el diez por ciento de la población consume alrededor del cincuenta por ciento del agua potable. La mayoría de esas ciudades están en los altiplanos, donde el agua es muy escasa. El código de urbanismo impone normas mucho más bajas que las de los países ricos, pero, al prescribir cómo se deben construir las casas, crea un ambiente de escasez de alojamientos. La pretensión de una sociedad de ofrecer cada vez mejores viviendas sufre de la misma aberración que la de los médicos al pretender cada vez mayor bienestar, o la de los ingenieros al producir cada vez más velocidad. En lo abstracto se fijan fines imposibles de alcanzar, y en seguida se sustituyen los medios por los fines. + +Lo que ha sucedido en toda la América Latina en los años sesenta, incluyendo a Cuba, también ha sucedido en Massachusetts. En 1945, la tercera parte de las familias habitaba una casa que era enteramente obra de sus ocupantes, o había sido construida según sus planos y bajo su dirección. En 1970, la proporción de esas casas no representaba más que el once por ciento del total. Entretanto, el alojamiento se había convertido en el problema número uno. Aunque gracias a las nuevas herramientas y a los materiales disponibles, construir una casa se ha hecho más fácil en la actualidad, son las instituciones sociales --reglamentos, sindicatos, cláusulas hipotecarias-- las que se oponen a ello. + +La mayoría de la gente no se siente realmente en su casa, sino cuando una parte significativa del valor de ella es fruto de su propia labor. Una política convivencial se ocuparía primero de definir lo que es imposible que alguien obtenga por sí mismo, cuando se construye su casa. En consecuencia, aseguraría a cada uno el acceso a un mínimo de espacio, de agua, de elementos prefabricados de herramientas convivenciales, desde el barreno hasta el montacargas y, probablemente, también el acceso a un mínimo crédito. + +Semejante inversión de la política actual daría a una sociedad posindustrial moradas modernas tan atractivas para sus miembros como lo fueron, para los antiguos mayas, las casas que aún son la regla en Yucatán. + +Hoy día, la asistencia, los transportes, la vivienda, son concebidos como el resultado necesario de una acción que exige la intervención profesional. Esta intervención se concreta por la suma de _quanta_ sucesivas, siendo el _quantum_ la unidad mínima de medida. Tres años de escuela tienen peores efectos que la falta de escolarización: hacen del niño que la abandona un fracasado. Lo que es válido para la escuela lo es también para la medicina, los transportes, la vivienda, la agricultura o la justicia. Los transportes motorizados no son rentables sino a partir de cierta velocidad. La acción de la justicia no es rentable más que cuando la importancia del daño sufrido justifica el costo de la acción judicial. Sembrar nuevas especies no es rentable más que cuando el granjero dispone de suficiente tierra y capital. Es fatal que los instrumentos asombrosos, concebidos para obtener fines sociales definidos en abstracto, provean productos inaccesibles, por _quanta_ , a la mayoría de la gente. Por lo demás, esos instrumentos están _integrados_. Es la misma minoría la que utiliza la escuela, el avión, el teletipo y el aire acondicionado. La productividad exige recurrir a _quanta_ ya diseñados de valores definidos por las instituciones, y una gestión productiva exige que un mismo individuo tenga a la vez acceso a todos esos lotes bien condicionados. La demanda de cada producto específico es regulada por la ley de un medio instrumentado, que concurre a mantener las circunstancias producidas por las otras profesiones. La gente que vive entre su automóvil y su apartamento en un rascacielos, debe poder terminar su existencia en el hospital. Por definición, todos esos bienes son escasos y cada vez se vuelven más escasos, a medida que las profesiones se especializan y elevan el nivel de normas que las rigen. De allí que todo nuevo _quantum_ lanzado al mercado frustra a más gente de la que satisface. + +Las estadísticas que demuestran el crecimiento del producto y el elevado consumo per cápita de _quanta_ especializados encubren la amplitud de los costos invisibles. La gente es mejor educada, mejor atendida, mejor transportada, mejor divertida y con frecuencia mejor alimentada, bajo la sola condición de que, por unidad de medida de eso _mejor_, acepte dócilmente los objetivos fijados por los expertos. La posibilidad de establecer una sociedad convivencial depende de que se reconozca el carácter destructor del imperialismo político, económico y técnico. Es más importante para una sociedad posindustrial fijar criterios para la concepción de la instrumentación --y límites a su desarrollo-- que establecer objetivos de producción, como es el caso actualmente. Instituyendo el desarrollo obligatorio y sistemático de la producción, nuestra generación amenaza la supervivencia de la humanidad. Para traducir a la práctica la posibilidad teórica de un modo de vida posindustrial y convivencial, necesitamos señalar los umbrales a partir de los cuales la institución produce frustración, y los límites a partir de los cuales las herramientas ejercen un efecto destructor sobre la sociedad en su totalidad. + +# El equilibrio múltiple + +Abierto, el equilibrio humano es susceptible de modificarse en función de parámetros flexibles pero finitos: si los hombres pueden cambiar, lo hacen en el interior de ciertos límites. A la inversa, la dinámica del sistema industrial produce su propia inestabilidad: está organizada con miras a un crecimiento indefinido y para la creación ilimitada de necesidades nuevas que pronto se hacen coercitivas dentro del cuadro industrial. El modo industrial de producción, una vez establecido como dominante, aportará este o aquel bien de consumo, pero no pondrá límite a la industrialización de los valores. Semejante proceso de crecimiento pone al hombre una exigencia fuera de lugar: encontrar satisfacción en la sumisión a la lógica de la herramienta. Ahora bien, la estructura de la fuerza productiva moldea las relaciones sociales. + +La exigencia que la herramienta pone al hombre es cada vez más costosa --es el costo del ajuste del hombre al servicio de su herramienta, reflejado por el crecimiento del sector terciario en el producto global--. Cada vez hay mayor necesidad de manipular al hombre para vencer la resistencia de su equilibrio vital a la dinámica industrial; y esto toma la forma de múltiples terapias pedagógicas, médicas y administrativas. La educación produce consumidores competitivos, la medicina los mantiene con vida en el ambiente instrumentado que se les ha hecho indispensable, y la burocracia refleja la necesidad de que el cuerpo social ejerza su control sobre los individuos dedicados a un trabajo insensato. Que los seguros, la policía y el ejército hagan subir el costo de la defensa de los nuevos privilegios, refleja la situación inherente a una sociedad de consumo: es inevitable que comporte dos tipos de esclavos, aquellos que están intoxicados, y aquellos que ambicionan estarlo, los iniciados y los neófitos. + +Es hora de centrar el debate político sobre las formas en que la estructura de la fuerza productiva amenaza al hombre. Semejante debate será soslayado por los que se empeñan en prescribir paliativos, encubriendo así la causa profunda del bloqueo de los sistemas de salud, transportes, educación y vivienda, bloqueo que alcanza a las mismas instancias jurídica y política. La crisis ecológica se trata superficialmente, cuando no se subraya lo siguiente: la instalación de dispositivos anticontaminantes no tendrá efecto sino yendo acompañada de la disminución de la producción global. De otra manera, con esas medidas no se hará otra cosa que pasarles los desechos a nuestros vecinos, reservarlos a nuestros hijos o vaciarlos sobre el Tercer Mundo. Estrangular la contaminación creada localmente por una gran industria exige inversiones en material y en energía que recrean, en otra parte, el mismo daño a escala mayor. Si se imponen dispositivos anticontaminantes no se logra más que aumentar el costo unitario de producción. Ciertamente, se conserva un poco de aire respirable para la colectividad, puesto que menos gente puede darse el lujo de conducir un automóvil, dormir en una casa climatizada o tomar el avión para ir de pesca el fin de semana; en lugar de degradar el medio físico, se acentúan las brechas sociales. La estructura de las fuerzas de producción amenaza a las relaciones sociales más directamente que al funcionamiento biológico. Pasar del carbón al átomo es pasar del _smog_ de hoy a altos niveles de radiación mañana. Los norteamericanos, al transportar sus refinerías a ultramar, en donde el control de la contaminación es menos severo, se protegen contra los olores desagradables (aunque no así a los subdesarrollados), y se reservan la fetidez para Venezuela, sin disminuir el envenenamiento del planeta. + +El crecimiento desmesurado de la herramienta amenaza a las personas en forma radicalmente nueva y, al mismo tiempo, análoga a las formas clásicas de perjuicio y daño. La amenaza es nueva, en el sentido de que el verdugo y las víctimas se confunden en la dualidad operadores/clientes de instrumentos inexorablemente destructores. En este juego algunos salen ganando, pero todo el mundo, finalmente pierde. + +Señalaré cinco amenazas que entraña para la población mundial el desarrollo industrial avanzado: + +1. El supercrecimiento amenaza el derecho del hombre a arraigarse en el medio con el cual ha evolucionado. +2. La industrialización amenaza el derecho del hombre a la autonomía en la acción. +3. La sobreprogramación del hombre relacionada con su nuevo medio amenaza su _creatividad_. +4. Por la complejidad que genera, el proceso de producción amenaza el derecho del hombre a la palabra, es decir, a la política. +5. El fortalecimiento de los mecanismos de obsolescencia amenaza el derecho del hombre a su tradición, su recurso al precedente por medio del lenguaje, el mito y el ritual. + +Voy a describir estas cinco amenazas, a la vez distintas e interrelacionadas, regidas por una mortal inversión de los medios en fines. La frustración profunda engendrada por vía de la satisfacción obligatoria e instrumentada, constituye una _sexta amenaza_, que no es la menos sutil, pero que no podría situarse en ninguna violación determinada de un derecho ya definido. + +La clasificación que utilizo tiene por objeto hacer reconocible el daño (la _nueva_ amenaza) en terminología tradicional. Una herramienta anónima aplicada a salvar la parte dañada, infecta la herida: he aquí un hecho nuevo; por lo mismo, el mal que amenaza a todos no es nuevo. Esta primera clasificación de los perjuicios sufridos puede servir de base para acciones legales cuando las personas lesionadas por el funcionamiento de las herramientas quieran hacer valer su derecho. La explicación de estas teorías de daños puede servir para reconquistar principios de procedimiento político-jurídico con los cuales la gente puede descubrir, acusar y corregir el desequilibrio actual del complejo institucional de la industria. + +Yo postulo que los principios subyacentes a todo procedimiento son tres, y se aplican en el orden moral, político y jurídico: + +* a. Un conflicto planteado por una persona es legítimo. +* b. Las decisiones que han sido incorporadas formalmente en la tradición de una sociedad y representan desde entonces una realidad histórica, pasan por delante de los procesos actuales de decisión. +* c. El recurso al pueblo, a un consejo de pares, sella las decisiones comunitarias. + +Invertir de raíz el funcionamiento de nuestras instituciones más importantes, he ahí una revolución de una profundidad bien distinta que el asalto al haber o al poder, que la entrega al público de títulos de propiedad, como se nos propone. No se puede contemplar ni emprender semejante revolución más que llegando a reconquistar --y a ponerse de acuerdo sobre-- una estructura formal de procedimiento. + +Antes de entrar a precisar el único procedimiento político capaz de salvaguardar el equilibrio humano, conviene centrar el análisis sobre cada una de las dimensiones en donde se presenta la amenaza. + +## La degradación del medio ambiente + +La importancia del equilibrio entre el hombre y la biosfera es algo reconocido, y repentinamente ha comenzado a preocupar a mucha gente. La degradación del medio ambiente es dramática y espectacular. Durante años, en México, la circulación de automóviles ha aumentado con regularidad, bajo un cielo azul. Y luego, de golpe, el _smog_ se ha extendido, se ha vuelto peor que en Los Angeles. Venenos de un poder desconocido son inyectados en nuestro bio-sistema. No hay medio de eliminarlos, ni de saber cuánto necesitarán aumentar para reducir el planeta, repentinamente, a una cosa muerta, como ha sucedido ya con el lago de Erie o el lago Baikal. La antropogénesis es evolución dentro de un nicho cósmico. La Tierra es nuestra morada y he aquí que el hombre la amenaza. + +Generalmente se considera que el crecimiento demográfico, la sobreabundancia y la perversión de la herramienta, son las tres fuerzas que se conjugan para poner en peligro el equilibrio ecológico. Paul Ehrlich subraya el hecho de que si, honestamente, se quiere controlar la explosión demográfica y estabilizar el consumo, está uno expuesto a ser tratado de « _antipoblación_ y _antipobre_ ». Insiste: «medidas impopulares, que límiten a la vez los nacimientos y el consumo, son la única esperanza que tiene la humanidad de evitar una miseria sin precedente». Ehrlich, seguido por otros defensores del crecimiento cero de la población, quiere conjugar el control de los nacimientos y la eficiencia industrial. Por su parte, Barry Commoner pone el acento sobre el hecho de que la perversión de la herramienta, tercera incógnita de la ecuación, es la principal responsable de la reciente degradación del medio ambiente. Él se expone a la crítica de ser un demagogo rompe-máquinas. Commoner, al igual que muchos otros ecólogos, quiere reinstrumentar la industria, más bien que invertir, de raíz, la estructura de base de la herramienta. + +La fascinación provocada por la crisis ecológica ha limitado la discusión sobre la supervivencia a la consideración de un solo equilibrio, el amenazado por el instrumento contaminante. Pero este debate sigue siendo unidimensional y, por lo tanto, sin objeto, aun si se hace intervenir en él a tres variables, cada una de ellas tendiente a alterar el equilibrio entre el hombre y su medio ambiente. El crecimiento demográfico hace depender a mayor número de gente de recursos limitados, la sobreabundancia obliga a cada uno a depender más de la energía, y la herramienta destructora degrada esta energía sin beneficio. + +Si se consideran estas tres fuerzas como únicas amenazas y la biosfera como el objeto amenazado, dos cuestiones merecen solamente ser discutidas: + +* a. ¿Qué factor (o qué fuerza) ha degradado más los recursos genéticos, y cuál representa la amenaza mayor para el futuro próximo? * b. ¿Qué factor, en la medida en que sea reducible o invertible, requiere mayor atención de parte nuestra? + +Unos dicen que es más fácil ocuparse de la población, otros que es más cómodo reducir la producción que genera la entropía. + +La honestidad nos obliga a todos a reconocer la necesidad de una limitación de la procreación, del consumo y del despilfarro, pero importa más abandonar la ilusión de que las máquinas pueden trabajar por nosotros, o de que los terapeutas pueden capacitarnos para servirnos de ellas. La única solución a la crisis ecológica consiste en que la gente comprenda que sería más feliz si pudiera _trabajar_ junta y _prestarse asistencia_ mutuamente. Una inversión tal de la manera de ver las cosas reclama osadía intelectual. En efecto, se expone a una crítica que, por poco ilustrada, no por eso es menos dolorosa: no sólo será tratado de 'antipueblo' y 'antipobres', sino también de oscurantista opuesto a la escuela, al saber y al progreso. El desequilibrio ecológico es un recargo que se conjuga con otros para operar, cada uno dentro de una dimensión particular, la distorsión del equilibrio vital. Más adelante indicaré cómo, dentro de esta perspectiva, la superpoblación es el resultado de un desequilibrio de la educación, que la sobreabundancia proviene de la monopolización industrial de los valores personales, que la perversión de la herramienta es efecto ineluctable de la inversión de los medios en fines. + +El debate unidimensional que sostienen los poseedores de diversos remedios milagrosos, que conjugan el desarrollo industrial con la supervivencia en equidad, no puede más que alimentar la ilusoria esperanza de que, en alguna forma, la acción humana, convenientemente instrumentada, responderá a las exigencias del mundo concebido como Totalidad-Herramienta. Una supervivencia garantizada burocráticamente en estas condiciones significaría la expansión de la industrialización del sector terciario hasta el punto de que la orientación de la evolución mundial sería identificada con un sistema de producción y de reproducción centralmente planificado. + +Según los partidarios de esta solución --espíritus apegados a la instrumentación--, la conservación del medio físico podrá convertirse en la preocupación primordial del leviatán burocrático puesto al mando regulador de los niveles de reproducción, de demanda, de producción y de consumo. Semejante respuesta tecnocrática al crecimiento demográfico, a la contaminación y a la sobreabundancia, no puede basarse más que en un desarrollo creciente de la industrialización de los valores. + +La creencia en la posibilidad de semejante desarrollo se basa ella misma en un postulado erróneo, a saber: + +> "Los logros históricos de la ciencia y la tecnología han hecho posible el desplazamiento de los valores, su materialización en tareas técnicas. A partir de entonces, el problema candente es el de la redefinición de los valores en términos técnicos, como elementos de un proceso tecnológico. Técnicos, los nuevos fines serían operantes no solamente en el uso, sino fuera del proyecto y de la construcción de la instrumentación"[^n04]. + +El restablecimiento de un equilibrio ecológico depende de la capacidad del cuerpo social para reaccionar contra la progresiva materialización de los valores, en su transformación en áreas técnicas. Al desatender esto, el hombre se encontrará cercado por los productos de su instrumentación, encerrado bajo siete llaves. Rodeado por un medio físico, social y psíquico que él se habrá forjado, se encontrará prisionero de su cápsula-instrumento, incapaz de volver a encontrar el antiguo medio ambiente con el cual se había formado. El equilibrio ecológico no se restablecerá si no reconocemos que únicamente la persona tiene fines, y que sólo puede trabajar para realizarlos. + +## El monopolio radical + +Las herramientas supereficientes pueden destruir el equilibrio entre el hombre y la naturaleza y destruir el medio ambiente. Pero las herramientas pueden ser supereficientes de una manera totalmente distinta: pueden alterar la relación entre lo que la gente necesita hacer por sí misma y lo que obtiene de la industria. Dentro de esta segunda dimensión, una producción supereficiente produce un monopolio radical. + +Por monopolio radical entiendo yo un tipo de dominación por un producto, más allá de lo que así se denomina habitualmente. En general, por monopolio se entiende el control exclusivo, por una firma, de los medios de producción o de venta de un bien o de un servicio. Se dirá que Coca-Cola tiene el monopolio de las bebidas suaves en Nicaragua, por ser el único fabricante de este tipo de bebidas que dispone de los medios modernos de publicidad. Nestlé impone su marca de chocolate al controlar el mercado de la materia prima; un fabricante de automóviles, al controlar las importaciones extranjeras; una cadena de televisión, obteniendo una licencia de exclusividad. Hace un siglo que los monopolios de este estilo han sido reconocidos como subproductos peligrosos del crecimiento industrial, habiéndose establecido dispositivos legales de control de muy poco resultado. Normalmente la legislación opuesta al establecimiento de monopolios ha intentado evitar que con ellos se imponga un límite al desarrollo; en ello nada tenía que ver la preocupación de proteger al individuo. + +Este primer tipo de monopolio reduce la elección que se le ofrece al consumidor, incluso le obliga a comprar un producto en el mercado, pero raras veces limita su libertad. Un hombre sediento puede desear una bebida no alcohólica, fresca y gaseosa, y verse limitado en la elección por haber una sola marca, pero queda libre de apagar su sed bebiendo cerveza o agua. Sólo cuando su sed se traduce, sin otra posibilidad, en la necesidad apremiante de comprar obligadamente una botella de determinada bebida, se establece el monopolio radical. Yo entiendo por este término, más que la dominación de una marca, la de un tipo de producto. En ese caso un proceso de producción industrial ejerce un control exclusivo sobre la satisfacción de una necesidad apremiante excluyendo en ese sentido todo recurso a las actividades no industriales. + +Es así como los transportes pueden ejercer el monopolio de la circulación. Los automóviles pueden moldear una ciudad a su imagen, eliminando prácticamente el desplazamiento a pie o en bicicleta, como sucede en Los Angeles. La construcción de carreteras para autobuses puede liquidar la circulación fluvial, como en Tailandia. Cuando el automóvil hace puramente nominal el derecho a caminar --no se trata ya de que haya en circulación más Chevrolets que Peugeots--, se da el monopolio radical. Que la gente se vea obligada a hacerse transportar y se vuelva impotente para circular sin motor, eso es monopolio radical. Lo que los transportes motorizados producen en la gente en virtud de ese monopolio radical es totalmente distinto e independiente de lo que hacen al quemar gasolina que podría ser transformada en alimentos para un mundo superpoblado. También es distinto del homicidio automovilístico. Ciertamente, los automóviles queman gasolina en holocausto. Ciertamente son costosos. Ciertamente, los norteamericanos celebraron la cienmilésima víctima del automóvil desde 1908\. Pero el monopolio radical establecido por el vehículo de motor tiene su propia forma de destruir. Los autos crean las distancias, y la velocidad, bajo todas sus formas, estrangula el espacio. Se abren autopistas a través de regiones superpobladas, luego se extorsiona a la gente un peaje para 'autorizarles' a franquear las distancias que el sistema de transporte exige. Este monopolio de los transportes, como una bestia monstruosa, devora el espacio. Aunque los aviones y los autobuses funcionaran como servicio público, sin contaminar el aire y el silencio, y sin agotar los recursos de energía, su velocidad inhumana no degradaría menos la movilidad natural del hombre, obligándole siempre a dedicar más tiempo a la circulación mecánica. + +La escuela también puede ejercer un monopolio radical sobre el saber al redefinirlo como educación. Mientras que la gente acepte la definición de la realidad que le da el maestro, los autodidactos llevarán la etiqueta oficial de 'no educados'. La medicina moderna, por su parte, priva a los que sufren de los cuidados que no están bajo prescripción médica. Hay monopolio radical cuando la herramienta programada despoja al individuo de su posibilidad de hacer. Esta dominación de la herramienta instaura el consumo obligatorio y con ello limita la autonomía de la persona. Es un tipo particular de control social reforzado por el consumo obligatorio de una producción en masa que sólo las grandes industrias pueden garantizar. + +El hecho de que las empresas organizadas de pompas fúnebres lleguen a controlar los entierros demuestra cómo funciona un monopolio radical y en qué difiere de otras formas de comportamiento cultural. En México, apenas hace una generación, cavar la fosa y bendecir el cadáver eran las dos únicas funciones practicadas por especialistas: el sepulturero y el sacerdote. Una muerte en familia creaba obligaciones sociales, de las que se hacían cargo los parientes cercanos. El velorio, las exequias y la comida tenían por función armonizar disputas, dar rienda suelta al dolor, celebrar la vida y la fatalidad de la muerte. La mayoría de los usos, en esa oportunidad, eran de naturaleza ritual, objeto de reglas precisas que diferían de una región a otra. Luego se instalaron las empresas de pompas fúnebres en todas las grandes ciudades. Al principio les fue difícil encontrar clientes, porque la gente aún sabía enterrar a sus muertos. En los años sesenta, estas empresas adquirieron el control de nuevos cementerios y comenzaron a ofrecer servicio completo, incluyendo el ataúd, la ceremonia y el embalsamamiento del difunto. Ahora se ha promulgado una ley que establece, como obligatorio, recurrir a los buenos oficios de los sepultureros. Mientras tenga el control del cadáver, el patrón de pompas fúnebres tendrá el monopolio radical del entierro, así como la medicina está a punto de tomar el de la muerte. + +La reciente controversia sobre los servicios médicos en Estados Unidos echa una luz brutal sobre la fortaleza que representa un monopolio radical. En la discusión, cada partido político hace del servicio a la enfermedad un problema candente y, por ese hecho, relega el servicio de la salud a un campo donde la política tiene poco que decir. Cada partido promete más dinero a los médicos, a los hospitales y a los farmacéuticos. Con estas promesas no se beneficia la gran masa, pero contribuyen a acrecentar el poder, detentado por una minoría de especialistas, de determinar las herramientas de que ha de servirse el hombre para conservar la salud, cuidar la enfermedad y combatir la muerte. Más dinero revalidará el embargo que ejerce la industria de la salud sobre los fondos públicos, aumentando su prestigio y su poder arbitrario. Puesto en manos de una minoría, semejante poder aumentará el sufrimiento humano y disminuirá la iniciativa de la persona. Se destinará más dinero a las herramientas que no hacen más que retardar una muerte segura, y a servicios que mutilan aún más los derechos elementales de aquellos que quieren cuidarse unos a otros. Más dinero gastado bajo el control de especialistas de la salud significa más gente condicionada en forma operacional para jugar el papel del enfermo, papel que ni siquiera tienen el derecho a jugar cuando les da la gana. Una vez que se acepta este papel, sus necesidades más simples no se pueden satisfacer sin pasar por servicios que, por definición, son profesionales, y, por tanto, sometidos a la escasez. + +Los hombres disponen de la capacidad innata de cuidarse, reconfortarse, desplazarse, adquirir conocimientos, construir sus moradas y enterrar a sus muertos. Cada uno de estos poderes responde a una necesidad. Los medios para satisfacer estas necesidades no faltan: mientras los hombres sigan dependiendo de lo que puedan hacer por y para sí mismos, el recurso a los profesionales será marginal. Estas actividades tienen un valor de uso y no han sido afectadas por el valor de cambio. Su _ejercicio_ no se considera un _trabajo_. + +Estas satisfacciones elementales se ratifican cuando el medio ambiente social ha sido transformado de tal suerte que las necesidades primordiales ya no pueden ser satisfechas fuera del comercio. Y un monopolio radical se establece cuando la gente abandona su capacidad innata de hacer lo que puede por sí misma y por los demás, a cambio de algo 'mejor' que sólo puede producir para ellos una herramienta dominante. El monopolio radical refleja la industrialización de los valores. La respuesta personal la sustituye por el objeto estandarizado; crea nuevas formas de escasez y un nuevo instrumento de medida y, por lo tanto, de clasificación del nivel de consumo. Esta reclasificación provoca el alza en el costo unitario de la prestación del servicio, modula la distribución de privilegios, limita el acceso a los recursos, e instala a la gente dentro de la dependencia. Es necesario establecer una defensa contra el monopolio radical. Es necesario defender a la gente contra la muerte y la sepultura estandarizadas, contra el consumo que les es impuesto por el interés de la libre empresa de los médicos y los sepultureros, o por el gobierno en nombre de la higiene. Esta defensa la necesitan, aun cuando la mayoría de ellos son ya tributarios de los servicios especializados. Si no se reconoce la necesidad de una defensa contra el monopolio radical, éste reforzará y afinará su instrumentación, hasta conducir a que el umbral humano de resistencia a la inacción y a la pasividad sea traspuesto. + +No siempre es fácil determinar lo que constituye el consumo obligatorio. El monopolio escolar no se basa primordialmente sobre una ley que sancione a los padres o a sus hijos por la deserción escolar. No es que no existan leyes semejantes, pero la escuela se apoya en otra táctica: la segregación de los no escolarizados, la centralización de la instrumentación del saber bajo el control de los maestros, el tratamiento social privilegiado de los estudiantes. Si bien es importante defenderse contra las leyes que hacen obligatorias la educación, o la vacunación o la prolongación de la vida humana, esto no basta. Los procedimientos que actualmente permiten protegerse contra la privación de un bien o de un derecho deben extenderse al caso de que las partes amenazadas quieran defenderse de la obligación de consumir, y esto independientemente del tipo del consumo de que se trate. No se puede fijar por adelantado el umbral de intolerabilidad de un monopolio radical, pero se puede anticipar su amenaza. La legislación que define la naturaleza precisa del monopolio considerada como intolerable debe ser fruto de un proceso político. + +Es tan difícil defenderse contra la generalización del monopolio, como contra la extensión de la contaminación. La gente se enfrenta con mayor facilidad a un peligro que amenaza sus intereses privados que a uno que amenaza al cuerpo social en general. Tiene muchos más enemigos confesos el automóvil que el manejarlo. Los mismos que se oponen a los automóviles, porque contaminan el aire, el silencio y monopolizan la circulación, conducen el suyo y juzgan que su capacidad de contaminación es desestimable, y de ninguna manera tienen la sensación de alienar su libertad cuando van al volante. La defensa contra el monopolio es aún más difícil si se toman en cuenta los siguientes factores: por una parte la sociedad está ya plagada de autopistas, escuelas y hospitales; por otra la capacidad innata de que dispone el hombre para ejercer actos independientes está paralizada desde hace tiempo hasta parecer atrofiada; finalmente, las soluciones que ofrecen otra posibilidad, por ser simples, en apariencia quedan fuera del alcance de la imaginación. Es difícil desembarazarse del monopolio cuando éste ha congelado la forma del mundo físico, anquilosado el comportamiento y mutilado la imaginación. Cuando se descubre el monopolio radical, casi siempre ya es demasiado tarde. + +Un monopolio comercial se rompe a costa de la minoría que de él se beneficia, es decir, a costa de aquellos que habitualmente se las arreglan para escapar a los controles. Puesto que la colectividad soporta el costo del monopolio radical, éste no podrá romperse si esta misma colectividad no toma conciencia de que le iría mejor financiando la destrucción del monopolio, en vez de su perpetuación. Y no aceptará el pago de este precio si no pone en la balanza, de un lado las promesas de una sociedad convivencial y del otro los espejismos de una sociedad de progresos. La gente elegirá la bicicleta cuando haya calculado bien el precio que paga por los vehículos rápidos. Nadie aceptará pagar si confunde la convivencialidad con la indigencia. + +Ciertos síntomas del monopolio radical comienzan a apuntar en la conciencia social, y sobre todo éste: aun en los países superdesarrollados, cualquiera que sea su régimen político, la tasa de crecimiento de la frustración excede grandemente a la de la producción. Ciertamente, las políticas de acomodo de la frustración fácilmente distraen la atención de la índole profunda del monopolio. Pero cada éxito superficial, que corrige distorsiones y diluye la crítica en reformas vagas, arraiga más sólidamente el monopolio a que nos referimos. + +El primer paliativo es la defensa del consumidor. El consumidor no puede pasarse sin un automóvil. Compra ésta o aquella marca. Descubre que la mayoría de los automóviles son peligrosos, no importa a qué velocidad. Entonces se organiza con otros consumidores para obtener automóviles más seguros, de mejor calidad y más duraderos. La victoria del consumidor es una victoria pírrica: se gana otra vez la confianza en los vehículos superpotentes (públicos o privados), lo que significa más dependencia colectiva hacia ellos y siempre más frustración para los que andan a pie porque tienen que hacerlo, o porque así lo quieren. + +Que los consumidores 'enganchados' a un producto se organicen para defenderse tiene como efecto inmediato aumentar la calidad de la droga suministrada y la potencia del proveedor y, en última instancia, puede llevar al desarrollo a encontrar sus propios límites: es posible que los automóviles lleguen a ser algún día demasiado costosos para la compra y los medicamentos demasiado violentos para los ensayos. Es exacerbando las contradicciones inherentes a tal proceso de industrialización de los valores como las mayorías pueden, por sí mismas, llegar a tomar plena conciencia de estas contradicciones. Es posible que el consumidor sagaz, que elige sus compras, llegue a descubrir que está mejor servido arreglándoselas por sí solo. + +El segundo paliativo, que tiende a igualar la tasa de crecimiento de la producción, es el de la frustración y la planificación. La ilusión imperante es que los planificadores, animados de ideales socialistas, pueden de alguna manera crear una sociedad socialista en donde los trabajadores industriales representarán la mayoría. Quienes sostienen esta idea desatienden el siguiente hecho: el margen de adaptación de instrumentos anticonvivenciales (que manipulan a la persona) a una sociedad socialista es extremadamente estrecho. El recurso a los transportes, a la educación o la medicina, una vez que se establece su gratuidad, corre el riesgo de ser reforzado por los guardianes del orden moral: se acusará al subconsumidor de sabotear el esfuerzo nacional. En una economía de mercado, quien quiere cuidarse la gripe quedándose en la cama es acusado por dejar de ganar. En una sociedad que apela 'al pueblo' para alcanzar objetivos de producción determinados desde arriba, el resistirse a consumir la medicina se asimila a una profesión de inmoralidad pública. La defensa contra el monopolio radical es posible bajo una condición: que se obtenga, en el plano político, un acuerdo unánime sobre la necesidad de poner término al crecimiento. Este consenso se sitúa en oposición directa a la actitud subyacente en todas las oposiciones políticas, y que consiste en reclamar más cosas útiles para más gente inútil. + +El equilibrio entre el hombre y su medio, por una parte, y por otra, entre la posibilidad de ejercer una actividad creativa y la suma de necesidades elementales a satisfacer en esa forma, da un doble equilibrio que se aproxima actualmente al punto de ruptura. Sin embargo, la gran mayoría no se siente preocupada. Debo explicar aquí por qué esta gran mayoría es ciega o impotente ante el peligro. Creo que la ceguera se debe a un tercer equilibrio: el del saber; en cuanto a la importancia, es el hecho de la perturbación de un cuarto equilibrio, que yo llamo equilibrio del poder. + +## La sobreprogramación + +El equilibrio del saber es determinado por la relación de dos variables: por un lado, el saber que proviene de las relaciones creativas entre el hombre y su medio; por otro, el saber cosificado del hombre movido por su medio instrumentado. + +El primer saber es efecto de los nudos de relaciones que se establecen espontáneamente entre las personas, dentro del empleo de herramientas convivenciales. El segundo saber es el resultado de un amansamiento intencional y programado. El aprendizaje del lenguaje materno exime del primer saber, la ingestión de matemáticas en la escuela exime del segundo. Nadie sensato irá a decir que hablar, caminar u ocuparse de un niño sea resultado de una educación formal. Es distinto, de ordinario, tratándose de las matemáticas, la danza clásica o la pintura. + +El equilibrio del saber cambia, según el lugar y el tiempo. El rito es determinante: un musulmán sabe un poco de árabe gracias a su oración. Esta adquisición del saber se opera por interacción dentro del medio circunscrito por una tradición. De manera análoga los campesinos transmiten el folklore de su tierra. Las clases y las castas multiplican las oportunidades de aprender: el rico _sabe_ comportarse en la mesa y sabe conversar (subrayando además que 'eso no se aprende'), el pobre sabrá sobrevivir dignamente allí donde ninguna escuela ha enseñado a los ricos cómo hacerlo. + +Primero es la estructura de la herramienta para la adquisición del primer saber: mientras menos convivenciales son nuestras herramientas, más alimentan la instrucción. En ciertas tribus de reducido tamaño y de gran cohesión, el saber es compartido muy equitativamente entre la mayoría de sus miembros: cada uno sabe la mayor parte de lo que todo el mundo sabe. Ulteriormente, en el proceso de civilización, se introducen nuevas herramientas: más gente sabe más cosas, pero no todos saben hacer todas las cosas igualmente bien. La maestría, en todo caso, no implica todavía el monopolio de la comprensión: se puede tener la comprensión de lo que hace el herrero sin ser herrero, no es necesario ser cocinero para saber cómo se cocina. Este juego combinado de una información ampliamente extendida y de la aptitud general de sacarle partido, caracteriza a una sociedad donde prevalece la herramienta convivencial. Si la técnica del artesano puede ser comprendida al observar el trabajo, los recursos complejos que maneja no pueden adquirirse más que tras una larga operación disciplinada: el aprendizaje. El saber global de una sociedad florece cuando al mismo tiempo se desarrolla el saber adquirido espontáneamente y el saber recibido de un maestro; entonces el rigor y la libertad se conjugan armoniosamente. La extensión del campo del equilibrio del saber no puede llegar hasta el infinito; lleva en sí su propio límite. Este campo es optimizable, no es indefinido. Primero, porque el tiempo de la vida de un hombre es limitado. Segundo --y esto es inexorable-- porque la especialización de la herramienta y la división del trabajo están en interacción, y requieren, más allá de un punto determinado, una superprogramación del operador y del cliente. La mayor parte del saber de cada uno es pues efecto de la voluntad y del poder de otro. La cultura puede florecer en innumerables variedades, pero hay barreras materiales que no puede bordear. + +¿Dentro de qué ambiente nace el niño de las ciudades? Dentro de un conjunto complejo de sistemas que significan una cosa para quienes los conciben y otra para quienes los emplean. Colocado en contacto con miles de sistemas, colocado en sus terminales, el hombre de las ciudades sabe servirse del teléfono y de la televisión, pero no sabe cómo funcionan. La adquisición espontánea del saber está confinada a los mecanismos de ajuste a un confort masificado. El hombre de las ciudades cada vez tiene menos posibilidad de hacer las cosas a su antojo. Hacer la corte, la comida y el amor se convierten en materia docente. Desviado por y hacia la educación, el equilibrio del saber se degrada. La gente aprende lo que se le ha enseñado, pero ya no sabe por sí misma. Siente la necesidad de ser educada. El saber es pues un bien, y como todo bien puesto en el mercado, está sujeto a la escasez. Ocultar la naturaleza de esta escasez, es la función bastante costosa de una educación multiforme. La educación es la preparación programada para la 'vida activa', a través de la ingurgitación (engullir, tragar) de instrucciones masivas y estandarizadas, producidas por la escuela. Pero la educación es también la ramificación continua sobre el flujo de las informaciones mediatizadas sobre lo que pasa: es el 'mensaje' de cada bien manufacturado. A veces el mensaje está escrito sobre el envoltorio, se lee por fuerza. Si el producto es más elaborado, su forma, su color, las asociaciones provocadas, dictan al usuario la forma de empleo. Particularmente, la educación es permanente, como medicina de temporada, para el administrador, el policía y el obrero calificado, periódicamente sobrepasados por las innovaciones de su ramo. Cuando la gente se agota y debe volver sin cesar a los bancos de la escuela para recibir un baño de saber y seguridad, cuando el analista debe ser reprogramado para cada nueva generación de computadores, es que la educación realmente es un bien sujeto a la escasez. Es entonces cuando la educación se convierte en la cuestión, más candente para la sociedad y, al mismo tiempo, la más mistificante. + +En todas partes, la tasa de crecimiento del costo de la formación es superior a la del producto global. Hay dos interpretaciones posibles. Para una, la educación es un medio de alcanzar esos fines económicos. Desde este punto de vista la inversión del saber del hombre se requiere por la necesidad de elevar la productividad. La disparidad en las tasas de crecimiento del sector terciario terapéutico significa que la producción global se acerca al asíntoma. Para detener el peligro, es necesario encontrar el medio de aumentar la relación costo/beneficio dentro de la ortopedia pedagógica. Las escuelas serán las primeras afectadas en el proceso de racionalización de los mecanismos de capitalización del saber. En mi opinión esto es una lástima. Por destructora e ineficaz que sea la escuela, dado su carácter tradicional, asegura un mínimo de defensa al niño. Los institutores transformados en 'educadores' y liberados de los obstáculos inherentes al sistema escolar, podrían revelarse como 'condicionadores' horriblemente eficaces. + +El punto de partida de la segunda interpretación es opuesto: el sector terciario, sin que se le pueda asimilar sólo a la educación, es el producto social más precioso del crecimiento industrial. En ese sentido, la declinación de la utilidad marginal de la educación no podrá justificar una limitación en su producción. Al contrario, la sustitución de la demanda de bienes por la demanda de servicios, marca a la vez la transición de una sociedad hacia una economía estable y un alza en la 'calidad de la vida'. Nueve sobre diez de las proposiciones adelantadas sobre lo que será el año 2000 describen, en su último capitulo, la felicidad como una avalancha de consumo terciario. + +Estas dos interpretaciones desvían, ambas, el equilibrio del saber: concurren en el desarrollo de las técnicas de manipulación educativa y hacen abortar toda curiosidad personal. Considerar la educación como medio de producción o como producto de lujo viene a ser lo mismo, desde el momento en que es demandada. En los dos casos, el equilibrio del saber es desviado en favor de más enseñanza. Las dos posiciones descansan sobre el mismo postulado con un carácter de fatalidad: el mundo moderno es de tal manera artificial, alienado, hermético, que sobrepasa el alcance de cualquier mortal y no puede ser conocido más que por los grandes iniciados y sus discípulos. + +Sustituir el despertar del saber por el de la educación es ahogar el poeta en el hombre, es congelar su poder de dar sentido al mundo. Por poco que se le arranque de la naturaleza, que se le prive del trabajo creativo, que se le mutile su curiosidad, el hombre es desarraigado, maniatado, secado. Sobredeterminar el medio físico es hacerlo fisiológicamente hostil. Ahogar al hombre en el bienestar es encadenarlo al monopolio radical. Desbaratar el equilibrio del saber es hacer del hombre una marioneta de sus herramientas. Empantanado en su felicidad climatizada, el hombre es un gato castrado: no le queda sino la rabia que le hace matar o matarse. + +Siempre ha habido poetas y bufones para alzarse contra el aplastamiento del pensamiento creativo por el dogma. Metaforizando, denuncian el literal vacío cerebral. El humor apoya su demostración: lo serio es insensato. Ellos abren los ojos a lo maravilloso, disuelven lo cierto, destierran el temor y desatan los cuerpos. El profeta denuncia las creencias, desnuda las supersticiones, despierta a la gente, saca afuera la fuerza y la llama. Las intimidaciones que lanzan la poesía, la intuición y la teoría, al avance blindado del dogma sobre el espíritu, ¿serán capaces de lograr una revolución del despertar? Esto no es imposible. Pero para que el equilibrio del saber pueda ser restablecido, se precisa que el Estado y la Iglesia sean separados, que la burocracia del bienestar y la burocracia de la verdad sean divididas, que la acción política y el saber obligatorio sean diferenciados. Las palabras poéticas no harán estallar la sociedad sino metiéndose en el molde del proceso político. + +El Derecho ya ha servido para desvincular de las leyes la ideología. El Derecho que ha defendido ya al cuerpo social contra las pretensiones exageradas de sus clérigos, puede hacerlo ahora contra las de sus educadores. No es mucho lo que dista la obligación de ir a la escuela de la de ir a la iglesia. Un día, el Derecho podrá realizar la separación de la educación y de la política, y convertirla en principio constitutivo de la sociedad. Pero ya desde ahora, el Derecho puede servir para combatir la proliferación del sector terciario y su empleo en la reproducción de una sociedad de clases. + +Comprender verdaderamente el alza del costo de la educación supone conocer las dos fases del problema: primero la herramienta no convivencial tiene efectos educativos que alcanzan un umbral de intolerabilidad; segundo, una educación no instrumentalizada convivencialmente no es económicamente viable. + +El primer punto nos abre a la necesidad de una transición hacia una sociedad donde el trabajo, la recreación y la política, favorecieran el aprendizaje, una sociedad que funcionara con menos educación formal. El segundo nos abre la posibilidad de poner en vigor soluciones educativas que facilitaran una adquisición espontánea del saber y confinaran la enseñanza programada a casos limitados y claramente específicos. Para vencer _la crisis de comunicación_ hay que subrayar la distorsión paralela que existe en la instrumentación de la energía y de la información. + +En toda la superficie del planeta, el instrumento altamente capitalizado requiere de un hombre atiborrado de conocimientos almacenados. Después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, la racionalización de la producción ha penetrado en las regiones llamadas retrasadas y las metástasis industriales ejercen sobre la escuela una intensa demanda de personal programado. La proliferación del bienestar exige el condicionamiento apropiado para vivir en él. Lo que la gente aprende en las escuelas que se multiplican en Malasia o en Brasil es, ante todo, a medir el tiempo con el reloj del programador, estimar el adelanto con los anteojos del burócrata, apreciar el consumo creciente con el corazón del comerciante, y considerar la razón del trabajo con los ojos del responsable sindical. Esto no es el maestro quien se lo enseña, sino el recorrido programado, producido y, al mismo tiempo, obliterado por la estructura escolar. Lo que enseña el maestro no tiene ninguna importancia, desde el momento en que los niños deben pasarse centenares de horas reunidos en clases por edades, entrar en la rutina del programa (o _curriculum_ ), y recibir un diploma en función de su capacidad de someterse a él. ¿Qué se aprende en la escuela? Se aprende que mientras más horas se pasen en ella, más vale uno en el mercado. Se aprende a valorar el consumo escalonado de programas. Se aprende que todo lo que produce una institución dominante vale y cuesta caro, aun lo que no se ve, como la educación y la salud. Se aprende a valorar la promoción jerárquica, la sumisión y la pasividad, y hasta la desviación tipo, que el maestro interpretará como síntoma de creatividad. Se aprende a solicitar sin indisciplina los favores del burócrata que preside las sesiones cotidianas: profesor en la escuela, patrón en la fábrica. Se aprende a definirse como detentador de un lote de conocimientos en la especialización en que ha invertido su tiempo. Se aprende, finalmente, a aceptar sin rebelarse su lugar dentro de la sociedad, es decir la clase y la carrera precisas que corresponden respectivamente al nivel y al campo de especialización escolares. + +Las reglas de contratación en las industrias incipientes en los países pobres son tales que solamente los escolarizados ocupan las escasas plazas, por ser los únicos que en la escuela han aprendido a callarse. Estos puestos en la cadena son definidos como los más productivos, los mejor pagados, de manera que el acceso a los productos industriales es reservado a los escolarizados y prohibido a los no-escolarizados. Fabricados por la máquina, los zapatos, las bolsas, la ropa, los alimentos congelados y las bebidas gaseosas desplazan en el mercado a los bienes equivalentes, que eran producidos convivencialmente. La escuela sirve a la industrialización justificando en el Tercer Mundo la existencia de dos sectores, el del mercado y el de la subsistencia: el de la pobreza modernizada y el de una nueva miseria de los pobres. A medida y conforme la producción se concentra y se capitaliza, la escuela pública, para continuar en su papel de pantalla, cuesta más cara a los que asisten a ella, pero, sobre todo, hace pagar la cuenta a los que no asisten. + +La educación no se convierte en necesidad sólo para diplomar a la gente, para seleccionar a aquellos a quienes se les da trabajo, sino también para controlar a los otros que acceden al consumo. Es el mismo crecimiento industrial el que conduce a la educación a ejercer el control social indispensable para un uso eficiente de los productos. La industria de la vivienda en los países de América Latina es un buen ejemplo de las disfunciones educativas producidas por los arquitectos. En estos países las grandes ciudades están rodeadas de vastas zonas, _favelas_ , _barriadas_ o _poblaciones_, donde la gente levanta ella misma sus moradas. No costaría caro prefabricar elementos para viviendas y construcciones de servicios comunes fáciles de ubicar. La gente podría construirse moradas más duraderas, más confortables y salubres, al mismo tiempo que aprendería el empleo de nuevos materiales y de nuevos sistemas. En vez de ello, en vez de estimular la aptitud innata de las personas para moldear su propio ambiente, los gobiernos encajan en esas barriadas servicios comunes concebidos para una población instalada en casas de tipo moderno. Por su sola presencia, la escuela nueva, la carretera asfaltada y los puestos de policía en acero y vidrio, definen el edificio construido por los especialistas como modelo, y, de esa manera, imprimen a la vivienda que se construya uno mismo el sello de la barriada, reduciéndola a ser nada más que una choza. Semejante definición es implantada por la ley; niega el permiso de construir a la gente que no puede presentar un plano firmado por un arquitecto. Y es así como se priva a la gente de su aptitud natural de invertir su tiempo personal en la creación de valores de uso, y se les obliga a un trabajo asalariado: podrán entonces cambiar sus salarios contra el espacio industrialmente condicionado. Aquí también se les priva de la posibilidad de aprender construyendo. + +La sociedad industrial exige que unos sean programados para conducir camiones, otros para construir casas. Y a otros más hay que enseñarles a vivir en los grandes complejos habitacionales. Maestros de escuela, trabajadores sociales y policías trabajan mano a mano para mantener a individuos subpagados o semidesocupados, en casas que no pueden construir por sí mismos ni modificar. Así la suma economizada en la construcción de conjuntos habitacionales populares aumenta el costo de mantenimiento del inmueble y exige invertir un múltiplo del ahorro conseguido en gastos terciarios para instruir, animar, promover; es decir, para controlar, conformar y condicionar al locatario dócil. Para hacinar más gente sobre menos terreno, Brasil y Venezuela han hecho el experimento de construir grandes inmuebles. Primero fue necesario que la policía evacuara a la gente de sus tugurios y los reinstalara en los apartamentos. En seguida los trabajadores sociales se enfrentaron a la ruda tarea de socializar a inquilinos insuficientemente escolarizados para comprender por sí mismos que no se crían marranos negros en los balcones de un onceavo piso, y que no se siembran frijoles en la tina del baño. + +En Nueva York, la gente que no tiene doce años de escolaridad es considerada impedida: se convierte en inempleable y es controlada por trabajadores sociales que deciden cómo va a vivir. El monopolio radical de la herramienta supereficiente extorsiona del cuerpo social un creciente y costoso condicionamiento de sus clientes. Los automóviles producidos por Ford requieren, para ser reparados, mecánicos reinstruidos por la misma compañía. Los autores del 'milagro verde' sacan semillas de alto rendimiento que puede usar sólo una minoría que dispone del doble abono, del químico y del educador. Más salud, más velocidad o más cosechas significa individuos más receptivos, más pasivos, más disciplinados. Las escuelas productoras de control social, al tomar por su cuenta la mayor parte del costo de esas conquistas dudosas, lo encubren con ese mismo hecho. + +Al ceder a las presiones ejercidas sobre ella, en nombre del control social, la escuela alcanza y sobrepasa su segundo umbral critico. Los planificadores fabrican programas más variados y más complejos, cuya utilidad marginal declina por ese mismo hecho. + +Mientras la escuela ensancha el campo de sus pretensiones, otros servicios descubren su misión educadora. La prensa, la radio y la televisión ya no son únicamente medios de comunicación, desde el momento en que se les pone conscientemente al servicio de la integración social. Los semanarios que conocen la expansión, al llenarse de informaciones estereotipadas, se convierten en productos terminados, entregando completamente empaquetada una información filtrada, aséptica, predigerida. Esta 'mejor' información suplanta la antigua discusión del _foro_; so pretexto de informar, suscita un apetito dócil de alimentos ya preparados y mata la capacidad natural de seleccionar, dominar, organizar la información. Se ofrecen al público algunas estrellas o algunos especialistas vulgarizados por el embalador del saber, se confina la voz de los lectores a la correspondencia o a las encuestas que ellos envían dócilmente. + +La producción industrial y la comercialización masiva del saber cierran a la gente el acceso a herramientas para compartir el saber. Es el caso del libro. El libro es resultado de dos grandes invenciones: el alfabeto y la imprenta. La técnica del alfabeto y la de la imprenta son casi idealmente convivenciales. Todo el mundo, o casi todo el mundo, puede aprender su manejo y utilizarlos para sus propios fines. Son técnicas poco costosas. Se las toma o se las deja, como se quiera. Son difíciles de controlar por terceros. Así, el gobierno soviético parece impotente para impedir el _Samtzdat_ , esa edición y circulación clandestina de manuscritos. + +Al parecer, el alfabeto y la imprenta arrancan la custodia de la palabra a la empresa exclusiva del escriba. Gracias al alfabeto, el comerciante rompe el monopolio ejercido por los sacerdotes sobre el jeroglífico. Con el papel y el lápiz, y más tarde con la máquina de escribir y los medios modernos de reproducción, aparece un abanico de técnicas nuevas que, en sí mismas, inician una era de comunicación no especializada, verdaderamente convivencial para la conservación, reproducción y difusión de la palabra. Con la película y la cinta magnética aparecen nuevos sistemas de comunicación convivencial. Sin embargo, el privilegio acordado a las instituciones con estructuras manipuladoras ha puesto estas herramientas al servicio de una enseñanza aún más unívoca y monologada. La escuela amaestra al alumno para que se sirva de textos continuamente revisados. Difunde la ilusión de que sólo el escolarizado sabe leer, y refuerza la tendencia a no publicar más que sus obras. Produce consumidores de información y lectores de noticias técnicas. Las estadísticas dicen que los estudiantes leen menos libros no especializados desde que empieza a irles bien en sus exámenes. Cada vez hay más libros escritos para los especialistas educados, pero los diplomados cada vez leen menos por su cuenta. Cada vez la gente pasa más tiempo aprisionada en el programa definido por los nuevos directores de estudios: el editor, el productor y el programador. Es la misma gente que cada semana espera con avidez la salida de revistas como _Selecciones_. + +Las propias bibliotecas han sido puestas al servicio de un mundo escolarizado. A medida y conforme las van 'mejorando', el libro es colocado siempre más lejos del alcance del lector. Primero era el bibliotecario quien se interponía entre el libro y el lector, ahora el computador reemplaza al bibliotecario. Al colocar esos libros, almacenados en inmensos silos, a la disposición de un computador, el funcionamiento de la biblioteca pública de la ciudad de Nueva York se ha hecho tan costoso que ya no abre sus puertas más que de las diez a las dieciocho horas en días hábiles y el sábado sólo las entreabre. Esto significa que los libros se han convertido en instrumentos especializados de investigadores a quienes una beca libere de la escuela y del trabajo. + +En realidad, una biblioteca es un modelo de herramienta convivencial, un sitio que ofrece libre acceso y no hace obedecer a programas rígidos, un sitio donde se toma o se deja lo que se quiere, fuera de toda censura. Sobre este modelo, se pueden extender y se pueden organizar discotecas, filmotecas, fonotecas y videotecas públicas, donde la gente tendría ciertamente acceso a herramientas de producción. Dentro de estructuras análogas a la biblioteca, no sería difícil poner a disposición del público las herramientas, bien simples, que han hecho posible la mayoría de los adelantos científicos del siglo pasado. + +Los instrumentos de manipulación de los que se sirve la enseñanza hacen subir el precio del saber. Se plantea la pregunta de qué es lo que la gente debe aprender, y, en seguida, se invierte en un instrumento para enseñárselo. Valdría la pena aprender a preguntar primero cuáles son los tipos de herramientas que la gente desea, si quiere ir al encuentro del otro, de lo desconocido, del extranjero, del pasado. Los maestros de oficio se ríen de la idea de que las personas puedan sacar mayor ventaja del libre acceso a las herramientas del saber que de su enseñanza. Con frecuencia apoyan su escepticismo poniendo como ejemplo la decadencia de las bibliotecas públicas. No pueden ver que si éstas son poco frecuentadas es precisamente porque, en su gran mayoría, han sido organizadas como formidables instalaciones de enseñanza, y que se mantienen desiertas precisamente porque la gente ha sido amaestrada para reclamar instrucción. + +Ahora bien, los hombres no tienen necesidad de más enseñanza. Sólo necesitan aprender ciertas cosas. Hay que enseñarles a renunciar, cosa que no se aprende en la escuela, aprender a vivir dentro de ciertos límites, como exige, por ejemplo, la necesidad de responder a la situación de la natalidad. La supervivencia humana depende de la capacidad de los hombres para aprender muy pronto y por sí _mismos_ lo que _no pueden_ hacer. Los hombres deben aprender a controlar su reproducción, su consumo y el uso de las cosas. Es imposible _educar_ a la gente para la pobreza voluntaria, lo mismo que el dominio de sí mismo no puede ser el resultado de una manipulación. Es imposible _enseñar_ la renuncia gozosa y equilibrada en un mundo totalmente estructurado para producir siempre más, y mantener la ilusión de que esto cuesta cada vez menos. + +Es necesario que cada uno aprenda el porqué y el cómo de la contracepción. La razón es clara: el hombre ha evolucionado sobre una parcela del cosmos; confinado por los recursos de la ecosfera, su universo no puede admitir más que un número limitado de ocupantes. Por la técnica, ha modificado las características de su nicho ecológico. La ecosfera puede actualmente acoger más gente, cada vez menos adaptada vitalmente a su ambiente, cada vez pudiendo disponer de menos espacio, de menos capacidad, de menos tradición. La tentativa de fabricar un medio ambiente _mejor_ se ha revelado tan presuntuosa como la de mejorar la salud, la educación o la comunicación. El resultado es que ahora hay más gente que se siente cada vez menos a gusto. Los nuevos instrumentos, que han favorecido el crecimiento de la población, no pueden asegurar su supervivencia. La colocación de instrumentos aún más potentes, aumenta con más rapidez el número de frustrados que la cifra total de la población. En un mercado atestado, la falta se acentúa, y exige siempre mayor programación de la clientela. + +Toda planificación es garantizada por un factor clave, a saber, el control del número de gentes para las cuales se planifica. Pero, hasta el presente, toda planificación de la población ha fracasado: la gente no limita su reproducción sino por propia decisión. La paradoja es que el hombre opone máxima resistencia a la enseñanza que más necesita. Todo programa de control de la natalidad fundado sobre el modelo industrial fracasará ahí donde han fracasado la escuela y el hospital. Al principio, tendrá atractivo; más tarde vendrá la escalada del aborto y de la esterilización; finalmente, será el mazazo cerebral para perpetrar genocidios, paupericidios y otros megacidios. + +Sin la práctica de una contracepción voluntaria y eficaz, la humanidad será aplastada por su número, antes de ser aplastada por la potencia de su propia instrumentación. Pero la generalización de la contracepción no puede en ningún caso ser resultado de un instrumento milagroso. Una nueva práctica, opuesta a la presente, no puede resultar más que de una relación nueva del hombre con su herramienta. El control de la herramienta, al cual me refiero, exige la generalización de la contracepción. Pero la contracepción demanda, para ser eficaz, la generalización del estado mental convivencial que acompaña al control de la herramienta en cuestión. + +Los sistemas requeridos para controlar los nacimientos son el ejemplo-tipo de la herramienta convivencial moderna. Integran los datos de la ciencia más avanzada con las herramientas utilizables con un mínimo de buen sentido y de aprendizaje. Estos sistemas ofrecen nuevos medios de ejercer las prácticas milenarias de contracepción, de esterilización y de aborto. Por su bajo costo pueden llegar a ser accesibles a todos. En su variedad convienen a las creencias, ocupaciones y situaciones más diversas. Con toda evidencia, estas herramientas estructuran la relación que cada uno sostiene con su cuerpo y con los demás. + +El control de los nacimientos es una empresa que debe realizarse dentro de un horizonte temporal muy limitado. No puede darse sino de una manera convivencial. Es un contrasentido querer obligar al uso de la herramienta convivencial a la gente que, en lo demás, continúa estando condicionada al solo consumo. Es absurdo pedir a un campesino que se sirva del preservativo cuando se le _enseña a depender_ del médico para las inyecciones y las recetas, del juez para dirimir los litigios y del maestro para la alfabetización. Es un contrasentido legislar en la actualidad sobre el aborto como 'acto médico', cuando hoy es más simple que nunca reconocer el comienzo de una gravidez o interrumpirla. También es utópico imaginar que los médicos van a confiar las esterilizaciones a asistentes analfabetos formados para ello. El día en que los interesados se den cuenta de que esta operación delicada puede ser realizada igualmente, si no mejor, por un profano, siempre que disponga del cuidado y habilidad que requiere una práctica ancestral como la de tejer, por ejemplo, se habrá acabado el monopolio médico sobre operaciones poco costosas que pueden estar al alcance del mayor número. A medida que las herramientas posindustrial es racionales se extiendan, los tabúes del especialista seguirán a la instrumentación industrial en su caída como la siguieron en su gloria. La herramienta simple, pobre, transparente, es un servidor humilde; la herramienta elaborada, compleja, secreta, es un amo arrogante. + +## La polarización + +La industrialización multiplica la gente y las cosas. Los subprivilegiados crecen en número, en tanto que los privilegiados consumen siempre más. En consecuencia, el hambre crece entre los pobres y el temor entre los ricos. Llevado por el hambre y el sentimiento de impotencia, el pobre reclama una industrialización acelerada; impelido por el miedo y el deseo de proteger su mayor bienestar, el rico se embarca en una protección cada vez más explosiva y blindada. Mientras que el poder se polariza, la insatisfacción se generaliza. La posibilidad que se nos presenta de crear más felicidad para todo el mundo, con menos abundancia, queda relegada al punto amarillo de visión social. + +Esta ceguera es el hecho del desequilibrio en la balanza del saber. Los intoxicados por la educación resultan buenos consumidores y buenos usuarios. Consideran su crecimiento personal bajo la forma de una acumulación de bienes y de servicios producidos por la industria. Antes que hacer las cosas por sí mismos, prefieren recibirlas embaladas por la institución. Rechazan su capacidad innata de captar lo real. El desequilibrio del balance del saber explica cómo el despliegue del monopolio radical de bienes y servicios es casi imperceptible para el usuario. Pero no nos dice por qué éste se siente hasta tal punto impotente para modificar las disfunciones en la medida en que las percibe. + +Es allí donde interviene el efecto de un cuarto tipo de trastorno: la polarización creciente del poder. Bajo el empuje de la mega-máquina en expansión, el poder de decisión sobre el destino de todos se concentra en las manos de algunos. Y, dentro de este frenesí de crecimiento, las innovaciones que mejoran la suerte de la minoría privilegiada crecen aún más rápidamente que el producto global. + +Un alza del tres por ciento del nivel de vida norteamericano cuesta veinticinco veces más caro que un alza igual en la India. La India, sin embargo, es más poblada y prolífica que América del Norte. La condición del pobre puede mejorarse, siempre que el rico consuma menos, mientras que la condición del rico no puede mejorar sino a costa de la expoliación mortal del pobre. El rico pretende que al explotar al pobre le enriquece, puesto que, en última instancia crea la abundancia para todos. Las élites de los países pobres difunden esta fábula. + +El rico se enriquecerá y despojará más al pobre en el decenio que viene. El hecho de que el mercado internacional les suministre trigo impondrá a los países pobres la construcción de redes de transporte y de distribución a un precio social que, de hecho, hubiera bastado para transformar la agricultura local. Pero la angustia que nos oprime no debe, bajo ningún precio, impedirnos comprender bien la estructura del reparto del poder, pues ésta es la cuarta dimensión por donde el sobrecrecimiento ejerce sus efectos destructores. La industrialización sin freno fabrica la pobreza moderna. Es cierto que los pobres con ello disponen de un poco más de dinero, pero pueden hacer menos con sus pocos pesos. La modernización de la pobreza camina de la mano con la concentración del poder: es necesario comprender bien, o no se percibirá la naturaleza profunda de la polarización. + +La pobreza se moderniza: su umbral monetario se eleva porque nuevos productos industriales se presentan como bienes de primera necesidad, manteniéndose totalmente fuera del alcance económico de la gran mayoría. En el Tercer Mundo, el granjero pobre es expulsado de sus tierras por la revolución verde. Gana más como asalariado agrícola, pero sus hijos no comen como antes. El ciudadano norteamericano que gana diez veces más que el asalariado agrícola es, también, desesperadamente pobre. Los dos pagan cada vez más cara la creciente falta de bienestar. + +De manera complementaria, el distanciamiento entre ricos y pobres se acentúa, porque el control de la producción se centraliza con miras a producir siempre más para mayor número. Mientras que el alza de los umbrales de la pobreza es efecto de la estructura del producto industrial, el crecimiento del distanciamiento entre inermes y poderosos es consecuencia de la estructura de la herramienta. Quienes quieran resolver el primer aspecto del problema sin poner atención en el segundo, no hacen más que reemplazar la falta de cosas por la falta de voces. La redistribución del producto no es el remedio para la polarización del control. + +El impuesto es un paliativo a los efectos superficiales de la concentración industrial del poder. El impuesto sobre la renta encuentra su complemento en los sistemas de seguridad social, de asignaciones y de distribución equitativa del bienestar. Incluso es posible que, más allá de un cierto umbral, se estatice el capital, o bien se decida reducir el abanico de los salarios. Pero este tipo de control de la renta privada no puede ser eficaz sino con un control paralelo del consumo, de los privilegios del individuo en razón de su función de productor. El control de la renta privada no tiene ningún efecto igualitario sobre los privilegios que realmente cuentan en una sociedad donde el trabajo es promovido a primer plano y la vida doméstica relegada al segundo. Mientras que los trabajadores sean clasificados en función del grado de capitalización de la fuerza de trabajo de cada uno, la minoría que detenta existencias de saber de alto precio se arroga regularmente todos los privilegios que _permiten ganar tiempos_. La concentración de privilegios entre las manos de unos cuantos es inherente a la productividad industrial. + +Hace apenas un siglo, nadie hubiera podido imaginar la concentración de poder y de energía que hoy nos parece normal. En una sociedad moderna, la energía industrializada excede considerablemente a la energía metabólica global, es decir, la energía de la cual dispone el cuerpo humano para realizar tareas. La relación entre energía mecánica y energía humana disponible es de quince a uno en China y de trescientos a uno en Estados Unidos. Y los recursos eléctricos concentran más eficazmente el control de la energía y el ejercicio del poder que el látigo en las viejas civilizaciones. La distribución social del control del consumo de energía ha sido modificada en forma radical. El funcionamiento y, aun más, los lineamientos de la infraestructura energética de una sociedad moderna imponen la ideología del grupo dominante, con una fuerza y una penetración inconcebibles para el sacerdote del antiguo Egipto, o para el banquero del siglo XVII. En tanto que instrumento de dominación, la moneda pierde su valor en beneficio del carburante. Si el capital es lo que suministra la energía del cambio, la inflación energética ha reducido a la mayoría a la indigencia. A medida y conforme el instrumento se infla, el número de operadores potenciales disminuye. A medida que el instrumento se hace más eficiente, el operador emplea más bienes y servicios costosos. En los países que se industrializan, en la obra el ingeniero es el único que tiene aire acondicionado en su barraca. Su tiempo es tan precioso que toma el avión para dirigirse a la capital, y sus decisiones son tan importantes que las comunica por un transmisor de radio de onda corta. El ingeniero ha ganado sus privilegios acaparando los fondos públicos para obtener sus diplomas. El albañil indígena no puede evaluar la situación relativamente privilegiada de su contramaestre, pero los ayudantes técnicos y los dibujantes, que han sido escolarizados, pero no diplomados, sienten inmediatamente en forma más aguda el calor del campamento y la lejanía de su familia. Se ven relativamente empobrecidos por toda la eficiencia suplementaria ganada por su patrón. + +Nunca antes la herramienta había sido tan poderosa. Y jamás había llegado a ser acaparada hasta ese punto por una élite. El derecho divino robaba menos en favor de los reyes de antaño de lo que el crecimiento de los servicios, al socaire del interés superior de la producción, roba hoy a los cuadros populares. Los soviéticos justifican los transportes supersónicos diciendo que ahorran tiempo a sus sabios. Los transportes a gran velocidad, las redes de telecomunicación, los cuidados médicos especializados, la asistencia ilimitada de la burocracia se presentan como necesidades para sacar el máximo de los individuos que han sido objeto de un _máximum_ de capitalización. + +La sociedad de la mega-herramienta depende para sobrevivir de múltiples sistemas que impiden a un gran número de gente hacer valer su palabra. Este último privilegio se reserva a los individuos reconocidos como los más productivos. Normalmente se mide la productividad de un individuo por la inversión educativa de que ha sido objeto, por la importancia del ritual de iniciación al que ha sido sometido. Mientras más grande es el montón de saber que ha sido inyectado a un individuo determinado, más grande es el valor social atribuido a sus decisiones, y más legítima también es su demanda de productos industriales avanzados. + +Mientras se derrumba el poder fundado en el saber certificado en la escuela, formas más antiguas de segregación vuelven al primer plano en la escena: la fuerza de trabajo de un individuo vale menos cuando es negro, de sexo femenino, extranjero; no piensa como se debe o no pasa ciertas ordalías. En la selección de una meritocracia, el más mínimo rol de escuela abre la puerta a procedimientos de selección primitivos. Así queda montado el tablado para la multiplicación de minorías y para el desarrollo espectacular de sus reivindicaciones. Cada uno que reclama su parte, expone inevitablemente a la minoría de la cual forma parte a ser víctima de sus propios fines. + +Conforme van cubriendo instituciones más escasas y más vastas, las jerarquías se elevan y se aglutinan. Un puesto en la administración de una industria moderna es el más ambicionado y disputado producto del crecimiento. Los otros, los que corren detrás en vano, y que son los más, se reparten en una variedad de clases 'inferiores': los subeducados, las mujeres, los homosexuales, los jóvenes, los viejos, etc. Cada día se inventa un nuevo tipo de inferioridad. Los movimientos minoritarios, los de las mujeres, de los negros o de los mal pensantes, logran, cuando mucho, obtener diplomas y carreras para algunos de los miembros salidos de sus filas. Cantan victoria cuando logran que sea reconocido el principio: _a igual trabajo, igual salario_. Allí se asienta una paradoja: por una parte esos movimientos fortalecen la creencia de que las necesidades de una sociedad igualitaria no pueden ser satisfechas sin pasar por un trabajo especializado y por una jerarquía burocratizada; por otra acumulan _quanta_ fabulosos de frustración, que la menor chispa hará explotar. + +Poco importa saber para qué fines específicos se organizan las minorías, siempre que aspiren a un reparto equitativo del consumo, de las buenas plazas o del poder formal para gobernar las herramientas ingobernables. Cada vez que una minoría actúe con miras a obtener su parte en una sociedad de crecimiento, no obtendrá para la mayoría de sus miembros más que un sentimiento siempre más agudo de insatisfacción. + +En cuanto a las oposiciones que quieren alcanzar el control de las instituciones existentes, con ello les dan una legitimidad de un nuevo tipo, exacerbando al mismo tiempo las contradicciones. Cambiar el equipo dirigente no es una revolución. ¿Qué significa el poder de los trabajadores, el poder negro, el poder de las mujeres o el de los jóvenes si no es el poder de tomarse el poder establecido? Un poder tal es a lo más el de dirigir mejor un crecimiento ya encaminado a proseguir su curso glorioso por estas providenciales tomas del poder. La escuela, ya se enseñe en ella marxismo o fascismo, reproduce una pirámide de clases de fracasados. El avión, aunque se le conceda pasaje a un trabajador en ocasión de sus vacaciones, reproduce la jerarquía social con una clase superior de gente cuyo tiempo se supone más precioso que el de los demás. + +Entre los inevitables subproductos del crecimiento industrial se cuentan las nuevas clases de subconsumidores y de subempleados. Las mujeres, los negros, los hijos de los pobres se están organizando. La organización les hace tomar conciencia de su condición común. Por el momento, las minorías organizadas reclaman el derecho a poseer, manteniendo así el _statu quo_. Exigir _a trabajo igual, igual salario_ es apoyar la idea de un trabajo desigual. El día que estas organizaciones reclamen un derecho igual en el poder, podrán llegar a ser el pivote de la reconstrucción social. La sociedad industrial no resistiría el asalto de un movimiento vigoroso de mujeres que reclamaran, por ejemplo, un trabajo igual para todos, sin distinción alguna. Todas las clases, todas las razas cuentan con mujeres. Ellas ejercen la mayoría de sus actividades cotidianas en una forma no industrial. Las sociedades industrializadas son viables precisamente porque cuentan con las mujeres para tareas caseras que se escapan a la industrialización. Pero una sociedad regida por criterios de eficiencia industrial degrada y devalúa el trabajo doméstico. En realidad, éste se haría aún más inhumano al colocarlo en el molde industrial. Es más fácil imaginar al norteamericano dejando de explotar la subindustrialización de América Latina que cesando de destinar sus mujeres a los trabajos no industrializables. La expansión de la industria se detendría si las mujeres nos obligaran a reconocer que la sociedad deja de ser viable en cuanto un solo modo de producción ejerce su dominio sobre el conjunto. Es urgente tomar conciencia de la pluralidad de los modos de producción, cada uno válido y respetable, que una sociedad para ser viable debe permitir que coexistan. Esta toma de conciencia nos haría los amos del crecimiento industrial. Éste se detendría si las mujeres y las otras minorías alejadas del poder exigiesen un trabajo igualmente creativo para todos, en vez de reclamar la igualdad de derechos sobre la mega-instrumentación manipulada hasta ahora sólo por el hombre. Sólo una estructura de producción que protege el reparto igual del poder permite un goce igual del haber. + +## Lo obsoleto + +La reconstrucción convivencial supone el desmantelamiento del actual monopolio de la industria, no la supresión de toda producción industrial. Exige que sea reducida la polarización social de la herramienta, a fin de que coexista una pluralidad dinámica de estructuras complementarias en la fuerza productiva y que haya lugar para una pluralidad de ambientes y de élites. Reclama la adopción de herramientas que pongan en acción la energía del cuerpo humano, no la regresión hacia una explotación del hombre. Exige la reducción considerable de la serie de tratamientos obligatorios, pero no impide a nadie ser enseñado o asistido si así lo desea. Una sociedad convivencial tampoco es una sociedad congelada. Su dinámica es función de la amplitud en el reparto del control de la energía, es decir, del poder de operar un cambio real. En el sistema actual de obsolescencia programada en gran escala, algunos centros de decisión son los que imponen la innovación al conjunto de la sociedad y privan a las comunidades de base para elegir su porvenir. De hecho, es el instrumento el que impone la dirección y el ritmo de la innovación. Un proceso ininterrumpido de reconstrucción convivencial es posible a condición de que el cuerpo social proteja el poder de las personas y de las colectividades para modificar y renovar sus estilos de vida, sus herramientas, su ambiente; dicho de otra forma, su poder para dar a la realidad un rostro nuevo. Dentro de esta amenaza industrial al pasado y al futuro, a la tradición y a la utopía, reside la quinta dimensión para salvaguardar el equilibrio. + +La polarización social, como se ha visto, resulta de dos factores combinados: el alza del costo de los bienes y servicios producidos y empaquetados por la industria, y la escasez creciente de los empleos considerados como altamente productivos. Lo obsoleto, por su parte, produce la desvalorización. Esta _desvalorización_ no es el efecto de una tasa global de cambio, sino del cambio que afecta a los productos que ejercen un monopolio radical. La _polarización_ social es determinada por el hecho siguiente: el costo de los bienes y servicios estandarizados ha llegado a ser tal, que la mayoría de la gente no puede obtenerlos. Mientras más aumenta su producción, más se iguala su distribución y más se excluye al consumidor del control sobre lo que recibe. Lo obsoleto, por su parte, puede llegar a ser intolerable, aun para quien no está eliminado del mercado. Obliga al consumidor a desprenderse continuamente de aquello que ha sido forzado a desear, a pagar y a instalar en su existencia. La necesidad artificial y la obsolescencia planificada, son dos dimensiones distintas de la supereficiencia que apoya una sociedad donde la jerarquía sedimenta el privilegio. + +Apenas importa que la usura forzada destruya viejos modelos o viejos sistemas. Ford puede desembarazarse de un modelo viejo dejando de suministrar repuestos, y la policía puede eliminar de la vía pública los automóviles antiguos por no responder a las nuevas normas de seguridad. Por falta de gasolina o por aspirar a la eficiencia, se podría reemplazar el automóvil por el monorrail. La renovación está dentro de un modo de producción industrial y va acompañada de una ideología de progreso. El producto no puede ser mejorado si la mega-máquina no es reinstrumentada. Y para que esto 'pague' se deben crear inmensos mercados en vistas al nuevo modelo. La mejor forma de abrir un mercado es asimilando el producto nuevo a un importante privilegio. Si esto funciona, el modelo antiguo se desvaloriza, y el consumidor se entrega a la ideología del desarrollo ilimitado que afecta la 'calidad' mejorada del bien de consumo. Los individuos, pero también los países, se clasifican socialmente según la antigüedad de sus existencias en instrumentos y bienes. Algunos, los menos, pueden pagarse el lujo de tener siempre el último modelo; otros siguen utilizando automóviles, máquinas lavadoras y radios que tienen cinco o quince años, y probablemente pasan sus vacaciones en hoteles también pasados de moda, es decir, sin categoría. El nivel de obsolescencia de su consumo indica el sitio exacto que ocupan en la escala social. + +La clasificación social de los individuos en función de la edad de los objetos que utilizan no es manifestación sólo del capitalismo. Como sea que la economía se basa en la producción y el empaquetamiento masivo de bienes y servicios sujetos a la obsolescencia, únicamente algunos privilegiados tienen acceso a los productos de última creación. Son únicamente algunas enfermeras las que asisten a los cursos de anestesia más moderna y sólo algunos burócratas pueden correr o volar en el último modelo de vehículos. Cada uno, dentro de la élite que se forma en el seno de la minoría, reconoce y clasifica al otro según la edad de sus instrumentos, ya sea de su material doméstico, ya del equipo de su oficina. + +La innovación cuesta cara; para justificar el gasto, los administradores deben probar que es un factor de progreso. Para justificar este progreso, en una economía planificada, el departamento de investigación y desarrollo recurre a la seudociencia; en una economía de mercado, el departamento de ventas recurre al estudio del mercado. En cualquier caso, la innovación periódica alimenta la misma creencia que la ha engendrado, la ilusión de que lo nuevo es lo mejor. Esta creencia se ha convertido en parte integrante de la mentalidad moderna. Se olvida únicamente que cada vez que una sociedad industrial se alimenta de esta ilusión, cada nueva unidad lanzada al mercado crea más necesidades de las que satisface. Si lo que es nuevo es mejor, lo que es viejo no es tan bueno; la suerte de la humanidad, en su aplastante mayoría, es entonces bastante mala. El modelo nuevo produce una nueva pobreza. El consumidor, el usuario, se resiente duramente de la distancia que hay entre lo que tiene y lo que sería mejor tener. Mide el valor de un producto por su novedad, y se presta a una educación permanente en vista del consumo y del uso de la innovación. Nada escapa a lo obsoleto, ni siquiera los conceptos. La lógica de 'siempre mejor' reemplaza la del bien como elemento estructurante de la acción. + +Una sociedad empeñada en la carrera hacia el mayor bienestar, siente como una amenaza la mera idea de cualquier limitación del progreso. Entonces el individuo que no cambia los objetos conoce el rencor del fracaso y quien los cambia descubre el vértigo de la falta. Lo que tiene le repugna, lo que desea tener le enferma. El cambio acelerado produce en él los mismos efectos que la habituación de una droga: ensaya, comienza de nuevo, está atado, está enfermo, algo le falta. La dialéctica de la historia se rompe. La relación entre el presente y la tradición se desvanece; el lenguaje pierde sus raíces; la memoria social se endurece; en el Derecho, el precedente pierde su influencia. El acuerdo sobre la acción legal, social y política se orienta hacia la alquimia del porvenir. + +Pero se nos objeta que al establecer cercos al crecimiento, al producir una cantidad terminada y durable de bienes industrializados, se acaba con la libertad de experimentar e innovar. Esta objeción se justificaría si aquí se tratara de formular una nueva forma de economía del crecimiento. Actualmente, el último grito de la moda es justamente una producción limpia y limitada de bienes, y un desarrollo ilimitado de servicios. Pero no es eso lo que nos interesa, pues no hablamos del porvenir de la sociedad industrial, sino de la transición a una sociedad que diversifique los modos de producción. La limitación del producto industrial tiene para nosotros la finalidad de liberar el porvenir, de abrir las acciones personales a la sorpresa. + +Ahora bien, la innovación industrial es programada, grosera, reaccionaria. La renovación de las herramientas convivenciales tendrá la espontaneidad de los seres que las manejen. En la hora actual, el progreso del _savoir-faire_ está trabado por la asimilación de la investigación científica al desarrollo industrial. La mayoría de los instrumentos de la investigación se reservan a los investigadores programados para interpretar el mundo en términos de ganancias y poder, y la mayoría de los fines de la investigación se determinan por móviles de poder y de eficiencia. La mayor parte del costo de la investigación se debe a su carácter secreto, competitivo, impersonal. En cambio, nada impide que la investigación convivencial sea también una investigación fundamental. La investigación que se realiza por placer nos reserva, estoy seguro, más sorpresas que la del grano de arena que bloquea la gran máquina. La innovación del saber, como la del poder, puede florecer únicamente donde esté protegida contra la obsolescencia industrial. + +Una sociedad congelada sería tan insoportable al hombre como la sociedad de la aceleración: entre las dos se sitúa la sociedad de la innovación convivencial. El cambio acelerado conduce al absurdo, a la administración de una sociedad regida por el Derecho. La razón es que el Derecho se basa sobre el precedente. Más allá de un cierto umbral de aceleración, ya no hay sitio para esta referencia al precedente, y, por tanto, para el juicio. Al perder este recurso al Derecho, la sociedad queda condenada a la educación. El ejercicio del control social, puesto al servicio del _plan_, se convierte en la tarea de los especialistas. El ideólogo reemplaza al jurista. El educador moldea al individuo para ser domesticado y re-domesticado, orientado a lo largo de toda su existencia. Ya en el oficio, cien veces se reanuda este trabajo, para producir un individuo fascinado con las ganancias y siempre mejor adaptado a las exigencias de la industria. La producción de instrumentos para adaptar al hombre a su medio se convierte en la industria dominante cuando el ritmo del cambio del ambiente sobrepasa cierto umbral. La reconstrucción convivencial exige que sea limitada la tasa de usura y de innovación obligatoria. El hombre es un ser frágil. Nace en el lenguaje, vive en el derecho y muere en el mito. Sometido a un cambio desmesurado, pierde su calidad de hombre. + +## La insatisfacción + +Hemos revisado cinco circuitos diferentes. En cada uno de ellos la herramienta supereficiente amenaza un equilibrio. Amenaza el equilibrio de la _vida_, amenaza el equilibrio de la _energía_, amenaza el equilibrio del _saber_, amenaza el equilibrio del _poder_, en fin, amenaza el derecho a la historia. + +La perversión de la herramienta amenaza saquear el medio físico. El monopolio radical amenaza congelar la creatividad. La superprogramación amenaza transformar el planeta en una vasta zona de servicios. La polarización amenaza instituir un despotismo estructural e irreversible. Finalmente, lo obsoleto amenaza desarraigar la especie humana. En cada uno de estos circuitos, y cada vez según una dimensión diferente, la herramienta supereficiente afecta a la relación del hombre con su ambiente: amenaza provocar un cortocircuito fatal. + +Nuestro análisis sería incompleto si tratara de un circuito con exclusión de los otros. Cada uno de esos equilibrios debe ser protegido. Los _outputs_ de la energía limpia pueden ser equitativamente distribuidos por un monopolio radical intolerable. La secuela obligatoria o los medios de comunicación omnipresentes puede afectar el equilibrio del saber y abrir el camino a una polarización de la sociedad, es decir, a un despotismo del saber. Cualquier industria puede engendrar una aceleración insoportable de los ritmos de usura. Las culturas han florecido en el seno de una multiplicidad de geografías, amenazadas hoy. Pero, actualmente, son también el medio social y el medio psíquico los que corren el riesgo de ser destruidos. La especie humana puede ser envenenada por la contaminación. Puede también desvanecerse y desaparecer por falta de lenguaje, de derecho o de mito. Si el monopolio radical degrada al hombre y la polarización le amenaza, el choque del futuro puede desintegrarlo. + +En cada uno de los circuitos, como se ha visto, se pueden determinar criterios y divisar umbrales que permitan verificar la degradación de los diversos equilibrios. Es posible describir estos umbrales en un lenguaje comprensible para todos. En el curso de un proceso político, la población puede servirse de estos criterios para mantener el desarrollo de la herramienta más acá de los umbrales críticos. Los cercos así trazados circunscribirán el tipo de estructuras de las fuerzas productivas que pueden seguir siendo controladas por la población: el poder indicar estos cercos forma el apéndice tecnopolítico necesario a toda constitución contemporánea. Más allá, la herramienta escapa a todo control político. El poder que tiene el hombre de hacer valer su derecho desaparece cuando se vincula a los procesos en los cuales ya no hay derecho a voz en la junta. En tanto pueda gozar de ello, su cuerpo, su reposo, su libertad y sus amores, en una palabra, el sentido de su vida, le serán concedidos como un factor de optimización de la lógica de la herramienta. En este punto, el hombre se ha convertido en materia prima para la mega-máquina, la más maleable de las materias primas. Los umbrales críticos circunscriben un espacio que es el de la sobrevivencia humana. Si este espacio no fuera cercado por un Derecho, la dignidad y la libertad de la persona serán arrolladas. + +En la hora actual, la investigación científica se orienta masivamente hacia esta reducción del hombre, a través de la persecución de dos objetivos: por una parte, garantizar el avance tecnológico que permita producir mejor, mejores productos; por otra parte, aplicar el análisis de sistemas a la manipulación de la supervivencia de la especie humana, a fin de preservar su mejor consumo. Para permitir al hombre realizarse, la investigación futura debe ir en un sentido radicalmente opuesto, debe llegar a la raíz del mal. Le daremos el nombre de investigación radical. La investigación radical persigue también dos objetivos: por una parte presentar criterios que permitan determinar cuándo una herramienta alcanza un umbral de nocividad; por otra, inventar herramientas que optimicen el equilibrio de la vida y así maximicen la libertad de cada uno. El primer objetivo enfoca la formulación de las cinco clases de umbrales identificadas anteriormente. El segundo, enfoca las limitaciones de las técnicas del bienestar. + +La investigación radical no es ni una nueva disciplina científica ni una empresa interdisciplinaria. Es el análisis dimensional de la relación del hombre y su herramienta. + +Es evidente que la existencia social del hombre se desarrolla en varias escalas, en diversos medios concéntricos: la célula de base, la unidad de producción, la ciudad, el estado, la Tierra, en fin. Cada uno de estos medios tiene su espacio y su tiempo, sus hombres y sus recursos de energía. Hay disfunción de la herramienta en uno de estos medios cuando el espacio, el tiempo y la energía requeridos por el conjunto de herramientas exceden la _escala natural_ que corresponde. Estas escalas naturales son susceptibles de ser identificadas, sin avanzar una determinada interpretación respecto a la naturaleza del hombre o de la sociedad. Estas escalas definen, en términos negativos y de proscripción, el espacio dentro del cual el fenómeno humano se puede observar. Pero no avanzan ni una palabra sobre la naturaleza propia de ese fenómeno, como no formulan prescripciones. En este sentido, se puede hablar de la _homeóstasis_ del hombre dentro de su ambiente, amenazada por toda disfunción de la herramienta, y se puede definir la política como el proceso por el cual los hombres asumen la responsabilidad de esa _homeóstasis_. Ya va siendo hora de no seguir definiendo las necesidades humanas en abstracto, sometiéndolas, como a los problemas, al tratamiento de la tecnocracia que practica el método de la escalada. Es tiempo de comenzar a buscar dentro de qué cercos las colectividades humanas concretas pueden usar la técnica para satisfacer sus necesidades sin provocar prejuicios a los demás. Precisar el anatema que es necesario lanzar marca el primer paso de la investigación radical. + +Los umbrales más allá de los cuales se perfila la destrucción, no determinan el registro en el cual una sociedad limita voluntariamente el uso de sus herramientas. Los umbrales determinan el campo de la supervivencia posible; los límites de ese registro representan los cercos de una cultura. Los umbrales naturales son efecto de la necesidad; los límites culturales son el hecho de la libertad. Los umbrales configuran el derecho constitutivo de toda sociedad, los límites prefiguran la justicia convivencial de una sociedad particular. La necesidad de determinar umbrales y de observar los cercos así definidos es la misma para todas las sociedades. La fijación de límites depende del modo de vida y del grado de libertad de cada colectividad. + +Existe una forma de disfunción dentro de la cual el crecimiento aún no destruye la vida, pero ya pervierte el uso de la herramienta. La herramienta no es óptima, no es tampoco intolerable; todavía es tolerable, pero es ya supereficiente; degrada un equilibrio de la naturaleza más subjetivo y más sutil que los descritos anteriormente: _el equilibrio de la acción_. Es el equilibrio entre el precio pagado personalmente y el resultado obtenido. Es la conciencia de que _los medios y los fines se equilibran_. Mientras la herramienta avasalla el fin al que debiera servir, el usuario se convierte en presa de una profunda insatisfacción. Si no deja a la herramienta, o la herramienta no le deja a él, se vuelve loco. En el Hades el castigo más espantoso estaba reservado a los blasfemos: el juez de los infiernos los condenaba a la acción frenética. La roca de Sísifo es la herramienta pervertida. El colmo es que, en una sociedad en donde la acción frenética es la regla, se formen hombres que rivalizan entre sí en la conquista del derecho de frustrarse a sí mismos. Movidos por la rivalidad, cegados por el deseo, la única cuestión es quién de entre ellos será intoxicado primero por la herramienta. + +Como he desarrollado en otra parte[^n05], el predominio del transporte sobre la circulación de la gente puede servir para ilustrar la diferencia entre lo que es la frontera del equilibrio y lo que es un límite elegido para hacer florecer la igualdad en el goce de la libertad. Proteger el ambiente puede significar la prohibición de los transportes supersónicos. Evitar que la polarización social se convierta en intolerable puede significar la prohibición de los transportes aéreos. Defenderse contra el monopolio radical puede significar la prohibición de los automóviles. En ausencia de estas medidas, el transporte amenaza a la sociedad. El equilibrio entre fines y medios que he subrayado aquí, nos presenta un nuevo criterio de selección de la herramienta. La consideración de este nuevo equilibrio, tal vez nos conduzca hasta proscribir todos los transportes públicos de velocidad superior a la de la bicicleta. + +Cualquier vehículo cuya velocidad máxima excede un cierto umbral, acrecienta la pérdida de tiempo y de dinero del usuario medio. Todas las veces que en un punto del sistema de circulación la velocidad máxima excede cierto umbral, significa que más gente empleará más tiempo en la parada del autobús, en la atascada autopista de circunvalación, o en una cama de hospital. Significa también que empleará más tiempo en pagar el sistema de transporte que se está obligado a utilizar. + +El umbral crítico de velocidad depende de una multitud de factores: condiciones geográficas, culturales, económicas, técnicas, financieras. Con tantas variables para una incógnita, se podría esperar que el margen de estimación para dicho umbral fuera muy grande. Pero no es así. Es de tal manera bajo y estrecho que parece improbable a la mayoría de los especialistas en circulación. + +Hay disfunción en la circulación desde que ésta admite, en un punto dado del sistema, una velocidad superior a la de la bicicleta. Es por esto que la velocidad de la bicicleta puede servir de criterio en la determinación del umbral crítico. Todo exceso en un punto dado del sistema acrecienta la suma de tiempo destinado por el conjunto de los usuarios al servicio de la industria de los transportes. + +La sobreabundancia de bienes conduce a la escasez de tiempo. El tiempo se rarifica porque es necesario para consumir y para dejarse asistir, y porque el acostumbramiento a la producción hace aún más costoso el desacostumbramiento. Mientras más se enriquece el consumidor, más consciente es de los grados que ha ascendido, tanto en la casa en que vive como en la oficina. Mientras más alto ha trepado en la pirámide de la producción, menos tiempo tiene para abandonarse a las actividades que no pueden ser contabilizadas. + +Es difícil ganar tiempo cuando se tiene muy empeñado el porvenir. Staffan Linder subraya el hecho de que tenemos la tendencia a sobreemplear el futuro. En tanto que el futuro se hace presente, continuamente tenemos la sensación de falta de tiempo, por la sencilla razón de haber previsto jornadas de treinta horas. Como si no fuera suficiente el costo más o menos alto del tiempo --y que en general en una sociedad de la abundancia, cada vez se hace más caro--, el sobreempleo del futuro engendra una tensión devastadora. + +La industria de los transportes produce escasez de tiempo. En una sociedad en donde mucha gente emplea vehículos rápidos, todo el mundo debe consagrarles más tiempo y dinero. Una vez roto el equilibrio, sobrepasado el umbral de la velocidad, la rivalidad entre la industria del transporte y las otras industrias se hace feroz, tratando de controlar los espacios y la energía disponibles. Mientras la velocidad crece en forma lineal, la confusión crece en forma exponencial. El tiempo consagrado a la circulación usurpa el tiempo de trabajo, como devora el tiempo de recreo. + +Los vehículos más grandes no deben estar vacíos nunca; los más rápidos, deben moverse continuamente. Las cápsulas individuales se vuelven ruinosas. Los transportes públicos no prestan servicios más que en las grandes arterias. Es necesario que esto se mueva cada vez más rápido. + +Mientras la velocidad aumenta, el vehículo se convierte en tirano de la existencia cotidiana. Se prevé un tiempo determinado, se necesita el doble. Se proyectan planes con meses y hasta con años de anticipación. Algunos de esos planes, realizados con gran costo, no pueden cumplirse. El sentimiento de fracaso es continuo. Se vive bajo tensión. El hombre no se deja programar a voluntad. Cuando se ha sobrepasado el umbral crítico para el equilibrio de la acción, viene el enfrentamiento de la industria de la velocidad con las otras industrias, para ver quién va a despojar al hombre de la parte de humanidad que le queda. + +La velocidad es el vector clave para detectar cómo la industria del transporte afecta el equilibrio vital. Al considerar las cinco primeras dimensiones se necesita mucho menos de lo que pudiera pensarse para que el transporte se vuelva contra el hombre rompiendo las escalas naturales. Pero se da otro hecho aún más sorprendente. La velocidad, que al aplicar el conjunto de los cinco primeros criterios definidos, se manifiesta tolerable, es del mismo orden de grandeza que la velocidad que optimiza la circulación deseable. Es la que, al menor costo de tiempo social, asegura la equidad del radio de acción y de las posibilidades de acceso maximizadas por la técnica. La gran diversidad de registros de orden técnico que configuran el cerco respectivo de cada civilización, caben naturalmente dentro del espacio de la tecnología tolerable. El cerco de lo tolerable coincide, en orden de grandeza, con el límite superior del registro de lo deseable. + +La constatación del contrasentido que representa la sobreproducción no se establece solamente sobre los transportes. El mismo tipo de resultados negativos se encuentra a propósito de las inversiones hechas en medicina. En Estados Unidos se ha calculado que más del 95% de los gastos médicos consagrados a los enfermos cuya muerte se sabe próxima, no han tenido ningún efecto benéfico sobre su bienestar; únicamente intensifican su sufrimiento y los hacen totalmente dependientes de cuidados impersonales, sin prolongar la duración de su existencia. La rentabilidad máxima de un servicio se sitúa dentro de ciertos límites. Pasado cierto umbral, la salud de un paciente se mide por su cuenta de hospital, como la riqueza de una nación se mide por la cuenta de gastos globales que es un PNB. A la escala del individuo como a la de la colectividad, es preciso pagar siempre. Es preciso pagar para remunerar al capital, es preciso también pagar los platos rotos del crecimiento. Al practicar la escalada de la técnica, la medicina primero deja de sanar, y después deja de prolongar la vida humana. Se transforma en ritual de negación de la muerte: el individuo superadaptado a la máquina, hace su última vuelta a la pista, espectacular. Habrá hecho el mejor tiempo. + +En una primera etapa, la investigación radical se ciñe a estudiar el alza en las desutilidades marginales y las amenazas engendradas por el crecimiento. En una segunda etapa, se aplica a descubrir los sistemas y las instituciones que optimizan los modos de producción convivenciales. Esta investigación provoca resistencias, de las cuales las de orden psíquico no son las menores. El hombre superinstrumentado es como el _junkie_ : el habituamiento deforma el conjunto de su sistema de valores y mutila su capacidad de juicio. Los drogadictos de toda clase están dispuestos a pagar cada vez más por gozar cada vez menos. Toleran la escalada de la desutilidad marginal. Nada puede afectarles mientras les anime una sola preocupación: subir la postura. Tales espíritus consideran los transportes más como un medio de producir el placer de la velocidad que como medio de ampliar la libertad y el goce de moverse. No aceptarán sin dificultad la evidencia de que el hombre es un ser naturalmente móvil, y que la técnica, por medio de la bicicleta, eleva la movilidad de una sociedad a un nuevo orden de grandeza más allá del cual ninguna aceleración del vehículo puede hacerla aumentar. + +La investigación radical se ciñe a hacer sensible la relación entre el hombre y la herramienta, después a hacerla nítida, a identificar los recursos de que disponemos y los efectos que se pueden alcanzar con sus diferentes usos. + +Hacer sensible la degradación de los equilibrios que establecen la supervivencia, es la tarea inmediata de la investigación radical. La investigación radical detecta las categorías de población más amenazadas, y les ayuda a discernir la amenaza. Hace tomar conciencia a los individuos o grupos, hasta entonces divididos, de que sobre sus libertades fundamentales pesan las mismas amenazas. Muestra que la exigencia de libertad real, formulada por quien sea, sirve siempre al interés de la mayoría. + +El deshabituamiento al crecimiento será doloroso. Será doloroso para la generación de transición, y sobre todo para los más intoxicados de sus miembros. Ojalá el recuerdo de tales sufrimientos preserve a las generaciones futuras de nuestros yerros. + +# Los obstáculos y las condiciones de la inversión política + +Hemos visto que el equilibrio de la vida se despliega en cinco dimensiones. En cada una de ellas sólo el mantenimiento de un equilibrio determinado que la caracteriza garantiza la homeostasis constitutiva de la vida humana. La intervención en la ecosfera será racional sólo a condición de no franquear los límites genéticos. La institución no suscita la cultura sino al permitir y hacer efectivo un sutil equilibrio entre la acción personal autónoma y las restricciones directrices que ella misma impone. El borrar las barreras geográficas y culturales no puede promover la originalidad social si esa acción no va acompañada de la reducción de la brecha energética entre los privilegiados y la gran mayoría. Un incremento en la tasa de innovación sólo tiene valor si acentúa el arraigamiento más profundo en la tradición y en la plenitud del sentido. + +De instrumento, la herramienta puede convertirse en amo, y después en verdugo del hombre. La relación se invierte con más rapidez de lo que se espera: el arado hace del hombre, señor de un jardín, y muy pronto un errabundo en un campo polvoriento. La vacuna, que selecciona sus víctimas, engendra una raza capaz de sobrevivir únicamente en un medio acondicionado. Nuestros hijos nacen disminuidos en un mundo inhumano. El _homo faber_ , de aprendiz de brujo, se transforma en basural voraz. La herramienta puede crecer en dos formas, sea para aumentar el poder del hombre o para reemplazarlo. En el primer caso, la persona conduce su propia existencia, tomando el control y la responsabilidad. + +En el segundo, es finalmente la máquina la que lo conduce: reduce a la vez la elección del operador y la del usuario-consumidor; luego les impone a los dos su lógica y sus exigencias. Amenazada por la omnipotencia de la herramienta, la supervivencia de la especie depende del establecimiento de procedimientos que permitan a todo el mundo distinguir claramente entre estas dos maneras de racionalizar y de emplear la herramienta, y, con ello, inciten a elegir la supervivencia dentro de la libertad. En el cumplimiento de esta tarea, hay tres obstáculos que nos cierran el camino: la idolatría de la ciencia, la corrupción del lenguaje cotidiano y la devaluación de los procedimientos formales que estructuran la toma de decisiones sociales. + +## La desmitificación + +Por encima de todo, el debate político está congelado por un engaño respecto a la _ciencia_. La palabra ha venido a significar una empresa institucional en vez de una actividad personal; la solución de un rompecabezas en vez del despliegue imprevisible de la creatividad humana. La ciencia es actualmente una agencia de servicios fantasmas y omnipresente, que produce _mejor saber_, igual que la medicina produce mejor salud. El daño causado por este contrasentido en la naturaleza del saber es aún más radical que el mal hecho por la mercantilización de la educación, de la salud y de la movilidad. La falsedad de la mejor salud corrompe el cuerpo social, pues cada uno se preocupa cada vez menos de la calidad del ambiente, de la higiene, de su modo de vida o de su propia capacidad de cuidar a los demás. La institucionalización del saber conduce a una degradación global más profunda, pues determina la estructura común de los otros productos. En una sociedad que se define por el consumo del saber, la creatividad es mutilada y la imaginación se atrofia. + +Esta perversión de la ciencia se funda en la creencia en dos especies de saber; el inferior del individuo, y el saber superior de la ciencia. El primer saber sería del dominio de la opinión, la expresión de una subjetividad, y el progreso nada tendría que ver en ello. El segundo sería objetivo, definido por la ciencia y extendido por voceros expertos. Este saber objetivo es considerado como un bien que se puede almacenar y mejorar constantemente. Es un recurso estratégico, un capital, la más preciosa de las materias primas, el elemento base de lo que se ha dado en llamar la toma de decisiones, siendo éstas, a su vez, concebidas como un proceso impersonal y técnico. Bajo el nuevo reino del computador y de la dinámica de grupo, el ciudadano abdica de todo su poder en favor del experto, el único competente. + +El mundo no es portador de ningún mensaje, de ninguna información. Es lo que es. Todo mensaje que le concierne es producto de un organismo vivo que actúa por él. Cuando se habla de la información almacenada fuera del organismo humano, se cae en una trampa semántica. Los libros y las computadoras forman parte del mundo. Ofrecen datos siempre que haya ojos para leerlos. Al confundir el medio con el mensaje, el receptáculo con la información misma, los datos con la decisión, relegamos el problema del saber y del conocimiento al punto muerto de nuestra mente. + +Intoxicados por la creencia de un porvenir mejor, los individuos cesan de fiarse de su propio criterio y piden que se les diga la verdad sobre lo que 'saben'. Intoxicados por la creencia en una toma mejor de decisiones, les es difícil decidir por sí solos, y pronto pierden la confianza en su propio poder de hacerlo. La impotencia creciente del individuo para tomar por sí mismo decisiones afecta a la estructura base de su espera. Antes, los hombres se disputaban una escasez concreta, en el presente reclaman un mecanismo distribuidor para colmar una falta ilusoria. El ritual burocrático organiza el consumo frenético del menú social: programa de educación, tratamiento médico o acción judicial. El conflicto personal se ve privado de toda legitimidad, desde que la ciencia promete la abundancia para todos y pretende dar a cada uno según sus demandas personales y sociales, objetivamente identificadas. Los individuos, que han desaprendido a reconocer sus propias necesidades así como a reclamar sus propios derechos, se convierten en presa de la mega-máquina que define en su lugar lo que les hace falta. La persona ya no puede por sí misma contribuir a la renovación continua de la vida social. El hombre llega a desconfiar de la palabra, se apega a un ser supuesto. El voto reemplaza al corrillo; la caseta electoral, a la terraza del café. El ciudadano se sienta frente a la pantalla, y calla. + +Las reglas del sentido común que permitían a los hombres conjugar y compartir sus experiencias se destruyen. El consumidor-usuario tiene necesidad de su dosis de saber garantizado, cuidadosamente acondicionado. Encuentra su seguridad en la certidumbre de leer el mismo periódico que su vecino, de mirar la misma emisión televisiva que su patrón. Se contenta con tener acceso al mismo grifo del saber que su superior, antes que tratar de instaurar la igualdad de condiciones que darían a su palabra el mismo peso que tiene la del patrón. La dependencia, en todas partes aceptada como un hecho, en relación al saber altamente calificado, producido por la ciencia, la técnica y la política, erosiona la confianza tradicional en la veracidad del testigo y despoja de su sentido las principales formas en que los hombres pueden intercambiar sus propias certidumbres. Hasta en los tribunales, el experto rivaliza en importancia con los testigos. El experto es casi admitido como testigo patentado, se olvida que su declaración no representa sino lo que se oye decir: es la _opinión_ de una profesión. Sociólogos y siquíatras acuerdan o rechazan el derecho a la palabra, a una palabra audible. Al poner su fe en el experto, el hombre se despoja de su competencia jurídica, primero, y política, después. Su confianza en la omnipotencia de la ciencia incita a los gobiernos y a sus administrados a descansar sobre la ilusión de que se eliminarán los conflictos suscitados por un evidente enrarecimiento del agua, del aire o de la energía; a creer ciegamente en los oráculos de los expertos, que prometen milagros multiplicadores. + +Nutrida en el mito de la ciencia, la sociedad abandona a los expertos hasta la preocupación de fijar límites al crecimiento. Ahora bien, semejante delegación de poder destruye el funcionamiento político; a la palabra, como medida de todas las cosas, se la sustituye por la obediencia a un mito y, finalmente, legitimiza en cierta forma los experimentos practicados en los hombres. El experto no representa al ciudadano, forma parte de una élite cuya autoridad se basa sobre la posesión exclusiva de un saber no comunicable; pero, en realidad, este saber no le confiere ninguna aptitud particular para definir las delimitaciones del equilibrio de la vida. El experto no podrá jamás decir dónde se encuentra el umbral de tolerancia humana. Es la persona quien lo determina; en comunidad, nada le puede hacer desistir de ese derecho. Ciertamente, es posible hacer experiencias sobre seres humanos. Los médicos nazis han explorado los límites de resistencia del organismo. Descubrieron por cuánto tiempo el individuo medio puede soportar la tortura, pero esto nada les reveló respecto a lo que alguien puede considerar tolerable. Hecho significativo, esos médicos fueron condenados, de acuerdo con un pacto firmado en Nuremberg, dos días después de la destrucción de Hiroshima, en vísperas de destruir Nagasaki. + +Lo que un pueblo puede tolerar queda fuera del alcance de todo experimento. Se puede decir lo que será de un grupo de hombres particulares dentro de una situación extrema: prisioneros, náufragos o conejos de indias. Pero esto no puede servir para determinar el grado de sufrimiento y frustración que una sociedad dada aceptaría sufrir a causa de la instrumentación forjada por ella misma. + +Ciertamente, las operaciones científicas de medida pueden indicar que un determinado tipo de comportamiento amenaza un equilibrio vital mayor. Pero sólo una mayoría de hombres juiciosos, que conozcan la complejidad de las realidades cotidianas y que las tomen en cuenta en sus actuaciones, pueden encontrar la forma de limitar los fines que persiguen la sociedad y los individuos. La ciencia puede iluminar las dimensiones del reino del hombre en el cosmos, pero precisa una comunidad política de hombres conscientes de la fuerza de su razón, del peso de su palabra y de la seriedad de sus actos, para elegir libremente la austeridad que garantizará su vitalidad. + +## El descubrimiento del lenguaje + +Entre 1830 y 1850 una docena de sabios descubrieron y formularon la ley de conservación de la energía. La mayoría de ellos eran ingenieros que, cada uno por su cuenta, habían redefinido la energía cósmica en términos de pesos levantables por una máquina. Gracias a operaciones de medida efectuadas en laboratorio, se creyó al fin posible reducir a un denominador común la energía primordial, la _vis viva_ de la tradición. Es entonces cuando las ciencias exactas se pusieron a dominar la investigación. + +En esta misma época, y en forma análoga, la industria comenzó a competir con los otros modos de producción. Los éxitos industriales se volvieron la medida y la regla de la economía entera. Pronto se tuvo como subsidiarias a todas las actividades productoras a las cuales no se podían aplicar las reglas de medición y los criterios de eficiencia aplicables en la producción en serie: esto valió para los trabajos domésticos, la artesanía y la agricultura de subsistencia. El modo industrial de producción comenzó por degradar la red de relaciones productivas que hasta entonces habían coexistido en la sociedad, para luego paralizarla. + +Este monopolio, que ejerce un solo modo de producción sobre todas las relaciones productivas, es más insidioso y más peligroso que la competencia entre firmas, pero menos visible. Es fácil conocer al ganador en la competencia abierta: es la fábrica que utiliza el capital en forma intensiva; es el negocio mejor organizado; la rama industrial más esclavista y mejor protegida; la empresa que malgasta con la mayor discreción o que fabrica más armamentos. A gran escala, este curso toma la forma de una competencia entre firmas trasnacionales y naciones en vías de industrialización. Pero este juego mortal entre titanes distrae la atención de su propia función ritual. A medida que se extiende el campo de la competencia, una misma estructura industrial se desarrolla a través del mundo, y polariza la sociedad. El modo de producción industrial establece su dominación no sólo sobre los recursos y la instrumentación sino también sobre la imaginación y los deseos de un número creciente de individuos. Es el monopolio radical generalizado, ya no el de una rama de la industria sino el del modo industrial de producción. El hombre mismo, en cierta forma, está industrializado. Los sistemas políticos hacen prodigios de ingenio y de agilidad semántica para bautizar con nombres opuestos a esta misma estructura industrial en expansión en todas partes, sin comprender que ella escapa a su control. El antagonismo entre los países pobres y los países ricos, entre las naciones sumisas a una planificación central y las naciones gobernadas por la ley del mercado, es el antifaz necesario para que este monopolio parezca benéfico. + +Extendida por el mundo entero, esta industrialización del hombre lleva consigo la degradación de todos los lenguajes, y se hace muy difícil encontrar las palabras que hablarían de un mundo opuesto al que las ha engendrado. El lenguaje refleja el monopolio que el modo industrial de producción ejerce sobre la percepción y la motivación. En las naciones industriales, cuando el hombre habla de sus obras, las palabras que emplea designan los productos de la industria. El lenguaje refleja la materialización de la conciencia. Cuando el hombre aprende algo por la lectura dice que ha _adquirido educación_. El deslizamiento funcional del verbo hacia el sustantivo subraya el empobrecimiento de la imaginación social. La práctica nominalista del lenguaje sirve para marcar las relaciones de propiedad: la gente habla del trabajo que _tiene_. En toda América Latina, sólo los que _tienen_ un empleo dicen que tienen trabajo. Los campesinos (que son la gran mayoría) dicen que lo _hacen_: «se va a trabajar, pero no se tiene trabajo». Los trabajadores modernos y sindicados no sólo esperan que la industria produzca más bienes y servicios, sino también más trabajo para más gente. No solamente el hacer es sustantivo, sino también el querer. La habitación es más un bien que una actividad; el abrigo se convierte en bien que uno se procura, o que reivindica al verse privado del poder de abrigarse por sí mismo. Se adquiere el saber, la movilidad, y aun la sensibilidad o la salud. Se tiene trabajo o salud, como se tiene placer. + +El deslizamiento del verbo hacia el sustantivo refleja también el empobrecimiento del consejo de propiedad. _Posesión, embargo, abuso_, no pueden indicar la relación del individuo o del grupo con una institución como la escuela. Porque en su función esencial una herramienta semejante escapa, como hemos visto, a todo control. Las afirmaciones de propiedad concernientes a la herramienta vienen a designar la capacidad de detentar sus productos, sea el interés objetivo del capital o los objetos manufacturados, o incluso toda especie de prestigio ligado a lo uno o a lo otro. El consumidor-usuario integral, el hombre plenamente industrializado, no se apodera de nada más que de lo que consume. Dice: _mi educación, mis desplazamientos, mis recreos, mi salud_. A medida que el campo de su quehacer se estrecha, reclama productos de los que se dice _propietario_. Sometido al monopolio de un solo modo de producción, el usuario ha perdido todo sentido de la rica pluralidad de estilos de tener. En las lenguas polinesias, hay formas verbales distintas para expresar la relación que yo mantengo con mis actos (que me siguen), mi nariz (que me pueden quitar), mis prójimos (que no he escogido), mi piragua (sin la cual no sería un hombre verdadero), una bebida (que ofrezco) y la misma bebida (que me dispongo a tomar). + +Es una sociedad donde el lenguaje se ha sustantivado, los predicados son formulados en términos de lucha contra la escasez dentro del cuadro de la concurrencia. «Yo quiero aprender» se convierte en «yo quiero adquirir una educación». La decisión de actuar es reemplazada por la demanda de un billete de la lotería escolar. «Yo tengo deseos de ir a alguna parte» se transforma en «yo quiero un medio de transporte». La insistencia sobre el derecho de actuar se sustituye por la insistencia sobre el derecho de tener. En el primer caso, el sujeto es actor; en el segundo, usuario. El cambio de la lengua apoya la expansión del modo de producción industrial: la competencia gobernada por valores industrializados se refleja en la nominalización del lenguaje. La lucha competitiva inevitablemente toma la forma de un juego a suma cero ( _zero sum-game_ ) en el cual lo que un jugador pierde se transforma en ganancia para los otros jugadores. En el barullo, la gente juega con los nombres tal como los percibe: valorando únicamente el aprendizaje promueve la escuela, define la _educación_ como objeto de competición. El _Alma mater_ tiene demasiados hijos pegados a sus pechos: el que traga su ración de educación priva a un hermano de leche. + +El conflicto personal no es forzosamente una lucha por obtener un bien escaso. Puede también expresar un desacuerdo sobre los medios para asegurar mejor la autonomía de la persona. En ese caso, el conflicto se vuelve creador de libertad. Pero el lenguaje nominalista ha oscurecido esta profunda verdad: que el conflicto puede ser creador de derecho para ambos adversarios; creador del derecho de hacer las cosas que, por definición, no son ni bienes ni objetos escasos. El conflicto conducirá al derecho de caminar, de hablar, de leer, de escribir o de recordar en igualdad, de participar en el cambio social, de respirar aire puro y de emplear herramientas convivenciales. Haciéndolo, privará a las dos partes de un bien determinado, por amor de una ganancia inapreciable como es una nueva libertad compartida. Al limitar el consumo obligado, se libera el campo de la acción. + +El código operatorio de la instrumentación industrial se incardina en el habla cotidiana. La palabra del hombre que vive como poeta es apenas tolerada como protesta marginal y siempre que no perturbe a la muchedumbre que hace cola frente al aparato distribuidor de productos. Si no accedemos a un nuevo grado de conciencia que nos permita reencontrar la función convivencial del lenguaje, no llegaremos jamás a invertir ese proceso de industrialización del hombre. Pero si cada uno se sirve del lenguaje para reivindicar su derecho a la acción social antes que al consumo, el lenguaje se convertirá en el medio para restituir a la relación del hombre con la herramienta su transparencia. + +## La recuperación del derecho + +La ley y el Derecho, en sus formas actuales, están, de manera abrumadora, al servicio de una sociedad en expansión indefinida. El proceso por el cual los hombres deciden sobre lo que se debe hacer está actualmente sometido a la ideología de la productividad: hay que producir más, más saber y decisiones, más bienes y servicios. Después de la perversión del saber y del lenguaje, la perversión del Derecho es el tercer obstáculo a una actualización política de los límites. Los partidos, los modos de legislación y el aparato judicial han sido requisados al servicio del crecimiento de las escuelas, de los sindicatos, de los hospitales y de las autopistas, para no hablar de las fábricas. Poco a poco, no sólo la policía, sino también los órganos legislativos y los tribunales han llegado a ser considerados como una instrumentación al servicio del estado industrial. Si a veces defienden al individuo ante las pretensiones de la industria, ésta es la coartada de su docilidad para servir al monopolio radical y de su servilismo para legitimar una concentración siempre más fuerte de poderes. A su manera, los magistrados se convierten en cuerpo de ingenieros del crecimiento. En la democracia popular o capitalista, son los aliados 'objetivos' del instrumento contra el hombre. Con la idolatría de la ciencia y la corrupción del lenguaje, esta degradación del Derecho es un obstáculo mayor para la reinstrumentación de la sociedad. + +Se comprende que una sociedad distinta es posible cuando se logra expresarla claramente. Se provoca su aparición al descubrir el procedimiento por el cual la sociedad presente toma sus decisiones. Se organiza su estructura cuando se utilizan la lengua materna y los procedimientos tradicionales del Derecho para servir a fines opuestos a los que fija su presente uso. Pues en cada sociedad hay una estructura profunda que organiza la toma de decisión. Esta estructura existe dondequiera que los hombres se reúnen. El mismo proceso puede dar lugar a decisiones contradictorias, porque la estructura no sirve únicamente para la definición de los valores personales, sino también para la supervivencia de un comportamiento institucionalizado. La existencia de contradicciones no contradice la existencia de una estructura coherente que las engendre, sino al contrario. Yo puedo decidir adquirir una educación aun si por otra parte he decidido que valdría más aprender participando en la vida cotidiana. Me puedo dejar transportar al hospital aun cuando haya decidido que sufriría menos y moriría más fácilmente quedándome en casa. Lo mismo que la captación de disonancias cognoscitivas funda la poesía, así la coexistencia de normas contradictorias manifiesta la existencia de procedimientos normativos. + +Los hombres han perdido la confianza en los procedimientos disponibles, no porque éstos hayan sido pervertidos en sí, sino por el uso abusivo que constantemente se hace de ellos. Son utilizados para atiborrar a la gente con argumentos éticos, políticos o legales. Se han convertido en engranajes de la producción ilimitada. Las iglesias predican la humildad, la caridad y la pobreza, y financian programas de desarrollo industrial. Los socialistas se han convertido en defensores sin escrúpulos del monopolio industrial. La burocracia del Derecho se ha aliado a las burocracias de la ideología del bienestar general, para defender el crecimiento de la herramienta. Pronto será el computador el que decida ideas, leyes y técnicas indispensables al crecimiento. + +Si no nos ponemos de acuerdo sobre un procedimiento eficaz, duradero y convivencial, con el fin de controlar la instrumentación social, la inversión de la estructura institucional existente no se podrá iniciar y menos mantener. Siempre habrá administradores que quieran aumentar la productividad de la institución, y tribunos que prometan la luna a las multitudes ávidas. + +Cada vez que se propone utilizar el Derecho como herramienta de inversión de la sociedad, surgen tres objeciones: la primera es superficial: no todos pueden ser juristas, por tanto no todos pueden manejar el Derecho por su cuenta. Naturalmente, esto es verdad sólo en cierta medida. Sistemas parajurídicos podrían establecerse dentro de ciertas comunidades, y luego ser incorporados a la estructura del conjunto. Es más, a la participación del profano se le podría adjudicar un campo de acción más vasto y revelarse como preciosa en los procedimientos de mediación, de conciliación o de arbitraje. Pero, aun si la objeción es fundada, no viene al caso. El Derecho se aplicaría a la regulación de las herramientas, gobernando la vida cotidiana; pues no hay razón para que la mayoría de los procesos no sean descentralizados, demistificados y desburocratizados. Queda el que ciertos problemas sociales se presentan en gran escala, son complejos y posiblemente permanecerán así por mucho tiempo, y exigen una instrumentación jurídica a su medida. Si está destinado a servir a vastos grupos de hombres, cada uno portador de una tradición secular, para negociar proscripciones a escala mundial, el Derecho, como proceso de regulación de esos problemas sociales, es, de hecho, una herramienta que requiere expertos como operadores. Pero eso no significa que dichos expertos deban ser doctores en Derecho o formar un mandarinato. + +La segunda objeción toca directamente nuestro tema, y va mucho más lejos: los actuales operadores de la instrumentación jurídico-social están profundamente intoxicados por la mitología del crecimiento. Su visión de lo posible y de lo factible se mantiene conforme al adoctrinamiento industrial. Sería locura esperar que los gerentes de una sociedad productivista se transformaran en vestales de la sociedad convivencial. El alcance de esta observación se completa y subraya por una tercera objeción: el sistema jurídico no sólo es un conjunto de reglas escritas, es un proceso continuo a través del cual las leyes se elaboran y se aplican a situaciones reales. A través de la serie de actos jurídicos, la colectividad se da un cierto marco mental. De ello resulta un contenido del Derecho que refleja la ideología de los legisladores y de los jueces. La manera en que estos últimos perciben la ideología subyacente a toda cultura se convierte en la mitología oficial que se concreta en las leyes que formulan y aplican. El cuerpo de las leyes que regula una sociedad industrial refleja inevitablemente la ideología, las características sociales y la estructura de clase, al mismo tiempo que la refuerzan y aseguran su reproducción. Cualquiera que sea su sello ideológico, toda sociedad moderna sitúa siempre el bien común en el orden del más: más poder a las empresas y a los expertos, más consumo al usuario. + +Si bien estas objeciones subrayan una dificultad fundamental en el uso del Derecho con el fin de invertir la sociedad, dejan de lado el asunto. Cuidadosamente hago la distinción entre el cuerpo de las leyes y la estructura formal que lo elabora, al igual que distingo entre el uso de _slogans_ al que recurren las instituciones y la práctica del lenguaje cotidiano. Así también distinguiré entre un conjunto de políticas y el proceso formal que les da origen. Es bien evidente que, tratándose del Derecho, así como del saber o del lenguaje, nos ceñimos a la estructura que rige en profundidad la donación de sentido. De la recuperación plena y del libre uso de esa estructura depende el despertar de las fuerzas capaces de transfigurar 'la alianza para el progreso'. + +En una época en que la _operación_ se ha convertido en un fin en sí, nunca se insistirá bastante sobre la distinción entre los fines y los medios, entre el procedimiento y la sustancia. Vivimos en un mundo en donde el lenguaje nos habla, el saber nos piensa y el Derecho nos actúa. El lenguaje se reduce a la emisión y a la recepción de mensajes; el pensamiento, a la acumulación de informaciones; el Derecho, a la reglamentación del proyecto. Para reencontrar esta distinción crucial entre el procedimiento y la sustancia, el análisis del procedimiento jurídico nos puede servir de paradigma, puesto que esta distinción se encuentra en la raíz del Derecho, aunque cada ejemplo del Derecho se caracteriza por el estilo particular de su proceso formal. Aquí apoyaré mi argumentación haciendo referencia al derecho angloamericano. + +## El ejemplo del derecho consuetudinario + +La estructura formal del _common law_ presenta dos rasgos dominantes y complementarios que le hacen particularmente adaptable a las necesidades de un tiempo de crisis. El sistema se basa sobre la continuidad y la oposición antagónica o contradictoria de las partes (_adversary nature of the common law_). + +La continuidad inherente al proceso de elaboración del Derecho conserva, en un sentido, la sustancia del cuerpo de las leyes. Esto no es tan evidente en la etapa legislativa. El legislador tiene el campo abierto para innovar, desde el momento en que permanece dentro del marco constitucional. Pero toda nueva ley debe inscribirse dentro del contexto de la legislación existente y, por este hecho, no puede apartarse mucho del derecho vigente. + +Es claro que la función de la jurisprudencia consiste en asegurar la continuidad de la sustancia del Derecho, actualizándola. Los tribunales aplican el Derecho a situaciones reales. La jurisprudencia zanja del mismo modo dos casos idénticos o decide, por el contrario, que el mismo hecho ya no significa hoy la misma cosa que ayer. El Derecho representa la autoridad soberana que el pasado ejerce sobre el conflicto presente, la continuidad de un proceso dialéctico. El tribunal da al conflicto un estatuto social, luego incorpora el juicio emitido al cuerpo del Derecho. Dentro del proceso jurídico se reactualiza la experiencia social del pasado en vista de las necesidades presentes; en el futuro, a su vez, el juicio presente servirá de precedente para arreglar otras diferencias. + +La continuidad de la estructura formal que rige el proceso jurídico no se reduce a la simple incorporación de un conjunto de prejuicios en un conjunto de leyes. Sólo desde el punto de vista formal, este modo de continuidad no se endereza a preservar el contenido de tal o cual ley. Muy al contrario, podría servir para preservar el desarrollo continuo del Derecho de una sociedad regida por principios inversos. En la mayoría de las constituciones, nada prohibe proponer leyes sobre una limitación de la productividad, de los privilegios burocráticos, de la especialización o del monopolio radical. En principio, a condición de estar inversamente orientado, los procesos legislativo y jurisprudencial podrían servir para formular ese derecho nuevo y hacer que se respete. + +De igual importancia es el carácter contradictorio del procedimiento de la _common law_. Desde un punto de vista formal, la _common law_ nada tiene que ver con la definición de lo que está bien en materia ética o técnica. Es una herramienta para comprender las relaciones, cuando éstas estallan en forma de conflictos reales. Corresponde a las partes afectadas reclamar su derecho o reivindicar aquello que consideren bueno. Así funciona la estructura tanto a nivel legislativo como a nivel jurisprudencial. Al equilibrar intereses opuestos, la decisión debería retener lo que es, en teoría, preferible para todos. + +En las últimas generaciones, este equilibrio, siempre deformado por uno u otro prejuicio, ha sido globalmente dirigido en favor de la sociedad de crecimiento. Pero la frecuente perversión de la estructura jurídica no predica contra su inversión. Muy al contrario, nada impide a las partes globalmente opuestas a la sociedad productivista --liberadas de la ilusión de que el crecimiento puede suprimir la injusticia social y conscientes de la necesidad de límites-- recurrir a esta herramienta. Ciertamente, no basta con que aparezca un nuevo tipo de alegante; es preciso también que el legislador se desintoxique del crecimiento, que las partes interesadas insistan en la protección de sus intereses y que, con ese fin, se dediquen a una revaluación sistemática de las evidencias y de las certidumbres demasiado bien establecidas. + +La ley, como la jurisprudencia, supone que las partes someten los conflictos de interés social al juicio de un tribunal imparcial. Este tribunal, o sala de apelación, opera en forma continua. El juez ideal es una persona común, prudente, en el fondo indiferente al asunto en debate, experto en el ejercicio del procedimiento. Pero, dentro de la realidad de la vida, el juez es un hombre de su tiempo y de su medio. De hecho, el tribunal ha llegado a servir a la concentración del poder y al crecimiento de la producción industrial. No sólo el juez y el legislador son impulsados a creer que un asunto está bien juzgado y el conflicto debidamente resuelto cuando la balanza de la justicia se inclina en favor del interés global de las industrias, sino que además la sociedad ha condicionado al demandante a exigir que éstas crezcan. Más bien se reivindica una tajada grande del pastel institucional y no la protección contra una institución que mutila la libertad. Sin embargo, el uso abusivo de la herramienta jurídica no corrompe su naturaleza misma. + +Cuando se presentan los procedimientos que oponen formalmente adversarios como la herramienta clave que permite limitar el crecimiento industrial, se levanta a menudo una objeción, a saber: las sociedades ya son fuertemente dependientes de estos procedimientos, muchas veces ineficaces. Los reformadores de América del Norte reivindican el Derecho a la oposición legal para los negros, los indios, las mujeres, los trabajadores, los lisiados, los consumidores organizados. El procedimiento se hace largo, incómodo y costoso, y la mayoría de los demandantes no pueden llegar hasta el fin. Los asuntos se rezagan y las decisiones llegan demasiado tarde. El procedimiento se convierte en un juego que crea nuevos antagonismos, nuevas competencias. Ha sido desviado de su fin, la decisión se vuelve un bien escaso. La sociedad del crecimiento recupera así al usuario del procedimiento formal. + +La objeción que se opone a esta multiplicación de procedimientos no queda desplazada si enfoca su proliferación como medio de resolver conflictos personales. Pero aquí los conflictos entre personas o las luchas de grupos entre sí no son mi tema. Lo que me interesa no es la oposición entre una clase de hombres explotados y otra clase propietaria de las herramientas, sino la oposición que se sitúa primero entre el hombre y la estructura técnica de la herramienta, y luego, como consecuencia, entre el hombre y las profesiones cuyo interés consiste en mantener esta estructura técnica. En la sociedad, el conflicto fundamental afecta a los actos, los hechos o los objetos respecto a los cuales las personas entran en oposición formal con las empresas y las instituciones manipuladoras. Formalmente, el procedimiento contradictorio es el modelo de la herramienta de que disponen los ciudadanos para oponerse a las amenazas que la industria presenta. + +Con raras excepciones, las leyes y los cuerpos legislativos, los tribunales y los juicios, los demandantes y sus demandas están profundamente pervertidos por el acuerdo unánime y aplastante que acepta sin murmurar el modo de producción industrial y sus _slogans_: _mientras más, mejor_. Además, las empresas y las instituciones saben mejor que las personas cuál es el interés público y cómo servirlo. Pero esta unanimidad desconcertante en nada desvirtúa mi tesis: una revolución que no recurre a los procedimientos jurídicos y políticos se condena al fracaso. Únicamente una activa mayoría de individuos y de grupos que busquen en un procedimiento convivencial común recobrar sus propios derechos, puede arrancar al Leviatán el poder de determinar los cercos que se deben imponer al crecimiento para sobrevivir y el de poder elegir los límites que optimicen una civilización. + +Para entablar la lucha contra los prejuicios reinantes que conduzca a la inversión, algunos individuos que pertenecen a las grandes profesiones pueden jugar un papel orientador. Al tomar conciencia de la crisis de la escuela, los educadores generalmente se ponen en búsqueda de una solución-milagro para enseñar más cosas a más gente. Sus esfuerzos y sus pretensiones amplifican la importancia de la minoría de pedagogos que insisten en los _límites pedagógicos_ del crecimiento industrial. De la misma manera, los médicos tienen la tendencia a creer que por lo menos una parte de su saber se puede expresar únicamente en términos esotéricos. A sus ojos, un colega que seculariza los actos médicos no es más que un profanador. Es vano esperar que el Colegio de Médicos, el Sindicato de la Educación Nacional o la Asociación de Ingenieros de la Circulación, expliquen en términos sencillos, sacados del lenguaje común, el gangsterismo profesional de sus colegas. Asimismo, es vano pensar que los diputados, los juristas y los magistrados vayan de pronto a reconocer la independencia del Derecho de su noción preconcebida del bien, que se confunde con el suministro de la mayor cantidad de productos al mayor número de gente. Porque todos están domesticados para arbitrar conflictos en favor de su propia rama de actividad, ya hablen en nombre de los patronos, de los asalariados, de los usuarios o de sus propios colegas. Pero, aquí o allá, por excepción se encontrará a un médico que ayude a los demás a vivir en forma responsable, a aceptar el sufrimiento, a afrontar la muerte y, de modo similar, por excepción se encontrarán juristas que ayuden a las personas a utilizar la estructura formal del Derecho para defender sus intereses dentro del marco de una sociedad convivencial. Aun si la sentencia dictada no llega finalmente a satisfacer a los demandantes, la acción servirá siempre para poner en evidencia el litigio. + +No cabe duda de que el recurso al procedimiento con el fin de inmovilizar y de invertir nuestras instituciones dominantes, se presenta a los más poderosos de sus administradores y a los más intoxicados de los usuarios como un desvío del Derecho y una subversión del único orden que reconocen. En sí, el recurso a un procedimiento convivencial, en forma debida, es una monstruosidad y un crimen a los ojos del burócrata, aunque éste pretenda ser juez. + +# La inversión política + +Si en un futuro muy próximo la humanidad no limita el impacto de su instrumentación sobre el ambiente y no pone en obra un control eficaz de nacimientos, nuestros descendientes conocerán el espantoso apocalipsis predicho por muchos ecólogos. La sociedad puede aislar su supervivencia dentro de los límites fijados y reforzados por una dictadura burocrática, o bien reaccionar _políticamente_ a la amenza, recurriendo a los procedimientos jurídico y político. La falsificación ideológica del pasado nos vela la existencia y la necesidad de esta elección. + +La gestión burocrática de la supervivencia humana es una elección aceptable, desde un punto de vista ético o político. Pero habrá de fracasar. Es posible que la gente vuelva a poner de su propio grado sus destinos en manos de un Gran Hermano y de sus agentes anónimos, aterrorizados por la creciente evidencia de la superpoblación, de la mengua de los recursos y de la organización insensata de la vida cotidiana. Es posible que a los tecnócratas se les encargue conducir al rebaño al borde del abismo, es decir, fijar los límites multidimensionales al crecimiento, justamente más acá del umbral de la autodestrucción. Semejante fantasía suicida mantendría al sistema industrial en el más alto grado de productividad capaz de ser tolerado. + +El hombre viviría protegido en una cápsula de plástico que le obligaría a sobrevivir como el condenado a muerte antes de la ejecución. El umbral de tolerancia del hombre en materia de programación y de manipulación pronto se volvería el obstáculo más serio para el crecimiento. Y la empresa alquímica renacería de sus cenizas: se trataría de producir y de hacer obedecer al mutante monstruoso parido por la pesadilla de la razón. Para garantizar su supervivencia en un mundo racional y artificial, la ciencia y la técnica se empeñarían en instrumentar el siquismo del hombre. Desde el nacimiento a la muerte, la humanidad estaría confinada en la escuela permanente, extendida a escala mundial, tratada de por vida en el gran hospital planetario y atada día y noche a implacables cadenas de comunicación. Es así como funcionaría el mundo de la Gran Organización. Sin embargo, los fracasos anteriores de las terapias de masa hacen esperar la quiebra también de este último proyecto de control planetario. + +La instalación del fascismo tecnoburocrático no está escrita en las estrellas. Existe otra posibilidad: un proceso político que permita a la población determinar el máximo que cada uno puede exigir, en un mundo de recursos manifiestamente limitados; un proceso consensual destinado a fijar y mantener límites al crecimiento de la instrumentación; un proceso de estímulo a la investigación radical, de manera que un número creciente de gente pueda _hacer cada vez más con cada vez menos_. Un programa así puede aún parecer utópico a la hora actual: si sigue agravándose la crisis, pronto revelará su realismo extremo. + +## Mitos y mayorías + +El impedimento ulterior para la reestructuración de la sociedad no es ni la falta de información sobre los límites necesarios, ni la falta de hombres resueltos a aceptarlos si llegan a hacerse inevitables. Es el poder de la mitología política. + +En una sociedad rica, cada uno es, más o menos, consumidor-usuario en alguna forma. Cada uno juega su papel en la destrucción del ambiente. El mito transforma esta multiplicidad de depredadores en una mayoría política. Por este hecho, esta multiplicidad de individuos automatizados se convierte en un bloque mítico de electores que se ponen de acuerdo sobre un problema inexistente: la mayoría silenciosa, guardiana invisible e invencible de los intereses empleados en el crecimiento, que paraliza toda acción política real. Analizándolo más profundamente, esta mayoría es un conjunto ficticio de personas teóricamente dotadas de razón. En realidad, hay una multiplicidad de individuos: el experto en ecología que se dirige en Boeing a una conferencia contra la contaminación; el economista que sabe que el alza de la productividad hace escasear el trabajo y trata de crear nuevos empleos, etc. Ni el uno ni el otro representan los intereses del trabajador especializado que compra a crédito un aparato de televisión a color, o del campesino que, por seguir la revolución verde, utiliza insecticidas prohibidos desde hace cinco años en el país que los produce. Pero, a pesar de su diversidad, un común apego al crecimiento les une, puesto que de ello depende su satisfacción. Sólo el mito les dará la homogeneidad de una mayoría política opuesta a los límites. Todos tienen su razón para desear el crecimiento industrial y para sentir su amenaza. Por el momento, en una palabra, un voto contra el crecimiento estaría tan desprovisto de sentido como un voto en favor del Producto Nacional Bruto. + +Una ideología común no crea una mayoría, no tiene eficacia sino a condición de arraigarse en la interpretación del interés racional de cada uno y de dar a este interés una forma política. La acción política de la persona frente a un conflicto social esencial no depende de la ideología aceptada previamente, sino de dos factores: + +* [a] el estilo que marcará la transformación del conflicto latente entre el hombre y la herramienta en una crisis abierta, que exija una reacción global y sin precedente; +* [b] el surgimiento de una multiplicidad de nuevas élites que puedan proveer una nueva forma interpretativa y hasta cierto punto inesperada sobre las líneas de interés. + +## De la catástrofe a la crisis + +Yo no hago más que conjeturar sobre la agravación de la crisis. Pero puedo exponer con precisión la conducta a mantener delante y dentro de la crisis. Creo que el crecimiento se detendrá por sí mismo. La parálisis sinergética de los sistemas alimenticios provocará el derrumbamiento general del modo de producción industrial. Las administraciones creen estabilizar y armonizar el crecimiento afinando los mecanismos y los sistemas de control, pero no hacen sino precipitar la mega-máquina institucional hacia su segundo umbral de mutación. Dentro de muy corto tiempo, la población perderá la confianza, no sólo de las instituciones dominantes, sino también en los gestores de la crisis. El poder que tienen sus instituciones para definir los valores (la educación, la velocidad, la salud, el bienestar, la información, etc.) se desvanecerá repentinamente cuando se reconozca su carácter ilusorio. + +Un suceso imprevisible y probablemente menor, servirá de detonador a la crisis, como el pánico en Wall Street precipitó la Gran Depresión. Una coincidencia fortuita pondrá de manifiesto la contradicción estructural entre los fines oficiales de nuestras instituciones y sus verdaderos resultados. Lo que es ya evidente para algunos, de golpe saltará a la vista de la mayoría: la organización de toda la economía dirigida a un _mejor estar_ es el obstáculo mayor al _bienestar_. Como otras intuiciones ampliamente compartidas, ésta tendrá la virtud de distorsionar completamente la imaginación popular. De la noche a la mañana, importantes instituciones perderán toda respetabilidad, toda legitimidad y reputación de servir al interés público. Es lo que le ha sucedido a la Iglesia de Roma bajo la Reforma y a la monarquía francesa en 1793. En una noche, lo impensable se convirtió en evidencia. + +Una mutación repentina no es producto ni del orden, ni de la retroacción, ni de la revolución. Basta ver los torbellinos al pie de una cascada. Las estaciones se suceden, el agua abunda o disminuye hasta ser un débil hilo; pero los remolinos parecen siempre iguales. Sin embargo, basta con que una piedra caiga en la poza, para que la superficie cambie totalmente, sin volver a ser igual. El despertar de la conciencia también se produce de golpe. La mayoría silenciosa hoy apoya totalmente la tesis del crecimiento, pero no se puede prever su comportamiento político cuando estalle la crisis. Cuando un pueblo pierde confianza en la productividad industrial, y no solamente en el papel moneda, todo puede suceder. La inversión es realmente posible. + +En la hora actual todavía se trata de parchear las fallas de cada sistema. Ningún remedio surte efecto, pero aún se dispone de medios para aplicarlos todos, uno tras otro. Los gobiernos atacan la crisis de los servicios públicos, la educación, los transportes, los sistemas jurídicos, la juventud. Cada aspecto de la crisis global se separa de los demás, se explica en forma autónoma y se trata en particular. Se proponen soluciones de recambio que dan credibilidad a la reforma sectorial: las escuelas de vanguardia contra las escuelas tradicionales doblan la demanda de educación; las ciudades satélite, contra el monorrail, refuerzan la convicción de que el desarrollo de las ciudades es una fatalidad; una mejor formación de los médicos, contra la proliferación de profesiones para-médicas, alimenta la industria de la salud; y, como los dos términos de la alternativa tienen sus partidarios, en general no se elige entre ellos, sino que se prueban los dos a la vez. El resultado es que se trata de hacer un pastel cada vez más grande, lo que redunda en pura pérdida. + +Se imita la actitud de Coolidge frente a los primeros síntomas de la Gran Depresión, descuidando en forma análoga el aviso de una crisis mucho más radical. Se cree que el análisis general de los sistemas vincula entre ellas las crisis institucionales, pero en verdad no hace sino conducir a mayor planificación, centralización y burocratización a fin de perfeccionar el control de la población, de la abundancia de la industria destructora e ineficaz. Se supone que el crecimiento de la producción de decisiones, de controles y de terapias, compensa la extensión del desempleo en los sectores fabriles. Fascinada por la producción industrial, la población permanece ciega a la posibilidad de una sociedad posindustrial donde coexistirán varios modos de producción complementarios. Tratar de promover una era a la vez hiperindustrial y ecológicamente realizable es acelerar la degradación de los otros componentes del equilibrio multidimensional de la vida. El costo de la defensa del _statu quo_ sube como una flecha. + +Sería necesario ser geomántico para predecir qué serie de sucesos causaría el derrumbamiento de Wall Street y desencadenaría la crisis inminente. Pero no es necesario ser genial para prever que se tratará de la primera crisis mundial que cuestionará el sistema industrial en sí, en vez de localizarlo en el seno de ese sistema. Pronto se producirá un acontecimiento que tendrá como efecto congelar el crecimiento de los instrumentos. Llegado el momento, el estruendo del derrumbamiento obnubilará las mentes e impedirá escuchar la razón. + +Aún nos queda una oportunidad de comprender las causas de la crisis global del sistema que nos amenaza y de prepararnos justamente para no asimilarla a una crisis parcial, interior del sistema. Si queremos anticipar los efectos, debemos imaginar cómo una brusca transformación llevará al poder a grupos sociales sofocados hasta ahora. No es la catástrofe que, en tanto tal, sacará a estos grupos de la nada para alzarlos sobre el resto, sino que la catástrofe debilitará a las potencias reinantes que aplastaban a esos grupos y les impedían participar en el proceso social. El efecto de la sorpresa debilita el control, desorienta a los controladores e instala en primer rango a los que conservan su sangre fría. + +Una vez debilitado el control, los controladores buscan nuevos aliados. En el estado industrial debilitado por la Gran Crisis, los gobernantes no pudieron pasarse sin trabajadores organizados, por lo que éstos recibieron parte del poder estructural. En el mercado de trabajo constreñido por la Segunda Guerra Mundial, la industria no ha podido pasarse sin los trabajadores negros, por lo que éstos han comenzado a situarse como poder. Actualmente, al haberse hecho su lugar, la élite negra tiende a convertirse en pilar de un sistema establecido, a imagen de la suerte que anteriormente corrieron los sindicatos. En efecto, el desenlace de la crisis inminente depende de la aparición de élites imposibles de recuperar. + +## En el interior de la crisis + +Las fuerzas que tienden a limitar la producción ya están operando en el interior del cuerpo social. Una investigación pública y radical puede ayudar de manera significativa a muchos hombres a ganar cohesión y lucidez en la condena de un crecimiento que se juzga destructivo. Seguramente sus voces se harán oír mejor cuando la crisis de la sociedad superproductora se agrave. Sin formar partido, son los portavoces de una mayoría de la cual cada uno es miembro en potencia. Mientras más inesperada sea la crisis más repentinamente las llamadas a la austeridad alegre y equilibrada se convertirán en un programa de limitaciones racionales. Para ser capaces de controlar la situación en el momento dado, estas minorías deben captar la profundidad de la crisis y deben saber describirla con un lenguaje apropiado para declarar qué quieren, qué pueden hacer y qué no necesitan. El uso crítico del lenguaje ordinario es el primer pivote en la inversión política. Se necesita un segundo. + +Más crecimiento conduce obligatoriamente al desastre, pero éste presenta un rostro doble. El suceso catastrófico puede ser el fin de la civilización política, o incluso de la especie 'hombre'. Puede ser también la Gran Crisis, es decir, la oportunidad de una elección sin precedente. Previsible e inesperada, la catástrofe no será una _crisis_ en el sentido propio de la palabra, a no ser que en el momento en que llegue, los prisioneros del progreso pidan escaparse del paraíso industrial, y que una puerta se abra en el recinto de la prisión dorada. Será necesario entonces demostrar que el desvanecimiento del espejismo industrial presenta la oportunidad de elegir un modo de producción convivencial y eficaz. Por ahora, la preparación a esta tarea es la clave de una nueva práctica política. + +Se necesitará de grupos capaces de analizar con coherencia la catástrofe y de expresarla en lenguaje común. Deberán saber abogar por la causa de una sociedad que establece cercos y hacerlo en términos concretos, comprensibles para todos, deseables en general y aplicables inmediatamente. El sacrificio es el rescate de la elección, precio inevitable a pagar para obtener lo que se quiere, o por lo menos, para liberarse de lo intolerable. Pero no basta con servirse de las palabras de todos los días, como herramientas para sacar a la luz el rostro verdadero de la realidad; también será preciso ser capaz de manejar una herramienta social que convenga al ordenamiento del bien público. + +Como quedó explicado anteriormente, esta herramienta es la estructura formal de la política y del Derecho. A la hora del desastre, la catástrofe se transforma en crisis, si un grupo de gente lúcida, de sangre fría, inspira confianza a sus conciudadanos. Su credibilidad dependerá de su habilidad para demostrar que no sólo es necesario, sino posible instaurar una sociedad convivencial, a condición de utilizar conscientemente un procedimiento regulador que reconozca al conflicto de intereses su legitimidad, que dé valor al precedente, y atribuya un carácter ejecutorio a la decisión de hombres corrientes, reconocidos por la comunidad como sus representantes. A la hora del desastre, sólo el arraigo en la historia puede dar la confianza necesaria para trastocar el presente. El uso convivencial del procedimiento garantiza que una revolución institucional se mantenga como herramienta cuya práctica engendra los fines. Un recurso lúcido al procedimiento, hecho dentro de un espíritu de oposición continua a la burocracia, es la única manera posible de evitar que la revolución se transforme, ella misma, en institución. Que la aplicación de este procedimiento para la inversión radical de las principales instituciones sea bautizada revolución cultural, recuperación de la estructura formal del Derecho, socialismo de participación o retorno al espíritu de los _Fueros de España_, no es más que cuestión de denominación. + +## La mutación repentina + +Cuando hablo acerca de la emergencia de grupos de interés y su preparación no hablo de grupos de acción, o de una iglesia, o de una nueva clase de expertos. Y sobre todo, no estoy hablando de un nuevo partido político que pudiera asumir el poder en un momento de crisis. La administración de la crisis la convertiría en una catástrofe irreversible. Un partido bien entrenado puede establecer su poder en el momento de una crisis en la cual la opción es la única dentro todo un sistema. Tales fueron los instrumentos de producción durante la Gran Depresión. Es así como en los países de Europa del Este, pasada la Segunda Guerra Mundial, tuvieron que 'elegir' el estalinismo. Pero la crisis, de cuyo próximo advenimiento estoy hablando, no está ya dentro de la sociedad industrial sino que concierne al modo de producción industrial en sí. Esta crisis obliga al hombre a elegir entre la herramienta convivencial y el aplastamiento por la megamáquina, entre el crecimiento indefinido y la aceptación de límites multidimensionales. La única respuesta posible consiste en reconocer su profundidad y aceptar el único principio de solución que se ofrece: establecer, por acuerdo político, una autolimitación. Mientras más numerosos y diversos sean los heraldos, más profunda será la comprensión de que el sacrificio es necesario, de que protege intereses variados y de que es la base de un nuevo pluralismo cultural. + +Tampoco hablo de una mayoría opuesta al crecimiento, en nombre de principios abstractos. Ésta sería una nueva mayoría fantasma. En realidad, es concebible la formación de una élite organizada que alabe la ortodoxia del anticrecimiento. Esta élite quizás se esté formando. Pero un coro semejante, con el anticrecimiento como todo programa, es el antídoto industrial a la imaginación revolucionaria. Al incitar a la población a aceptar una limitación de la producción industrial, sin poner en cuestión la estructura de base de la sociedad industrial, obligadamente se daría más poder a los burócratas que optimizan el crecimiento, y uno mismo se convertiría en rehén. La producción estabilizada de bienes y servicios muy racionalizados y estandarizados alejaría aún más, de ser posible, la producción convivencial de lo que ya lo hace la sociedad industrial de crecimiento. + +Los miembros de una sociedad que se pone cerco no necesitan reunir una mayoría. En democracia, una mayoría electoral no se basa en la adhesión explicita a una ideología o a un valor determinado de todos sus miembros. Una mayoría electoral favorable a la limitación de las instituciones sería heterogénea: comprendería a las víctimas de un aspecto particular de la superproducción, a los ausentes al festín industrial y a la gente que rechaza en bloque el estilo de la sociedad totalmente racionalizada. El ejemplo de la escuela puede ilustrar el funcionamiento de una mayoría electoral en la política tradicional. La gente sin niños rezonga ante las cargas presupuestarias de la educación nacional. Unos encuentran que pagan, sin razón, más que sus vecinos. Otros sostienen las escuelas confesionales. Hay quienes rechazan la obligación escolar porque daña a los niños, otros la combaten porque refuerza la segregación social. Toda esta gente podría formar una mayoría electoral, pero sin constituir ni una secta ni un partido. Actualmente podrían eficazmente reducir las pretensiones de la escuela, pero al hacerlo, reforzarían la legitimidad del producto escolar, que es la 'educación'. Cuando las cosas siguen su curso, limitar una institución dominante con el voto mayoritario toma siempre un giro reaccionario. + +Pero una mayoría puede tener un efecto revolucionario cuando una crisis afecta a la sociedad de manera radical. La llegada simultánea de varias instituciones a su segundo umbral de mutación hace sonar la alarma. La crisis no puede tardar. En realidad ya comenzó. El desastre que seguirá, pondrá claramente en evidencia que la sociedad industrial, como tal, y no sólo sus diversos órganos, ha traspuesto los límites. + +El Estado-Nación se ha convertido en guardián de los instrumentos ya tan poderosos, que no pueden desempeñar su papel de cuadro político. De la misma manera que Giap supo utilizar la máquina de guerra norteamericana para ganar su guerra, así las empresas multinacionales y las profesiones pueden usar la ley, el sistema bipartidista, para establecer un imperio. Si bien la democracia norteamericana pudo sobrevivir a la victoria de Giap, no podrá sobrevivir a la de la ITT y similares. Cuando la crisis total se avecina, se pone de manifiesto que el estado-nación moderno se ha convertido en un conglomerado de sociedades anónimas, donde cada instrumentación trata de promover su propio producto y servir sus intereses propios. El conjunto produce _bienestar_ , bajo la forma de educación, salud, etc., y el éxito se mide por el crecimiento del capital de todas estas sociedades. En su oportunidad, los partidos políticos reúnen a todos los accionistas para elegir un consejo de administración. Los partidos apoyan el derecho del elector a reclamar un nivel más alto de consumo _individual_ , lo que significa un grado más alto de consumo _industrial_. La gente puede siempre reclamar más transportes rápidos, pero el criterio que se aplica al sistema de transporte basado en el automóvil o el tren y que está absorbiendo una gran parte de la renta nacional, se deja a discrección de los expertos. Los partidos sostienen un Estado cuya meta reconocida es el crecimiento del PNB; nada se puede esperar de ellos para cuando llegue lo peor. + + +El procedimiento contradictorio para el arreglo de un conflicto entre la empresa y el individuo cuando todo va bien refuerza la legitimidad de la dependencia de este último. Pero en el momento de la crisis estructural, cuando aun la reducción voluntaria de la supereficiencia aceptada por las instituciones dominantes no podrá salvarlas de hundirse, el procedimiento contradictorio cambia de signo. Una crisis generalizada abre la vía para la reconstrucción de la sociedad. La pérdida de legitimidad del Estado, como sociedad por acciones, no invalida, sino que reafirma la necesidad de un procedimiento constitucional. + +La pérdida de credibilidad, convertidos en facciones rivales de accionistas, no hace mas que subrayar la importancia al recurso de los procedimientos contradictorios en política. La pérdida de credibilidad en las reivindicaciones antagónicas para obtener más consumo individual hace resaltar la importancia del recurso a esos mismos procedimientos contradictorios, cuando se trata de armonizar series opuestas de limitaciones, referentes al conjunto de la sociedad. La misma crisis general puede establecer, de forma duradera, un contrato social que abandone el poder de prescribir el bienestar al despotismo tecnoburocrático y a la ortodoxia ideológica, o bien puede ser la oportunidad para construir una sociedad convivencial, en transformación continua dentro de un cuadro material, que estaría definido por aboliciones racionales y políticas. + +Los procedimientos político y jurídico van encajados estructuralmente el uno en el otro. Ambos conforman y expresan la estructura de la libertad dentro de la historia. Reconociendo esto, el procedimiento formal puede ser la mejor herramienta teatral, simbólica y convivencial de la acción política. El concepto de Derecho conserva toda su fuerza, aun cuando la sociedad reserve a los privilegiados el acceso a la maquinaria jurídica, aun cuando, sistemáticamente, encarnezca a la justicia y vista al despotismo con el manto de simulacros de tribunales. Cuando un hombre defiende el recurso al lenguaje ordinario y al procedimiento formal, inscrito en la historia de un pueblo, sigue siendo la herramienta más poderosa para decir la verdad, para denunciar la hipertrofia cancerosa y la dominación del modo de producción industrial como la última forma de idolatría. La angustia me aprisiona cuando veo que nuestra única posibilidad para detener la marejada mortal está en la palabra, más exactamente en el verbo, que ha llegado a nosotros y se encuentra en nuestra historia. Sólo dentro de su fragilidad, el verbo puede reunir a la multitud de los hombres para que el alud de la violencia se transforme en recontrucción convivencial. + +Si saben definir criterios para limitar la instrumentación, los países pobres emprenderán más fácilmente su reconstrucción social y, sobre todo, accederán directamente a un modo de producción posindustrial y convivencial. Los límites que deberán adoptar son del mismo orden que aquellos que las naciones industrializadas deberán aceptar para sobrevivir: la convivencialidad, accesible desde ahora a los 'subdesarrollados', costará un precio inaudito a los 'desarrollados'. + +Una última objeción se presenta a menudo cuando se propone la orientación convivencial a una sociedad: para elegir una vida austera con herramientas convivenciales es preciso defenderse contra el imperialismo de las megaherramientas en expansión. Tal defensa no sería posible sin un ejército moderno, que a su vez exige una industria en pleno crecimiento. En realidad, la reconstrucción de la sociedad no puede ser protegida por un ejército poderoso: primero, porque habría contradicción entre los términos; luego, porque ningún ejército moderno de un país pobre puede defenderlo contra tal poder. La convivencialidad será obra exclusiva de personas que utilicen una instrumentación efectivamente controlada. Los mercenarios del imperialismo pueden envenenar o destruir una sociedad convivencial, pero no la pueden conquistar. + + + +[^n01]:"_Awteritas secundum quod est virtus non excludit omnes delectationes, sed superfluas et inordinatas: unde videtur pertinere ad affabilitatem, quam philosophus, lib. 4 Ethic Cap. Vl 'amicitiam' nominat, vel ad eutrapelldiln sive jocunditatem._" (Santo Tomás: _Summa Thelogica_ , IIa IIae, q. 168, art. 4, ad 3m). + +[^n02]:Rodamiento de bolas. + +[^n03]:¿En francés en el original? + +[^n04]:**Marcuse, Herbert** (1964) _El hombre unidimensional_ Ed. española: Joaquín Mortiz, México, 1968 + +[^n05]:Illich, Ivan (1974) _Energy and Equity_ Marion Boyars Publishers, London. Ed. española: _Energía y equidad_ ; Barral Editores, Barcelona, 1974 + diff --git a/contents/book/conviviality/es.notes b/contents/book/conviviality/es.notes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..701d326 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/conviviality/es.notes @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +* Traducción directa de la versión francesa, _"La convivialité"_ diff --git a/data/pages/es/book/conviviality/es.txt b/contents/book/conviviality/es.txt index 92078b4..92078b4 100644 --- a/data/pages/es/book/conviviality/es.txt +++ b/contents/book/conviviality/es.txt diff --git a/contents/book/conviviality/fr.bib b/contents/book/conviviality/fr.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..43dcffc --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/conviviality/fr.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-conviviality-fr, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {La Convivialité}, + year = {1973}, + date = {1973}, + origdate = {1973}, + language = {fr}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/fr/book/conviviality:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-19} +} diff --git a/data/pages/fr/book/conviviality/fr.txt b/contents/book/conviviality/fr.txt index a180063..a180063 100644 --- a/data/pages/fr/book/conviviality/fr.txt +++ b/contents/book/conviviality/fr.txt diff --git a/contents/book/conviviality/index b/contents/book/conviviality/index new file mode 100644 index 0000000..3f6f85b --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/conviviality/index @@ -0,0 +1,5 @@ +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Tools for Conviviality_ +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1973 +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# diff --git a/contents/book/deschooling/en.bib b/contents/book/deschooling/en.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..25a4104 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/deschooling/en.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-deschooling-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Deschooling Society}, + year = {1970}, + date = {1970}, + origdate = {1970}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/book/deschooling:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-19} +} diff --git a/contents/book/deschooling/en.md b/contents/book/deschooling/en.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..4056ebd --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/deschooling/en.md @@ -0,0 +1,856 @@ +--- + title: "Deschooling Society" + author: "Ivan Illich" + date: "1970" + lang: "" + documentclass: book + classoption: + - oneside + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + newtxmathoptions: + - cmintegrals + - cmbraces + toc: true + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue + titlepage: true +--- + +# Introduction + +I owe my interest in public education to Everett Reimer. Until we first met in Puerto Rico in 1958, I had never questioned the value of extending obligatory schooling to all people. Together we have come to realize that for most men the right to learn is curtailed by the obligation to attend school. The essays given at CIDOC and gathered in this book grew out of memoranda which I submitted to him, and which we discussed during 1970, the thirteenth year of our dialogue. The last chapter contains my afterthoughts on a conversation with Erich Fromm on Bachofen's Mutterrecht. + +Since 1967 Reimer and I have met regularly at the Center for Intercultural Documentation (CIDOC) in Cuernavaca, Mexico. Valentine Borremans, the director of the Center, also joined our dialogue, and constantly urged me to test our thinking against the realities of Latin America and Africa. This book reflects her conviction that the ethos, not just the institutions, of society ought to be "deschooled". + +Universal education through schooling is not feasible. It would be no more feasible if it were attempted by means of alternative institutions built on the style of present schools. Neither new attitudes of teachers toward their pupils nor the proliferation of educational hardware or software (in classroom or bedroom), nor finally the attempt to expand the pedagogue's responsibility until it engulfs his pupils' lifetimes will deliver universal education. The current search for new educational funnels must be reversed into the search for their institutional inverse: educational webs which heighten the opportunity for each one to transform each moment of his living into one of learning, sharing, and caring. We hope to contribute concepts needed by those who conduct such counterfoil research on education--and also to those who seek alternatives to other established service industries. + +On Wednesday mornings, during the spring and summer of 1970, I submitted the various parts of this book to the participants in our CIDOC programs in Cuernavaca. Dozens of them made suggestions or provided criticisms. Many will recognize their ideas in these pages, especially Paulo Freire, Peter Berger, and Jos? Maria Bulnes, as well as Joseph Fitzpatrick, John Holt, Angel Quintero, Layman Allen, Fred Goodman, Gerhard Ladner, Didier Piveteau, Joel Spring, Augusto Salazar Bondy, and Dennis Sullivan. Among my critics, Paul Goodman most radically obliged me to revise my thinking. Robert Silvers provided me with brilliant editorial assistance on Chapters 1, 3, and 6, which have appeared in The New York Review of Books. + +Reimer and I have decided to publish separate views of our joint research. He is working on a comprehensive and documented exposition, which will be subjected to several months of further critical appraisal and be published late in 1971 by Doubleday & Company. Dennis Sullivan, who acted as secretary at the meetings between Reimer and myself, is preparing a book for publication in the spring of 1972 which will place my argument in the context of current debate about public schooling in the United States. I offer this volume of essays now in the hope that it will provoke additional critical contributions to the sessions of a seminar on "Alternatives in Education" planned at CIDOC in Cuernavaca for 1972 and 1973. + +I intend to discuss some perplexing issues which are raised once we embrace the hypothesis that society can be deschooled; to search for criteria which may help us distinguish institutions which merit development because they support learning in a deschooled milieu; and to clarify those personal goals which would foster the advent of an Age of Leisure (schole) as opposed to an economy dominated by service industries. + +IVAN ILLICH + +CIDOC Cuernavaca, Mexico November, 1970 + +# Why We Must Disestablish School + +Many students, especially those who are poor, intuitively know what the schools do for them. They school them to confuse process and substance. Once these become blurred, a new logic is assumed: the more treatment there is, the better are the results; or, escalation leads to success. The pupil is thereby "schooled" to confuse teaching with learning, grade advancement with education, a diploma with competence, and fluency with the ability to say something new. His imagination is "schooled" to accept service in place of value. Medical treatment is mistaken for health care, social work for the improvement of community life, police protection for safety, military poise for national security, the rat race for productive work. Health, learning, dignity, independence, and creative endeavor are defined as little more than the performance of the institutions which claim to serve these ends, and their improvement is made to depend on allocating more resources to the management of hospitals, schools, and other agencies in question. + +In these essays, I will show that the institutionalization of values leads inevitably to physical pollution, social polarization, and psychological impotence: three dimensions in a process of global degradation and modernized misery. I will explain how this process of degradation is accelerated when nonmaterial needs are transformed into demands for commodities; when health, education, personal mobility, welfare, or psychological healing are defined as the result of services or "treatments". I do this because I believe that most of the research now going on about the future tends to advocate further increases in the institutionalization of values and that we must define conditions which would permit precisely the contrary to happen. We need research on the possible use of technology to create institutions which serve personal, creative, and autonomous interaction and the emergence of values which cannot be substantially controlled by technocrats. We need counterfoil research to current futurology. + +I want to raise the general question of the mutual definition of man's nature and the nature of modern institutions which characterizes our world view and language. To do so, I have chosen the school as my paradigm, and I therefore deal only indirectly with other bureaucratic agencies of the corporate state: the consumer-family, the party, the army, the church, the media. My analysis of the hidden curriculum of school should make it evident that public education would profit from the deschooling of society, just as family life, politics, security, faith, and communication would profit from an analogous process. + +I begin my analysis, in this first essay, by trying to convey what the deschooling of a schooled society might mean. In this context, it should be easier to understand my choice of the five specific aspects relevant to this process with which I deal in the subsequent chapters. + +Not only education but social reality itself has become schooled. It costs roughly the same to school both rich and poor in the same dependency. The yearly expenditure per pupil in the slums and in the rich suburbs of any one of twenty U.S. cities lies in the same range-and sometimes is favorable to the poor[^n00]. Rich and poor alike depend on schools and hospitals which guide their lives, form their world view, and define for them what is legitimate and what is not. Both view doctoring oneself as irresponsible, learning on one's own as unreliable, and community organization, when not paid for by those in authority, as a form of aggression or subversion. For both groups the reliance on institutional treatment renders independent accomplishment suspect. The progressive underdevelopment of self- and community-reliance is even more typical in Westchester than it is in the northeast of Brazil. Everywhere not only education but society as a whole needs "deschooling". + +Welfare bureaucracies claim a professional, political, and financial monopoly over the social imagination, setting standards of what is valuable and what is feasible. This monopoly is at the root of the modernization of poverty. Every simple need to which an institutional answer is found permits the invention of a new class of poor and a new definition of poverty. Ten years ago in Mexico it was the normal thing to be born and to die in one's own home and to be buried by one's friends. Only the soul's needs were taken care of by the institutional church. Now to begin and end life at home become signs either of poverty or of special privilege. Dying and death have come under the institutional management of doctors and undertakers. + +Once basic needs have been translated by a society into demands for scientifically produced commodities, poverty is defined by standards which the technocrats can change at will. Poverty then refers to those who have fallen behind an advertised ideal of consumption in some important respect. In Mexico the poor are those who lack three years of schooling, and in New York they are those who lack twelve. + +The poor have always been socially powerless. The increasing reliance on institutional care adds a new dimension to their helplessness: psychological impotence, the inability to fend for themselves. Peasants on the high plateau of the Andes are exploited by the landlord and the merchant-once they settle in Lima they are, in addition, dependent on political bosses, and disabled by their lack of schooling. Modernized poverty combines the lack of power over circumstances with a loss of personal potency. This modernization of poverty is a world-wide phenomenon, and lies at the root of contemporary underdevelopment. Of course it appears under different guises in rich and in poor countries. + +It is probably most intensely felt in U.S. cities. Nowhere else is poverty treated at greater cost. Nowhere else does the treatment of poverty produce so much dependence, anger, frustration, and further demands. And nowhere else should it be so evident that poverty-once it has become modernized-has become resistant to treatment with dollars alone and requires an institutional revolution. + +Today in the United States the black and even the migrant can aspire to a level of professional treatment which would have been unthinkable two generations ago, and which seems grotesque to most people in the Third World. For instance, the U.S. poor can count on a truant officer to return their children to school until they reach seventeen, or on a doctor to assign them to a hospital bed which costs sixty dollars per day-the equivalent of three months' income for a majority of the people in the world. But such care only makes them dependent on more treatment, and renders them increasingly incapable of organizing their own lives around their own experiences and resources within their own communities. + +The poor in the United States are in a unique position to speak about the predicament which threatens all the poor in a modernizing world. They are making the discovery that no amount of dollars can remove the inherent destructiveness of welfare institutions, once the professional hierarchies of these institutions have convinced society that their ministrations are morally necessary. The poor in the U.S. inner city can demonstrate from their own experience the fallacy on which social legislation in a "schooled" society is built. + +Supreme Court Justice William 0. Douglas observed that "the only way to establish an institution is to finance it". The corollary is also true. Only by channeling dollars away from the institutions which now treat health, education, and welfare can the further impoverishment resulting from their disabling side effects be stopped. + +This must be kept in mind when we evaluate federal aid pro-grams. As a case in point, between 1965 and 1968 over three billion dollars were spent in U.S. schools to offset the disadvantages of about six million children. The program is known as Title One. It is the most expensive compensatory program ever attempted anywhere in education, yet no significant improvement can be detected in the learning of these "disadvantaged" children. Compared with their classmates from middle income homes, they have fallen further behind. Moreover, in the course of this program, professionals discovered an additional ten million children laboring under economic and educational handicaps. More reasons for claiming more federal funds are now at hand. + +This total failure to improve the education of the poor despite more costly treatment can be explained in three ways: + +_1._ Three billion dollars are insufficient to improve the performance of six million children by a measurable amount; or + +_2._ The money was incompetently spent: different curricula, better administration, further concentration of the funds on the poor child, and more research are needed and would do the trick; or + +_3._ Educational disadvantage cannot be cured by relying on education within the school. + +The first is certainly true so long as the money has been spent through the school budget. The money indeed went to the schools which contained most of the disadvantaged children, but it was not spent on the poor children themselves. These children for whom the money was intended comprised only about half of those who were attending the schools that added the federal subsidies to their budgets. Thus the money was spent for custodial care, indoctrination and the selection of social roles, as well as education, all of which functions are inextricably mingled in the physical plants, curricula, teachers, administrators, and other key components of these schools, and, therefore, in their budgets. + +The added funds enabled schools to cater disproportionately to the satisfaction of the relatively richer children who were "disadvantaged" by having to attend school in the company of the poor. At best a small fraction of each dollar intended to remedy a poor child's disadvantages in learning could reach the child through the school budget. + +It might be equally true that the money was incompetently spent. But even unusual incompetence cannot beat that of the school system. Schools by their very structure resist the concentration of privilege on those otherwise disadvantaged. Special curricula, separate classes, or longer hours only constitute more discrimination at a higher cost. + +Taxpayers are not yet accustomed to permitting three billion dollars to vanish from HEW as if it were the Pentagon. The present Administration may believe that it can afford the wrath of educators. Middle-class Americans have nothing to lose if the program is cut. Poor parents think they do, but, even more, they are demanding control of the funds meant for their children. A logical way of cutting the budget and, one hopes, of increasing benefits is a system of tuition grants such as that proposed by Milton Friedman and others. Funds would be channeled to the beneficiary, enabling him to buy his share of the schooling of his choice. If such credit were limited to purchases which fit into a school curriculum, it would tend to provide greater equality of treatment, but would not thereby increase the equality of social claims. + +It should be obvious that even with schools of equal quality a poor child can seldom catch up with a rich one. Even if they attend equal schools and begin at the same age, poor children lack most of the educational opportunities which are casually available to the middle-class child. These advantages range from conversation and books in the home to vacation travel and a different sense of oneself, and apply, for the child who enjoys them, both in and out of school. So the poorer student will generally fall behind so long as he depends on school for advancement or learning. The poor need funds to enable them to learn, not to get certified for the treatment of their alleged disproportionate deficiencies. + +All this is true in poor nations as well as in rich ones, but there it appears under a different guise. Modernized poverty in poor nations affects more people more visibly but also-for the moment-more superficially. Two-thirds of all children in Latin America leave school before finishing the fifth grade, but these "desertores" are not therefore as badly off as they would be in the United States. + +Few countries today remain victims of classical poverty, which was stable and less disabling. Most countries in Latin America have reached the "take-off" point toward economic development and competitive consumption, and thereby toward modernized poverty: their citizens have learned to think rich and live poor. Their laws make six to ten years of school obligatory. Not only in Argentina but also in Mexico or Brazil the average citizen defines an adequate education by North American standards, even though the chance of getting such prolonged schooling is limited to a tiny minority. In these countries the majority is already hooked on school, that is, they are schooled in a sense of inferiority toward the better-schooled. Their fanaticism in favor of school makes it possible to exploit them doubly: it permits increasing allocation of public funds for the education of a few and increasing acceptance of social control by the many. + +Paradoxically, the belief that universal schooling is absolutely necessary is most firmly held in those countries where the fewest people have been-and will be-served by schools. Yet in Latin America different paths toward education could still be taken by the majority of parents and children. Proportionately, national savings invested in schools and teachers might be higher than in rich countries, but these investments are totally insufficient to serve the majority by making even four years of school attendance possible. Fidel Castro talks as if he wanted to go in the direction of deschooling when he promises that by 1980 Cuba will be able to dissolve its university since all of life in Cuba will be an educational experience. At the grammarschool and high-school level, however, Cuba, like all other Latin-American countries, acts as though passage through a period defined as the "school age" were an unquestionable goal for all, delayed merely by a temporary shortage of resources. + +The twin deceptions of increased treatment, as actually provided in the United States and as merely promised in Latin America complement each other. The Northern poor are being disabled by the same twelve-year treatment whose lack brands the Southern poor as hopelessly backward. Neither in North America nor in Latin America do the poor get equality from obligatory schools. But in both places the mere existence of school discourages and disables the poor from taking control of their own learning. All over the world the school has an anti-educational effect on society: school is recognized as the institution which specializes in education. The failures of school are taken by most people as a proof that education is a very costly, very complex, always arcane, and frequently almost impossible task. + +School appropriates the money, men, and good will available for education and in addition discourages other institutions from assuming educational tasks. Work, leisure, politics, city living, and even family life depend on schools for the habits and knowledge they presuppose, instead of becoming themselves the means of education. Simultaneously both schools and the other institutions which depend on them are priced out of the market. + +In the United States the per capita costs of schooling have risen almost as fast as the cost of medical treatment. But increased treatment by both doctors and teachers has shown steadily declining results. Medical expenses concentrated on those above forty-five have doubled several times over a period of forty years with a resulting 3 percent increase in life expectancy in men. The increase in educational expenditures has produced even stranger results; otherwise President Nixon could not have been moved this spring to promise that every child shall soon have the "Right to Read" before leaving school. + +In the United States it would take eighty billion dollars per year to provide what educators regard as equal treatment for all in grammar and high school. This is well over twice the $36 billion now being spent. Independent cost projections prepared at HEW and the University of Florida indicate that by 1974 the comparable figures will be $107 billion as against the $45 billion now projected, and these figures wholly omit the enormous costs of what is called "higher education," for which demand is growing even faster. The United States, which spent nearly eighty billion dollars in 1969 for "defense" including its deployment in Vietnam, is obviously too poor to provide equal schooling. The President's committee for the study of school finance should ask not how to support or how to trim such increasing costs, but how they can be avoided. + +Equal obligatory schooling must be recognized as at least economically unfeasible. In Latin America the amount of public money spent on each graduate student is between 350 and 1,500 times the amount spent on the median citizen (that is, the citizen who holds the middle ground between the poorest and the richest). In the United States the discrepancy is smaller, but the discrimination is keener. The richest parents, some 10 percent, can afford private education for their children and help them to benefit from foundation grants. But in addition they obtain ten times the per capita amount of public funds if this is compared with the per capita expenditure made on the children of the 10 percent who are poorest. The principal reasons for this are that rich children stay longer in school, that a year in a university is disproportionately more expensive than a year in high school, and that most private universities depend-at least indirectly-on tax-derived finances. + +Obligatory schooling inevitably polarizes a society; it also grades the nations of the world according to an international caste system. Countries are rated like castes whose educational dignity is determined by the average years of schooling of its citizens, a rating which is closely related to per capita gross national product, and much more painful. + +The paradox of the schools is evident: increased expenditure escalates their destructiveness at home and abroad. This paradox must be made a public issue. It is now generally accepted that the physical environment will soon be destroyed by biochemical pollution unless we reverse current trends in the production of physical goods. It should also be recognized that social and personal life is threatened equally by HEW pollution, the inevitable byproduct of obligatory and competitive consumption of welfare. + +The escalation of the schools is as destructive as the escalation of weapons but less visibly so. Everywhere in the world school costs have risen faster than enrollments and faster than the GNP; everywhere expenditures on school fall even further behind the expectations of parents, teachers, and pupils. Everywhere this situation discourages both the motivation and the financing for large-scale planning for non-schooled learning. The United States is proving to the world that no country can be rich enough to afford a school system that meets the demands this same system creates simply by existing, because a successful school system schools parents and pupils to the supreme value of a larger school system, the cost of which increases disproportionately as higher grades are in demand and become scarce. + +Rather than calling equal schooling temporarily unfeasible, we must recognize that it is, in principle, economically absurd, and that to attempt it is intellectually emasculating, socially polarizing, and destructive of the credibility of the political system which promotes it. The ideology of obligatory schooling admits of no logical limits. The White House recently provided a good example. Dr. Hutschnecker, the "psychiatrist" who treated Mr. Nixon before he was qualified as a candidate, recommended to the President that all children between six and eight be professionally examined to ferret out those who have destructive tendencies, and that obligatory treatment be provided for them. If necessary, their re-education in special institutions should be required. This memorandum from his doctor the President sent for evaluation to HEW. Indeed, preventive concentration camps for predelinquents would be a logical improvement over the school system. + +Equal educational opportunity is, indeed, both a desirable and a feasible goal, but to equate this with obligator;' schooling is to confuse salvation with the Church. School has become the world religion of a modernized proletariat, and makes futile promises of salvation to the poor of the technological age. The nation-state has adopted it, drafting all citizens into a graded curriculum leading to sequential diplomas not unlike the initiation rituals and hieratic promotions of former times. The modern state has assumed the duty of enforcing the judgment of its educators through well-meant truant officers and job requirements, much as did the Spanish kings who enforced the judgments of their theologians through the conquistadors and the Inquisition. + +Two centuries ago the United States led the world in a movement to disestablish the monopoly of a single church. Now we need the constitutional disestablishment of the monopoly of the school, and thereby of a system which legally combines prejudice with discrimination. The first article of a bill of rights for a modern, humanist society would correspond to the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution: "The State shall make no law with respect to the establishment of education". There shall be no ritual obligatory for all. + +To make this disestablishment effective, we need a law forbidding discrimination in hiring, voting, or admission to centers of learning based on previous attendance at some curriculum. This guarantee would not exclude performance tests of competence for a function or role, but would remove the present absurd discrimination in favor of the person who learns a given skill with the largest expenditure of public funds or what is equally likely has been able to obtain a diploma which has no relation to any useful skill or job. Only by protecting the citizen from being disqualified by anything in his career in school can a constitutional disestablishment of school become psychologically effective. + +Neither learning nor justice is promoted by schooling because educators insist on packaging instruction with certification. Learning and the assignment of social roles are melted into schooling. Yet to learn means to acquire a new skill or insight, while promotion depends on an opinion which others have formed. Learning frequently is the result of instruction, but selection for a role or category in the job market increasingly depends on mere length of attendance. + +Instruction is the choice of circumstances which facilitate learning. Roles are assigned by setting a curriculum of conditions which the candidate must meet if he is to make the grade. School links instruction but not learning to these roles. This is neither reasonable nor liberating. It is not reasonable because it does not link relevant qualities or competences to roles, but rather the process by which such qualities are supposed to be acquired. It is not liberating or educational because school reserves instruction to those whose every step in learning fits previously approved measures of social control. Curriculum has always been used to assign social rank. At times it could be prenatal: karma ascribes you to a caste and lineage to the aristocracy. + +Curriculum could take the form of a ritual, of sequential sacred ordinations, or it could consist of a succession of feats in war or hunting, or further advancement could be made to depend on a series of previous princely favors. Universal schooling was meant to detach role assignment from personal life history: it was meant to give everybody an equal chance to any office. Even now many people wrongly believe that school ensures the dependence of public trust on relevant learning achievements. However, instead of equalizing chances, the school system has monopolized their distribution. + +To detach competence from curriculum, inquiries into a man's learning history must be made taboo, like inquiries into his political affiliation, church attendance, lineage, sex habits, or racial background. Laws forbidding discrimination on the basis of prior schooling must be enacted. Laws, of course, cannot stop prejudice against the unschooled-nor are they meant to force anyone to intermarry with an autodidact but they can discourage unjustified discrimination. + +A second major illusion on which the school system rests is that most learning is the result of teaching. Teaching, it is true, may contribute to certain kinds of learning under certain circumstances. But most people acquire most of their knowledge outside school, and in school only insofar as school, in a few rich countries, has become their place of confinement during an increasing part of their lives. + +Most learning happens casually, and even most intentional learning is not the result of programmed instruction. Normal children learn their first language casually, although faster if their parents pay attention to them. Most people who learn a second language well do so as a result of odd circumstances and not of sequential teaching. They go to live with their grandparents, they travel, or they fall in love with a foreigner. Fluency in reading is also more often than not a result of such extracurricular activities. Most people who read widely, and with pleasure, merely believe that they learned to do so in school; when challenged, they easily discard this illusion. + +But the fact that a great deal of learning even now seems to happen casually and as a by-product of some other activity defined as work or leisure does not mean that planned learning does not benefit from planned instruction and that both do not stand in need of improvement. The strongly motivated student who is faced with the task of acquiring a new and complex skill may benefit greatly from the discipline now associated with the old-fashioned schoolmaster who taught reading, Hebrew, catechism, or multiplication by rote. School has now made this kind of drill teaching rare and disreputable, yet there are many skills which a motivated student with normal aptitude can master in a matter of a few months if taught in this traditional way. This is as true of codes as of their encipherment; of second and third languages as of reading and writing; and equally of special languages such as algebra, computer programming, chemical analysis, or of manual skills like typing, watchmaking, plumbing, wiring, TV repair; or for that matter dancing, driving, and diving. + +In certain cases acceptance into a learning program aimed at a specific skill might presuppose competence in some other skill, but it should certainly not be made to depend upon the process by which such prerequisite skills were acquired. TV repair presupposes literacy and some math; diving, good swimming; and driving, very little of either. + +Progress in learning skills is measurable. The optimum resources in time and materials needed by an average motivated adult can be easily estimated. The cost of teaching a second Western European language to a high level of fluency ranges between four and six hundred dollars in the United States, and for an Oriental tongue the time needed for instruction might be doubled. This would still be very little compared with the cost of twelve years of schooling in New York City (a condition for acceptance of a worker into the Sanitation Department) almost fifteen thousand dollars. No doubt not only the teacher but also the printer and the pharmacist protect their trades through the public illusion that training for them is very expensive. + +At present schools preempt most educational funds. Drill instruction which costs less than comparable schooling is now a privilege of those rich enough to bypass the schools, and those whom either the army or big business sends through in-service training. In a program of progressive deschooling of U.S. education, at first the resources available for drill training would be limited. But ultimately there should be no obstacle for anyone at any time of his life to be able to choose instruction among hundreds of definable skills at public expense. + +Right now educational credit good at any skill center could be provided in limited amounts for people of all ages, and not just to the poor. I envisage such credit in the form of an educational passport or an "edu-credit card" provided to each citizen at birth. In order to favor the poor, who probably would not use their yearly grants early in life, a provision could be made that interest accrued to later users of cumulated "entitlements". Such credits would permit most people to acquire the skills most in demand, at their convenience, better, faster, cheaper, and with fewer undesirable side effects than in school. + +Potential skill teachers are never scarce for long because, on the one hand, demand for a skill grows only with its performance within a community and, on the other, a man exercising a skill could also teach it. But, at present, those using skills which are in demand and do require a human teacher are discouraged from sharing these skills with others. This is done either by teachers who monopolize the licenses or by unions which protect their trade interests. Skill centers which would be judged by customers on their results, and not on the personnel they employ or the process they use, would open unsuspected working opportunities, frequently even for those who are now considered unemployable. Indeed, there is no reason why such skill centers should not be at the work place itself, with the employer and his work force supplying instruction as well as jobs to those who choose to use their educational credits in this way. + +In 1956 there arose a need to teach Spanish quickly to several hundred teachers, social workers, and ministers from the New York Archdiocese so that they could communicate with Puerto Ricans. My friend Gerry Morris announced over a Spanish radio station that he needed native speakers from Harlem. Next day some two hundred teenagers lined up in front of his office, and he selected four dozen of them-many of them school dropouts. He trained them in the use of the U.S. Foreign Service Institute (FSI) Spanish manual, designed for use by linguists with graduate training, and within a week his teachers were on their own-each in charge of four New Yorkers who wanted to speak the language. Within six months the mission was accomplished. Cardinal Spellman could claim that he had 127 parishes in which at least three staff members could communicate in Spanish. No school program could have matched these results. + +Skill teachers are made scarce by the belief in the value of licenses. Certification constitutes a form of market manipulation and is plausible only to a schooled mind. Most teachers of arts and trades are less skillful, less inventive, and less communicative than the best craftsmen and tradesmen. Most high-school teachers of Spanish or French do not speak the language as correctly as their pupils might after half a year of competent drills. Experiments conducted by Angel Quintero in Puerto Rico suggest that many young teenagers, if given the proper incentives, programs, and access to tools, are better than most schoolteachers at introducing their peers to the scientific exploration of plants, stars, and matter, and to the discovery of how and why a motor or a radio functions. + +Opportunities for skill-learning can be vastly multiplied if we open the "market". This depends on matching the right teacher with the right student when he is highly motivated in an intelligent program, without the constraint of curriculum. Free and competing drill instruction is a subversive blasphemy to the orthodox educator. It dissociates the acquisition of skills from "humane" education, which schools package together, and thus it promotes unlicensed learning no less than unlicensed teaching for unpredictable purposes. + +There is currently a proposal on record which seems at first to make a great deal of sense. It has been prepared by Christopher Jencks of the Center for the Study of Public Policy and is sponsored by the Office of Economic Opportunity. It proposes to put educational "entitlements" or tuition grants into the hands of parents and students for expenditure in the schools of their choice. Such individual entitlements could indeed be an important step in the right direction. We need a guarantee of the right of each citizen to an equal share of tax-derived educational resources, the right to verify this share, and the right to sue for it if denied. It is one form of a guarantee against regressive taxation. + +The Jencks proposal, however, begins with the ominous statement that "conservatives, liberals, and radicals have all complained at one time or another that the American educational system gives professional educators too little incentive to provide high quality education to most children". The proposal condemns itself by proposing tuition grants which would have to be spent on schooling. + +This is like giving a lame man a pair of crutches and stipulating that he use them only if the ends are tied together. As the proposal for tuition grants now stands, it plays into the hands not only of the professional educators but of racists, promoters of religious schools, and others whose interests are socially divisive. Above all, educational entitlements restricted to use within schools play into the hands of all those who want to continue to live in a society in which social advancement is tied not to proven knowledge but to the learning pedigree by which it is supposedly acquired. This discrimination in favor of schools which dominates Jencks's discussion on refinancing education could discredit one of the most critically needed principles for educational reform: the return of initiative and accountability for learning to the learner or his most immediate tutor. The deschooling of society implies a recognition of the two-faced nature of learning. An insistence on skill drill alone could be a disaster; equal emphasis must be placed on other kinds of learning. But if schools are the wrong places for learning a skill, they are even worse places for getting an education. School does both tasks badly, partly because it does not distinguish between them. School is inefficient in skill instruction especially because it is curricular. In most schools a program which is meant to improve one skill is chained always to another irrelevant task. History is tied to advancement in math, and class attendance to the right to use the playground. + +Schools are even less efficient in the arrangement of the circumstances which encourage the open-ended, exploratory use of acquired skills, for which I will reserve the term "liberal education". The main reason for this is that school is obligatory and becomes schooling for schooling's sake: an enforced stay in the company of teachers, which pays off in the doubtful privilege of more such company. Just as skill instruction must be freed from curricular restraints, so must liberal education be dissociated from obligatory attendance. Both skill-learning and education for inventive and creative behavior can be aided by institutional arrangement, but they are of a different, frequently opposed nature. + +Most skills can be acquired and improved by drills, because skill implies the mastery of definable and predictable behavior. Skill instruction can rely, therefore, on the simulation of circumstances in which the skill will be used. Education in the exploratory and creative use of skills, however, cannot rely on drills. Education can be the outcome of instruction, though instruction of a kind fundamentally opposed to drill. It relies on the relationship between partners who already have some of the keys which give access to memories stored in and by the community. It relies on the critical intent of all those who use memories creatively. It relies on the surprise of the unexpected question which opens new doors for the inquirer and his partner. + +The skill instructor relies on the arrangement of set circumstances which permit the learner to develop standard responses. The educational guide or master is concerned with helping matching partners to meet so that learning can take place. He matches individuals starting from their own, unresolved questions. At the most he helps the pupil to formulate his puzzlement since only a clear statement will give him the power to find his match, moved like him, at the moment, to explore the same issue in the same context. + +Matching partners for educational purposes initially seems more difficult to imagine than finding skill instructors and partners for a game. One reason is the deep fear which school has implanted in us, a fear which makes us censorious. The unlicensed exchange of skills-even undesirable skills-is more predictable and therefore seems less dangerous than the unlimited opportunity for meeting among people who share an issue which for them, at the moment, is socially, intellectually, and emotionally important. + +The Brazilian teacher Paulo Freire knows this from experience. He discovered that any adult can begin to read in a matter of forty hours if the first words he deciphers are charged with political meaning. Freire trains his teachers to move into a village and to discover the words which designate current important issues, such as the access to a well or the compound interest on the debts owed to the patron. In the evening the villagers meet for the discussion of these key words. They begin to realize that each word stays on the blackboard even after its sound has faded. The letters continue to unlock reality and to make it manageable as a problem. I have frequently witnessed how discussants grow in social awareness and how they are impelled to take political action as fast as they learn to read. They seem to take reality into their hands as they write it down. + +I remember the man who complained about the weight of pencils: they were difficult to handle because they did not weigh as much as a shovel; and I remember another who on his way to work stopped with his Companions and wrote the word they were discussing with his hoe on the ground: "agua". Since 1962 my friend Freire has moved from exile to exile, mainly because he refuses to conduct his sessions around words which are preselected by approved educators, rather than those which his discussants bring to the class. The educational matchmaking among people who have been successfully schooled is a different task. Those who do not need such assistance are a minority, even among the readers of serious journals. The majority cannot and should not be rallied for discussion around a slogan, a word, or a picture. But the idea remains the same: they should be able to meet around a problem chosen and defined by their own initiative. Creative, exploratory learning requires peers currently puzzled about the same terms or problems. Large universities make the futile attempt to match them by multiplying their courses, and they generally fail since they are bound to curriculum, course structure, and bureaucratic administration. In schools, including universities, most resources are spent to purchase the time and motivation of a limited number of people to take up predetermined problems in a ritually defined setting. The most radical alternative to school would be a network or service which gave each man the same opportunity to share his current concern with others motivated by the same concern. + +Let me give, as an example of what I mean, a description of how an intellectual match might work in New York City. Each man, at any given moment and at a minimum price, could identify himself to a computer with his address and telephone number, indicating the book, article, film, or recording on which he seeks a partner for discussion. Within days he could receive by mail the list of others who recently had taken the same initiative. This list would enable him by telephone to arrange for a meeting with persons who initially would be known exclusively by the fact that they requested a dialogue about the same subject. + +Matching people according to their interest in a particular title is radically simple. It permits identification only on the basis of a mutual desire to discuss a statement recorded by a third person, and it leaves the initiative of arranging the meeting to the individual. Three objections are usually raised against this skeletal purity. I take them up not only to clarify the theory that I want to illustrate by my proposal for they highlight the deep-seated resistance to deschooling education, to separating learning from social control but also because they may help to suggest existing resources which are not now used for learning purposes. + +The first objection is: Why cannot self-identification be based also on an idea or an issue? Certainly such subjective terms could also be used in a computer system. Political parties, churches, unions, clubs, neighborhood centers, and professional societies already organize their educational activities in this way and in effect they act as schools. They all match people in order to explore certain "themes"; and these are dealt with in courses, seminars, and curricula in which presumed "common interests" are prepackaged. Such theme-matching is by definition teacher-centered: it requires an authoritarian presence to define for the participants the starting point for their discussion. + +By contrast, matching by the title of a book, film, etc., in its pure form leaves it to the author to define the special language, the terms, and the framework within which a given problem or fact is stated; and it enables those who accept this starting point to identify themselves to one another. For instance, matching people around the idea of "cultural revolution" usually leads either to confusion or to demagoguery. On the other hand, matching those interested in helping each other understand a specific article by Mao, Marcuse, Freud, or Goodman stands in the great tradition of liberal learning from Plato's Dialogues, which are built around presumed statements by Socrates, to Aquinas's commentaries on Peter the Lombard. The idea of matching by title is thus radically different from the theory on which the "Great Books" clubs, for example, were built: instead of relying on the selection by some Chicago professors, any two partners can choose any book for further analysis. + +The second objection asks: Why not let the identification of match seekers include information on age, background, world view, competence, experience, or other defining characteristics? Again, there is no reason why such discriminatory restrictions could not and should not be built into some of the many universities-with or without walls-which could use title-matching as their basic organizational device. I could conceive of a system designed to encourage meetings of interested persons at which the author of the book chosen would be present or represented; or a system which guaranteed the presence of a competent adviser; or one to which only students registered in a department or school had access; or one which permitted meetings only between people who defined their special approach to the title under discussion. Advantages for achieving specific goals of learning could be found for each of these restrictions. But I fear that, more often than not, the real reason for proposing such restrictions is contempt arising from the presumption that people are ignorant: educators want to avoid the ignorant meeting the ignorant around a text which they may not understand and which they read only because they are interested in it. + +The third objection: Why not provide match seekers with incidental assistance that will facilitate their meetings-with space, schedules, screening, and protection? This is now done by schools with all the inefficiency characterizing large bureaucracies. If we left the initiative for meetings to the match seekers themselves, organizations which nobody now classifies as educational would probably do the job much better. I think of restaurant owners, publishers, telephone-answering services, department store managers, and even commuter train executives who could promote their services by rendering them attractive for educational meetings. + +At a first meeting in a coffee shop, say, the partners might establish their identities by placing the book under discussion next to their cups. People who took the initiative to arrange for such meetings would soon learn what items to quote to meet the people they sought. The risk that the self-chosen discussion with one or several strangers might lead to a loss of time, disappointment, or even unpleasantness is certainly smaller than the same risk taken by a college applicant. A computer arranged meeting to discuss an article in a national magazine, held in a coffee shop off Fourth Avenue, would obligate none of the participants to stay in the company of his new acquaintances for longer than it took to drink a cup of coffee, nor would he have to meet any of them ever again. The chance that it would help to pierce the opaqueness of life in a modern city and further new friendship, selfchosen work, and critical reading is high. (The fact that a record of personal readings and meetings could be obtained thus by the FBI is undeniable; that this should still worry anybody in 1970 is only amusing to a free man, who willynilly contributes his share in order to drown snoopers in the irrelevancies they gather.) + +Both the exchange of skills and matching of partners are based on the assumption that education for all means education by all. Not the draft into a specialized institution but only the mobilization of the whole population can lead to popular culture. The equal right of each man to exercise his competence to learn and to instruct is now pre-empted by certified teachers. The teachers' competence, in turn, is restricted to what may be done in school. And, further, work and leisure are alienated from each other as a result: the spectator and the worker alike are supposed to arrive at the work place all ready to fit into a routine prepared for them. Adaptation in the form of a product's design, instruction, and publicity shapes them for their role as much as formal education by schooling. A radical alternative to a schooled society requires not only new formal mechanisms for the formal acquisition of skills and their educational use. A deschooled society implies a new approach to incidental or informal education. + +Incidental education cannot any longer return to the forms which learning took in the village or the medieval town. Traditional society was more like a set of concentric circles of meaningful structures, while modern man must learn how to find meaning in many structures to which he is only marginally related. In the village, language and architecture and work and religion and family customs were consistent with one another, mutually explanatory and reinforcing. To grow into one implied a growth into the others. Even specialized apprenticeship was a by-product of specialized activities, such as shoemaking or the singing of psalms. If an apprentice never became a master or a scholar, he still contributed to making shoes or to making church services solemn. Education did not compete for time with either work or leisure. Almost all education was complex, lifelong, and unplanned. + +Contemporary society is the result of conscious designs, and educational opportunities must be designed into them. Our reliance on specialized, full-time instruction through school will now decrease, and we must find more ways to learn and teach: the educational quality of all institutions must increase again. But this is a very ambiguous forecast. + +It could mean that men in the modern city will be increasingly the victims of an effective process of total instruction and manipulation once they are deprived of even the tenuous pretense of critical independence which liberal schools now provide for at least some of their pupils. It could also mean that men will shield themselves less behind certificates acquired in school and thus gain in courage to "talk back" and thereby control and instruct the institutions in which they participate. To ensure the latter we must learn to estimate the social value of work and leisure by the educational give-and. take for which they offer opportunity. Effective participation in the politics of a street, a work place, the library, a news program, or a hospital is therefore the best measuring stick to evaluate their level as educational institutions. + +I recently spoke to a group of junior-high-school students in the process of organizing a resistance movement to their obligatory draft into the next class. Their slogan was "participation not simulation". They were disappointed that this was understood as a demand for less rather than for more education, and reminded me of the resistance which Karl Marx put up against a passage in the Gotha program which-one hundred years ago wanted to outlaw child labor. He opposed the proposal in the interest of the education of the young, which could happen only at work. If the greatest fruit of man's labor should be the education he receives from it and the opportunity which work gives him to initiate the education of others, then the alienation of modern society in a pedagogical sense is even worse than its economic alienation. + +The major obstacle on the way to a society that truly educates was well defined by a black friend of mine in Chicago, who told me that our imagination was "all schooled up". We permit the state to ascertain the universal educational deficiencies of its citizens and establish one specialized agency to treat them. We thus share in the delusion that we can distinguish between what is necessary education for others and what is not, just as former generations established laws which defined what was sacred and what was profane. + +Durkheim recognized that this ability to divide social reality into two realms was the very essence of formal religion. There are, he reasoned, religions without the supernatural and without gods, but none which does not subdivide the world into things and persons that are sacred and others that as a consequence are profane. Durkheim's insight can be applied to the sociology of education, for school is radically divisive in a similar way. + +The very existence of obligatory schools divides any society into two realms: some time spans and processes and treatments and professions are "academic" or "pedagogic," and others are not. The power of school thus to divide social reality has no boundaries: education becomes unworldly and the world becomes noneducational. + +Since Bonhoeffer contemporary theologians have pointed to the confusions now reigning between the Biblical message and institutionalized religion. They point to the experience that Christian freedom and faith usually gain from secularization. Inevitably their statements sound blasphemous to many churchmen. Unquestionably, the educational process will gain from the deschooling of society even though this demand sounds to many schoolmen like treason to the enlightenment. But it is enlightenment itself that is now being snuffed out in the schools. + +The secularization fo the Christian faith depends on the dedication to it on the part of Christians rooted in the Church. In much the same way, the deschooling of education depend son the leadership of those brought up in the schools. Their curriculum cannot serve them as an aliby for the task: each of us remains responsible for what has been made of him, even though he may be able to do no more than accept this responsibility and serve as a warning to others. + + +# Phenomenology of School + +Some words become so flexible that they cease to be useful "School" and "teaching" are such terms. Like an amoeba they fit into almost any interstice of the language. ABM will teach the Russians, IBM will teach Negro children, and the army can become the school of a nation. + +The search for alternatives in education must therefore start with an agreement on what it is we mean by "school". This might be done in several ways. We could begin by listing the latent functions performed by modern school systems, such as custodial care, selection, indoctrination, and learning. We could make a client analysis and verify which of these latent functions render a service or a disservice to teachers, employers, children, parents, or the professions. We could survey the history of Western culture and the information gathered by anthropology in order to find institutions which played a role like that now performed by schooling. We could, finally, recall the many normative statements which have been made since the time of Comenius, or even since Quintilian, and discover which of these the modern school system most closely approaches. But any of these approaches would oblige us to start with certain assumptions about a relationship between school and education. To develop a language in which we can speak about school without such constant recourse to education, I have chosen to begin with something that might be called a phenomenology of public school. For this purpose I shall define "school" as the age-specific, teacher related process requiring full-time attendance at an obligatory curriculum. + +_1._ Age School groups people according to age. This grouping rests on three unquestioned premises. Children belong in school. + +Children learn in school. Children can be taught only in school. I think these unexamined premises deserve serious questioning. We have grown accustomed to children. We have decided that they should go to school, do as they are told, and have neither income nor families of their own. We expect them to know their place and behave like children. We remember, whether nostalgically or bitterly, a time when we were children, too. We are expected to tolerate the childish behavior of children. Man-kind, for us, is a species both afflicted and blessed with the task of caring for children. We forget, however, that our present concept of "childhood" developed only recently in Western Europe and more recently still in the Americas.* (For parallel histories of modern capitalism and modern childhood see Philippe Aries, Centuries 0f Childhood, Knopf, 1962.) + +Childhood as distinct from infancy, adolescence, or youth was unknown to most historical periods. Some Christian centuries did not even have an eye for its bodily proportions. Artists depicted the infant as a miniature adult seated on his mother's arm. Children appeared in Europe along with the pocket watch and the Christian moneylenders of the Renaissance. Before our century neither the poor nor the rich knew of children's dress, children's games, or the child's immunity from the law. Childhood belonged to the bourgeoisie. The worker's child, the peasant's child, and the nobleman's child all dressed the way their fathers dressed, played the way their fathers played, and were hanged by the neck as were their fathers. After the discovery of "childhood" by the bourgeoisie all this changed. Only some churches continued to respect for some time the dignity and maturity of the young. Until the Second Vatican Council, each child was instructed that a Christian reaches moral discernment and freedom at the age of seven, and from then on is capable of committing sins for which he may be punished by an eternity in Hell. Toward the middle of this century, middle-class parents began to try to spare their children the impact of this doctrine, and their thinking about children now prevails in the practice of the Church. + +Until the last century, "children" of middle-class parents were made at home with the help of preceptors and private schools. Only with the advent of industrial society did the mass production of "childhood" become feasible and come within the reach of the masses. The school system is a modern phenomenon, as is the childhood it produces. + +Since most people today live outside industrial cities, most people today do not experience childhood. In the Andes you till the soil once you have become "useful". Before that, you watch the sheep. If you are well nourished, you should be useful by eleven, and otherwise by twelve. Recently, I was talking to my night watchman, Marcos, about his eleven-year-old son who works in a barbershop. I noted in Spanish that his son was still a "ni-o,” Marcos, surprised, answered with a guileless smile: "Don Ivan, I guess you're right". Realizing that until my remark the father had thought of Marcos primarily as his "son," I felt guilty for having drawn the curtain of childhood between two sensible persons. Of course if I were to tell the New York slum-dweller that his working son is still a "child," he would show no surprise. He knows quite well that his eleven-year-old son should be allowed childhood, and resents the fact that he is not. The son of Marcos has yet to be afflicted with the yearning for childhood; the New Yorker's son feels deprived. + +Most people around the world, then, either do not want or cannot get modern childhood for their offspring. But it also seems that childhood is a burden to a good number of those few who are allowed it. Many of them are simply forced to go through it and are not at all happy playing the child's role. Growing up through childhood means being condemned to a process of in-human conflict between self awareness and the role imposed by a society going through its own school age. Neither Stephen Daedalus nor Alexander Portnoy enjoyed childhood, and neither, I suspect, did many of us like to be treated as children. If there were no age-specific and obligatory learning institution, "childhood" would go out of production. The youth of rich nations would be liberated from its destructiveness, and poor nations would cease attempting to rival the childishness of the rich. If society were to outgrow its age of childhood, it would have to become livable for the young. The present disjunction between an adult society which pretends to be humane and a school environment which mocks reality could no longer be maintained. + +The disestablishment of schools could also end the present discrimination against infants, adults, and the old in favor of children throughout their adolescence and youth. The social decision to allocate educational resources preferably to those citizens who have outgrown the extraordinary learning capacity of their first four years and have not arrived at the height of their self-motivated learning will, in retrospect, probably appear as bizarre. + +Institutional wisdom tells us that children need school. Institutional wisdom tells us that children learn in school. But this institutional wisdom is itself the product of schools because sound common sense tells us that only children can be taught in school. Only by segregating human beings in the category of childhood could we ever get them to submit to the authority of a schoolteacher. + +_2._ Teachers and Pupils By definition, children are pupils. The demand for the milieu of childhood creates an unlimited market for accredited teachers. School is an institution built on the axiom that learning is the result of teaching. And institutional wisdom continues to accept this axiom, despite overwhelming evidence to the contrary. + +We have all learned most of what we know outside school. Pupils do most of their learning without, and often despite, their teachers. Most tragically, the majority of men are taught their lesson by schools, even though they never go to school. + +Everyone learns how to live outside school. We learn to speak, to think, to love, to feel, to play, to curse, to politick, and to work without interference from a teacher. Even children who are under a teacher's care day and night are no exception to the rule. Orphans, idiots, and schoolteachers' sons learn most of what they learn outside the "educational" process planned for them. Teachers have made a poor showing in their attempts at increasing learning among the poor. Poor parents who want their children to go to school are less concerned about what they will learn than about the certificate and money they will earn. And middle-class parents commit their children to a teacher's care to keep them from learning what the poor learn on the streets. Increasingly educational research demonstrates that children learn most of what teachers pretend to teach them from peer groups, from comics, from chance observations, and above all from mere participation in the ritual of school. Teachers, more often than not, obstruct such learning of subject matters as goes on in school. + +Half of the people in our world never set foot in school. They have no contact with teachers, and they are deprived of the privilege of becoming dropouts. Yet they learn quite effectively the message which school teaches: that they should have school, and more and more of it. School instructs them in their own inferiority through the tax collector who makes them pay for it, or through the demagogue who raises their expectations of it, or through their children once the latter are hooked on it. So the poor are robbed of their self-respect by subscribing to a creed that grants salvation only through the school. At least the Church gave them a chance to repent at the hour of death. School leaves them with the expectation (a counterfeit hope) that their grandchildren will make it. That expectation is of course still more learning which comes from school but not from teachers. + +Pupils have never credited teachers for most of their learning. Bright and dull alike have always relied on rote, reading, and wit to pass their exams, motivated by the stick or by the carrot of a desired career. Adults tend to romanticize their schooling. In retrospect, they attribute their learning to the teacher whose patience they learned to admire. But the same adults would worry about the mental health of a child who rushed home to tell them what he learned from his every teacher. Schools create jobs for schoolteachers, no matter what their pupils learn from them. 3\. Full-Time Attendance Every month I see another list of proposals made by some U.S. industry to AID, suggesting the replacement of Latin-American "classroom practitioners" either by disciplined systems administrators or just by TV. In the United States teaching as a team enterprise of educational researchers, designers, and technicians is gaining acceptance. But, no matter whether the teacher is a schoolmarm or a team of men in white coats, and no matter whether they succeed in teaching the subject matter listed in the catalogue or whether they fail, the professional teacher creates a sacred milieu. + +Uncertainty about the future of professional teaching puts the classroom into jeopardy. Were educational professionals to specialize in promoting learning, they would have to abandon a system which calls for between 750 and 1,000 gatherings a year. But of course teachers do a lot more. The institutional wisdom of schools tells parents, pupils, and educators that the teacher, if he is to teach, must exercise his authority in a sacred precinct. This is true even for teachers whose pupils spend most of their school time in a classroom without walls. School, by its very nature, tends to make a total claim on the time and energies of its participants. This, in turn, makes the teacher into custodian, preacher, and therapist. + +In each of these three roles the teacher bases his authority on a different claim. The teacher-as-custodian acts as a master of ceremonies, who guides his pupils through a drawn-out labyrinthine ritual. He arbitrates the observance of rules and administers the intricate rubrics of initiation to life. At his best, he sets the stage for the acquisition of some skill as schoolmasters always have. Without illusions of producing any profound learning, he drills his pupils in some basic routines. + +The teacher-as-moralist substitutes for parents, God, or the state. He indoctrinates the pupil about what is right or wrong, not only in school but also in society at large. He stands in loco parentis for each one and thus ensures that all feel themselves children of the same state. + +The teacher-as-therapist feels authorized to delve into the personal life of his pupil in order to help him grow as a person. When this function is exercised by a custodian and preacher, it usually means that he persuades the pupil to submit to a domestication of his vision of truth and his sense of what is right. + +The claim that a liberal society can be founded on the modern school is paradoxical. The safeguards of individual freedom are all canceled in the dealings of a teacher with his pupil. When the schoolteacher fuses in his person the functions of judge, ideologue, and doctor, the fundamental style of society is perverted by the very process which should prepare for life. A teacher who combines these three powers contributes to the warping of the child much more than the laws which establish his legal or economic minority, or restrict his right to free assembly or abode. + +Teachers are by no means the only professionals who offer therapy. Psychiatrists, guidance counselors, and job counselors, even lawyers, help their clients to decide, to develop their personalities, and to learn. Yet common sense tells the client that such professionals should abstain from imposing their opinion of what is right or wrong, or from forcing anyone to follow their advice. Schoolteachers and ministers are the only professionals who feel entitled to pry into the private affairs of their clients at the same time as they preach to a captive audience. + +Children are protected by neither the First nor the Fifth Amendment when they stand before that secular priest, the teacher. The child must confront a man who wears an invisible triple crown, like the papal tiara, the symbol of triple authority combined in one person. For the child, the teacher pontificates as pastor, prophet, and priest-he is at once guide, teacher, and administrator of a sacred ritual. He combines the claims of medieval popes in a society constituted under the guarantee that these claims shall never be exercised together by one established and obligatory institution--church or state. + +Defining children as full-time pupils permits the teacher to exercise a kind of power over their persons which is much less limited by constitutional and consuetudinal restrictions than the power wielded by the guardians of other social enclaves. Their chronological age disqualifies children from safeguards which are routine for adults in a modern asylum-madhouse, monastery, or jail. + +Under the authoritative eye of the teacher, several orders of value collapse into one. The distinctions between morality, legal. ity, and personal worth are blurred and eventually eliminated. Each transgression is made to be felt as a multiple offense. The offender is expected to feel that he has broken a rule, that he has behaved immorally, and that he has let himself down. A pupil who adroitly obtains assistance on an exam is told that he is an outlaw, morally corrupt, and personally worthless. + +Classroom attendance removes children from the everyday world of Western culture and plunges them into an environment far more primitive, magical, and deadly serious. School could not create such an enclave within which the rules of ordinary reality are suspended, unless it physically incarcerated the young during many successive years on sacred territory. The attendance rule makes it possible for the schoolroom to serve as a magic womb, from which the child is delivered periodically at the school days and school year's completion until he is finally expelled into adult life. Neither universal extended childhood nor the smothering atmosphere of the classroom could exist without schools. Yet schools, as compulsory channels for learning, could exist without either and be more repressive and destructive than anything we have come to know. To understand what it means to deschool society, and not just to reform the educational establishment, we must now focus on the hidden curriculum of schooling. We are not concerned here, directly, with the hidden curriculum of the ghetto streets which brands the poor or with the hidden curriculum of the drawing room which benefits the rich. We are rather concerned to call attention to the fact that the ceremonial or ritual of schooling itself constitutes such a hidden curriculum. Even the best of teachers cannot entirely protect his pupils from it. Inevitably, this hidden curriculum of schooling adds prejudice and guilt to the discrimination which a society practices against some of its members and compounds the privilege of others with a new title to condescend to the majority. Just as inevitably, this hidden curriculum serves as a ritual of initiation into a growth oriented consumer society for rich and poor alike. + + +# Ritualization of Progress + +The university graduate has been schooled for selective service among the rich of the world. Whatever his or her claims of solidarity with the Third World, each American college graduate has had an education costing an amount five times greater than the median life income of half of humanity. A Latin American student is introduced to this exclusive fraternity by having at least 350 times as much public money spent on his education as on that of his fellow citizens of median income. With very rare exceptions, the university graduate from a poor country feels more comfortable with his North American and European colleagues than with his non-schooled compatriots, and all students are academically processed to be happy only in the company of fellow consumers of the products of the educational machine. + +The modern university confers the privilege of dissent on those who have been tested and classified as potential money-makers or power-holders. No one is given tax funds for the leisure in which to educate himself or the right to educate others unless at the same time he can also be certified for achievement. Schools select for each successive level those who have, at earlier stages in the game, proved themselves good risks for the established order. Having a monopoly on both the resources for learning and the investiture of social roles, the university coopts the discoverer and the potential dissenter. A degree always leaves its indelible price tag on the curriculum of its consumer. Certified college graduates fit only into a world which puts a price tag on their heads, thereby giving them the power to define the level of expectations in their society. In each country the amount of consumption by the college graduate sets the standard for all others; if they would be civilized people on or off the job, they will aspire to the style of life of college graduates. + +The university thus has the effect of imposing consumer standards at work and at home, and it does so in every part of the world and under every political system. The fewer university graduates there are in a country, the more their cultivated demands are taken as models by the rest of the population. The gap between the consumption of the university graduate and that of the average citizen is even wider in Russia, China, and Algeria than in the United States. Cars, airplane trips, and tape recorders confer more visible distinction in a socialist country, where only a degree, and not just money, can procure them. + +The ability of the university to fix consumer goals is something new. In many countries the university acquired this power only in the sixties, as the delusion of equal access to public education began to spread. Before that the university protected an individual's freedom of speech, but did not automatically convert his knowledge into wealth. To be a scholar in the Middle Ages meant to be poor, even a beggar. By virtue of his calling, the medieval scholar learned Latin, became an outsider worthy of the scorn as well as the esteem of peasant and prince, burgher and cleric. To get ahead in the world, the scholastic first had to enter it by joining the civil service, preferably that of the Church. The old university was a liberated zone for discovery and the discussion of ideas both new and old. Masters and students gathered to read the texts of other masters, now long dead, and the living words of the dead masters gave new perspective to the fallacies of the present day. The university was then a community of academic quest and endemic unrest. + +In the modern multiversity this community has fled to the fringes, where it meets in a pad, a professor's office, or the chaplain's quarters. The structural purpose of the modern university has little to do with the traditional quest. Since Gutenberg, the exchange of disciplined, critical inquiry has, for the most part, moved from the "chair" into print. The modern university has forfeited its chance to provide a simple setting for encounters which are both autonomous and anarchic, focused yet unplanned and ebullient, and has chosen instead to manage the process by which so-called research and instruction are produced. + +The American university, since Sputnik, has been trying to catch up with the body count of Soviet graduates. Now the Germans are abandoning their academic tradition and are building "campuses" in order to catch up with the Americans. During the present decade they want to increase their expenditure for grammar and high schools from 14 to 59 billion DM, and more than triple expenditures for higher learning. The French propose by 1980 to raise to 10 percent of their GNP the amount spent on schools, and the Ford Foundation has been pushing poor countries in Latin America to raise per capita expenses for "respect-able" graduates toward North American levels. Students see their studies as the investment with the highest monetary return, and nations see them as a key factor in development. + +For the majority who primarily seek a college degree, the university has lost no prestige, but since 1968 it has visibly lost standing among its believers. Students refuse to prepare for war, pollution, and the perpetuation of prejudice. Teachers assist them in their challenge to the legitimacy of the government, its foreign policy, education, and the American way of life. More than a few reject degrees and prepare for a life in a counterculture, outside the certified society. They seem to choose the way of medieval Fraticelli and Alumbrados of the Reformation, the hippies and dropouts of their day. Others recognize the monopoly of the schools over the resources which they need to build a counter society. They seek support from each other to live with integrity while submitting to the academic ritual. They form, so to speak, hotbeds of heresy right within the hierarchy. + +Large parts of the general population, however, regard the modern mystic and the modern heresiarch with alarm. They threaten the consumer economy, democratic privilege, and the self-image of America. But they cannot be wished away. Fewer and fewer can be reconverted by patience or coopted by subtlety for instance, by appointing them to teach their heresy. Hence the search for means which would make it possible either to get rid of dissident individuals or to reduce the importance of the university which serves them as a base for protest. + +The students and faculty who question the legitimacy of the university, and do so at high personal cost, certainly do not feel that they are setting consumer standards or abetting a production system. Those who have founded such groups as the Committee of Concerned Asian Scholars and the North American Congress on Latin America (NACLA) have been among the most effective in changing radically the perceptions of the realities of foreign countries for millions of young people. Still others have tried to formulate Marxian interpretations of American society or have been among those responsible for the flowering of communes. Their achievements add new strength to the argument that the existence of the university is necessary to guarantee continued social criticism. + +There is no question that at present the university offers a unique combination of circumstances which allows some of its members to criticize the whole of society. It provides time, mobility, access to peers and information, and a certain impunity-privileges not equally available to other segments of the population. But the university provides this freedom only to those who have already been deeply initiated into the consumer society and into the need for some kind of obligatory public schooling. + +The school system today performs the threefold function common to powerful churches throughout history. It is simultaneously the repository of society's myth, the institutionalization of that myth's contradictions, and the locus of the ritual which reproduces and veils the disparities between myth and reality. Today the school system, and especially the university, provides ample opportunity for criticism of the myth and for rebellion against its institutional perversions. But the ritual which demands tolerance of the fundamental contradictions between myth and institution still goes largely unchallenged, for neither ideological criticism nor social action can bring about a new society. Only disenchantment with and detachment from the central social ritual and reform of that ritual can bring about radical change. + +The American university has become the final stage of the most all encompassing initiation rite the world has ever known. No society in history has been able to survive without ritual or myth, but ours is the first which has needed such a dull, protracted, destructive, and expensive initiation into its myth. The contemporary world civilization is also the first one which has found it necessary to rationalize its fundamental initiation ritual in the name of education. We cannot begin a reform of education unless we first understand that neither individual learning nor social equality can be enhanced by the ritual of schooling. We cannot go beyond the consumer society unless we first understand that obligatory public schools inevitably reproduce such a society, no matter what is taught in them. + +The project of demythologizing which I propose cannot be limited to the university alone. Any attempt to reform the university without attending to the system of which it is an integral part is like trying to do urban renewal in New York City from the twelfth story up. Most current college-level reform looks like the building of high-rise slums. Only a generation which grows up without obligatory schools will be able to recreate the university. + +## The Myth of Institutionalized Values + +School initiates, too, the Myth of Unending Consumption. This modern myth is grounded in the belief that process inevitably produces something of value and, therefore, production necessarily produces demand. School teaches us that instruction produces learning. The existence of schools produces the demand for schooling. Once we have learned to need school, all our activities tend to take the shape of client relationships to other specialized institutions. Once the self-taught man or woman has been discredited, all nonprofessional activity is rendered suspect. In school we are taught that valuable learning is the result of attendance; that the value of learning increases with the amount of input; and, finally, that this value can be measured and documented by grades and certificates. + +In fact, learning is the human activity which least needs manipulation by others. Most learning is not the result of instruction. It is rather the result of unhampered participation in a meaningful setting. Most people learn best by being "with it," yet school makes them identify their personal, cognitive growth with elaborate planning and manipulation. + +Once a man or woman has accepted the need for school, he or she is easy prey for other institutions. Once young people have allowed their imaginations to be formed by curricular instruction, they are conditioned to institutional planning of every sort. "Instruction" smothers the horizon of their imaginations. They cannot be betrayed, but only short-changed, because they have been taught to substitute expectations for hope. They will no longer be surprised, for good or ill, by other people, because they have been taught what to expect from every other person who has been taught as they were. This is true in the case of another person or in the case of a machine. + +This transfer of responsibility from self to institution guarantees social regression, especially once it has been accepted as an obligation. So rebels against Alma Mater often "make it" into her faculty instead of growing into the courage to infect others with their personal teaching and to assume responsibility for the results. This suggests the possibility of a new Oedipus story-Oedipus the Teacher, who "makes" his mother in order to engender children with her. The man addicted to being taught seeks his security in compulsive teaching. The woman who experiences her knowledge as the result of a process wants to reproduce it in others. + +## The Myth of Measurement of Values + +The institutionalized values school instills are quantified ones. School initiates young people into a world where everything can be measured, including their imaginations, and, indeed, man himself. + +But personal growth is not a measurable entity. It is growth in disciplined dissidence, which cannot be measured against any rod, or any curriculum, nor compared to someone else's achievement. In such learning one can emulate others only in imaginative endeavor, and follow in their footsteps rather than mimic their gait. The learning I prize is immeasurable re-creation. + +School pretends to break learning up into subject "matters," to build into the pupil a curriculum made of these prefabricated blocks, and to gauge the result on an international scale. People who submit to the standard of others for the measure of their own personal growth soon apply the same ruler to themselves. They no longer have to be put in their place, but put themselves into their assigned slots, squeeze themselves into the niche which they have been taught to seek,and, in the very process, put their fellows into their places, too, until everybody and everything fits. + +People who have been schooled down to size let unmeasured experience slip out of their hands. To them, what cannot be measured becomes secondary, threatening. They do not have to be robbed of their creativity. Under instruction, they have unlearned to "do" their thing or "be" themselves, and value only what has been made or could be made. + +Once people have the idea schooled into them that values can be produced and measured, they tend to accept all kinds of rank' ings. There is a scale for the development of nations, another for the intelligence of babies, and even progress toward peace can be calculated according to body count. In a schooled world the road to happiness is paved with a consumer's index. + +## The Myth of Packaging Values + +School sells curriculum--a bundle of goods made according to the same process and having the same structure as other merchandise. Curriculum production for most schools begins with allegedly scientific research, on whose basis educational engineers predict future demand and tools for the assembly line, within the limits set by budgets and taboos. The distributor-teacher delivers the finished product to the consumer pupil, whose reactions are carefully studied and charted to provide research data for the preparation of the next model, which may be "ungraded," "student-designed," "team-taught," "visually-aided," or "issue-centered". + +The result of the curriculum production process looks like any other modern staple. It is a bundle of planned meanings, a package of values, a commodity whose "balanced appeal" makes it marketable to a sufficiently large number to justify the cost of production. Consumer pupils are taught to make their desires conform to marketable values. Thus they are made to feel guilty if they do not behave according to the predictions of consumer research by getting the grades and certificates that will place them in the job category they have been led to expect. + +Educators can justify more expensive curricula on the basis of their observation that learning difficulties rise proportionately with the cost of the curriculum. This is an application of Parkinson's Law that work expands with the resources available to do it. This law can be verified on all levels of school: for instance, reading difficulties have been a major issue in French schools only since their per capita expenditures have approached U.S. levels of 1950-when reading difficulties became a major issue in U.S. schools. In fact, healthy students often redouble their resistance to teaching as they find themselves more comprehensively manipulated. This resistance is due not to the authoritarian style of a public school or the seductive style of some free schools, but to the fundamental approach common to all schools-the idea that one person's judgment should determine what and when another person must learn. + +## The Myth of Self-Perpetuating Progress + +Even when accompanied by declining returns in learning, paradoxically, rising per capita instructional costs increase the value of the pupil in his or her own eyes and on the market. At almost any cost, school pushes the pupil up to the level of competitive curricular consumption, into progress to ever higher levels. Expenditures to motivate the student to stay on in school skyrocket as he climbs the pyramid. On higher levels they are disguised as new football stadiums, chapels, or programs called International Education. If it teaches nothing else, school teaches the value of escalation: the value of the American way of doing things. + +The Vietnam war fits the logic of the moment. Its success has been measured by the numbers of persons effectively treated by cheap bullets delivered at immense cost, and this brutal calculus is unashamedly called "body count". Just as business is business, the never-ending accumulation of money, so war is killing, the never-ending accumulation of dead bodies. In like manner, education is schooling, and this open-ended process is counted in pupil-hours. The various processes are irreversible and self-justifying. By economic standards the country gets richer and richer. By death-accounting standards the nation goes on winning its war forever. And by school standards the population becomes increasingly educated. + +School programs hunger for progressive intake of instruction, but even if the hunger leads to steady absorption, it never yields the joy of knowing something to one's satisfaction. Each subject comes packaged with the instruction to go on consuming one "offering" after another, and last year's wrapping is always obsolete for this year's consumer. The textbook racket builds on this demand. Educational reformers promise each new generation the latest and the best, and the public is schooled into demanding what they offer. Both the dropout who is forever reminded of what he missed and the graduate who is made to feel inferior to the new breed of student know exactly where they stand in the ritual of rising deceptions and continue to support a society which euphemistically calls the widening frustration gap a "revolution of rising expectations". + +But growth conceived as open-ended consumption-eternal progress-can never lead to maturity. Commitment to unlimited quantitative increase vitiates the possibility of organic development. + +## Ritual Game and the New World Religion + +The school leaving age in developed nations outpaces the rise in life expectancy. The two curves will intersect in a decade and create a problem for Jessica Mitford and professionals concerned with "terminal education". I am reminded of the late Middle Ages, when the demand for Church services outgrew a lifetime, and "Purgatory" was created to purify souls under the pope's control before they could enter eternal peace. Logically, this led first to a trade in indulgences and then to an attempt at Reformation. The Myth of Unending Consumption now takes the place of belief in life everlasting. + +Arnold Toynbee has pointed out that the decadence of a great culture is usually accompanied by the rise of a new World Church which extends hope to the domestic proletariat while serving the needs of a new warrior class. School seems eminently suited to be the World Church of our decaying culture. No institution could better veil from its participants the deep discrepancy between social principles and social reality in today's world. Secular, scientific, and death-denying, it is of a piece with the modern mood. Its classical, critical veneer makes it appear pluralist if not antireligious. Its curriculum both defines science and is itself defined by so-called scientific research. No one completes school--yet. It never closes its doors on anyone without first offering him one more chance: at remedial, adult, and continuing education. + +School serves as an effective creator and sustainer of social myth because of its structure as a ritual game of graded promotions. Introduction into this gambling ritual is much more important than what or how something is taught. It is the game itself that schools, that gets into the blood and becomes a habit. A whole society is initiated into the Myth of Unending Consumption of services. This happens to the degree that token participation in the open-ended ritual is made compulsory and compulsive everywhere. School directs ritual rivalry into an international game which obliges competitors to blame the world's ills on those who cannot or will not play. School is a ritual of initiation which introduces the neophyte to the sacred race of progressive consumption, a ritual of propitiation whose academic priests mediate between the faithful and the gods of privilege and power, a ritual of expiation which sacrifices its dropouts, branding them as scapegoats of underdevelopment. + +Even those who spend at best a few years in school-and this is the overwhelming majority in Latin America, Asia, and Africa-learn to feel guilty because of their underconsumption of schooling. In Mexico six grades of school are legally obligatory. Children born into the lower economic third have only two chances in three to make it into the first grade. If they make it, they have four chances in one hundred to finish obligatory schooling by the sixth grade. If they are born into the middle third group, their chances increase to twelve out of a hundred. With these rules, Mexico is more successful than most of the other twenty-five Latin American republics in providing public education. + +Everywhere, all children know that they were given a chance, albeit an unequal one, in an obligatory lottery, and the presumed equality of the international standard now compounds their original poverty with the self-inflicted discrimination accepted by the dropout. They have been schooled to the belief in rising expectations and can now rationalize their growing frustration outside school by accepting their rejection from scholastic grace. They are excluded from Heaven because, once baptized, they did not go to church. Born in original sin, they are baptized into first grade, but go to Gehenna (which in Hebrew means "slum") because of their personal faults. As Max Weber traced the social effects of the belief that salvation belonged to those who accumulated wealth, we can now observe that grace is reserved for those who accumulate years in school. + +## The Coming Kingdom: The Universalization of Expectations + +School combines the expectations of the consumer expressed in its claims with the beliefs of the producer expressed in its ritual, It is a liturgical expression of a world-wide "cargo cult," reminiscent of the cults which swept Melanesia in the forties, which injected cultists with the belief that if they but put on a black tie over their naked torsos, Jesus would arrive in a steamer bearing an icebox, a pair of trousers, and a sewing machine for each believer. + +School fuses the growth in humiliating dependence on a master with the growth in the futile sense of omnipotence that is so typical of the pupil who wants to go out and teach all nations to save themselves. The ritual is tailored to the stern work habits of the hardhats, and its purpose is to celebrate the myth of an earthly paradise of never-ending consumption, which is the only hope for the wretched and dispossessed. + +Epidemics of insatiable this-worldly expectations have occurred throughout history, especially among colonized and marginal groups in all cultures. Jews in the Roman Empire had their Essenes and Jewish messiahs, serfs in the Reformation their Thomas Müntzer, dispossessed Indians from Paraguay to Dakota their infectious dancers. These sects were always led by a prophet, and limited their promises to a chosen few. The school-induced expectation of the kingdom, on the other hand, is impersonal rather than prophetic, and universal rather than local. Man has become the engineer of his own messiah and promises the unlimited rewards of science to those who submit to progressive engineering for his reign. + +## The New Alienation + +School is not only the New World Religion. It is also the world's fastest-growing labor market. The engineering of consumers has become the economy's principal growth sector. As production costs decrease in rich nations, there is an increasing concentration of both capital and labor in the vast enterprise of equipping man for disciplined consumption. During the past decade capital investments directly related to the school system rose even faster than expenditures for defense. Disarmament would only accelerate the process by which the learning industry moves to the center of the national economy. School gives unlimited opportunity for legitimated waste, so long as its destructiveness goes unrecognized and the cost of palliatives goes up. + +If we add those engaged in full-time teaching to those in full-time attendance, we realize that this so-called superstructure has become society's major employer. In the United States sixty-two million people are in school and eighty million at work elsewhere. This is often forgotten by neo-Marxist analysts who say that the process of deschooling must be postponed or bracketed until other disorders, traditionally understood as more fundamental, are corrected by an economic and political revolution. Only if school is understood as an industry can revolutionary strategy be planned realistically. For Marx, the cost of producing demands for commodities was barely significant. Today most human labor is engaged in the production of demands that can be satisfied by industry which makes intensive use of capital. Most of this is done in school. + +Alienation, in the traditional scheme, was a direct consequence of work's becoming wage-labor which deprived man of the opportunity to create and be recreated. Now young people are prealienated by schools that isolate them while they pretend to be both producers and consumers of their own knowledge, which is conceived of as a commodity put on the market in school. School makes alienation preparatory to life, thus depriving education of reality and work of creativity. School prepares for the alienating institutionalization of life by teaching the need to be taught. Once this lesson is learned, people lose their incentive to grow in independence; they no longer find relatedness attractive, and close themselves off to the surprises which life offers when it is not predetermined by institutional definition. And school directly or indirectly employs a major portion of the population. School either keeps people for life or makes sure that they will fit into some institution. + +The New World Church is the knowledge industry, both purveyor of opium and the workbench during an increasing number of the years of an individual's life. Deschooling is, therefore, at the root of any movement for human liberation. + +## The Revolutionary Potential of Deschooling + +Of course, school is not, by any means, the only modern institution which has as its primary purpose the shaping of man's vision of reality. The hidden curriculum of family life, draft, health care, so-called professionalism, or of the media play an important part in the institutional manipulation of man's world-vision, language, and demands. But school enslaves more profoundly and more systematically, since only school is credited with the principal function of forming critical judgment, and, paradoxically, tries to do so by making learning about oneself, about others, and about nature depend on a prepackaged process. School touches us so intimately that none of us can expect to be liberated from it by something else. + +Many self-styled revolutionaries are victims of school. They see even "liberation" as the product of an institutional process. Only liberating oneself from school will dispel such illusions. The discovery that most learning requires no teaching can be neither manipulated nor planned. Each of us is personally responsible for his or her own deschooling, and only we have the power to do it. No one can be excused if he fails to liberate himself from schooling. People could not free themselves from the Crown until at least some of them had freed themselves from the established Church. They cannot free themselves from progressive consumption until they free themselves from obligatory school. + +We are all involved in schooling, from both the side of production and that of consumption. We are superstitiously convinced that good learning can and should be produced in us-and that we can produce it in others. Our attempt to withdraw from the concept of school will reveal the resistance we find in ourselves when we try to renounce limitless consumption and the pervasive presumption that others can be manipulated for their own good. No one is fully exempt from the exploitation of others in the schooling process. + +School is both the largest and the most anonymous employer of all. Indeed, the school is the best example of a new kind of enterprise, succeeding the guild, the factory, and the corporation. The multinational corporations which have dominated the economy are now being complemented, and may one day be replaced, by super nationally planned service agencies. These enterprises present their services in ways that make all men feel obliged to consume them. They are internationally standardized, redefining the value of their services periodically and everywhere at approximately the same rhythm. + +"Transportation" relying on new cars and superhighways serves the same institutionally packaged need for comfort, prestige, speed, and gadgetry, whether its components are produced by the state or not. The apparatus of "medical care" defines a peculiar kind of health, whether the service is paid for by the state or by the individual. Graded promotion in order to obtain diplomas fits the student for a place on the same international pyramid of qualified manpower, no matter who directs the school. + +In all these cases employment is a hidden benefit: the driver of a private automobile, the patient who submits to hospitalization, or the pupil in the schoolroom must now be seen as part of a new class of "employees". A liberation movement which starts in school, and yet is grounded in the awareness of teachers and pupils as simultaneously exploiters and exploited, could foreshadow the revolutionary strategies of the future; for a radical program of deschooling could train youth in the new style of revolution needed to challenge a social system featuring obligatory "health," "wealth," and "security". + +The risks of a revolt against school are unforeseeable, but they are not as horrible as those of a revolution starting in any other major institution. School is not yet organized for self-protection as effectively as a nation-state, or even a large corporation. Liberation from the grip of schools could be bloodless. The weapons of the truant officer and his allies in the courts and employment agencies might take very cruel measures against the individual offender, especially if he or she were poor, but they might turn out to be powerless against the surge of a mass movement. + +School has become a social problem; it is being attacked on all sides, and citizens and their governments sponsor unconventional experiments all over the world. They resort to unusual statistical devices in order to keep faith and save face. The mood among some educators is much like the mood among Catholic bishops after the Vatican Council. The curricula of so-called "free schools" resemble the liturgies of folk and rock masses. The demands of highschool students to have a say in choosing their teachers are as strident as those of parishioners demanding to select their pastors. But the stakes for society are much higher if a significant minority loses its faith in schooling. This would endanger the survival not only of the economic order built on the coproduction of goods and demands, but equally of the political order built on thenation-state into which students are delivered by the school. + +Our options are clear enough. Either we continue to believe that institutionalized learning is a product which justifies unlimited investment or we rediscover that legislation and planning and investment, if they have any place in formal education, should be used mostly to tear down the barriers that now impede opportunities for learning, which can only be a personal activity. + +If we do not challenge the assumption that valuable knowledge is a commodity which under certain circumstances may be forced into the consumer, society will be increasingly dominated by sinister pseudo schools and totalitarian managers of information. Pedagogical therapists will drug their pupils more in order to teach them better, and students will drug themselves more to gain relief from the pressures of teachers and the race for certificates. Increasingly larger numbers of bureaucrats will presume to pose as teachers. The language of the schoolman has already been coopted by the adman. Now the general and the policeman try to dignify their professions by masquerading as educators. In a schooled society, warmaking and civil repression find an educational rationale. Pedagogical warfare in the style of Vietnam will be increasingly justified as the only way of teaching people the superior value of unending progress. + +Repression will be seen as a missionary effort to hasten the coming of the mechanical Messiah. More and more countries will resort to the pedagogical torture already implemented in Brazil and Greece. This pedagogical torture is not used to extract information or to satisfy the psychic needs of sadists. It relies on random terror to break the integrity of an entire population and make it plastic material for the teachings invented by technocrats. The totally destructive and constantly progressive nature of obligatory instruction will fulfill its ultimate logic unless we begin to liberate ourselves right now from our pedagogical hubris, our belief that man can do what God cannot, namely, manipulate others for their own salvation. + +Many people are just awakening to the inexorable destruction which present production trends imply for the environment, but individuals have only very limited power to change these trends. The manipulation of men and women begun in school has also reached a point of no return, and most people are still unaware of it. They still encourage school reform, as Henry Ford II proposes less poisonous automobiles. + +Daniel Bell says that our epoch is characterized by an extreme disjunction between cultural and social structures, the one being devoted to apocalyptic attitudes, the other to technocratic decision-making. This is certainly true for many educational reformers, who feel impelled to condemn almost everything which characterizes modern schools-and at the same time propose new schools. + +In his The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, Thomas Kuhn argues that such dissonance inevitably precedes the emergence of a new cognitive paradigm. The facts reported by those who observed free fall, by those who returned from the other side of the earth, and by those who used the new telescope did not fit the Ptolemaic world view. Quite suddenly, the Newtonian paradigm was accepted. The dissonance which characterizes many of the young today is not so much cognitive as a matter of attitudes--a feeling about what a tolerable society cannot be like. What is surprising about this dissonance is the ability of a very large number of people to tolerate it. + +The capacity to pursue incongruous goals requires an explanation. According to Max Gluckman, all societies have procedures to hide such dissonances from their members. He suggests that this is the purpose of ritual. Rituals can hide from their participants even discrepancies and conflicts between social principle and social organization. As long as an individual is not explicitly conscious of the ritual character of the process through which he was initiated to the forces which shape his cosmos, he cannot break the spell and shape a new cosmos. As long as we are not aware of the ritual through which school shapes the progressive consumer--the economy's major resource--we cannot break the spell of this economy and shape a new one. + + +# Institutional Spectrum + +Most utopian schemes and futuristic scenarios call for new and costly technologies, which would have to be sold to rich and poor nations alike. Herman Kahn has found pupils in Venezuela, Argentina, and Colombia. The pipe dreams of Sergio Bernardes for his Brazil of the year 2000 sparkle with more new machinery than is now possessed by the United States, which by then will be weighted down with the antiquated missile sites, jetports, and cities of the sixties and seventies. Futurists inspired by Buckminster Fuller would depend on cheaper and more exotic devices. They count on the acceptance of a new but possible technology that would apparently allow us to make more with less lightweight monorails rather than supersonic transport; vertical living rather than horizontal sprawling. All of today's futuristic planners seek to make economically feasible what is technically possible while refusing to face the inevitable social consequence: the increased craving of all men for goods and services that will remain the privilege of a few. + +I believe that a desirable future depends on our deliberately choosing a life of action over a life of consumption, on our engendering a life style which will enable us to be spontaneous, independent, yet related to each other, rather than maintaining a life style which only allows us to make and unmake, produce and consume-a style of life which is merely a way station on the road to the depletion and pollution of the environment. The future depends more upon our choice of institutions which support a life of action than on our developing new ideologies and technologies. We need a set of criteria which will permit us to recognize those institutions which support personal growth rather than addiction, as well as the will to invest our techno-logical resources preferentially in such institutions of growth. + +The choice is between two radically opposed institutional types, both of which are exemplified in certain existing institutions, although one type so characterizes the contemporary period. as to almost define it. This dominant type I would propose to call the manipulative institution. The other type also exists, but only precariously. The institutions which fit it are humbler and less noticeable; yet I take them as models for a more desirable future. I call them "convivial" and suggest placing them at the left of an institutional spectrum, both to show that there are institutions which fall between the extremes and to illustrate how historical institutions can change color as they shift from facilitating activity to organizing production. + +Generally, such a spectrum, moving from left to right, has been used to characterize men and their ideologies, not our social institutions and their styles. This categorization of men, whether as individuals or in groups, often generates more heat than light. Weighty objections can be raised against using an ordinary convention in an unusual fashion, but by doing so I hope to shift the terms of the discussion from a sterile to a fertile plane. It will become evident that men of the left are not always characterized by their opposition to the manipulative institutions, which I locate to the right on the spectrum. + +The most influential modern institutions crowd up at the right of the spectrum. Law enforcement has moved there, as it has shifted from the hands of the sheriff to those of the FBI and the Pentagon. Modern warfare has become a highly professional enterprise whose business is killing. It has reached the point where its efficiency is measured in body counts. Its peace-keeping potential depends on its ability to convince friend and foe of the nation's unlimited death-dealing power. Modern bullets and chemicals are so effective that a few cents' worth, properly delivered to the intended "client," unfailingly kill or maim. But delivery costs rise vertiginously; the cost of a dead Vietnamese went from $360,000 in 1967 to $450,000 in 1969. Only economies on a scale approaching race suicide would render modern warfare economically efficient. The boomerang effect in war is becoming more obvious: the higher the body count of dead Vietnamese, the more enemies the United States acquires around the world; likewise, the more the United States must spend to create another manipulative institution--cynically dubbed "pacification" in a futile effort to absorb the side effects of war. + +At this same extreme on the spectrum we also find social agencies which specialize in the manipulation of their clients. Like the military, they tend to develop effects contrary to their aims as the scope of their operations increases. These social institutions are equally counterproductive, but less obviously so. Many assume a therapeutic and compassionate image to mask this paradoxical effect. For example, jails, up until two centuries ago, served as a means of detaining men until they were sentenced, maimed, killed, or exiled, and were sometimes deliberately used as a form of torture. Only recently have we begun to claim that locking people up in cages will have a beneficial effect on their character and behavior. Now quite a few people are beginning to understand that jail increases both the quality and the quantity of criminals, that, in fact, it often creates them out of mere nonconformists. Far fewer people, however, seem to understand that mental hospitals, nursing homes, and orphan asylums do much the same thing. These institutions provide their clients with the destructive self-image of the psychotic, the overaged, or the waif, and provide a rationale for the existence of entire professions, just as jails produce income for wardens. Membership in the institutions found at this extreme of the spectrum is achieved in two ways, both coercive: by forced commitment or by selective service. + +At the opposite extreme of the spectrum lie institutions distinguished by spontaneous use-the "convivial" institutions. Telephone link-ups, subway lines, mail routes, public markets and exchanges do not require hard or soft sells to induce their clients to use them. Sewage systems, drinking water, parks, and sidewalks are institutions men use without having to be institutionally convinced that it is to their advantage to do so. Of course, all institutions require some regulation. But the operation of institutions which exist to be used rather than to produce something requires rules of an entirely different nature from those required by treatment-institutions, which are manipulative. The rules which govern institutions for use have mainly the purpose of avoiding abuses which would frustrate their general accessibility. Sidewalks must be kept free of obstructions, the industrial use of drinking water must be held within limits, and ball playing must be restricted to special areas within a park. At present we need legislation to limit the abuse of our telephone lines by computers, the abuse of mail service by advertisers, and the pollution of our sewage systems by industrial wastes. The regulation of convivial institutions sets limits to their use; as one moves from the convivial to the manipulative end of the spectrum, the rules progressively call for unwilling consumption or participation. The different cost of acquiring clients is just one of the characteristics which distinguish convivial from manipulative institutions. + +At both extremes of the spectrum we find service institutions, but on the right the service is imposed manipulation, and the client is made the victim of advertising, aggression, indoctrination, imprisonment, or electroshock. On the left the service is amplified opportunity within formally defined limits, while the client remains a free agent. Right-wing institutions tend to be highly complex and costly production processes in which much of the elaboration and expense is concerned with convincing consumers that they cannot live without the product or the treatment offered by the institution. Leftwing institutions tend to be networks which facilitate client-initiated communication or cooperation. + +The manipulative institutions of the right are either socially or psychologically "addictive". Social addiction, or escalation, consists in the tendency to prescribe increased treatment if smaller quantities have not yielded the desired results. Psycho-logical addiction, or habituation, results when consumers become hooked on the need for more and more of the process or product. The self-activated institutions of the left tend to be self-limiting. Unlike production processes which identify satisfaction with the mere act of consumption, these networks serve a purpose beyond their own repeated use. An individual picks up the telephone when he wants to say something to someone else, and hangs up when the desired communication is over. He does not, teen-agers excepted, use the telephone for the sheer pleasure of talking into the receiver. If the telephone is not the best way to get in touch, people will write a letter or take a trip. Right-wing institutions, as we can see clearly in the case of schools, both invite compulsively repetitive use and frustrate alternative ways of achieving similar results. + +Toward, but not at, the left on the institutional spectrum, we can locate enterprises which compete with others in their own field, but have not begun notably to engage in advertising. Here we find hand laundries, small bakeries, hairdressers, and-to speak of professionals-some lawyers and music teachers. Characteristically left of center, then, are self-employed persons who have institutionalized their services but not their publicity. They acquire clients through their personal touch and the comparative quality of their services. + +Hotels and cafeterias are somewhat closer to the center. The big chains like Hilton-which spend huge amounts on selling their image-often behave as if they were running institutions of the right. Yet Hilton and Sheraton enterprises do not usually offer anything more-in fact, they often give less-than similarly priced, independently managed lodgings. Essentially, a hotel sign beckons to a traveler in the manner of a road sign. It says, "Stop, here is a bed for you," rather than, "You should prefer a hotel bed to a park bench!" + +The producers of staples and most perishable consumer goods belong in the middle of our spectrum. They fill generic demands and add to the cost of production and distribution whatever the market will bear in advertising costs for publicity and special packaging. The more basic the product-be it goods or services-the more does competition tend to limit the sales cost of the item. + +Most manufacturers of consumer goods have moved much further to the right. Both directly and indirectly, they produce demands for accessories which boost real purchase price far beyond production cost. General Motors and Ford produce means of transportation, but they also, and more importantly, manipulate public taste in such a way that the need for transportation is expressed as a demand for private cars rather than public buses. They sell the desire to control a machine, to race at high speeds in luxurious comfort, while also offering the fantasy at the end of the road. What they sell, however, is not just a matter of uselessly big motors, superfluous gadgetry, or the new extras forced on the manufacturers by Ralph Nader and the clean-air lobbyists. The list price includes souped-up engines, airconditioning, safety belts, and exhaust controls; but other costs not openly declared to the driver are also involved: the corporation's advertising and sales expenses, fuel, maintenance and parts, insurance, interest on credit, as well as less tangible costs like loss of time, temper, and breathable air in our traffic-congested cities. + +An especially interesting corollary to our discussion of socially useful institutions is the system of "public" highways. This major element of the total cost of automobiles deserves lengthier treatment, since it leads directly to the rightist institution in which I am most interested, namely, the school. + +## False Public Utilities + +The highway system is a network for locomotion across relatively large distances. As a network, it appears to belong on the left of the institutional spectrum. But here we must make a distinction which will clarify both the nature of highways and the nature of true public utilities. Genuinely all-purpose roads are true public utilities. Superhighways are private preserves, the cost of which has been partially foisted upon the public. + +Telephone, postal, and highway systems are all networks, and none of them is free. Access to the telephone network is limited by time charges on each call. These rates are relatively small and could be reduced without changing the nature of the system. Use of the telephone system is not in the least limited by what is transmitted, although it is best used by those who can speak coherent sentences in the language of the other party-an ability universally possessed by those who wish to use the network. Postage is usually cheap. Use of the postal system is slightly limited by the price of pen and paper, and somewhat more by the ability to write. Still, when someone who does not know how to write has a relative or friend to whom he can dictate a letter, the postal system is at his service, as it is if he wants to ship a recorded tape. + +The highway system does not similarly become available to someone who merely learns to drive. The telephone and postal networks exist to serve those who wish to use them, while the highway system mainly serves as an accessory to the private automobile. The former are true public utilities, whereas the latter is a public service to the owners of cars, trucks, and buses. Public utilities exist for the sake of communication among men; highways, like other institutions of the right, exist for the sake of a product. Auto manufacturers, we have already observed, produce simultaneously both cars and the demand for cars. They also produce the demand for multilane highways, bridges, and oilfields. The private car is the focus of a cluster of right-wing institutions. The high cost of each element is dictated by elaboration of the basic product, and to sell the basic product is to hook society on the entire package. + +To plan a highway system as a true public utility would discriminate against those for whom velocity and individualized comfort are the primary transportation values, in favor of those who value fluidity and destination. It is the difference between a far-flung network with maximum access for travelers and one which offers only privileged access to restricted areas. + +Transferring a modern institution to the developing nations provides the acid test of its quality. In very poor countries roads are usually just good enough to permit transit by special, high-axle trucks loaded with groceries, livestock, or people. This kind of country should use its limited resources to build a spiderweb of trails extending to every region and should restrict imports to two or three different models of highly durable vehicles which can manage all trails at low speed. This would simplify maintenance and the stocking of spare parts, permit the operation of these vehicles around the clock, and provide maximum fluidity and choice of destination to all citizens. This would require the engineering of all-purpose vehicles with the simplicity of the Model T, making use of the most modern alloys to guarantee durability, with a built-in speed limit of not more than fifteen miles per hour, and strong enough to run on the roughest terrain. Such vehicles are not on the market because there is no demand for them. As a matter of fact, such a demand would have to be cultivated, quite possibly under the protection of strict legislation. At present, whenever such a demand is even slightly felt, it is quickly snuffed out by counterpublicity aimed at universal sales of the machines which currently extract from U.S. taxpayers the money needed for building superhighways. + +In order to "improve" transportation, all countries-even the poorest-now plan highway systems designed for the passenger cars and high-speed trailers which fit the velocity-conscious minority of producers and consumers in the elite classes. This approach is frequently rationalized as a saving of the most precious resource of a poor country: the time of the doctor, the school inspector, or the public administrator. These men, of course, serve almost exclusively the same people who have, or hope one day to have, a car. Local taxes and scarce international exchange are wasted on false public utilities. + +"Modern" technology transferred to poor countries falls into three large categories: goods, factories which make them, and service institutions -principally schools- which make men into modern producers and consumers. Most countries spend by far the largest proportion of their budget on schools. The school-made graduates then create a demand for other conspicuous utilities, such as industrial power, paved highways, modern hospitals, and airports, and these in turn create a market for the goods made for rich countries and, after a while, the tendency to import obsolescent factories to produce them. + +Of all "false utilities," school is the most insidious. Highway systems produce only a demand for cars. Schools create a demand for the entire set of modern institutions which crowd the right end of the spectrum. A man who questioned the need for high. ways would be written off as a romantic; the man who questions the need for school is immediately attacked as either heartless or imperialist. + +## Schools as False Public Utilities + +Like highways, schools, at first glance, give the impression of being equally open to all comers. They are, in fact, open only to those who consistently renew their credentials. Just as highways create the impression that their present level of cost per year is necessary if people are to move, so schools are presumed essential for attaining the competence required by a society which uses modern technology. We have exposed speedways as spurious public utilities by noting their dependence on private automobiles. Schools are based upon the equally spurious hypothesis that learning is the result of curricular teaching. + +Highways result from a perversion of the desire and need for mobility into the demand for a private car. Schools themselves pervert the natural inclination to grow and learn into the demand for instruction. Demand for manufactured maturity is a far greater abnegation of self-initiated activity than the demand for manufactured goods. Schools are not only to the right of highways and cars; they belong near the extreme of the institutional spectrum occupied by total asylums. Even the producers of body counts kill only bodies. By making men abdicate the responsibility for their own growth, school leads many to a kind of spiritual suicide. + +Highways are paid for in part by those who use them, since tolls and gasoline taxes are extracted only from drivers. School, on the other hand, is a perfect system of regressive taxation, where the privileged graduates ride on the back of the entire paying public. School puts a head tax on promotion. The under consumption of highway mileage is not nearly so costly as the under consumption of schooling. The man who does not own a car in Los Angeles may be almost immobilized, but if he can somehow manage to reach a work place, he can get and hold a job. The school dropout has no alternative route. The suburbanite with his new Lincoln and his country cousin who drives a beat-up jalopy get essentially the same use out of the highway, even though one man's car costs thirty times more than the other's. The value of a man's schooling is a function of the number of years he has completed and of the costliness of the schools he has attended. The law compels no one to drive, whereas it obliges everyone to go to school. + +The analysis of institutions according to their present placement on a left-right continuum enables me to clarify my belief that fundamental social change must begin with a change of consciousness about institutions and to explain why the dimension of a viable future turns on the rejuvenation of institutional style. + +During the sixties institutions born in different decades since the French Revolution simultaneously reached old age; public school systems founded in the time of Jefferson or of Atatürk, along with others which started after World War II,all became bureaucratic, self-justifying, and manipulative. The same thing happened to systems of social security, to labor unions, major churches and diplomacies, the care of the aged, and the disposal of the dead. + +Today, for instance, the school systems of Colombia, Britain, the U.S.S.R., and the U.S. resemble each other more closely than U.S. schools of the late 1890's resembled either today's or their contemporaries in Russia. Today all schools are obligatory, open-ended, and competitive. The same convergence in institutional style affects health care, merchandising, personnel administration, and political life. All these institutional processes tend to pile up at the manipulative end of the spectrum. + +A merger of world bureaucracies results from this convergence of institutions. The style, the ranking systems, and the paraphernalia (from textbook to computer) are standardized on the planning boards of Costa Rica or Afghanistan after the model of Western Europe. + +Everywhere these bureaucracies seem to focus on the same task: promoting the growth of institutions of the right. They are concerned with the making of things, the making of ritual rules, and the making-and reshaping--of "executive truth," the ideology or fiat which establishes the current value which should be attributed to their product. + +Technology provides these bureaucracies with increasing power on the right hand of society. The left hand of society seems to wither, not because technology is less capable of increasing the range of human action, and providing time for the play of individual imagination and personal creativity, but because such use of technology does not increase the power of an elite which administers it. The postmaster has no control over the substantive use of the mails, the switchboard operator or Bell Telephone executive has no power to stop adultery, murder, or subversion from being planned over his network. + +At stake in the choice between the institutional right and left is the very nature of human life. Man must choose whether tobe rich in things or in the freedom to use them. He must choose between alternate styles of life and related production schedules. + +Aristotle had already discovered that "making and acting" are different, so different, in fact, that one never includes the other. "For neither is acting a way of making-nor making a way of truly acting. Architecture _techne_ is a way of making - - - of bringing something into being whose origin is in the maker and not in the thing. Making has always an end other than itself, action not; for good action itself is its end. Perfection in making is an art, perfection in acting is a virtue".[^n01] The word which Aristotle employed for making was "poesis," and the word he employed for doing, "praxis". A move to the right implies that an institution is being restructured to increase its ability to "make," while as it moves to the left, it is being restructured to allow increased "doing" or "praxis". Modern technology has increased the ability of man to relinquish the "making" of things to machines, and his potential time for "acting"" has increased. + +"Making" the necessities of life has ceased to take up his time. Unemployment is the result of this modernization: it is the idleness of a man for whom there is nothing to "make" and who does not know what to "do"--that is, how to "act". Unemployment is the sad idleness of a man who, contrary to Aristotle, believes that making things, or working, is virtuous and that idleness is bad. Unemployment is the experience of the man who has succumbed to the Protestant ethic. Leisure, according to Weber, is necessary for man to be able to work. For Aristotle, work is necessary for man to have leisure. + +Technology provides man with discretionary time he can fill either with making or with doing. The choice between sad unemployment and joyful leisure is now open for the entire culture. It depends on the institutional style the culture chooses. This choice would have been unthinkable in an ancient culture built either on peasant agriculture or on slavery. It has become inevitable for postindustrial man. + +One way to fill available time is to stimulate increased demands for the consumption of goods and, simultaneously, for the production of services. The former implies an economy which provides an ever-growing array of ever newer things which can be made, consumed, wasted, and recycled. The latter implies the futile attempt to "make" virtuous actions into the products of "service" institutions. This leads to the identification of schooling and education, of medical service and health, of program watching and entertainment, of speed and effective locomotion. This first option now goes under the name of development. + +The radically alternative way to fill available time is a limited range of more durable goods and to provide access to institutions which can increase the opportunity and desirability of human interaction. + +A durable-goods economy is precisely the contrary of an economy based on planned obsolescence. A durable-goods economy means a constraint on the bill of goods. Goods would have to be such that they provided the maximum opportunity to "do" something with them: items made for self-assembly, self-help, reuse, and repair. + +The complement to a durable, repairable, and reusable bill of goods is not an increase of institutionally produced services, but rather an institutional framework which constantly educates to action, participation, and self-help. The movement of our society from the present--in which all institutions gravitate toward post-industrial bureaucracy--to a future of postindustrial conviviality--in which the intensity of action would prevail over production--must begin with a renewal of style in the service institutions--and, first of all, with a renewal of education. A future which is desirable and feasible depends on our willingness to invest our technological know-how into the growth of convivial institutions. In the field of educational research, this amounts to the request for a reversal of present trends. + + +# Irrational Consistencies + +[^n02] I believe that the contemporary crisis of education demands that we review the very idea of publicly prescribed learning, rather than the methods used in its enforcement. The dropout rate--especially of junior-high-school students and elementary-school teachers--points to a grass-roots demand for a completely fresh look. The "classroom practitioner" who considers himself a liberal teacher is increasingly attacked from all sides. The free-school movement, confusing discipline with indoctrination, has painted him into the role of a destructive authoritarian. The educational technologist consistently demonstrates the teacher's inferiority at measuring and modifying behavior. And the school administration for which he works forces him to bow to both Summerhill and Skinner, making it obvious that compulsory learning cannot be a liberal enterprise. No wonder that the desertion rate of teachers is overtaking that of their students. + +America's commitment to the compulsory education of its young now reveals itself to be as futile as the pretended American commitment to compulsory democratization of the Vietnamese. Conventional schools obviously cannot do it. The free-school movement entices unconventional educators, but ultimately does so in support of the conventional ideology of schooling. And the promises of educational technologists, that their research and development--if adequately funded--can offer some kind of final solution to the resistance of youth to compulsory learning, sound as confident and prove as fatuous as the analogous promises made by the military technologists. + +The criticism directed at the American school system by the behaviorists and that coming from the new breed of radical educators seem radically opposed. The behaviorists apply educational research to the "induction of autotelic instruction through individualized learning packages". Their style clashes with the nondirective cooption of youth into liberated communes established under the supervision of adults. Yet, in historical perspective, these two are just contemporary manifestations of the seemingly contradictory yet really complementary goals of the public school system. From the beginning of this century, the schools have been protagonists of social control on the one hand and free cooperation on the other, both placed at the service of the "good society," conceived of as a highly organized and smoothly working corporate structure. Under the impact of intense urbanization, children became a natural resource to be molded by the schools and fed into the industrial machine. Progressive politics and the cult of efficiency converged in the growth of the U.S. public school.* (See Joel Spring, Education and the Rise of the Corporate State, Cuaderno No. 50. Centro Intercultural de Documentaci6n, Cuernavaca, Mexico, 1971) Vocational guidance and the junior high school were two important results of this kind of thinking. + +It appears, therefore, that the attempt to produce specified behavioral changes which can be measured and for which the processor can be held accountable is just one side of a coin, whose other side is the pacification of the new generation within specially engineered enclaves which will seduce them into the dream world of their elders. These pacified in society are well described by Dewey, who wants us to "make each one of our schools an embryonic community life, active with types of occupations that reflect the life of the larger society, and permeate it with the spirit of art, history and science". In this historical perspective, it would be a grave mistake to interpret the current three-cornered controversy between the school establishment, the educational technologists and the free schools as the prelude to a revolution in education. This controversy reflects rather a stage of an attempt to escalate an old dream into fact, and to finally make all valuable learning the result of professional teaching. Most educational alternatives proposed converge toward goals which are immanent in the production of the cooperative man whose individual needs are met by means of his specialization in the American system: They are oriented toward the improvement of what--for lack of a better phrase--I call the schooled society. Even the seemingly radical critics of the school system are not willing to abandon the idea that they have an obligation to the young, especially to the poor, an obligation to process them, whether by love or by fear, into a society which needs disciplined specialization as much from its producers as from its consumers and also their full commitment to the ideology which puts economic growth first. + +Dissent veils the contradictions inherent in the very idea of school. The established teachers unions, the technological wizards, and the educational liberation movement reinforce the commitment of the entire society to the fundamental axioms of a schooled world, somewhat in the manner in which many peace and protest movements reinforce the commitments of their members--be they black, female, young, or poor--to seek justice through the growth of the gross national income. + +Some of the tenets which now go unchallenged are easy to list. There is, first, the shared belief that behavior which has been acquired in the sight of a pedagogue is of special value to the pupil and of special benefit to society. This is related to the assumption that social man is born only in adolescence, and properly born only if he matures in the school-womb, which some want to gentle by permissiveness, others to stuff with gadgets, and still others to varnish with a liberal tradition. And there is, finally, a shared view of youth which is psychologically romantic and politically conservative. According to this view, changes in society must be brought about by burdening the young with the responsibility of transforming it-but only after their eventual release from school. It is easy for a society founded on such tenets to build up a sense of its responsibility for the education of the new generation, and this inevitably means that some men may set, specify, and evaluate the personal goals of others. In a "passage from an imaginary Chinese encyclopedia," Jorge Luis Borges tries to evoke the sense of giddiness such an attempt must produce. He tells us that animals are divided into the following classes: "(a) those belonging to the emperor, (b) those that are embalmed, (c) those that are domesticated, (d) the suckling pigs, (e) the sirens, (f) fabulous ones, (g) the roaming dogs, (h) those included in the present classification, (i) those that drive themselves crazy, (j) innumerable ones, (k) those painted with a very fine brush of camel hair, (1) etcetera, (m) those who have just broken the jug, (n) those who resemble flies from afar". Now, such a taxonomy does not come into being unless somebody feels it can serve his purpose: in this case, I suppose, that somebody was a tax collector. For him, at least, this taxonomy of beasts must have made sense, the same way in which the taxonomy of educational objectives makes sense to scientific authors. + +In the peasant, the vision of men with such inscrutable logic, empowered to assess his cattle, must have induced a chilling sense of impotence. Students, for analogous reasons, tend to feel paranoiac when they seriously submit to a curriculum. Inevitably they are even more frightened than my imaginary Chinese peasant, because it is their life goals rather than their life-stock which is being branded with an inscrutable sign. + +This passage of Borges is fascinating, because it evokes the logic of irrational consistency which makes Kafka's and Koestler's bureaucracies so sinister yet so evocative of everyday life. Irrational consistency mesmerizes accomplices who are engaged in mutually expedient and disciplined exploitation. It is the logic generated by bureaucratic behavior. And it becomes the logic of a society which demands that the managers of its educational institutions be held publicly accountable for the behavioral modification they produce in their clients. Students who can be motivated to value the educational packages which their teachers obligate them to consume are comparable to Chinese peasants who can fit their flocks into the tax form provided by Borges. + +At some time during the last two generations a commitment to therapy triumphed in American culture, and teachers came to be regarded as the therapists whose ministrations all men need, if they wish to enjoy the equality and freedom with which, according to the Constitution, they are born. Now the teacher-therapists go on to propose lifelong educational treatment as the next step. The style of this treatment is under discussion: Should it take the form of continued adult classroom attendance? Electronic ecstasy? Or periodic sensitivity sessions? All educators are ready to conspire to push out the walls of the classroom, with the goal of transforming the entire culture into a school. + +The American controversy over the future of education, behind its rhetoric and noise, is more conservative than the discourse in other areas of public policy. On foreign affairs, at least, an organized minority constantly reminds us that the United States must renounce its role as the world's policeman. Radical economists, and now even their less radical teachers, question aggregate growth as a desirable goal. There are lobbies for prevention over cure in medicine and others in favor of fluidity over speed in transportation. Only in the field of education do the articulate voices demanding a radical deschooling of society remain so dispersed. There is a lack of cogent argument and of mature leadership aiming at the disestablishment of any and all institutions which serve the purpose of compulsory learning. For the moment, the radical deschooling of society is still a cause without a party. This is especially surprising in a time of growing, though chaotic, resistance to all forms of institutionally planned instruction on the part of those aged twelve to seventeen. + +Educational innovators still assume that educational institutions function like funnels for the programs they package. For my argument it is irrelevant whether these funnels take the form of a classroom, a TV transmitter, or a "liberated zone". It is equally irrelevant whether the packages purveyed are rich or poor, hot or cold, hard and measurable (like Math III), or impossible to assess (like sensitivity). What counts is that education is assumed to be the result of an institutional process managed by the educator. As long as the relations continue to be those between a supplier and a consumer, educational research will remain a circular process. It will amass scientific evidence in support of the need for more educational packages and for their more deadly accurate delivery to the individual customer, just as a certain brand of social science can prove the need for the delivery of more military treatment. + +An educational revolution depends on a twofold inversion: a new orientation for research and a new understanding of the educational style of an emerging counterculture. + +Operational research now seeks to optimize the efficiency of an inherited framework--a framework which is itself never questioned. This framework has the syntactic structure of a funnel for teaching packages. The syntactic alternative to it is an educational network or web for the autonomous assembly of resources under the personal control of each learner. This alternative structure of an educational institution now lies within the conceptual blind spot of our operational research. If research were to focus on it, this would constitute a true scientific revolution. + +The blind spot of educational research reflects the cultural bias of a society in which technological growth has been confused with technocratic control. For the technocrat the value of an environment increases as more contacts between each man and his milieu can be programmed. In this world the choices which are manageable for the observer or planner converge with the choices possible for the observed so-called beneficiary. Freedom is reduced to a selection among packaged commodities. + +The emerging counterculture reaffirms the values of semantic content above the efficiency of increased and more rigid syntax. It values the wealth of connotation above the power of syntax to produce wealth. It values the unpredictable outcome of self-chosen personal encounter above the certified quality of professional instruction. This reorientation toward personal surprise rather than institutionally engineered values will be disruptive of the established order until we dissociate the increasing availability of technological tools which facilitate encounter from the increasing control of the technocrat of what happens when people meet. + +Our present educational institutions are at the service of the teacher's goals. The relational structures we need are those which will enable each man to define himself by learning and by contributing to the learning of others. + + +# Learning Webs + +In a previous chapter I discussed what is becoming a common complaint about schools, one that is reflected, for example, in the recent report of the Carnegie Commission: In school registered students submit to certified teachers in order to obtain certificates of their own; both are frustrated and both blame insufficient resources--money, time, or buildings--for their mutual frustration. + +Such criticism leads many people to ask whether it is possible to conceive of a different style of learning. The same people, paradoxically, when pressed to specify how they acquired what they know and value, will readily admit that they learned it more often outside than inside school. Their knowledge of facts, their understanding of life and work came to them from friendship or love, while viewing TV, or while reading, from examples of peers or the challenge of a street encounter. Or they may have learned what they know through the apprenticeship ritual for admission to a street gang or the initiation to a hospital, newspaper city room, plumber's shop, or insurance office. The alternative to dependence on schools is not the use of public resources for some new device which "makes" people learn; rather it is the creation of a new style of educational relationship between man and his environment. To foster this style, attitudes toward growing up, the tools available for learning, and the quality and structure of daily life will have to change concurrently. + +Attitudes are already changing. The proud dependence on school is gone. Consumer resistance increases in the knowledge industry. Many teachers and pupils, taxpayers and employers, economists and policemen would prefer not to depend any longer on schools. What prevents their frustration from shaping new institutions is a lack not only of imagination but frequently also of appropriate language and of enlightened self-interest. They cannot visualize either a deschooled society or educational institutions in a society which has disestablished school. + +In this chapter I intend to show that the inverse of school is possible: that we can depend on self-motivated learning instead of employing teachers to bribe or compel the student to find the time and the will to learn; that we can provide the learner with new links to the world instead of continuing to funnel all educational programs through the teacher. I shall discuss some of the general characteristics which distinguish schooling from learning and outline four major categories of educational institutions which should appeal not only to many individuals but also to many existing interest groups. An Objection: Who Can Be Served by Bridges to Nowhere? + +We are used to considering schools as a variable, dependent on the political and economic structure. If we can change the style of political leadership, or promote the interests of one class or another, or switch from private to public ownership of the means of production, we assume the school system will change as well. The educational institutions I will propose, however, are meant to serve a society which does not now exist, although the current frustration with schools is itself potentially a major force to set in motion change toward new social arrangements. An obvious objection has been raised to this approach: Why channel energy to build bridges to nowhere, instead of marshaling it first to change not the schools but the political and economic system? + +This objection, however, underestimates the fundamental political and economic nature of the school system itself, as well as the political potential inherent in any effective challenge to it. + +In a basic sense, schools have ceased to be dependent on the ideology professed by any government or market organization. Other basic institutions might differ from one country to another: family, party, church, or press. But everywhere the school system has the same structure, and everywhere its hidden curriculum has the same effect. Invariably, it shapes the consumer who values institutional commodities above the nonprofessional ministration of a neighbor. + +Everywhere the hidden curriculum of schooling initiates the citizen to the myth that bureaucracies guided by scientific knowledge are efficient and benevolent. Everywhere this same curriculum instills in the pupil the myth that increased production will"" provide a better life. And everywhere it develops the habit of self-defeating consumption of services and alienating production, the tolerance for institutional dependence, and the recognition of institutional rankings. The hidden curriculum of school does all this in spite of contrary efforts undertaken by teachers and no matter what ideology prevails. + +In other words, schools are fundamentally alike in all countries, be they fascist, democratic or socialist, big or small, rich or poor. This identity of the school system forces us to recognize the profound world-wide identity of myth, mode of production, and method of social control, despite the great variety of mythologies in which the myth finds expression. + +In view of this identity, it is illusory to claim that schools are, in any profound sense, dependent variables. This means that to hope for fundamental change in the school system as an effect of conventionally conceived social or economic change is also an illusion. Moreover, this illusion grants the school -the reproductive organ of a consumer society- almost unquestioned immunity. + +It is at this point that the example of China becomes important. For three millennia, China protected higher learning through a total divorce between the process of learning and the privilege conferred by mandarin examinations. To become a world power and a modern nation-state, China had to adopt the international style of schooling. Only hindsight will allow us to discover if the Great Cultural Revolution will turn out to have been the first successful attempt at deschooling the institutions of society. + +Even the piecemeal creation of new educational agencies which were the inverse of school would be an attack on the most sensitive link of a pervasive phenomenon, which is organized by the state in all countries. A political program which does not explicitly recognize the need for deschooling is not revolutionary; it is demagoguery calling for more of the same. Any major political program of the seventies should be evaluated by this measure: How clearly does it state the need for deschooling -and how clearly does it provide guidelines for the educational quality of the society for which it aims? + +The struggle against domination by the world market and big-power politics might be beyond some poor communities or countries, but this weakness is an added reason for emphasizing the importance of liberating each society through a reversal of its educational structure, a change which is not beyond any society's means. + +## General Characteristics of New Formal Educational Institutions + +A good educational system should have three purposes: it should provide all who want to learn with access to available resources at any time in their lives; empower all who want to share what they know to find those who want to learn it from them; and, finally, furnish all who want to present an issue to the public with the opportunity to make their challenge known. Such a system would require the application of constitutional guarantees to education. Learners should not be forced to submit to an obligatory curriculum, or to discrimination based on whether they possess a certificate or a diploma. Nor should the public be forced to support, through a regressive taxation, a huge professional apparatus of educators and buildings which in fact restricts the public's chances for learning to the services the profession is willing to put on the market. It should use modern technology to make free speech, free assembly, and a free press truly universal and, therefore, fully educational. + +Schools are designed on the assumption that there is a secret to everything in life; that the quality of life depends on knowing that secret; that secrets can be known only in orderly successions; and that only teachers can properly reveal these secrets. An individual with a schooled mind conceives of the world as a pyramid of classified packages accessible only to those who carry the proper tags. New educational institutions would break apart this pyramid. Their purpose must be to facilitate access for the learner: to allow him to look into the windows of the control room or the parliament, if he cannot get in by the door. Moreover, such new institutions should be channels to which the learner would have access without credentials or pedigree- public spaces in which peers and elders outside his immediate horizon would become available. + +I believe that no more than four -possibly even three- distinct "channels" or learning exchanges could contain all the resources needed for real learning. The child grows up in a world of things, surrounded by people who serve as models for skills and values. He finds peers who challenge him to argue, to compete, to cooperate, and to understand; and if the child is lucky, he is exposed to confrontation or criticism by an experienced elder who really cares. Things, models, peers, and elders are four resources each of which requires a different type of arrangement to ensure that everybody has ample access to it. + +I will use the words "opportunity web" for "network" to designate specific ways to provide access to each of four sets of resources. "Network" is often used, unfortunately, to designate the channels reserved to material selected by others for indoctrination, instruction, and entertainment. But it can also be used for the telephone or the postal service, which are primarily accessible to individuals who want to send messages to one another. I wish we had another word to designate such reticular structures for mutual access, a word less evocative of entrapment, less degraded by current usage and more suggestive of the fact that any such arrangement includes legal, organizational, and technical aspects. Not having found such a term, I will try to redeem the one which is available, using it as a synonym of "educational web". + +What are needed are new networks, readily available to the public and designed to spread equal opportunity for learning and teaching. To give an example: The same level of technology is used in TV and in tape recorders. All Latin-American countries now have introduced TV: in Bolivia the government has financed a TV station, which was built six years ago, and there are no more than seven thousand TV sets for four million citizens. The money now tied up in TV installations throughout Latin America could have provided every fifth adult with a tape recorder. In addition, the money would have sufficed to provide an almost unlimited library of prerecorded tapes, with outlets even in remote villages, as well as an ample supply of empty tapes. + +This network of tape recorders, of course, would be radically different from the present network of TV. It would provideopportunity for free expression: literate and illiterate alike could record, preserve, disseminate, and repeat their opinions. The present investment in TV, instead, provides bureaucrats, whether politicians or educators, with the power to sprinkle the continent with institutionally produced programs which they-or their sponsors--decide are good for or in demand by the people. + +Technology is available to develop either independence and learning or bureaucracy and teaching. + +## Four Networks + +The planning of new educational institutions ought not to begin with the administrative goals of a principal or president, or with the teaching goals of a professional educator, or with the learning goals of any hypothetical class of people. It must not start with the question, "What should someone learn?" but with the question, "What kinds of things and people might learners want to be in contact with in order to learn?" + +Someone who wants to learn knows that he needs both information and critical response to its use from somebody else. Information can be stored in things and in persons. In a good educational system access to things ought to be available at the sole bidding of the learner, while access to informants requires, in addition, others' consent. Criticism can also come from two directions: from peers or from elders, that is, from fellow learners whose immediate interests match mine, or from those who will grant me a share in their superior experience. Peers can be colleagues with whom to raise a question, companions for playful and enjoyable (or arduous) reading or walking, challengers at any type of game. Elders can be consultants on which skill to learn, which method to use, what company to seek at a given moment. They can be guides to the right questions to be raised among peers and to the deficiency of the answers they arrive at. Most of these resources are plentiful. But they are neither conventionally perceived as educational resources, nor is access to them for learning purposes easy, especially for the poor. We must conceive of new relational structures which are deliberately set up to facilitate access to these resources for the use of anybody who is motivated to seek them for his education. Administrative, technological, and especially legal arrangements are required to set up such web-like structures. + +Educational resources are usually labeled according to educators' curricular goals. I propose to do the contrary, to label four different approaches which enable the student to gain access to any educational resource which may help him to define and achieve his own goals: + +_1._ Reference Services to Educational Objects-which facilitate access to things or processes used for formal learning. Some of these things can be reserved for this purpose, stored in libraries, rental agencies, laboratories, and showrooms like museums and theaters; others can be in daily use in factories, airports, or on farms, but made available to students as apprentices or on off hours. + +_2._ Skill Exchanges--which permit persons to list their skills, the conditions under which they are willing to serve as models for others who want to learn these skills, and the addresses at which they can be reached. + +_3._ Peer-Matching--a communications network which permits persons to describe the learning activity in which they wish to engage, in the hope of finding a partner for the inquiry. + +_4._ Reference Services to Educators-at-Large--who can be listed in a directory giving the addresses and self descriptions of professionals, paraprofessionals, and freelancers, along with conditions of access to their services. Such educators, as we will see, could be chosen by polling or consulting their former clients. + +## Reference Services to Educational Objects + +Things are basic resources for learning. The quality of the environment and the relationship of a person to it will determine how much he learns incidentally. Formal learning requires special access to ordinary things, on the one hand, or, on the other, easy and dependable access to special things made for educational purposes. An example of the former is the special right to operate or dismantle a machine in a garage. An example of the latter is the general right to use an abacus, a computer, a book, a botanical garden, or a machine withdrawn from production and placed at the full disposal of students. + +At present, attention is focused on the disparity between rich and poor children in their access to things and in the manner in which they can learn from them. OEO and other agencies, following this approach, concentrate on equalizing chances, by trying to provide more educational equipment for the poor. A more radical point of departure would be to recognize that in the city rich and poor alike are artificially kept away from most of the things that surround them. Children born into the age of plastics and efficiency experts must penetrate two barriers which obstruct their understanding: one built into things and the other around institutions. Industrial design creates a world of things that resist insight into their nature, and schools shut the learner out of the world of things in their meaningful setting. + +After a short visit to New York, a woman from a Mexican village told me she was impressed by the fact that stores sold only wares heavily made up with cosmetics". I understood her to mean that industrial products "speak" to their customers about their allurements and not about their nature. Industry has surrounded people with artifacts whose inner workings only specialists are allowed to understand. The nonspecialist is discouraged from figuring out what makes a watch tick, or a tele-phone ring, or an electric typewriter work, by being warned that it will break if he tries. He can be told what makes a transistor radio work, but he cannot find out for himself. This type of design tends to reinforce a noninventive society in which the experts find it progressively easier to hide behind their expertise and beyond evaluation. + +The man-made environment has become as inscrutable as nature is for the primitive. At the same time, educational materials have been monopolized by school. Simple educational objects have been expensively packaged by the knowledge industry. They have become specialized tools for professional educators, and their cost has been inflated by forcing them to stimulate either environments or teachers. + +The teacher is jealous of the textbook he defines as his professional implement. The student may come to hate the lab because he associates it with schoolwork. The administrator rationalizes his protective attitude toward the library as a defense of costly public equipment against those who would play with it rather than learn. In this atmosphere the student too often uses the map, the lab, the encyclopedia, or the microscope only at the rare moments when the curriculum tells him to do so. Even the great classics become part of "sophomore year" instead of marking a new turn in a person's life. School removes things from everyday use by labeling them educational tools. + +If we are to deschool, both tendencies must be reversed. The general physical environment must be made accessible, and those physical learning resources which have been reduced to teaching instruments must become generally available for self-directed learning. Using things only as part of a curriculum can have an even worse effect than just removing them from the general environment. It can corrupt the attitudes of pupils. + +Games are a case in point. I do not mean the "games" of the physical education department (such as football and basketball), which the schools use to raise income and prestige and in which they have made a substantial capital investment. As the athletes themselves are well aware, these enterprises, which take the form of warlike tournaments, have undermined the playfulness of sports and are used to reinforce the competitive nature of schools. Rather I have in mind the educational games which can provide a unique way to penetrate formal systems. Set theory, linguistics, propositional logic, geometry, physics, and even chemistry reveal themselves with little effort to certain persons who play these games. A friend of mine went to a Mexican market with a game called "'Wff 'n Proof," which consists of some dice on which twelve logical symbols are imprinted. He showed children which two or three combinations constituted a well-formed sentence, and inductively within the first hour some onlookers also grasped the principle. Within a few hours of playfully conducting formal logical proofs, some children are capable of introducing others to the fundamental proofs of propositional logic. The others just walk away. + +In fact, for some children such games are a special form of liberating education, since they heighten their awareness of the fact that formal systems are built on changeable axioms and that conceptual operations have a gamelike nature. They are also simple, cheap, and -to a large extent- can be organized by the players themselves. Used outside the curriculum such games provide an opportunity for identifying and developing unusual talent, while the school psychologist will often identify those who have such talent as in danger of becoming antisocial, sick, or unbalanced. Within school, when used in the form of tournaments, games are not only removed from the sphere of leisure; they often become tools used to translate playfulness into competition, a lack of abstract reasoning into a sign of inferiority. An exercise which is liberating for some character types becomes a straitjacket for others. + +The control of school over educational equipment has still another effect. It increases enormously the cost of such cheap materials. Once their use is restricted to scheduled hours, professionals are paid to supervise their acquisition, storage, and use. Then students vent their anger against the school on the equipment, which must be purchased once again. + +Paralleling the untouchability of teaching tools is the impenetrability of modern junk. In the thirties any self respecting boy knew how to repair an automobile, but now car makers multiply wires and withhold manuals from everyone except specialized mechanics. In a former era an old radio contained enough coils and condensers to build a transmitter that would make all the neighborhood radios scream in feedback. Transistor radios are more portable, but nobody dares to take them apart. To change this in the highly industrialized countries will be immensely difficult; but at least in the Third World we must insist on built-in educational qualities. + +To illustrate my point, let me present a model: By spending ten million dollars it would be possible to connect forty thousand hamlets in a country like Peru with a spiderweb of six-foot-wide trails and maintain these, and, in addition, provide the country with 200,000 three-wheeled mechanical donkeys -five on the average for each hamlet. Few poor countries of this size spend less than this yearly on cars and roads, both of which are now restricted mainly to the rich and their employees, while poor people remain trapped in their villages. Each of these simple but durable little vehicles would cost $l25 - half of which would pay for transmission and a six-horsepower motor. A "donkey" could make 15 mph, and it can carry loads of 850 pounds (that is, most things besides tree trunks and steel beams which are ordinarily moved). + +The political appeal of such a transportation system to a peasantry is obvious. Equally obvious is the reason why those who hold power--and thereby automatically have a car--are not interested in spending money on trails and in clogging roads with engine-driven donkeys. The universal donkey could work only if a country's leaders were willing to impose a national speed limit of, say, twenty-five miles an hour and adapt its public institutions to this. The model could not work if conceived only as a stopgap. + +This is not the place to elaborate on the political, social, economic, financial, and technical feasibility of this model. I wish only to indicate that educational considerations may be of prime importance when choosing such an alternative to capital. intensive transport. By raising the unit cost per donkey by some 20 percent it would become possible to plan the production of all its parts in such a manner that, as far as possible, each future owner would spend a month or two making and understanding his machine and would be able to repair it. With this additional cost it would also be possible to decentralize production into dispersed plants. + +The added benefits would result not only from including educational costs in the construction process. Even more significantly, a durable motor which practically anyone could learn to repair and which could be used as a plow and pump by somebody who understood it would provide much higher educational benefits than the inscrutable engines of the advanced countries. + +Not only the junk but also the supposedly public places of the modern city have become impenetrable. In American society, children are excluded from most things and places on the grounds that they are private. But even in societies which have declared an end to private property children are kept away from the same places and things because they are considered the special domain of professionals and dangerous to the uninitiated. Since the last generation the railroad yard has become as inaccessible as the fire station. Yet with a little ingenuity it should not be difficult to provide for safety in such places. To deschool the artifacts of education will require making the artifacts and processes available--and recognizing their educational value. Certainly, some workers would find it inconvenient to be accessible to learners; but this inconvenience must be balanced against the educational gains. + +Private cars could be banned from Manhattan. Five years ago it was unthinkable. Now certain New York streets are closed off at odd hours, and this trend will probably continue. Indeed, most cross-streets should be closed to automotive traffic and parking should be forbidden everywhere. In a city opened up to people, teaching materials which are now locked up in store-rooms and laboratories could be dispersed into independently operated storefront depots which children and adults could visit without the danger of being run over. + +If the goals of learning were no longer dominated by schools and schoolteachers, the market for learners would be much more various and the definition of "educational artifacts" would be less restrictive. There could be tool shops, libraries, laboratories, and gaming rooms. Photo labs and offset presses would allow neighborhood newspapers to flourish. Some storefront learning centers could contain viewing booths for closed-circuit television, others could feature office equipment for use and for repair. The jukebox or the record player would be commonplace, with some specializing in classical music, others in international folk tunes, others in jazz. Film clubs would compete with each other and with commercial television. Museum outlets could be networks for circulating exhibits of works of art, both old and new, originals and reproductions, perhaps administered by the various metropolitan museums. + +The professional personnel needed for this network would be much more like custodians, museum guides, or reference librarians than like teachers. From the corner biology store, they could refer their clients to the shell collection in the museum or indicate the next showing of biology videotapes in a certain viewing booth. They could furnish guides for pest control, diet, and other kinds of preventive medicine. They could refer those who needed advice to "elders" who could provide it. + +Two distinct approaches can be taken to financing a network of "learning objects". A community could determine a maximum budget for this purpose and arrange for all parts of the network to be open to all visitors at reasonable hours. Or the community could decide to provide citizens with limited entitlements, according to their age group, which would give them special access to certain materials which are both costly and scarce, while leaving other, simpler materials available to everyone. + +Finding resources for materials made specifically for education is only one--and perhaps the least costly--aspect of building an educational world. The money now spent on the sacred paraphernalia of the school ritual could be freed to provide all citizens with greater access to the real life of the city. Special tax incentives could be granted to those who employed children between the ages of eight and fourteen for a couple of hours each day if the conditions of employment were humane ones. We should return to the tradition of the bar mitzvah or confirmation. By this I mean we should first restrict, and later eliminate, the disenfranchisement of the young and permit a boy of twelve to become a man fully responsible for his participation in the life of the community. Many "schoolage" people know more about their neighborhood than social workers or councilmen. Of course, they also ask more embarrassing questions and propose solutions which threaten the bureaucracy. They should be allowed to come of age so that they could put their knowledge and fact finding ability to work in the service of a popular government. + +Until recently the dangers of school were easily underestimated in comparison with the dangers of an apprenticeship in the police force, the fire department, or the entertainment industry. It was easy to justify schools at least as a means to protect youth. Often this argument no longer holds. I recently visited a Methodist church in Harlem occupied by a group of armed Young Lords in protest against the death of Julio Rodan, a Puerto Rican youth found hanged in his prison cell. I knew the leaders of the group, who had spent a semester in Cuernavaca. When I wondered why one of them, Juan, was not among them, I was told that he had "gone back on heroin and to the State University". + +Planning, incentives, and legislation can be used to unlock the educational potential within our society's huge investment in plants and equipment. Full access to educational objects will not exist so long as business firms are allowed to combine the legal protections which the Bill of Rights reserves to the privacy of individuals with the economic power conferred upon them by their millions of customers and thousands of employees, stockholders, and suppliers. Much of the world's know-how and most of its productive processes and equipment are locked within the walls of business firms, away from their customers, employees, and stockholders, as well as from the general public, whose laws and facilities allow them to function. Money now spent on advertising in capitalist countries could be redirected toward education in and by General Electric, NBC-TV, or Budweiser beer. That is, the plants and offices should be reorganized so that their daily operations could be more accessible to the public in ways that would make learning possible; and, indeed, ways might be found to pay the companies for the learning people acquired from them. + +An even more valuable body of scientific objects and data may be withheld from general access--and even from qualified scientists -under the guise of national security. Until recently science was the one forum which functioned like an anarchist's dream. Each man capable of doing research had more or less the same opportunity of access to its tools and to a hearing by the community of peers. Now bureaucratization and organization have placed much of science beyond public reach. Indeed, what used to be an international network of scientific information has been splintered into an arena of competing teams. The members as well as the artifacts of the scientific community have been locked into national and corporate programs oriented toward practical achievement, to the radical impoverishment of the men who support these nations and corporations. + +In a world which is controlled and owned by nations and corporations, only limited access to educational objects will ever be possible. But increased access to those objects which can be shared for educational purposes may enlighten us enough to help us to break through these ultimate political barriers. Public schools transfer control over the educational uses of objects from private to professional hands. The institutional inversion of schools could empower the individual to reclaim the right to use them for education. A truly public kind of ownership might begin to emerge if private or corporate control over the educational aspect of "things" were brought to the vanishing point. + +## Skill Exchanges + +A guitar teacher, unlike a guitar, can be neither classified in a museum nor owned by the public nor rented from an educational warehouse. Teachers of skills belong to a different class of resources from objects needed to learn a skill. This is not to say that they are indispensable in every case. I can rent not only a guitar but also taped guitar lessons and illustrated chord charts, and with these things I can teach myself to play the guitar. Indeed, this arrangement may have advantages--if the available tapes are better than the available teachers, or if the only time I have for learning the guitar is late at night, or if the tunes I wish to play are unknown in my country, or if I am shy and prefer to fumble along in privacy. + +Skill teachers must be listed and contacted through a different kind of channel from that of things. A thing is available at the bidding of the user -or could be- whereas a person formally becomes a skill resource only when he consents to do so, and he can also restrict time, place, and method as he chooses. + +Skill teachers must be also distinguished from peers from whom one would learn. Peers who wish to pursue a common inquiry must start from common interests and abilities; they get together to exercise or improve a skill they share: basketball, dancing, constructing a camp site, or discussing the next election. The first transmission of a skill, on the other hand, involves bringing together someone who has the skill and someone who does not have it and wants to acquire it. + +A "skill model" is a person who possesses a skill and is willing to demonstrate its practice. A demonstration of this kind is frequently a necessary resource for a potential learner. Modern inventions permit us to incorporate demonstration into tape, film, or chart; yet one would hope personal demonstration will remain in wide demand, especially in communication skills. Some ten thousand adults have learned Spanish at our Center at Cuernavaca -mostly highly motivated persons who wanted to acquire near-native fluency in a second language. When they are faced with a choice between carefully programmed instruction in a lab or drill sessions with two other students and a native speaker following a rigid routine, most choose the second. For most widely shared skills, a person who demonstrates the skill is the only human resource we ever need or get. Whether in speaking or driving, in cooking or in the use of communication equipment, we are often barely conscious of formal instruction and learning, especially after our first experience of the materials in question. I see no reason why other complex skills, such as the mechanical aspects of surgery and playing the fiddle, of reading or the use of directories and catalogues, could not be learned in the same way. + +A well-motivated student who does not labor under a specific handicap often needs no further human assistance than can be provided by someone who can demonstrate on demand how to do what the learner wants to learn to do. The demand made of skilled people that before demonstrating their skill they be certified as pedagogues is a result of the insistence either that people learn what they do not want to know or that all people-even those with a special handicap--learn certain things, at a given moment in their lives, and preferably under specified circumstances. + +What makes skills scarce on the present educational market is the institutional requirement that those who can demonstrate them may not do so unless they are given public trust, through a certificate. We insist that those who help others acquire a skill should also know how to diagnose learning difficulties and be able to motivate people to aspire to learn skills. In short, we demand that they be pedagogues. People who can demonstrate skills will be plentiful as soon as we learn to recognize them outside the teaching profession. + +Where princelings are being taught, the parents' insistence that the teacher and the person with skills be combined in one person is understandable, if no longer defensible. But for all parents to aspire to have Aristotle for their Alexander is obviously self-defeating. The person who can both inspire students and demonstrate a technique is so rare, and so hard to recognize, that even princelings more often get a sophist than a true philosopher. + +A demand for scarce skills can be quickly filled even if there are only small numbers of people to demonstrate them; but such people must be easily available. During the forties radio repairmen, most of them with no schooling in their work, were no more than two years behind radios in penetrating the interior of Latin America. There they stayed until transistor radios, which are cheap to purchase and impossible to repair, put them out of business. Technical schools now fail to accomplish what repair. men of equally useful, more durable radios could do as a matter of course. + +Converging self-interests now conspire to stop a man from sharing his skill. The man who has the skill profits from its scarcity and not from its reproduction. The teacher who specializes in transmitting the skill profits from the artisan's unwillingness to launch his own apprentice into the field. The public is indoctrinated to believe that skills are valuable and reliable only if they are the result of formal schooling. The job market depends on making skills scarce and on keeping them scarce, either by proscribing their unauthorized use and transmission or by making things which can be operated and repaired only by those who have access to tools or information which are kept scarce. + +Schools thus produce shortages of skilled persons. A good example is the diminishing number of nurses in the United States, owing to the rapid increase of four-year B.S. programs in nursing. Women from poorer families, who would formerly have enrolled in a two- or three-year program, now stay out of the nursing profession altogether. + +Insisting on the certification of teachers is another way of keeping skills scarce. If nurses were encouraged to train nurses, and if nurses were employed on the basis of their proven skill at giving injections, filling out charts, and giving medicine, there would soon be no the lack of trained nurses. Certification now tends to abridge the freedom of education by converting the civil right to share one's knowledge into the privilege of academic freedom, now conferred only on the employees of a school. To guarantee access to an effective exchange of skills, we need legislation which generalizes academic freedom. The right to teach any skill should come under the protection of freedom of speech. Once restrictions on teaching are removed, they will quickly be removed from learning as well. + +The teacher of skills needs some inducement to grant his services to a pupil. There are at least two simple ways to begin to channel public funds to noncertified teachers. One way would be to institutionalize the skill exchange by creating free skill centers open to the public. Such centers could and should be established in industrialized areas, at least for those skills which are fundamental prerequisites for entering certain apprenticeships--such skills as reading, typing, keeping accounts, foreign languages, computer programming and number manipulation, reading special languages such as that of electrical circuits, manipulation of certain machinery, etc. Another approach would be to give certain groups within the population educational currency good for attendance at skill centers where other clients would have to pay commercial rates. + +A much more radical approach would be to create a "bank" for skill exchange. Each citizen would be given a basic credit with which to acquire fundamental skills. Beyond that minimum, further credits would go to those who earned them by teaching, whether they served as models in organized skill centers or did so privately at home or on the playground. Only those who had taught others for an equivalent amount of time would have a claim on the time of more advanced teachers. An entirely new elite would be promoted, an elite of those who earned their education by sharing it. + +Should parents have the right to earn skill credit for their children? Since such an arrangement would give further advantage to the privileged classes, it might be offset by granting a larger credit to the underprivileged. The operation of a skill exchange would depend on the existence of agencies which would facilitate the development of directory information and assure its free and inexpensive use. Such an agency might also provide supplementary services of testing and certification and might help to enforce the legislation required to break up and prevent monopolistic practices. + +Fundamentally, the freedom of a universal skill exchange must be guaranteed by laws which permit discrimination only on the basis of tested skills and not on the basis of educational pedigree. Such a guarantee inevitably requires public control over tests which may be used to qualify persons for the job market. Otherwise, it would be possible to surreptitiously reintroduce complex batteries of tests at the work place itself which would serve for social selection. Much could be done to make skill-testing objective, e.g., allowing only the operation of specific machines or systems to be tested. Tests of typing (measured according to speed, number of errors, and whether or not the typist can work from dictation), operation of an accounting system or of a hydraulic crane, driving, coding into COBOL, etc., can easily be made objective. + +In fact, many of the true skills which are of practical importance can be so tested. And for the purposes of manpower management a test of a current skill level is much more useful than the information that twenty years ago a person satisfied his teacher in a curriculum in which typing, stenography, and accounting were taught. The very need for official skill-testing can, of course, be questioned: I personally believe that freedom from undue hurt to a man's reputation through labeling is better guaranteed by restricting than by forbidding tests of competence. + +## Peer-Matching + +At their worst, schools gather classmates into the same room and subject them to the same sequence of treatment in math, citizenship, and spelling. At their best, they permit each student to choose one of a limited number of courses. In any case, groups of peers form around the goals of teachers. A desirable educational system would let each person specify the activity for which he sought a peer. + +School does offer children an opportunity to escape their homes and meet new friends. But, at the same time, this process indoctrinates children with the idea that they should select their friends from among those with whom they are put together. Providing the young from their earliest age with invitations to meet, evaluate, and seek out others would prepare them for a lifelong interest in seeking new partners for new endeavors. + +A good chess player is always glad to find a close match, and one novice to find another. Clubs serve their purpose. People who want to discuss specific books or articles would probably pay to find discussion partners. People who want to play games, go on excursions, build fish tanks, or motorize bicycles will go to considerable lengths to find peers. The reward for their efforts is finding those peers. Good schools try to bring out the common interests of their students registered in the same program. The inverse of school would be an institution which increased the chances that persons who at a given moment shared the same specific interest could meet--no matter what else they had in common. + +Skill-teaching does not provide equal benefits for both parties, as does the matching of peers. The teacher of skills, as I have pointed out, must usually be offered some incentive beyond the rewards of teaching. Skill-teaching is a matter of repeating drills over and over and is, in fact, all the more dreary for those pupils who need it most. A skill exchange needs currency or credits or other tangible incentives in order to operate, even if the exchange itself were to generate a currency of its own. A peer-match. ing system requires no such incentives, but only a communications network. + +Tapes, retrieval systems, programmed instruction, and reproduction of shapes and sounds tend to reduce the need for recourse to human teachers of many skills; they increase the efficiency of teachers and the number of skills one can pick up in a lifetime. Parallel to this runs an increased need to meet people interested in enjoying the newly acquired skill. A student who has picked up Greek before her vacation would like to discuss in Greek Cretan politics when she returns. A Mexican in New York wants to find other readers of the paper Siempre---or of "Los Agachados,” the most popular comic book. Somebody else wants to meet peers who, like himself, would like to increase their interest in the work of James Baldwin or of Bolivar. + +The operation of a peer-matching network would be simple. The user would identify himself by name and address and describe the activity for which he sought a peer. A computer would send him back the names and addresses of all those who had inserted the same description. It is amazing that such a simple utility has never been used on a broad scale for publicly valued activity. + +In its most rudimentary form, communication between client and computer could be established by return mail. In big cities typewriter terminals could provide instantaneous responses. The only way to retrieve a name and address from the computer would be to list an activity for which a peer was sought. People using the system would become known only to their potential peers. + +A complement to the computer could be a network of bulletin boards and classified newspaper ads, listing the activities for which the computer could not produce a match. No names would have to be given. Interested readers would then introduce their names into the system. A publicly supported peer-match network might be the only way to guarantee the right of free assembly and to train people in the exercise of this most fundamental civic activity. + +The right of free assembly has been politically recognized and culturally accepted. We should now understand that this right is curtailed by laws that make some forms of assembly obligatory. This is especially the case with institutions which conscript according to age group, class, or sex, and which are very time-consuming. The army is one example. School is an even more outrageous one. + +To deschool means to abolish the power of one person to oblige another person to attend a meeting. It also means recognizing the right of any person, of any age or sex, to call a meeting. This right has been drastically diminished by the institutionalization of meetings. "Meeting" originally referred to the result of an individual's act of gathering. Now it refers to the institutional product of some agency. + +The ability of service institutions to acquire clients has far outgrown the ability of individuals to be heard independently of institutional media, which respond to individuals only if they are salable news. Peer-matching facilities should be available for individuals who want to bring people together as easily as the village bell called the villagers to council. School buildings--of doubtful value for conversion to other uses--could often serve this purpose. + +The school system, in fact, may soon face a problem which churches have faced before: what to do with surplus space emptied by the defection of the faithful. Schools are as difficult to sell as temples. One way to provide for their continued use would be to give over the space to people from the neighborhood. Each could state what he would do in the classroom and when, and a bulletin board would bring the available programs to the attention of the inquirers. Access to "class" would be free--or purchased with educational vouchers. The "teacher" could even be paid according to the number of pupils he could attract for any full two-hour period. I can imagine that very young leaders and great educators would be the two types most prominent in such a system. The same approach could be taken toward higher education. Students could be furnished with educational vouchers which entitled them to ten hours' yearly private consultation with the teacher of their choice--and, for the rest of their learning, depend on the library, the peer-matching network, and apprenticeships. + +We must, of course, recognize the probability that such public matching devices would be abused for exploitative and immoral purposes, just as the telephone and the mails have been so abused. As with those networks, there must be some protection. I have proposed elsewhere a matching system which would allow only pertinent printed information, plus the name and address of the inquirer, to be used. Such a system would be virtually foolproof against abuse. Other arrangements could allow the addition of any book, film, TV program, or other item quoted from a special catalogue. Concern about the dangers of the system should not make us lose sight of its far greater benefits. + +Some who share my concern for free speech and assembly will argue that peer-matching is an artificial means of bringing people together and would not be used by the poor -who need it most. Some people become genuinely agitated when one suggests the setting up of ad hoc encounters which are not rooted in the life of a local community. Others react when one suggests using a computer to sort and match client-identified interests. People cannot be drawn together in such an impersonal manner, they say. Common inquiry must be rooted in a history of shared experience at many levels, and must grow out of this experience-the development of neighborhood institutions, for example. + +I sympathize with these objections, but I think they miss my point as well as their own. In the first place, the return to neighborhood life as the primary center of creative expression might actually work against the reestablishment of neighborhoods as political units. Centering demands on the neighborhood may, in fact, neglect an important liberating aspect of urban life -the ability of a person to participate simultaneously in several peer groups. Also, there is an important sense in which people who have never lived together in a physical community, may occasionally have far more experiences to share than those who have known each other from childhood. The great religions have always recognized the importance of far-off encounters, and the faithful have always found freedom through them; pilgrimage, monasticism, the mutual support of temples and sanctuaries reflect this awareness. Peer-matching could significantly help in making explicit the many potential but suppressed communities of the city. + +Local communities are valuable. They are also a vanishing reality as men progressively let service institutions define their circles of social relationship. Milton Kotler in his recent book has shown that the imperialism of "downtown" deprives the neighborhood of its political significance. The protectionist attempt to resurrect the neighborhood as a cultural unit only supports this bureaucratic imperialism. Far from artificially removing men from their local contexts to join abstract groupings, peer-matching should encourage the restoration of local life to cities from which it is now disappearing. A man who recovers his initiative to call his fellows into meaningful conversation may cease to settle for being separated from them by office protocol or suburban etiquette. Having once seen that doing things together depends on deciding to do so, men may even insist that their local communities become more open to creative political exchange. + +We must recognize that city life tends to become immensely costly as city-dwellers must be taught to rely for every one of their needs on complex institutional services. It is extremely expensive to keep it even minimally livable. Peer-matching in the city could be a first step toward breaking down the dependence of citizens on bureaucratic civic services. + +It would also be an essential step to providing new means of establishing public trust. In a schooled society we have come to rely more and more on the professional judgment of educators on the effect of their own work in order to decide whom we can or cannot trust: we go to the doctor, lawyer, or psychologist because we trust that anybody with the required amount of specialized educational treatment by other colleagues deserves our confidence. + +In a deschooled society professionals could no longer claim the trust of their clients on the basis of their curricular pedigree, or ensure their standing by simply referring their clients to other professionals who approved of their schooling. Instead of placing trust in professionals, it should be possible, at any time, for any potential client to consult with other experienced clients of a professional about their satisfaction with him by means of another peer network easily set up by computer, or by a number of other means. Such networks could be seen as public utilities which permitted students to choose their teachers or patients their healers. + +## Professional Educators + +As citizens have new choices, new chances for learning, their willingness to seek leadership should increase. We may expect that they will experience more deeply both their own independence and their need for guidance. As they are liberated from manipulation by others, they should learn to profit from the discipline others have acquired in a lifetime. Deschooling education should increase--rather than stifle--the search for men with practical wisdom who would be willing to sustain the newcomer in his educational adventure. As masters of their art abandon the claim to be superior informants or skill models, their claim to superior wisdom will begin to ring true. + +With an increasing demand for masters, their supply should also increase. As the schoolmaster vanishes, conditions will arise which should bring forth the vocation of the independent educator. This may seem almost a contradiction in terms, so thoroughly have schools and teachers become complementary. Yet this is exactly what the development of the first three educational exchanges would tend to result in -and what would be required to permit their full exploitation- for parents and other '"natural educators" need guidance, individual learners need assistance, and the networks need people to operate them. + +Parents need guidance in directing their children on the road that leads to responsible educational independence. Learners need experienced leadership when they encounter rough terrain. These two needs are quite distinct: the first is a need for pedagogy, the second for intellectual leadership in all other fields of knowledge. The first calls for knowledge of human learning and of educational resources, the second for wisdom based on experience in any kind of exploration. Both kinds of experience are indispensable for effective educational endeavor. Schools package these functions into one role--and render the independent exercise of any of them if not disreputable at least suspect. + +Three types of special educational competence should, in fact, be distinguished: one to create and operate the kinds of educational exchanges or networks outlined here; another to guide students and parents in the use of these networks; and a third to act as primus inter pares in undertaking difficult intellectual exploratory journeys. Only the former two can be conceived of as branches of an independent profession: educational administrators and pedagogical counselors. To design and operate the networks I have been describing would not require many people, but it would require people with the most profound understanding of education and administration, in a perspective quite different from and even opposed to that of schools. + +While an independent educational profession of this kind would welcome many people whom the schools exclude, it would also exclude many whom the schools qualify. The establishment and operation of educational networks would require some designers and administrators, but not in the numbers or of the type required by the administration of schools. Student discipline, public relations, hiring, supervising, and firing teachers would have neither place nor counterpart in the networks I have been describing. Neither would curriculum-making, textbook-purchasing, the maintenance of grounds and facilities, or the supervision of interscholastic athletic competition. Nor would child custody, lesson-planning, and record-keeping, which now take up so much of the time of teachers, figure in the operation of educational networks. Instead, the operation of learning webs would require some of the skills and attitudes now expected from the staff of a museum, a library, an executive employment agency, or a maître d'hôtel. + +Today's educational administrators are concerned with controlling teachers and students to the satisfaction of others-trustees, legislatures, and corporate executives. Network builders and administrators would have to demonstrate genius at keeping themselves, and others, out of people's way, at facilitating en-counters among students, skill models, educational leaders, and educational objects. Many persons now attracted to teaching are profoundly authoritarian and would not be able to assume this task: building educational exchanges would mean making it easy for people--especially the young--to pursue goals which might contradict the ideals of the traffic manager who makes the pursuit possible. + +If the networks I have described could emerge, the educational path of each student would be his own to follow, and only in retrospect would it take on the features of a recognizable program. The wise student would periodically seek professional advice: assistance to set a new goal, insight into difficulties encountered, choice between possible methods. Even now, most persons would admit that the important services their teachers have rendered them are such advice or counsel, given at a chance meeting or in a tutorial. Pedagogues, in an unschooled world, would also come into their own, and be able to do what frustrated teachers pretend to pursue today. + +While network administrators would concentrate primarily on the building and maintenance of roads providing access to resources, the pedagogue would help the student to find the path which for him could lead fastest to his goal. If a student wanted to learn spoken Cantonese from a Chinese neighbor, the pedagogue would be available to judge their proficiency, and to help them select the textbook and methods most suitable to their talents, character, and the time available for study. He could counsel the would-be airplane mechanic on finding the best places for apprenticeship. He could recommend books to somebody who wanted to find challenging peers to discuss African history. Like the network administrator, the pedagogical counselor would conceive of himself as a professional educator. Access to either could be gained by individuals through the use of educational vouchers. + +The role of the educational initiator or leader, the master or "true" leader, is somewhat more elusive than that of the professional administrator or the pedagogue. This is so because leadership is itself hard to define. In practice, an individual is a leader if people follow his initiative and become apprentices in his progressive discoveries. Frequently, this involves a prophetic vision of entirely new standards -quite understandable today- in which present "wrong" will turn out to be "right". In a society which would honor the right to call assemblies through peermatching, the ability to take educational initiative on a specific subject would be as wide as access to learning itself. But, of course, there is a vast difference between the initiative taken by someone to call a fruitful meeting to discuss this essay and the ability of someone to provide leadership in the systematic exploration of its implications. + +Leadership also does not depend on being right. As Thomas Kuhn points out, in a period of constantly changing paradigms most of the very distinguished leaders are bound to be proven wrong by the test of hindsight. Intellectual leadership does depend on superior intellectual discipline and imagination and the willingness to associate with others in their exercise. A learner, for example, may think that there is an analogy between the U.S. antislavery movement or the Cuban Revolution and what is happening in Harlem. The educator who is himself a historian can show him how to appreciate the flaws in such an analogy. He may retrace his own steps as a historian. He may invite the learner to participate in his own research. In both cases he will apprentice his pupil in a critical art--which is rare in school--and which money or other favors cannot buy. + +The relationship of master and disciple is not restricted to intellectual discipline. It has its counterpart in the arts, in physics, in religion, in psychoanalysis, and in pedagogy. It fits mountain-climbing, silverworking and politics, cabinetmaking and personnel administration. What is common to all true master-pupil relationships is the awareness both share that their relationship is literally priceless and in very different ways a privilege for both. + +Charlatans, demagogues, proselytizers, corrupt masters, and simoniacal priests, tricksters, miracle workers, and messiahs have proven capable of assuming leadership roles and thus show the dangers of any dependence of a disciple on the master. Different societies have taken different measures to defend themselves against these counterfeit teachers. Indians relied on caste-lineage, Eastern Jews on the spiritual discipleship of rabbis, high periods of Christianity on an exemplary life of monastic virtue, other periods on hierarchical orders. Our society relies on certification by schools. It is doubtful that this procedure provides a better screening, but if it should be claimed that it does, then the counterclaim can be made that it does so at the cost of making personal discipleship almost vanish. + +In practice, there will always be a fuzzy line between the teacher of skills and the educational leaders identified above, and there are no practical reasons why access to some leaders could not be gained by discovering the "master" in the drill teacher who introduces students to his discipline. + +On the other hand, what characterizes the true master disciple relationship is its priceless character. Aristotle speaks of it as a "moral type of friendship, which is not on fixed terms: it makes a gift, or does whatever it does, as to a friend". Thomas Aquinas says of this kind of teaching that inevitably it is an act of love and mercy. This kind of teaching is always a luxury for the teacher and a form of leisure (in Greek, "schole") for him and his pupil: an activity meaningful for both, having no ulterior purpose. + +To rely for true intellectual leadership on the desire of gifted people to provide it is obviously necessary even in our society, but it could not be made into a policy now. We must first construct a society in which personal acts themselves reacquire a value higher than that of making things and manipulating people. In such a society exploratory, inventive, creative teaching would logically be counted among the most desirable forms of leisurely "unemployment". But we do not have to wait until the advent of utopia. Even now one of the most important consequences of deschooling and the establishment of peer-matching facilities would be the initiative which "masters" could take to assemble congenial disciples. It would also, as we have seen, provide ample opportunity for potential disciples to share information or to select a master. + +Schools are not the only institutions which pervert professions by packaging roles. Hospitals render home care increasingly impossible--and then justify hospitalization as a benefit to the sick. At the same time, the doctor's legitimacy and ability to work come increasingly to depend on his association with a hospital, even though he is still less totally dependent on it than are teachers on schools. The same could be said about courts, which overcrowd their calendars as new transactions acquire legal solemnity, and thus delay justice. Or it could be said about churches, which succeed in making a captive profession out of a free vocation. The result in each case is scarce service at higher cost, and greater income to the less competent members of the profession. + +So long as the older professions monopolize superior income and prestige it is difficult to reform them. The profession of the schoolteacher should be easier to reform, and not only because it is of more recent origin. The educational profession now claims a comprehensive monopoly; it claims the exclusive competence to apprentice not only its own novices but those of other professions as well. This overexpansion renders it vulnerable to any profession which would reclaim the right to teach its own apprentices. Schoolteachers are overwhelmingly badly paid and frustrated by the tight control of the school system. The most enterprising and gifted among them would probably find more congenial work, more independence, and even higher incomes by specializing as skill models, network administrators, or guidance specialists. + +Finally, the dependence of the registered student on the certified teacher can be broken more easily than his dependence on other professionals--for instance, that of a hospitalized patient on his doctor. If schools ceased to be compulsory, teachers who find their satisfaction in the exercise of pedagogical authority in the classroom would be left only with pupils who were attracted by their style. The disestablishment of our present professional structure could begin with the dropping out of the schoolteacher. + +The disestablishment of schools will inevitably happen- and it will happen surprisingly fast. It cannot be retarded very much longer, and it is hardly necessary to promote it vigorously, for this is being done now. What is worthwhile is to try to orient it in a hopeful direction, for it could take place in either of two diametrically opposed ways. + +The first would be the expansion of the mandate of the pedagogue and his increasing control over society even outside school. With the best of intentions and simply by expanding the rhetoric now used in school, the present crisis in the schools could provide educators with an excuse to use all the networks of contemporary society to funnel their messages to us--for our own good. Deschooling, which we cannot stop, could mean the advent of a ""brave new world" dominated by well-intentioned administrators of programmed instruction. + +On the other hand, the growing awareness on the part of governments, as well as of employers, taxpayers, enlightened pedagogues, and school administrators, that graded curricular teaching for certification has become harmful could offer large masses of people an extraordinary opportunity: that of preserving the right of equal access to the tools both of learning and of sharing with others what they know or believe. But this would require that the educational revolution be guided by certain goals: + +_1._ To liberate access to things by abolishing the control which persons and institutions now exercise over their educational values. + +_2._ To liberate the sharing of skills by guaranteeing freedom to teach or exercise them on request. + +_3._ To liberate the critical and creative resources of people by returning to individual persons the ability to call and hold meetings--an ability now increasingly monopolized by institutions which claim to speak for the people. + +_4._ To liberate the individual from the obligation to shape his expectations to the services offered by any established profession--by providing him with the opportunity to draw on the experience of his peers and to entrust himself to the teacher, guide, adviser, or healer of his choice. Inevitably the deschooling of society will blur the distinctions between economics, education, and politics on which the stability of the present world order and the stability of nations now rest. + +Our review of educational institutions leads us to a review of our image of man. The creature whom schools need as a client has neither the autonomy nor the motivation to grow on his own. We can recognize universal schooling as the culmination of a Promethean enterprise, and speak about the alternative as a world fit to live in for Epimethean man. While we can specify that the alternative to scholastic funnels is a world made transparent by true communication webs, and while we can specify very concretely how these could function, we can only expect the Epimethean nature of man to re-emerge; we can neither plan nor produce it. + + +# Rebirth of Epimethean Man + +Our society resembles the ultimate machine which I once saw in a New York toy shop. It was a metal casket which, when you touched a switch, snapped open to reveal a mechanical hand. Chromed fingers reached out for the lid, pulled it down, and locked it from the inside. It was a box; you expected to be able to take something out of it; yet all it contained was a mechanism for closing the cover. This contraption is the opposite of Pandora's "box". + +The original Pandora, the All-Giver, was an Earth goddess in prehistoric matriarchal Greece. She let all ills escape from her amphora (pythos). But she closed the lid before Hope could escape. The history of modern man begins with the degradation of Pandora's myth and comes to an end in the self-sealing casket. It is the history of the Promethean endeavor to forge institutions in order to corral each of the rampant ills. It is the history of fading hope and rising expectations. + +To understand what this means we must rediscover the distinction between hope and expectation. Hope, in its strong sense, means trusting faith in the goodness of nature, while expectation, as I will use it here, means reliance on results which are planned and controlled by man. Hope centers desire on a person from whom we await a gift. Expectation looks forward to satisfaction from a predictable process which will produce what we have the right to claim. The Promethean ethos has now eclipsed hope. Survival of the human race depends on its rediscovery as a social force. + +The original Pandora was sent to Earth with a jar which contained all ills; of good things, it contained only hope. Primitive man lived in this world of hope. He relied on the munificence of nature, on the handouts of gods, and on the instincts of his tribe to enable him to subsist. Classical Greeks began to replace hope with expectations. In their version of Pandora she released both evils and goods. They remembered her mainly for the ills she had unleashed. And, most significantly, they forgot that the All-Giver was also the keeper of hope. + +The Greeks told the story of two brothers, Prometheus and Epimetheus. The former warned the latter to leave Pandora alone. Instead, he married her. In classical Greece the name "Epimetheus," which means "hindsight," was interpreted to mean "dull" or "dumb". By the time Hesiod retold the story in its classical form, the Greeks had become moral and misogynous patriarchs who panicked at the thought of the first woman. They built a rational and authoritarian society. + +Men engineered institutions through which they planned to cope with the rampant ills. They became conscious of their power to fashion the world and make it produce services they also learned to expect. They wanted their own needs and the future demands of their children to be shaped by their artifacts. They became lawgivers, architects, and authors, the makers of constitutions, cities, and works of art to serve as examples for their offspring. Primitive man had relied on mythical participation in sacred rites to initiate individuals into the lore of society, but the classical Greeks recognized as true men only those citizens who let themselves be fitted by paideIa (education) into the institutions their elders had planned. + +The developing myth reflects the transition from a world in which dreams were interpreted to a world in which oracles were made. From immemorial time, the Earth Goddess had been worshipped on the slope of Mount Parnassus, which was the center and navel of the Earth. There, at Delphi (from deiphys, the womb), slept Gaia, the sister of Chaos and Eros. Her son, Python the dragon, guarded her moonlit and dewy dreams, until Apollo the Sun God, the architect of Troy, rose from the east, slew the dragon, and became the owner of Gaia's cave. His priests took over her temple. They employed a local maiden, sat her on a tripod over Earth's smoking navel, and made her drowsy with fumes. They then rhymed her ecstatic utterances into hexameters of self-fulfilling prophecies. From all over the Peloponnesus men brought their problems to Apollo's sanctuary. The oracle was consulted on social options, such as measures to be taken to stop a plague or a famine, to choose the right constitution for Sparta or the propitious sites for cities which later became Byzantium and Chalcedon. The never-erring arrow became Apollo's symbol. Everything about him became purposeful and useful. + +In the Republic, describing the ideal state, Plato already excludes popular music. Only the harp and Apollo's lyre would be permitted in towns because their harmony alone creates "the strain of necessity and the strain of freedom, the strain of the unfortunate and the strain of the fortunate, the strain of courage and the strain of temperance which befit the citizen". City-dwellers panicked before Pan's flute and its power to awaken the instincts. Only "the shepherds may play Pan's pipes and they only in the country". + +Man assumed responsibility for the laws under which he wanted to live and for the casting of the environment into his own image. Primitive initiation by Mother Earth into mythical life was transformed into the education (paideia) of the citizen who would feel at home in the forum. + +To the primitive the world was governed by fate, fact, and necessity. By stealing fire from the gods, Prometheus turned facts into problems, called necessity into question, and defied fate. Classical man framed a civilized context for human perspective. He was aware that he could defy fate-nature-environment, but only at his own risk. Contemporary man goes further; he attempts to create the world in his image, to build a totally man-made environment, and then discovers that he can do so only on the condition of constantly remaking himself to fit it. We now must face the fact that man himself is at stake. + +Life today in New York produces a very peculiar vision of what is and what can be, and without this vision life in New York is impossible. A child on the streets of New York never touches anything which has not been scientifically developed, engineered, planned, and sold to someone. Even the trees are there because the Parks Department decided to put them there. The jokes the child hears on television have been programmed at a high cost. The refuse with which he plays in the streets of Harlem is made of broken packages planned for somebody else. Even desires and fears are institutionally shaped. Power and violence are organized and managed: the gangs versus the police. Learning itself is defined as the consumption of subject matter, which is the result of researched, planned, and promoted programs. Whatever good there is, is the product of some specialized institution. It would be foolish to demand something which some institution cannot produce. The child of the city cannot expect anything which lies outside the possible development of institutional process. Even his fantasy is prompted to produce science fiction. He can experience the poetic surprise of the unplanned only through his encounter with "dirt," blunder, or failure: the orange peel in the gutter, the puddle in the street, the breakdown of order, program, or machine are the only take-offs for creative fancy. "Goofing off" becomes the only poetry at hand. + +Since there is nothing desirable which has not been planned, the city child soon concludes that we will always be able to design an institution for our every want. He takes for granted the power of process to create value. Whether the goal is meeting a mate, integrating a neighborhood, or acquiring reading skills, it will be defined in such a way that its achievement can be engineered. The man who knows that nothing in demand is out of production soon expects that nothing produced can be out of demand. If a moon vehicle can be designed, so can the demand to go to the moon. Not to go where one can go would be subversive. It would unmask as folly the assumption that every satisfied demand entails the discovery of an even greater unsatisfied one. Such insight would stop progress. Not to produce what is possible would expose the law of "rising expectations" as a euphemism for a growing frustration gap, which is the motor of a society built on the coproduction of services and increased demand. + +The state of mind of the modern city-dweller appears in the mythical tradition only under the image of Hell: Sisyphus, who for a while had chained Thanatos (death), must roll a heavy stone up the hill to the pinnacle of Hell, and the stone always slips from his grip just when he is about to reach the top. Tantalus, who was invited by the gods to share their meal, and on that occasion stole their secret of how to prepare all-healing ambrosia, which bestowed immortality, suffers eternal hunger and thirst standing in a river of receding waters, overshadowed by fruit trees with receding branches. A world of ever-rising demands is not just evil-it can be spoken of only as Hell. + +Man has developed the frustrating power to demand anything because he cannot visualize anything which an institution cannot do for him. Surrounded by all-powerful tools, man is reduced to a tool of his tools. Each of the institutions meant to exorcise one of the primeval evils has become a fail-safe, self-sealing coffin for man. Man is trapped in the boxes he makes to contain the ills Pandora allowed to escape. The blackout of reality in the smog produced by our tools has enveloped us. Quite suddenly we find ourselves in the darkness of our own trap. + +Reality itself has become dependent on human decision. The same President who ordered the ineffective invasion of Cambodia could equally well order the effective use of the atom. The "Hiroshima switch" now can cut the navel of the Earth. Man has acquired the power to make Chaos overwhelm both Eros and Gaia. This new power of man to cut the navel of the Earth is a constant reminder that our institutions not only create their own ends, but also have the power to put an end to themselves and to us. The absurdity of modern institutions is evident in the case of the military. Modern weapons can defend freedom, civilization, and life only by annihilating them. Security in military language means the ability to do away with the Earth. + +The absurdity that underlies nonmilitary institutions is no less manifest. There is no switch in them to activate their destructive power, but neither do they need a switch. Their grip is already fastened to the lid of the world. They create needs faster than they can create satisfaction, and in the process of trying to meet the needs they generate, they consume the Earth. This is true for agriculture and manufacturing, and no less for medicine and education. Modern agriculture poisons and exhausts the soil. The "green revolution" can, by means of new seeds, triple the output of an acre--but only with an even greater proportional increase of fertilizers, insecticides, water, and power. Manufacturing of these, as of all other goods, pollutes the oceans and the atmosphere and degrades irreplaceable resources. If combustion continues to increase at present rates, we will soon consume the oxygen of the atmosphere faster than it can be replaced. We have no reason to believe that fission or fusion can replace combustion without equal or higher hazards. Medicine men replace midwives and promise to make man into something else: genetically planned, pharmacologically sweetened, and capable of more protracted sickness. The contemporary ideal is a pan-hygienic world: a world in which all contacts between men, and between men and their world, are the result of foresight and manipulation. School has become the planned process which tools man for a planned world, the principal tool to trap man in man s trap. It is sup-posed to shape each man to an adequate level for playing a part in this world game. Inexorably we cultivate, treat, produce, and school the world out of existence. + +The military institution is evidently absurd. The absurdity of nonmilitary institutions is more difficult to face. It is even more frightening, precisely because it operates inexorably. We know which switch must stay open to avoid an atomic holocaust. No switch detains an ecological Armageddon. + +In classical antiquity, man had discovered that the world could be made according to man's plans, and with this insight he perceived that it was inherently precarious, dramatic and comical. Democratic institutions evolved and man was presumed worthy of trust within their framework. Expectations from due process and confidence in human nature kept each other in balance. The traditional professions developed and with them the institutions needed for their exercise. + +Surreptitiously, reliance on institutional process has replaced dependence on personal good will. The world has lost its humane dimension and reacquired the factual necessity and fatefulness which were characteristic of primitive times. But while the chaos of the barbarian was constantly ordered in the name of mysterious, anthropomorphic gods, today only man's planning can be given as a reason for the world being as it, is. Man has become the plaything of scientists, engineers, and planners. + +We see this logic at work in ourselves and in others. I know a Mexican village through which not more than a dozen cars drive each day. A Mexican was playing dominoes on the new hard-surface road in front of his house--where he had probably played and sat since his youth. A car sped through and killed him. The tourist who reported the event to me was deeply upset, and yet he said: "The man had it coming to him". + +At first sight, the tourist's remark is no different from the statement of some primitive bushman reporting the death of a fellow who had collided with a taboo and had therefore died. But the two statements carry opposite meanings. The primitive can blame some tremendous and dumb transcendence, while the tourist is in awe of the inexorable logic of the machine. The primitive does not sense responsibility; the tourist senses it, but denies it. In both the primitive and the tourist the classical mode of drama, the style of tragedy, the logic of personal endeavor and rebellion is absent. The primitive man has not become conscious of it, and the tourist has lost it. The myth of the Bushman and the myth of the American are made of inert, inhuman forces. Neither experiences tragic rebellion. For the Bushman, the event follows the laws of magic; for the American, it follows the laws of science. The event puts him under the spell of the laws of mechanics, which for him govern physical, social, and psychological events. + +The mood of 1971 is propitious for a major change of direction in search of a hopeful future. Institutional goals continuously contradict institutional products. The poverty program produces more poor, the war in Asia more Vietcong, technical assistance more underdevelopment. Birth control clinics increase survival rates and boost the population; schools produce more dropouts; and the curb on one kind of pollution usually increases another. + +Consumers are faced with the realization that the more they can buy, the more deceptions they must swallow. Until recently it seemed logical that the blame for this pandemic inflation of dysfunctions could be laid either on the limping of scientific discovery behind the technological demands or on the perversity of ethnic, ideological, or class enemies. Both the expectations of a scientific millennium and of a war to end all wars have declined. + +For the experienced consumer, there is no way back to a naïve reliance on magical technologies. Too many people have had bad experiences with neurotic computers, hospital-bred infections, and jams wherever there is traffic on the road, in the air, or on the phone. Only ten years ago conventional wisdom anticipated a better life based on an increase in scientific discovery. Now scientists frighten children. The moon shots provide a fascinating demonstration that human failure can be almost eliminated among the operators of complex systems-yet this does not allay our fears that the human failure to consume according to instruction might spread out of control. + +For the social reformer there is no way back, either, to the assumptions of the forties. The hope has vanished that the problem of justly distributing goods can be sidetracked by creating an abundance of them. The cost of the minimum package capable of satisfying modern tastes has skyrocketed, and what makes tastes modern is their obsolescence prior even to satisfaction. + +The limits of the Earth's resources have become evident. No breakthrough in science or technology could provide every man in the world with the commodities and services which are now available to the poor of rich countries. For instance, it would take the extraction of one hundred times the present amounts of iron, tin, copper, and lead to achieve such a goal, with even the "lightest" alternative technology. + +Finally, teachers, doctors, and social workers realize that their distinct professional ministrations have one aspect-at least-in common. They create further demands for the institutional treatments they provide, faster than they can provide service institutions. + +Not just some part, but the very logic, of conventional wisdom is becoming suspect. Even the laws of economy seem unconvincing outside the narrow parameters which apply to the social, geographic area where most of the money is concentrated. Money is, indeed, the cheapest currency, but only in an economy geared to efficiency measured in monetary terms. Both capitalist and Communist countries in their various forms are committed to measuring efficiency in cost-benefit ratios expressed in dollars. Capitalism flaunts a higher standard of living as its claim to superiority. Communism boasts of a higher growth rate as an index of its ultimate triumph. But under either ideology the total cost of increasing efficiency increases geometrically. The largest institutions compete most fiercely for resources which are not listed in any inventory: the air, the ocean, silence, sunlight, and health. They bring the scarcity of these resources to public attention only when they are almost irremediably degraded. Everywhere nature becomes poisonous, society inhumane, and the inner life is invaded and personal vocation smothered. + +A society committed to the institutionalization of values identifies the production of goods and services with the demand for such. Education which makes you need the product is included in the price of the product. School is the advertising agency which makes you believe that you need the society as it is. In such a society marginal value has become constantly self-transcendent. It forces the few largest consumers to compete for the power to deplete the earth, to fill their own swelling bellies, to discipline smaller consumers, and to deactivate those who still find satisfaction in making do with what they have. The ethos of nonsatiety is thus at the root of physical depredation, social polarization, and psychological passivity. + +When values have been institutionalized in planned and engineered processes, members of modern society believe that the good life consists in having institutions which define the values that both they and their society believe they need. Institutional value can be defined as the level of output of an institution. The corresponding value of man is measured by his ability to consume and degrade these institutional outputs, and thus create a new-even higher demand. The value of institutionalized man depends on his capacity as an incinerator. To use an image--he has become the idol of his handiworks. Man now defines himself as the fur-nace which burns up the values produced by his tools. And there is no limit to his capacity. His is the act of Prometheus carried to an extreme. + +The exhaustion and pollution of the earth's resources is, above all, the result of a corruption in man's self-image, of a regression in his consciousness. Some would like to speak about a mutation of collective consciousness which leads to a conception of man as an organism dependent not on nature and individuals, but rather on institutions. This institutionalization of substantive values, this belief that a planned process of treatment ultimately gives results desired by the recipient, this consumer ethos, is at the heart of the Promethean fallacy. + +## Efforts to find a new balance in the global milieu depend on the deinstitutionalization of values + +The suspicion that something is structurally wrong with the vision of _homo faber_ is common to a growing minority in capitalist, Communist, and "underdeveloped" countries alike. This suspicion is the shared characteristic of a new elite. To it belong people of all classes, incomes, faiths, and civilizations. They have 'become wary of the myths of the majority: of scientific utopias, of ideological diabolism, and of the expectation of the distribution of goods and services with some degree of equality. They share with the majority the sense of being trapped. They share with the majority the awareness that most new policies adopted by broad consensus consistently lead to results which are glaringly opposed to their stated aims. Yet whereas the Promethean majority of would-be spacemen still evades the structural issue, the emergent minority is critical of the scientific _deus ex machina_, the ideological panacea, and the hunt for devils and witches. This minority begins to formulate its suspicion that our constant deceptions tie us to contemporary institutions as the chains bound Prometheus to his rock. Hopeful trust and classical irony (eironeia) must conspire to expose the Promethean fallacy. + +Prometheus is usually thought to mean "foresight," or sometimes even "he who makes the North Star progress". He tricked the gods out of their monopoly of fire, taught men to use it in the forging of iron, became the god of technologists, and wound up in iron chains. + +The Pythia of Delphi has now been replaced by a computer which hovers above panels and punch cards. The hexameters of the oracle have given way to sixteen-bit codes of instructions. Man the helmsman has turned the rudder over to the cybernetic machine. The ultimate machine emerges to direct our destinies. Children phantasize flying their spacecrafts away from a crepuscular earth. + +From the perspectives of the Man on the Moon, Prometheus could recognize sparkling blue Gaia as the planet of Hope and as the Arc of Mankind. A new sense of the finiteness of the Earth and a new nostalgia now can open man's eyes to the choice of his brother Epimetheus to wed the Earth with Pandora. + +At this point the Greek myth turns into hopeful prophecy because it tells us that the son of Prometheus was Deucalion, the Helmsman of the Ark who like Noah outrode the Flood to become the father of a new mankind which he made from the earth with Pyrrha, the daughter of Epimetheus and Pandora. We are gaining insight into the meaning of the Pythos which Pandora brought from the gods as being the inverse of the Box: our Vessel and Ark. + +We now need a name for those who value hope above expectations. We need a name for those who love people more than products, those who believe that + +``` +No people are uninteresting. +Their fate is like the chronicle of planets. + +Nothing in them is not particular, +and planet is dissimilar from planet. +``` + +We need a name for those who love the earth on which each can meet the other, + +``` +And if a man lived in obscurity +making his friends in that obscurity, +obscurity is not uninteresting. +``` + +We need a name for those who collaborate with their Promethean brother in the lighting of the fire and the shaping of iron, but who do so to enhance their ability to tend and care and wait upon the other, knowing that[^n03] + +``` +to each his world is private, +and in that world one excellent minute. +And in that world one tragic minute. +These are private. +``` + +I suggest that these hopeful brothers and sisters be called Epimethean men. + +---- + +[^n00]: Penrose B. Jackson, _Trends in Elementary and Secondary Education Expenditures: Central City and Suburban Comparisons 1965 to 1968_, U.S. Office of Education, Office of Program and Planning Evaluation, June 1969. + +[^n01]: "Nichomachean Ethics", 1 140. + +[^n02]: This chapter was presented originally at a meeting of the American Educational Research Association, in New York City, February 6, 1971.) + +[^n03]: The three quotations are from "People" from the book Selected Poems by Yevgeny Yevtushenko. Translated and with Introduction by Robin Milner Gulland and Peter Levi. Published by E. P. Dutton & Co. Inc., 1962, and reprinted with their permission. + diff --git a/data/pages/en/book/deschooling/en.txt b/contents/book/deschooling/en.txt index d0dbddf..ec3e18c 100644 --- a/data/pages/en/book/deschooling/en.txt +++ b/contents/book/deschooling/en.txt @@ -4,15 +4,15 @@ I owe my interest in public education to Everett Reimer. Until we first met in Puerto Rico in 1958, I had never questioned the value of extending obligatory schooling to all people. Together we have come to realize that for most men the right to learn is curtailed by the obligation to attend school. The essays given at CIDOC and gathered in this book grew out of memoranda which I submitted to him, and which we discussed during 1970, the thirteenth year of our dialogue. The last chapter contains my afterthoughts on a conversation with Erich Fromm on Bachofen's Mutterrecht. -Since 1967 Reimer and I have met regularly at the Center for Intercultural Documentation (CIDOC) in Cuernavaca, Mexico. Valentine Borremans, the director of the Center, also joined our dialogue, and constantly urged me to test our thinking against the realities of Latin America and Africa. This book reflects her conviction that the ethos, not just the institutions, of society ought to be "deschooled". +Since 1967 Reimer and I have met regularly at the Center for Intercultural Documentation (CIDOC) in Cuernavaca, Mexico. Valentine Borremans, the director of the Center, also joined our dialogue, and constantly urged me to test our thinking against the realities of Latin America and Africa. This book reflects her conviction that the ethos, not just the institutions, of society ought to be "deschooled". -Universal education through schooling is not feasible. It would be no more feasible if it were attempted by means of alternative institutions built on the style of present schools. Neither new attitudes of teachers toward their pupils nor the proliferation of educational hardware or software (in classroom or bedroom), nor finally the attempt to expand the pedagogue's responsibility until it engulfs his pupils' lifetimes will deliver universal education. The current search for new educational funnels must be reversed into the search for their institutional inverse: educational webs which heighten the opportunity for each one to transform each moment of his living into one of learning, sharing, and caring. We hope to contribute concepts needed by those who conduct such counterfoil research on education--and also to those who seek alternatives to other established service industries. +Universal education through schooling is not feasible. It would be no more feasible if it were attempted by means of alternative institutions built on the style of present schools. Neither new attitudes of teachers toward their pupils nor the proliferation of educational hardware or software (in classroom or bedroom), nor finally the attempt to expand the pedagogue's responsibility until it engulfs his pupils' lifetimes will deliver universal education. The current search for new educational funnels must be reversed into the search for their institutional inverse: educational webs which heighten the opportunity for each one to transform each moment of his living into one of learning, sharing, and caring. We hope to contribute concepts needed by those who conduct such counterfoil research on education--and also to those who seek alternatives to other established service industries. -On Wednesday mornings, during the spring and summer of 1970, I submitted the various parts of this book to the participants in our CIDOC programs in Cuernavaca. Dozens of them made suggestions or provided criticisms. Many will recognize their ideas in these pages, especially Paulo Freire, Peter Berger, and Jos? Maria Bulnes, as well as Joseph Fitzpatrick, John Holt, Angel Quintero, Layman Allen, Fred Goodman, Gerhard Ladner, Didier Piveteau, Joel Spring, Augusto Salazar Bondy, and Dennis Sullivan. Among my critics, Paul Goodman most radically obliged me to revise my thinking. Robert Silvers provided me with brilliant editorial assistance on Chapters 1, 3, and 6, which have appeared in The New York Review of Books. +On Wednesday mornings, during the spring and summer of 1970, I submitted the various parts of this book to the participants in our CIDOC programs in Cuernavaca. Dozens of them made suggestions or provided criticisms. Many will recognize their ideas in these pages, especially Paulo Freire, Peter Berger, and Jos? Maria Bulnes, as well as Joseph Fitzpatrick, John Holt, Angel Quintero, Layman Allen, Fred Goodman, Gerhard Ladner, Didier Piveteau, Joel Spring, Augusto Salazar Bondy, and Dennis Sullivan. Among my critics, Paul Goodman most radically obliged me to revise my thinking. Robert Silvers provided me with brilliant editorial assistance on Chapters 1, 3, and 6, which have appeared in The New York Review of Books. -Reimer and I have decided to publish separate views of our joint research. He is working on a comprehensive and documented exposition, which will be subjected to several months of further critical appraisal and be published late in 1971 by Doubleday & Company. Dennis Sullivan, who acted as secretary at the meetings between Reimer and myself, is preparing a book for publication in the spring of 1972 which will place my argument in the context of current debate about public schooling in the United States. I offer this volume of essays now in the hope that it will provoke additional critical contributions to the sessions of a seminar on "Alternatives in Education" planned at CIDOC in Cuernavaca for 1972 and 1973. +Reimer and I have decided to publish separate views of our joint research. He is working on a comprehensive and documented exposition, which will be subjected to several months of further critical appraisal and be published late in 1971 by Doubleday & Company. Dennis Sullivan, who acted as secretary at the meetings between Reimer and myself, is preparing a book for publication in the spring of 1972 which will place my argument in the context of current debate about public schooling in the United States. I offer this volume of essays now in the hope that it will provoke additional critical contributions to the sessions of a seminar on "Alternatives in Education" planned at CIDOC in Cuernavaca for 1972 and 1973. -I intend to discuss some perplexing issues which are raised once we embrace the hypothesis that society can be deschooled; to search for criteria which may help us distinguish institutions which merit development because they support learning in a deschooled milieu; and to clarify those personal goals which would foster the advent of an Age of Leisure (schole) as opposed to an economy dominated by service industries. +I intend to discuss some perplexing issues which are raised once we embrace the hypothesis that society can be deschooled; to search for criteria which may help us distinguish institutions which merit development because they support learning in a deschooled milieu; and to clarify those personal goals which would foster the advent of an Age of Leisure (schole) as opposed to an economy dominated by service industries. IVAN ILLICH @@ -20,33 +20,33 @@ CIDOC Cuernavaca, Mexico November, 1970 ## Why We Must Disestablish School -Many students, especially those who are poor, intuitively know what the schools do for them. They school them to confuse process and substance. Once these become blurred, a new logic is assumed: the more treatment there is, the better are the results; or, escalation leads to success. The pupil is thereby "schooled" to confuse teaching with learning, grade advancement with education, a diploma with competence, and fluency with the ability to say something new. His imagination is "schooled" to accept service in place of value. Medical treatment is mistaken for health care, social work for the improvement of community life, police protection for safety, military poise for national security, the rat race for productive work. Health, learning, dignity, independence, and creative endeavor are defined as little more than the performance of the institutions which claim to serve these ends, and their improvement is made to depend on allocating more resources to the management of hospitals, schools, and other agencies in question. +Many students, especially those who are poor, intuitively know what the schools do for them. They school them to confuse process and substance. Once these become blurred, a new logic is assumed: the more treatment there is, the better are the results; or, escalation leads to success. The pupil is thereby "schooled" to confuse teaching with learning, grade advancement with education, a diploma with competence, and fluency with the ability to say something new. His imagination is "schooled" to accept service in place of value. Medical treatment is mistaken for health care, social work for the improvement of community life, police protection for safety, military poise for national security, the rat race for productive work. Health, learning, dignity, independence, and creative endeavor are defined as little more than the performance of the institutions which claim to serve these ends, and their improvement is made to depend on allocating more resources to the management of hospitals, schools, and other agencies in question. -In these essays, I will show that the institutionalization of values leads inevitably to physical pollution, social polarization, and psychological impotence: three dimensions in a process of global degradation and modernized misery. I will explain how this process of degradation is accelerated when nonmaterial needs are transformed into demands for commodities; when health, education, personal mobility, welfare, or psychological healing are defined as the result of services or "treatments". I do this because I believe that most of the research now going on about the future tends to advocate further increases in the institutionalization of values and that we must define conditions which would permit precisely the contrary to happen. We need research on the possible use of technology to create institutions which serve personal, creative, and autonomous interaction and the emergence of values which cannot be substantially controlled by technocrats. We need counterfoil research to current futurology. +In these essays, I will show that the institutionalization of values leads inevitably to physical pollution, social polarization, and psychological impotence: three dimensions in a process of global degradation and modernized misery. I will explain how this process of degradation is accelerated when nonmaterial needs are transformed into demands for commodities; when health, education, personal mobility, welfare, or psychological healing are defined as the result of services or "treatments". I do this because I believe that most of the research now going on about the future tends to advocate further increases in the institutionalization of values and that we must define conditions which would permit precisely the contrary to happen. We need research on the possible use of technology to create institutions which serve personal, creative, and autonomous interaction and the emergence of values which cannot be substantially controlled by technocrats. We need counterfoil research to current futurology. -I want to raise the general question of the mutual definition of man's nature and the nature of modern institutions which characterizes our world view and language. To do so, I have chosen the school as my paradigm, and I therefore deal only indirectly with other bureaucratic agencies of the corporate state: the consumer-family, the party, the army, the church, the media. My analysis of the hidden curriculum of school should make it evident that public education would profit from the deschooling of society, just as family life, politics, security, faith, and communication would profit from an analogous process. +I want to raise the general question of the mutual definition of man's nature and the nature of modern institutions which characterizes our world view and language. To do so, I have chosen the school as my paradigm, and I therefore deal only indirectly with other bureaucratic agencies of the corporate state: the consumer-family, the party, the army, the church, the media. My analysis of the hidden curriculum of school should make it evident that public education would profit from the deschooling of society, just as family life, politics, security, faith, and communication would profit from an analogous process. -I begin my analysis, in this first essay, by trying to convey what the deschooling of a schooled society might mean. In this context, it should be easier to understand my choice of the five specific aspects relevant to this process with which I deal in the subsequent chapters. +I begin my analysis, in this first essay, by trying to convey what the deschooling of a schooled society might mean. In this context, it should be easier to understand my choice of the five specific aspects relevant to this process with which I deal in the subsequent chapters. -Not only education but social reality itself has become schooled. It costs roughly the same to school both rich and poor in the same dependency. The yearly expenditure per pupil in the slums and in the rich suburbs of any one of twenty U.S. cities lies in the same range-and sometimes is favorable to the poor[^n00]. Rich and poor alike depend on schools and hospitals which guide their lives, form their world view, and define for them what is legitimate and what is not. Both view doctoring oneself as irresponsible, learning on one's own as unreliable, and community organization, when not paid for by those in authority, as a form of aggression or subversion. For both groups the reliance on institutional treatment renders independent accomplishment suspect. The progressive underdevelopment of self- and community-reliance is even more typical in Westchester than it is in the northeast of Brazil. Everywhere not only education but society as a whole needs "deschooling". +Not only education but social reality itself has become schooled. It costs roughly the same to school both rich and poor in the same dependency. The yearly expenditure per pupil in the slums and in the rich suburbs of any one of twenty U.S. cities lies in the same range-and sometimes is favorable to the poor[^n00]. Rich and poor alike depend on schools and hospitals which guide their lives, form their world view, and define for them what is legitimate and what is not. Both view doctoring oneself as irresponsible, learning on one's own as unreliable, and community organization, when not paid for by those in authority, as a form of aggression or subversion. For both groups the reliance on institutional treatment renders independent accomplishment suspect. The progressive underdevelopment of self- and community-reliance is even more typical in Westchester than it is in the northeast of Brazil. Everywhere not only education but society as a whole needs "deschooling". -Welfare bureaucracies claim a professional, political, and financial monopoly over the social imagination, setting standards of what is valuable and what is feasible. This monopoly is at the root of the modernization of poverty. Every simple need to which an institutional answer is found permits the invention of a new class of poor and a new definition of poverty. Ten years ago in Mexico it was the normal thing to be born and to die in one's own home and to be buried by one's friends. Only the soul's needs were taken care of by the institutional church. Now to begin and end life at home become signs either of poverty or of special privilege. Dying and death have come under the institutional management of doctors and undertakers. +Welfare bureaucracies claim a professional, political, and financial monopoly over the social imagination, setting standards of what is valuable and what is feasible. This monopoly is at the root of the modernization of poverty. Every simple need to which an institutional answer is found permits the invention of a new class of poor and a new definition of poverty. Ten years ago in Mexico it was the normal thing to be born and to die in one's own home and to be buried by one's friends. Only the soul's needs were taken care of by the institutional church. Now to begin and end life at home become signs either of poverty or of special privilege. Dying and death have come under the institutional management of doctors and undertakers. -Once basic needs have been translated by a society into demands for scientifically produced commodities, poverty is defined by standards which the technocrats can change at will. Poverty then refers to those who have fallen behind an advertised ideal of consumption in some important respect. In Mexico the poor are those who lack three years of schooling, and in New York they are those who lack twelve. +Once basic needs have been translated by a society into demands for scientifically produced commodities, poverty is defined by standards which the technocrats can change at will. Poverty then refers to those who have fallen behind an advertised ideal of consumption in some important respect. In Mexico the poor are those who lack three years of schooling, and in New York they are those who lack twelve. -The poor have always been socially powerless. The increasing reliance on institutional care adds a new dimension to their helplessness: psychological impotence, the inability to fend for themselves. Peasants on the high plateau of the Andes are exploited by the landlord and the merchant-once they settle in Lima they are, in addition, dependent on political bosses, and disabled by their lack of schooling. Modernized poverty combines the lack of power over circumstances with a loss of personal potency. This modernization of poverty is a world-wide phenomenon, and lies at the root of contemporary underdevelopment. Of course it appears under different guises in rich and in poor countries. +The poor have always been socially powerless. The increasing reliance on institutional care adds a new dimension to their helplessness: psychological impotence, the inability to fend for themselves. Peasants on the high plateau of the Andes are exploited by the landlord and the merchant-once they settle in Lima they are, in addition, dependent on political bosses, and disabled by their lack of schooling. Modernized poverty combines the lack of power over circumstances with a loss of personal potency. This modernization of poverty is a world-wide phenomenon, and lies at the root of contemporary underdevelopment. Of course it appears under different guises in rich and in poor countries. -It is probably most intensely felt in U.S. cities. Nowhere else is poverty treated at greater cost. Nowhere else does the treatment of poverty produce so much dependence, anger, frustration, and further demands. And nowhere else should it be so evident that poverty-once it has become modernized-has become resistant to treatment with dollars alone and requires an institutional revolution. +It is probably most intensely felt in U.S. cities. Nowhere else is poverty treated at greater cost. Nowhere else does the treatment of poverty produce so much dependence, anger, frustration, and further demands. And nowhere else should it be so evident that poverty-once it has become modernized-has become resistant to treatment with dollars alone and requires an institutional revolution. -Today in the United States the black and even the migrant can aspire to a level of professional treatment which would have been unthinkable two generations ago, and which seems grotesque to most people in the Third World. For instance, the U.S. poor can count on a truant officer to return their children to school until they reach seventeen, or on a doctor to assign them to a hospital bed which costs sixty dollars per day-the equivalent of three months' income for a majority of the people in the world. But such care only makes them dependent on more treatment, and renders them increasingly incapable of organizing their own lives around their own experiences and resources within their own communities. +Today in the United States the black and even the migrant can aspire to a level of professional treatment which would have been unthinkable two generations ago, and which seems grotesque to most people in the Third World. For instance, the U.S. poor can count on a truant officer to return their children to school until they reach seventeen, or on a doctor to assign them to a hospital bed which costs sixty dollars per day-the equivalent of three months' income for a majority of the people in the world. But such care only makes them dependent on more treatment, and renders them increasingly incapable of organizing their own lives around their own experiences and resources within their own communities. -The poor in the United States are in a unique position to speak about the predicament which threatens all the poor in a modernizing world. They are making the discovery that no amount of dollars can remove the inherent destructiveness of welfare institutions, once the professional hierarchies of these institutions have convinced society that their ministrations are morally necessary. The poor in the U.S. inner city can demonstrate from their own experience the fallacy on which social legislation in a "schooled" society is built. +The poor in the United States are in a unique position to speak about the predicament which threatens all the poor in a modernizing world. They are making the discovery that no amount of dollars can remove the inherent destructiveness of welfare institutions, once the professional hierarchies of these institutions have convinced society that their ministrations are morally necessary. The poor in the U.S. inner city can demonstrate from their own experience the fallacy on which social legislation in a "schooled" society is built. -Supreme Court Justice William 0. Douglas observed that "the only way to establish an institution is to finance it". The corollary is also true. Only by channeling dollars away from the institutions which now treat health, education, and welfare can the further impoverishment resulting from their disabling side effects be stopped. +Supreme Court Justice William 0. Douglas observed that "the only way to establish an institution is to finance it". The corollary is also true. Only by channeling dollars away from the institutions which now treat health, education, and welfare can the further impoverishment resulting from their disabling side effects be stopped. -This must be kept in mind when we evaluate federal aid pro-grams. As a case in point, between 1965 and 1968 over three billion dollars were spent in U.S. schools to offset the disadvantages of about six million children. The program is known as Title One. It is the most expensive compensatory program ever attempted anywhere in education, yet no significant improvement can be detected in the learning of these "disadvantaged" children. Compared with their classmates from middle income homes, they have fallen further behind. Moreover, in the course of this program, professionals discovered an additional ten million children laboring under economic and educational handicaps. More reasons for claiming more federal funds are now at hand. +This must be kept in mind when we evaluate federal aid pro-grams. As a case in point, between 1965 and 1968 over three billion dollars were spent in U.S. schools to offset the disadvantages of about six million children. The program is known as Title One. It is the most expensive compensatory program ever attempted anywhere in education, yet no significant improvement can be detected in the learning of these "disadvantaged" children. Compared with their classmates from middle income homes, they have fallen further behind. Moreover, in the course of this program, professionals discovered an additional ten million children laboring under economic and educational handicaps. More reasons for claiming more federal funds are now at hand. -This total failure to improve the education of the poor despite more costly treatment can be explained in three ways: +This total failure to improve the education of the poor despite more costly treatment can be explained in three ways: _1._ Three billion dollars are insufficient to improve the performance of six million children by a measurable amount; or @@ -54,484 +54,484 @@ _2._ The money was incompetently spent: different curricula, better administrati _3._ Educational disadvantage cannot be cured by relying on education within the school. -The first is certainly true so long as the money has been spent through the school budget. The money indeed went to the schools which contained most of the disadvantaged children, but it was not spent on the poor children themselves. These children for whom the money was intended comprised only about half of those who were attending the schools that added the federal subsidies to their budgets. Thus the money was spent for custodial care, indoctrination and the selection of social roles, as well as education, all of which functions are inextricably mingled in the physical plants, curricula, teachers, administrators, and other key components of these schools, and, therefore, in their budgets. +The first is certainly true so long as the money has been spent through the school budget. The money indeed went to the schools which contained most of the disadvantaged children, but it was not spent on the poor children themselves. These children for whom the money was intended comprised only about half of those who were attending the schools that added the federal subsidies to their budgets. Thus the money was spent for custodial care, indoctrination and the selection of social roles, as well as education, all of which functions are inextricably mingled in the physical plants, curricula, teachers, administrators, and other key components of these schools, and, therefore, in their budgets. -The added funds enabled schools to cater disproportionately to the satisfaction of the relatively richer children who were "disadvantaged" by having to attend school in the company of the poor. At best a small fraction of each dollar intended to remedy a poor child's disadvantages in learning could reach the child through the school budget. +The added funds enabled schools to cater disproportionately to the satisfaction of the relatively richer children who were "disadvantaged" by having to attend school in the company of the poor. At best a small fraction of each dollar intended to remedy a poor child's disadvantages in learning could reach the child through the school budget. -It might be equally true that the money was incompetently spent. But even unusual incompetence cannot beat that of the school system. Schools by their very structure resist the concentration of privilege on those otherwise disadvantaged. Special curricula, separate classes, or longer hours only constitute more discrimination at a higher cost. +It might be equally true that the money was incompetently spent. But even unusual incompetence cannot beat that of the school system. Schools by their very structure resist the concentration of privilege on those otherwise disadvantaged. Special curricula, separate classes, or longer hours only constitute more discrimination at a higher cost. -Taxpayers are not yet accustomed to permitting three billion dollars to vanish from HEW as if it were the Pentagon. The present Administration may believe that it can afford the wrath of educators. Middle-class Americans have nothing to lose if the program is cut. Poor parents think they do, but, even more, they are demanding control of the funds meant for their children. A logical way of cutting the budget and, one hopes, of increasing benefits is a system of tuition grants such as that proposed by Milton Friedman and others. Funds would be channeled to the beneficiary, enabling him to buy his share of the schooling of his choice. If such credit were limited to purchases which fit into a school curriculum, it would tend to provide greater equality of treatment, but would not thereby increase the equality of social claims. +Taxpayers are not yet accustomed to permitting three billion dollars to vanish from HEW as if it were the Pentagon. The present Administration may believe that it can afford the wrath of educators. Middle-class Americans have nothing to lose if the program is cut. Poor parents think they do, but, even more, they are demanding control of the funds meant for their children. A logical way of cutting the budget and, one hopes, of increasing benefits is a system of tuition grants such as that proposed by Milton Friedman and others. Funds would be channeled to the beneficiary, enabling him to buy his share of the schooling of his choice. If such credit were limited to purchases which fit into a school curriculum, it would tend to provide greater equality of treatment, but would not thereby increase the equality of social claims. -It should be obvious that even with schools of equal quality a poor child can seldom catch up with a rich one. Even if they attend equal schools and begin at the same age, poor children lack most of the educational opportunities which are casually available to the middle-class child. These advantages range from conversation and books in the home to vacation travel and a different sense of oneself, and apply, for the child who enjoys them, both in and out of school. So the poorer student will generally fall behind so long as he depends on school for advancement or learning. The poor need funds to enable them to learn, not to get certified for the treatment of their alleged disproportionate deficiencies. +It should be obvious that even with schools of equal quality a poor child can seldom catch up with a rich one. Even if they attend equal schools and begin at the same age, poor children lack most of the educational opportunities which are casually available to the middle-class child. These advantages range from conversation and books in the home to vacation travel and a different sense of oneself, and apply, for the child who enjoys them, both in and out of school. So the poorer student will generally fall behind so long as he depends on school for advancement or learning. The poor need funds to enable them to learn, not to get certified for the treatment of their alleged disproportionate deficiencies. -All this is true in poor nations as well as in rich ones, but there it appears under a different guise. Modernized poverty in poor nations affects more people more visibly but also-for the moment-more superficially. Two-thirds of all children in Latin America leave school before finishing the fifth grade, but these "desertores" are not therefore as badly off as they would be in the United States. +All this is true in poor nations as well as in rich ones, but there it appears under a different guise. Modernized poverty in poor nations affects more people more visibly but also-for the moment-more superficially. Two-thirds of all children in Latin America leave school before finishing the fifth grade, but these "desertores" are not therefore as badly off as they would be in the United States. -Few countries today remain victims of classical poverty, which was stable and less disabling. Most countries in Latin America have reached the "take-off" point toward economic development and competitive consumption, and thereby toward modernized poverty: their citizens have learned to think rich and live poor. Their laws make six to ten years of school obligatory. Not only in Argentina but also in Mexico or Brazil the average citizen defines an adequate education by North American standards, even though the chance of getting such prolonged schooling is limited to a tiny minority. In these countries the majority is already hooked on school, that is, they are schooled in a sense of inferiority toward the better-schooled. Their fanaticism in favor of school makes it possible to exploit them doubly: it permits increasing allocation of public funds for the education of a few and increasing acceptance of social control by the many. +Few countries today remain victims of classical poverty, which was stable and less disabling. Most countries in Latin America have reached the "take-off" point toward economic development and competitive consumption, and thereby toward modernized poverty: their citizens have learned to think rich and live poor. Their laws make six to ten years of school obligatory. Not only in Argentina but also in Mexico or Brazil the average citizen defines an adequate education by North American standards, even though the chance of getting such prolonged schooling is limited to a tiny minority. In these countries the majority is already hooked on school, that is, they are schooled in a sense of inferiority toward the better-schooled. Their fanaticism in favor of school makes it possible to exploit them doubly: it permits increasing allocation of public funds for the education of a few and increasing acceptance of social control by the many. -Paradoxically, the belief that universal schooling is absolutely necessary is most firmly held in those countries where the fewest people have been-and will be-served by schools. Yet in Latin America different paths toward education could still be taken by the majority of parents and children. Proportionately, national savings invested in schools and teachers might be higher than in rich countries, but these investments are totally insufficient to serve the majority by making even four years of school attendance possible. Fidel Castro talks as if he wanted to go in the direction of deschooling when he promises that by 1980 Cuba will be able to dissolve its university since all of life in Cuba will be an educational experience. At the grammarschool and high-school level, however, Cuba, like all other Latin-American countries, acts as though passage through a period defined as the "school age" were an unquestionable goal for all, delayed merely by a temporary shortage of resources. +Paradoxically, the belief that universal schooling is absolutely necessary is most firmly held in those countries where the fewest people have been-and will be-served by schools. Yet in Latin America different paths toward education could still be taken by the majority of parents and children. Proportionately, national savings invested in schools and teachers might be higher than in rich countries, but these investments are totally insufficient to serve the majority by making even four years of school attendance possible. Fidel Castro talks as if he wanted to go in the direction of deschooling when he promises that by 1980 Cuba will be able to dissolve its university since all of life in Cuba will be an educational experience. At the grammarschool and high-school level, however, Cuba, like all other Latin-American countries, acts as though passage through a period defined as the "school age" were an unquestionable goal for all, delayed merely by a temporary shortage of resources. -The twin deceptions of increased treatment, as actually provided in the United States and as merely promised in Latin America complement each other. The Northern poor are being disabled by the same twelve-year treatment whose lack brands the Southern poor as hopelessly backward. Neither in North America nor in Latin America do the poor get equality from obligatory schools. But in both places the mere existence of school discourages and disables the poor from taking control of their own learning. All over the world the school has an anti-educational effect on society: school is recognized as the institution which specializes in education. The failures of school are taken by most people as a proof that education is a very costly, very complex, always arcane, and frequently almost impossible task. +The twin deceptions of increased treatment, as actually provided in the United States and as merely promised in Latin America complement each other. The Northern poor are being disabled by the same twelve-year treatment whose lack brands the Southern poor as hopelessly backward. Neither in North America nor in Latin America do the poor get equality from obligatory schools. But in both places the mere existence of school discourages and disables the poor from taking control of their own learning. All over the world the school has an anti-educational effect on society: school is recognized as the institution which specializes in education. The failures of school are taken by most people as a proof that education is a very costly, very complex, always arcane, and frequently almost impossible task. -School appropriates the money, men, and good will available for education and in addition discourages other institutions from assuming educational tasks. Work, leisure, politics, city living, and even family life depend on schools for the habits and knowledge they presuppose, instead of becoming themselves the means of education. Simultaneously both schools and the other institutions which depend on them are priced out of the market. +School appropriates the money, men, and good will available for education and in addition discourages other institutions from assuming educational tasks. Work, leisure, politics, city living, and even family life depend on schools for the habits and knowledge they presuppose, instead of becoming themselves the means of education. Simultaneously both schools and the other institutions which depend on them are priced out of the market. -In the United States the per capita costs of schooling have risen almost as fast as the cost of medical treatment. But increased treatment by both doctors and teachers has shown steadily declining results. Medical expenses concentrated on those above forty-five have doubled several times over a period of forty years with a resulting 3 percent increase in life expectancy in men. The increase in educational expenditures has produced even stranger results; otherwise President Nixon could not have been moved this spring to promise that every child shall soon have the "Right to Read" before leaving school. +In the United States the per capita costs of schooling have risen almost as fast as the cost of medical treatment. But increased treatment by both doctors and teachers has shown steadily declining results. Medical expenses concentrated on those above forty-five have doubled several times over a period of forty years with a resulting 3 percent increase in life expectancy in men. The increase in educational expenditures has produced even stranger results; otherwise President Nixon could not have been moved this spring to promise that every child shall soon have the "Right to Read" before leaving school. -In the United States it would take eighty billion dollars per year to provide what educators regard as equal treatment for all in grammar and high school. This is well over twice the $36 billion now being spent. Independent cost projections prepared at HEW and the University of Florida indicate that by 1974 the comparable figures will be $107 billion as against the $45 billion now projected, and these figures wholly omit the enormous costs of what is called "higher education," for which demand is growing even faster. The United States, which spent nearly eighty billion dollars in 1969 for "defense" including its deployment in Vietnam, is obviously too poor to provide equal schooling. The President's committee for the study of school finance should ask not how to support or how to trim such increasing costs, but how they can be avoided. +In the United States it would take eighty billion dollars per year to provide what educators regard as equal treatment for all in grammar and high school. This is well over twice the $36 billion now being spent. Independent cost projections prepared at HEW and the University of Florida indicate that by 1974 the comparable figures will be $107 billion as against the $45 billion now projected, and these figures wholly omit the enormous costs of what is called "higher education," for which demand is growing even faster. The United States, which spent nearly eighty billion dollars in 1969 for "defense" including its deployment in Vietnam, is obviously too poor to provide equal schooling. The President's committee for the study of school finance should ask not how to support or how to trim such increasing costs, but how they can be avoided. -Equal obligatory schooling must be recognized as at least economically unfeasible. In Latin America the amount of public money spent on each graduate student is between 350 and 1,500 times the amount spent on the median citizen (that is, the citizen who holds the middle ground between the poorest and the richest). In the United States the discrepancy is smaller, but the discrimination is keener. The richest parents, some 10 percent, can afford private education for their children and help them to benefit from foundation grants. But in addition they obtain ten times the per capita amount of public funds if this is compared with the per capita expenditure made on the children of the 10 percent who are poorest. The principal reasons for this are that rich children stay longer in school, that a year in a university is disproportionately more expensive than a year in high school, and that most private universities depend-at least indirectly-on tax-derived finances. +Equal obligatory schooling must be recognized as at least economically unfeasible. In Latin America the amount of public money spent on each graduate student is between 350 and 1,500 times the amount spent on the median citizen (that is, the citizen who holds the middle ground between the poorest and the richest). In the United States the discrepancy is smaller, but the discrimination is keener. The richest parents, some 10 percent, can afford private education for their children and help them to benefit from foundation grants. But in addition they obtain ten times the per capita amount of public funds if this is compared with the per capita expenditure made on the children of the 10 percent who are poorest. The principal reasons for this are that rich children stay longer in school, that a year in a university is disproportionately more expensive than a year in high school, and that most private universities depend-at least indirectly-on tax-derived finances. -Obligatory schooling inevitably polarizes a society; it also grades the nations of the world according to an international caste system. Countries are rated like castes whose educational dignity is determined by the average years of schooling of its citizens, a rating which is closely related to per capita gross national product, and much more painful. +Obligatory schooling inevitably polarizes a society; it also grades the nations of the world according to an international caste system. Countries are rated like castes whose educational dignity is determined by the average years of schooling of its citizens, a rating which is closely related to per capita gross national product, and much more painful. -The paradox of the schools is evident: increased expenditure escalates their destructiveness at home and abroad. This paradox must be made a public issue. It is now generally accepted that the physical environment will soon be destroyed by biochemical pollution unless we reverse current trends in the production of physical goods. It should also be recognized that social and personal life is threatened equally by HEW pollution, the inevitable byproduct of obligatory and competitive consumption of welfare. +The paradox of the schools is evident: increased expenditure escalates their destructiveness at home and abroad. This paradox must be made a public issue. It is now generally accepted that the physical environment will soon be destroyed by biochemical pollution unless we reverse current trends in the production of physical goods. It should also be recognized that social and personal life is threatened equally by HEW pollution, the inevitable byproduct of obligatory and competitive consumption of welfare. -The escalation of the schools is as destructive as the escalation of weapons but less visibly so. Everywhere in the world school costs have risen faster than enrollments and faster than the GNP; everywhere expenditures on school fall even further behind the expectations of parents, teachers, and pupils. Everywhere this situation discourages both the motivation and the financing for large-scale planning for non-schooled learning. The United States is proving to the world that no country can be rich enough to afford a school system that meets the demands this same system creates simply by existing, because a successful school system schools parents and pupils to the supreme value of a larger school system, the cost of which increases disproportionately as higher grades are in demand and become scarce. +The escalation of the schools is as destructive as the escalation of weapons but less visibly so. Everywhere in the world school costs have risen faster than enrollments and faster than the GNP; everywhere expenditures on school fall even further behind the expectations of parents, teachers, and pupils. Everywhere this situation discourages both the motivation and the financing for large-scale planning for non-schooled learning. The United States is proving to the world that no country can be rich enough to afford a school system that meets the demands this same system creates simply by existing, because a successful school system schools parents and pupils to the supreme value of a larger school system, the cost of which increases disproportionately as higher grades are in demand and become scarce. -Rather than calling equal schooling temporarily unfeasible, we must recognize that it is, in principle, economically absurd, and that to attempt it is intellectually emasculating, socially polarizing, and destructive of the credibility of the political system which promotes it. The ideology of obligatory schooling admits of no logical limits. The White House recently provided a good example. Dr. Hutschnecker, the "psychiatrist" who treated Mr. Nixon before he was qualified as a candidate, recommended to the President that all children between six and eight be professionally examined to ferret out those who have destructive tendencies, and that obligatory treatment be provided for them. If necessary, their re-education in special institutions should be required. This memorandum from his doctor the President sent for evaluation to HEW. Indeed, preventive concentration camps for predelinquents would be a logical improvement over the school system. +Rather than calling equal schooling temporarily unfeasible, we must recognize that it is, in principle, economically absurd, and that to attempt it is intellectually emasculating, socially polarizing, and destructive of the credibility of the political system which promotes it. The ideology of obligatory schooling admits of no logical limits. The White House recently provided a good example. Dr. Hutschnecker, the "psychiatrist" who treated Mr. Nixon before he was qualified as a candidate, recommended to the President that all children between six and eight be professionally examined to ferret out those who have destructive tendencies, and that obligatory treatment be provided for them. If necessary, their re-education in special institutions should be required. This memorandum from his doctor the President sent for evaluation to HEW. Indeed, preventive concentration camps for predelinquents would be a logical improvement over the school system. -Equal educational opportunity is, indeed, both a desirable and a feasible goal, but to equate this with obligator;' schooling is to confuse salvation with the Church. School has become the world religion of a modernized proletariat, and makes futile promises of salvation to the poor of the technological age. The nation-state has adopted it, drafting all citizens into a graded curriculum leading to sequential diplomas not unlike the initiation rituals and hieratic promotions of former times. The modern state has assumed the duty of enforcing the judgment of its educators through well-meant truant officers and job requirements, much as did the Spanish kings who enforced the judgments of their theologians through the conquistadors and the Inquisition. +Equal educational opportunity is, indeed, both a desirable and a feasible goal, but to equate this with obligator;' schooling is to confuse salvation with the Church. School has become the world religion of a modernized proletariat, and makes futile promises of salvation to the poor of the technological age. The nation-state has adopted it, drafting all citizens into a graded curriculum leading to sequential diplomas not unlike the initiation rituals and hieratic promotions of former times. The modern state has assumed the duty of enforcing the judgment of its educators through well-meant truant officers and job requirements, much as did the Spanish kings who enforced the judgments of their theologians through the conquistadors and the Inquisition. -Two centuries ago the United States led the world in a movement to disestablish the monopoly of a single church. Now we need the constitutional disestablishment of the monopoly of the school, and thereby of a system which legally combines prejudice with discrimination. The first article of a bill of rights for a modern, humanist society would correspond to the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution: "The State shall make no law with respect to the establishment of education". There shall be no ritual obligatory for all. +Two centuries ago the United States led the world in a movement to disestablish the monopoly of a single church. Now we need the constitutional disestablishment of the monopoly of the school, and thereby of a system which legally combines prejudice with discrimination. The first article of a bill of rights for a modern, humanist society would correspond to the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution: "The State shall make no law with respect to the establishment of education". There shall be no ritual obligatory for all. -To make this disestablishment effective, we need a law forbidding discrimination in hiring, voting, or admission to centers of learning based on previous attendance at some curriculum. This guarantee would not exclude performance tests of competence for a function or role, but would remove the present absurd discrimination in favor of the person who learns a given skill with the largest expenditure of public funds or what is equally likely has been able to obtain a diploma which has no relation to any useful skill or job. Only by protecting the citizen from being disqualified by anything in his career in school can a constitutional disestablishment of school become psychologically effective. +To make this disestablishment effective, we need a law forbidding discrimination in hiring, voting, or admission to centers of learning based on previous attendance at some curriculum. This guarantee would not exclude performance tests of competence for a function or role, but would remove the present absurd discrimination in favor of the person who learns a given skill with the largest expenditure of public funds or what is equally likely has been able to obtain a diploma which has no relation to any useful skill or job. Only by protecting the citizen from being disqualified by anything in his career in school can a constitutional disestablishment of school become psychologically effective. -Neither learning nor justice is promoted by schooling because educators insist on packaging instruction with certification. Learning and the assignment of social roles are melted into schooling. Yet to learn means to acquire a new skill or insight, while promotion depends on an opinion which others have formed. Learning frequently is the result of instruction, but selection for a role or category in the job market increasingly depends on mere length of attendance. +Neither learning nor justice is promoted by schooling because educators insist on packaging instruction with certification. Learning and the assignment of social roles are melted into schooling. Yet to learn means to acquire a new skill or insight, while promotion depends on an opinion which others have formed. Learning frequently is the result of instruction, but selection for a role or category in the job market increasingly depends on mere length of attendance. -Instruction is the choice of circumstances which facilitate learning. Roles are assigned by setting a curriculum of conditions which the candidate must meet if he is to make the grade. School links instruction but not learning to these roles. This is neither reasonable nor liberating. It is not reasonable because it does not link relevant qualities or competences to roles, but rather the process by which such qualities are supposed to be acquired. It is not liberating or educational because school reserves instruction to those whose every step in learning fits previously approved measures of social control. Curriculum has always been used to assign social rank. At times it could be prenatal: karma ascribes you to a caste and lineage to the aristocracy. +Instruction is the choice of circumstances which facilitate learning. Roles are assigned by setting a curriculum of conditions which the candidate must meet if he is to make the grade. School links instruction but not learning to these roles. This is neither reasonable nor liberating. It is not reasonable because it does not link relevant qualities or competences to roles, but rather the process by which such qualities are supposed to be acquired. It is not liberating or educational because school reserves instruction to those whose every step in learning fits previously approved measures of social control. Curriculum has always been used to assign social rank. At times it could be prenatal: karma ascribes you to a caste and lineage to the aristocracy. -Curriculum could take the form of a ritual, of sequential sacred ordinations, or it could consist of a succession of feats in war or hunting, or further advancement could be made to depend on a series of previous princely favors. Universal schooling was meant to detach role assignment from personal life history: it was meant to give everybody an equal chance to any office. Even now many people wrongly believe that school ensures the dependence of public trust on relevant learning achievements. However, instead of equalizing chances, the school system has monopolized their distribution. +Curriculum could take the form of a ritual, of sequential sacred ordinations, or it could consist of a succession of feats in war or hunting, or further advancement could be made to depend on a series of previous princely favors. Universal schooling was meant to detach role assignment from personal life history: it was meant to give everybody an equal chance to any office. Even now many people wrongly believe that school ensures the dependence of public trust on relevant learning achievements. However, instead of equalizing chances, the school system has monopolized their distribution. -To detach competence from curriculum, inquiries into a man's learning history must be made taboo, like inquiries into his political affiliation, church attendance, lineage, sex habits, or racial background. Laws forbidding discrimination on the basis of prior schooling must be enacted. Laws, of course, cannot stop prejudice against the unschooled-nor are they meant to force anyone to intermarry with an autodidact but they can discourage unjustified discrimination. +To detach competence from curriculum, inquiries into a man's learning history must be made taboo, like inquiries into his political affiliation, church attendance, lineage, sex habits, or racial background. Laws forbidding discrimination on the basis of prior schooling must be enacted. Laws, of course, cannot stop prejudice against the unschooled-nor are they meant to force anyone to intermarry with an autodidact but they can discourage unjustified discrimination. -A second major illusion on which the school system rests is that most learning is the result of teaching. Teaching, it is true, may contribute to certain kinds of learning under certain circumstances. But most people acquire most of their knowledge outside school, and in school only insofar as school, in a few rich countries, has become their place of confinement during an increasing part of their lives. +A second major illusion on which the school system rests is that most learning is the result of teaching. Teaching, it is true, may contribute to certain kinds of learning under certain circumstances. But most people acquire most of their knowledge outside school, and in school only insofar as school, in a few rich countries, has become their place of confinement during an increasing part of their lives. -Most learning happens casually, and even most intentional learning is not the result of programmed instruction. Normal children learn their first language casually, although faster if their parents pay attention to them. Most people who learn a second language well do so as a result of odd circumstances and not of sequential teaching. They go to live with their grandparents, they travel, or they fall in love with a foreigner. Fluency in reading is also more often than not a result of such extracurricular activities. Most people who read widely, and with pleasure, merely believe that they learned to do so in school; when challenged, they easily discard this illusion. +Most learning happens casually, and even most intentional learning is not the result of programmed instruction. Normal children learn their first language casually, although faster if their parents pay attention to them. Most people who learn a second language well do so as a result of odd circumstances and not of sequential teaching. They go to live with their grandparents, they travel, or they fall in love with a foreigner. Fluency in reading is also more often than not a result of such extracurricular activities. Most people who read widely, and with pleasure, merely believe that they learned to do so in school; when challenged, they easily discard this illusion. -But the fact that a great deal of learning even now seems to happen casually and as a by-product of some other activity defined as work or leisure does not mean that planned learning does not benefit from planned instruction and that both do not stand in need of improvement. The strongly motivated student who is faced with the task of acquiring a new and complex skill may benefit greatly from the discipline now associated with the old-fashioned schoolmaster who taught reading, Hebrew, catechism, or multiplication by rote. School has now made this kind of drill teaching rare and disreputable, yet there are many skills which a motivated student with normal aptitude can master in a matter of a few months if taught in this traditional way. This is as true of codes as of their encipherment; of second and third languages as of reading and writing; and equally of special languages such as algebra, computer programming, chemical analysis, or of manual skills like typing, watchmaking, plumbing, wiring, TV repair; or for that matter dancing, driving, and diving. +But the fact that a great deal of learning even now seems to happen casually and as a by-product of some other activity defined as work or leisure does not mean that planned learning does not benefit from planned instruction and that both do not stand in need of improvement. The strongly motivated student who is faced with the task of acquiring a new and complex skill may benefit greatly from the discipline now associated with the old-fashioned schoolmaster who taught reading, Hebrew, catechism, or multiplication by rote. School has now made this kind of drill teaching rare and disreputable, yet there are many skills which a motivated student with normal aptitude can master in a matter of a few months if taught in this traditional way. This is as true of codes as of their encipherment; of second and third languages as of reading and writing; and equally of special languages such as algebra, computer programming, chemical analysis, or of manual skills like typing, watchmaking, plumbing, wiring, TV repair; or for that matter dancing, driving, and diving. -In certain cases acceptance into a learning program aimed at a specific skill might presuppose competence in some other skill, but it should certainly not be made to depend upon the process by which such prerequisite skills were acquired. TV repair presupposes literacy and some math; diving, good swimming; and driving, very little of either. +In certain cases acceptance into a learning program aimed at a specific skill might presuppose competence in some other skill, but it should certainly not be made to depend upon the process by which such prerequisite skills were acquired. TV repair presupposes literacy and some math; diving, good swimming; and driving, very little of either. -Progress in learning skills is measurable. The optimum resources in time and materials needed by an average motivated adult can be easily estimated. The cost of teaching a second Western European language to a high level of fluency ranges between four and six hundred dollars in the United States, and for an Oriental tongue the time needed for instruction might be doubled. This would still be very little compared with the cost of twelve years of schooling in New York City (a condition for acceptance of a worker into the Sanitation Department) almost fifteen thousand dollars. No doubt not only the teacher but also the printer and the pharmacist protect their trades through the public illusion that training for them is very expensive. +Progress in learning skills is measurable. The optimum resources in time and materials needed by an average motivated adult can be easily estimated. The cost of teaching a second Western European language to a high level of fluency ranges between four and six hundred dollars in the United States, and for an Oriental tongue the time needed for instruction might be doubled. This would still be very little compared with the cost of twelve years of schooling in New York City (a condition for acceptance of a worker into the Sanitation Department) almost fifteen thousand dollars. No doubt not only the teacher but also the printer and the pharmacist protect their trades through the public illusion that training for them is very expensive. -At present schools preempt most educational funds. Drill instruction which costs less than comparable schooling is now a privilege of those rich enough to bypass the schools, and those whom either the army or big business sends through in-service training. In a program of progressive deschooling of U.S. education, at first the resources available for drill training would be limited. But ultimately there should be no obstacle for anyone at any time of his life to be able to choose instruction among hundreds of definable skills at public expense. +At present schools preempt most educational funds. Drill instruction which costs less than comparable schooling is now a privilege of those rich enough to bypass the schools, and those whom either the army or big business sends through in-service training. In a program of progressive deschooling of U.S. education, at first the resources available for drill training would be limited. But ultimately there should be no obstacle for anyone at any time of his life to be able to choose instruction among hundreds of definable skills at public expense. -Right now educational credit good at any skill center could be provided in limited amounts for people of all ages, and not just to the poor. I envisage such credit in the form of an educational passport or an "edu-credit card" provided to each citizen at birth. In order to favor the poor, who probably would not use their yearly grants early in life, a provision could be made that interest accrued to later users of cumulated "entitlements". Such credits would permit most people to acquire the skills most in demand, at their convenience, better, faster, cheaper, and with fewer undesirable side effects than in school. +Right now educational credit good at any skill center could be provided in limited amounts for people of all ages, and not just to the poor. I envisage such credit in the form of an educational passport or an "edu-credit card" provided to each citizen at birth. In order to favor the poor, who probably would not use their yearly grants early in life, a provision could be made that interest accrued to later users of cumulated "entitlements". Such credits would permit most people to acquire the skills most in demand, at their convenience, better, faster, cheaper, and with fewer undesirable side effects than in school. -Potential skill teachers are never scarce for long because, on the one hand, demand for a skill grows only with its performance within a community and, on the other, a man exercising a skill could also teach it. But, at present, those using skills which are in demand and do require a human teacher are discouraged from sharing these skills with others. This is done either by teachers who monopolize the licenses or by unions which protect their trade interests. Skill centers which would be judged by customers on their results, and not on the personnel they employ or the process they use, would open unsuspected working opportunities, frequently even for those who are now considered unemployable. Indeed, there is no reason why such skill centers should not be at the work place itself, with the employer and his work force supplying instruction as well as jobs to those who choose to use their educational credits in this way. +Potential skill teachers are never scarce for long because, on the one hand, demand for a skill grows only with its performance within a community and, on the other, a man exercising a skill could also teach it. But, at present, those using skills which are in demand and do require a human teacher are discouraged from sharing these skills with others. This is done either by teachers who monopolize the licenses or by unions which protect their trade interests. Skill centers which would be judged by customers on their results, and not on the personnel they employ or the process they use, would open unsuspected working opportunities, frequently even for those who are now considered unemployable. Indeed, there is no reason why such skill centers should not be at the work place itself, with the employer and his work force supplying instruction as well as jobs to those who choose to use their educational credits in this way. -In 1956 there arose a need to teach Spanish quickly to several hundred teachers, social workers, and ministers from the New York Archdiocese so that they could communicate with Puerto Ricans. My friend Gerry Morris announced over a Spanish radio station that he needed native speakers from Harlem. Next day some two hundred teenagers lined up in front of his office, and he selected four dozen of them-many of them school dropouts. He trained them in the use of the U.S. Foreign Service Institute (FSI) Spanish manual, designed for use by linguists with graduate training, and within a week his teachers were on their own-each in charge of four New Yorkers who wanted to speak the language. Within six months the mission was accomplished. Cardinal Spellman could claim that he had 127 parishes in which at least three staff members could communicate in Spanish. No school program could have matched these results. +In 1956 there arose a need to teach Spanish quickly to several hundred teachers, social workers, and ministers from the New York Archdiocese so that they could communicate with Puerto Ricans. My friend Gerry Morris announced over a Spanish radio station that he needed native speakers from Harlem. Next day some two hundred teenagers lined up in front of his office, and he selected four dozen of them-many of them school dropouts. He trained them in the use of the U.S. Foreign Service Institute (FSI) Spanish manual, designed for use by linguists with graduate training, and within a week his teachers were on their own-each in charge of four New Yorkers who wanted to speak the language. Within six months the mission was accomplished. Cardinal Spellman could claim that he had 127 parishes in which at least three staff members could communicate in Spanish. No school program could have matched these results. -Skill teachers are made scarce by the belief in the value of licenses. Certification constitutes a form of market manipulation and is plausible only to a schooled mind. Most teachers of arts and trades are less skillful, less inventive, and less communicative than the best craftsmen and tradesmen. Most high-school teachers of Spanish or French do not speak the language as correctly as their pupils might after half a year of competent drills. Experiments conducted by Angel Quintero in Puerto Rico suggest that many young teenagers, if given the proper incentives, programs, and access to tools, are better than most schoolteachers at introducing their peers to the scientific exploration of plants, stars, and matter, and to the discovery of how and why a motor or a radio functions. +Skill teachers are made scarce by the belief in the value of licenses. Certification constitutes a form of market manipulation and is plausible only to a schooled mind. Most teachers of arts and trades are less skillful, less inventive, and less communicative than the best craftsmen and tradesmen. Most high-school teachers of Spanish or French do not speak the language as correctly as their pupils might after half a year of competent drills. Experiments conducted by Angel Quintero in Puerto Rico suggest that many young teenagers, if given the proper incentives, programs, and access to tools, are better than most schoolteachers at introducing their peers to the scientific exploration of plants, stars, and matter, and to the discovery of how and why a motor or a radio functions. -Opportunities for skill-learning can be vastly multiplied if we open the "market". This depends on matching the right teacher with the right student when he is highly motivated in an intelligent program, without the constraint of curriculum. Free and competing drill instruction is a subversive blasphemy to the orthodox educator. It dissociates the acquisition of skills from "humane" education, which schools package together, and thus it promotes unlicensed learning no less than unlicensed teaching for unpredictable purposes. +Opportunities for skill-learning can be vastly multiplied if we open the "market". This depends on matching the right teacher with the right student when he is highly motivated in an intelligent program, without the constraint of curriculum. Free and competing drill instruction is a subversive blasphemy to the orthodox educator. It dissociates the acquisition of skills from "humane" education, which schools package together, and thus it promotes unlicensed learning no less than unlicensed teaching for unpredictable purposes. -There is currently a proposal on record which seems at first to make a great deal of sense. It has been prepared by Christopher Jencks of the Center for the Study of Public Policy and is sponsored by the Office of Economic Opportunity. It proposes to put educational "entitlements" or tuition grants into the hands of parents and students for expenditure in the schools of their choice. Such individual entitlements could indeed be an important step in the right direction. We need a guarantee of the right of each citizen to an equal share of tax-derived educational resources, the right to verify this share, and the right to sue for it if denied. It is one form of a guarantee against regressive taxation. +There is currently a proposal on record which seems at first to make a great deal of sense. It has been prepared by Christopher Jencks of the Center for the Study of Public Policy and is sponsored by the Office of Economic Opportunity. It proposes to put educational "entitlements" or tuition grants into the hands of parents and students for expenditure in the schools of their choice. Such individual entitlements could indeed be an important step in the right direction. We need a guarantee of the right of each citizen to an equal share of tax-derived educational resources, the right to verify this share, and the right to sue for it if denied. It is one form of a guarantee against regressive taxation. -The Jencks proposal, however, begins with the ominous statement that "conservatives, liberals, and radicals have all complained at one time or another that the American educational system gives professional educators too little incentive to provide high quality education to most children". The proposal condemns itself by proposing tuition grants which would have to be spent on schooling. +The Jencks proposal, however, begins with the ominous statement that "conservatives, liberals, and radicals have all complained at one time or another that the American educational system gives professional educators too little incentive to provide high quality education to most children". The proposal condemns itself by proposing tuition grants which would have to be spent on schooling. -This is like giving a lame man a pair of crutches and stipulating that he use them only if the ends are tied together. As the proposal for tuition grants now stands, it plays into the hands not only of the professional educators but of racists, promoters of religious schools, and others whose interests are socially divisive. Above all, educational entitlements restricted to use within schools play into the hands of all those who want to continue to live in a society in which social advancement is tied not to proven knowledge but to the learning pedigree by which it is supposedly acquired. This discrimination in favor of schools which dominates Jencks's discussion on refinancing education could discredit one of the most critically needed principles for educational reform: the return of initiative and accountability for learning to the learner or his most immediate tutor. The deschooling of society implies a recognition of the two-faced nature of learning. An insistence on skill drill alone could be a disaster; equal emphasis must be placed on other kinds of learning. But if schools are the wrong places for learning a skill, they are even worse places for getting an education. School does both tasks badly, partly because it does not distinguish between them. School is inefficient in skill instruction especially because it is curricular. In most schools a program which is meant to improve one skill is chained always to another irrelevant task. History is tied to advancement in math, and class attendance to the right to use the playground. +This is like giving a lame man a pair of crutches and stipulating that he use them only if the ends are tied together. As the proposal for tuition grants now stands, it plays into the hands not only of the professional educators but of racists, promoters of religious schools, and others whose interests are socially divisive. Above all, educational entitlements restricted to use within schools play into the hands of all those who want to continue to live in a society in which social advancement is tied not to proven knowledge but to the learning pedigree by which it is supposedly acquired. This discrimination in favor of schools which dominates Jencks's discussion on refinancing education could discredit one of the most critically needed principles for educational reform: the return of initiative and accountability for learning to the learner or his most immediate tutor. The deschooling of society implies a recognition of the two-faced nature of learning. An insistence on skill drill alone could be a disaster; equal emphasis must be placed on other kinds of learning. But if schools are the wrong places for learning a skill, they are even worse places for getting an education. School does both tasks badly, partly because it does not distinguish between them. School is inefficient in skill instruction especially because it is curricular. In most schools a program which is meant to improve one skill is chained always to another irrelevant task. History is tied to advancement in math, and class attendance to the right to use the playground. -Schools are even less efficient in the arrangement of the circumstances which encourage the open-ended, exploratory use of acquired skills, for which I will reserve the term "liberal education". The main reason for this is that school is obligatory and becomes schooling for schooling's sake: an enforced stay in the company of teachers, which pays off in the doubtful privilege of more such company. Just as skill instruction must be freed from curricular restraints, so must liberal education be dissociated from obligatory attendance. Both skill-learning and education for inventive and creative behavior can be aided by institutional arrangement, but they are of a different, frequently opposed nature. +Schools are even less efficient in the arrangement of the circumstances which encourage the open-ended, exploratory use of acquired skills, for which I will reserve the term "liberal education". The main reason for this is that school is obligatory and becomes schooling for schooling's sake: an enforced stay in the company of teachers, which pays off in the doubtful privilege of more such company. Just as skill instruction must be freed from curricular restraints, so must liberal education be dissociated from obligatory attendance. Both skill-learning and education for inventive and creative behavior can be aided by institutional arrangement, but they are of a different, frequently opposed nature. -Most skills can be acquired and improved by drills, because skill implies the mastery of definable and predictable behavior. Skill instruction can rely, therefore, on the simulation of circumstances in which the skill will be used. Education in the exploratory and creative use of skills, however, cannot rely on drills. Education can be the outcome of instruction, though instruction of a kind fundamentally opposed to drill. It relies on the relationship between partners who already have some of the keys which give access to memories stored in and by the community. It relies on the critical intent of all those who use memories creatively. It relies on the surprise of the unexpected question which opens new doors for the inquirer and his partner. +Most skills can be acquired and improved by drills, because skill implies the mastery of definable and predictable behavior. Skill instruction can rely, therefore, on the simulation of circumstances in which the skill will be used. Education in the exploratory and creative use of skills, however, cannot rely on drills. Education can be the outcome of instruction, though instruction of a kind fundamentally opposed to drill. It relies on the relationship between partners who already have some of the keys which give access to memories stored in and by the community. It relies on the critical intent of all those who use memories creatively. It relies on the surprise of the unexpected question which opens new doors for the inquirer and his partner. -The skill instructor relies on the arrangement of set circumstances which permit the learner to develop standard responses. The educational guide or master is concerned with helping matching partners to meet so that learning can take place. He matches individuals starting from their own, unresolved questions. At the most he helps the pupil to formulate his puzzlement since only a clear statement will give him the power to find his match, moved like him, at the moment, to explore the same issue in the same context. +The skill instructor relies on the arrangement of set circumstances which permit the learner to develop standard responses. The educational guide or master is concerned with helping matching partners to meet so that learning can take place. He matches individuals starting from their own, unresolved questions. At the most he helps the pupil to formulate his puzzlement since only a clear statement will give him the power to find his match, moved like him, at the moment, to explore the same issue in the same context. -Matching partners for educational purposes initially seems more difficult to imagine than finding skill instructors and partners for a game. One reason is the deep fear which school has implanted in us, a fear which makes us censorious. The unlicensed exchange of skills-even undesirable skills-is more predictable and therefore seems less dangerous than the unlimited opportunity for meeting among people who share an issue which for them, at the moment, is socially, intellectually, and emotionally important. +Matching partners for educational purposes initially seems more difficult to imagine than finding skill instructors and partners for a game. One reason is the deep fear which school has implanted in us, a fear which makes us censorious. The unlicensed exchange of skills-even undesirable skills-is more predictable and therefore seems less dangerous than the unlimited opportunity for meeting among people who share an issue which for them, at the moment, is socially, intellectually, and emotionally important. -The Brazilian teacher Paulo Freire knows this from experience. He discovered that any adult can begin to read in a matter of forty hours if the first words he deciphers are charged with political meaning. Freire trains his teachers to move into a village and to discover the words which designate current important issues, such as the access to a well or the compound interest on the debts owed to the patron. In the evening the villagers meet for the discussion of these key words. They begin to realize that each word stays on the blackboard even after its sound has faded. The letters continue to unlock reality and to make it manageable as a problem. I have frequently witnessed how discussants grow in social awareness and how they are impelled to take political action as fast as they learn to read. They seem to take reality into their hands as they write it down. +The Brazilian teacher Paulo Freire knows this from experience. He discovered that any adult can begin to read in a matter of forty hours if the first words he deciphers are charged with political meaning. Freire trains his teachers to move into a village and to discover the words which designate current important issues, such as the access to a well or the compound interest on the debts owed to the patron. In the evening the villagers meet for the discussion of these key words. They begin to realize that each word stays on the blackboard even after its sound has faded. The letters continue to unlock reality and to make it manageable as a problem. I have frequently witnessed how discussants grow in social awareness and how they are impelled to take political action as fast as they learn to read. They seem to take reality into their hands as they write it down. -I remember the man who complained about the weight of pencils: they were difficult to handle because they did not weigh as much as a shovel; and I remember another who on his way to work stopped with his Companions and wrote the word they were discussing with his hoe on the ground: "agua". Since 1962 my friend Freire has moved from exile to exile, mainly because he refuses to conduct his sessions around words which are preselected by approved educators, rather than those which his discussants bring to the class. The educational matchmaking among people who have been successfully schooled is a different task. Those who do not need such assistance are a minority, even among the readers of serious journals. The majority cannot and should not be rallied for discussion around a slogan, a word, or a picture. But the idea remains the same: they should be able to meet around a problem chosen and defined by their own initiative. Creative, exploratory learning requires peers currently puzzled about the same terms or problems. Large universities make the futile attempt to match them by multiplying their courses, and they generally fail since they are bound to curriculum, course structure, and bureaucratic administration. In schools, including universities, most resources are spent to purchase the time and motivation of a limited number of people to take up predetermined problems in a ritually defined setting. The most radical alternative to school would be a network or service which gave each man the same opportunity to share his current concern with others motivated by the same concern. +I remember the man who complained about the weight of pencils: they were difficult to handle because they did not weigh as much as a shovel; and I remember another who on his way to work stopped with his Companions and wrote the word they were discussing with his hoe on the ground: "agua". Since 1962 my friend Freire has moved from exile to exile, mainly because he refuses to conduct his sessions around words which are preselected by approved educators, rather than those which his discussants bring to the class. The educational matchmaking among people who have been successfully schooled is a different task. Those who do not need such assistance are a minority, even among the readers of serious journals. The majority cannot and should not be rallied for discussion around a slogan, a word, or a picture. But the idea remains the same: they should be able to meet around a problem chosen and defined by their own initiative. Creative, exploratory learning requires peers currently puzzled about the same terms or problems. Large universities make the futile attempt to match them by multiplying their courses, and they generally fail since they are bound to curriculum, course structure, and bureaucratic administration. In schools, including universities, most resources are spent to purchase the time and motivation of a limited number of people to take up predetermined problems in a ritually defined setting. The most radical alternative to school would be a network or service which gave each man the same opportunity to share his current concern with others motivated by the same concern. -Let me give, as an example of what I mean, a description of how an intellectual match might work in New York City. Each man, at any given moment and at a minimum price, could identify himself to a computer with his address and telephone number, indicating the book, article, film, or recording on which he seeks a partner for discussion. Within days he could receive by mail the list of others who recently had taken the same initiative. This list would enable him by telephone to arrange for a meeting with persons who initially would be known exclusively by the fact that they requested a dialogue about the same subject. +Let me give, as an example of what I mean, a description of how an intellectual match might work in New York City. Each man, at any given moment and at a minimum price, could identify himself to a computer with his address and telephone number, indicating the book, article, film, or recording on which he seeks a partner for discussion. Within days he could receive by mail the list of others who recently had taken the same initiative. This list would enable him by telephone to arrange for a meeting with persons who initially would be known exclusively by the fact that they requested a dialogue about the same subject. -Matching people according to their interest in a particular title is radically simple. It permits identification only on the basis of a mutual desire to discuss a statement recorded by a third person, and it leaves the initiative of arranging the meeting to the individual. Three objections are usually raised against this skeletal purity. I take them up not only to clarify the theory that I want to illustrate by my proposal for they highlight the deep-seated resistance to deschooling education, to separating learning from social control but also because they may help to suggest existing resources which are not now used for learning purposes. +Matching people according to their interest in a particular title is radically simple. It permits identification only on the basis of a mutual desire to discuss a statement recorded by a third person, and it leaves the initiative of arranging the meeting to the individual. Three objections are usually raised against this skeletal purity. I take them up not only to clarify the theory that I want to illustrate by my proposal for they highlight the deep-seated resistance to deschooling education, to separating learning from social control but also because they may help to suggest existing resources which are not now used for learning purposes. -The first objection is: Why cannot self-identification be based also on an idea or an issue? Certainly such subjective terms could also be used in a computer system. Political parties, churches, unions, clubs, neighborhood centers, and professional societies already organize their educational activities in this way and in effect they act as schools. They all match people in order to explore certain "themes"; and these are dealt with in courses, seminars, and curricula in which presumed "common interests" are prepackaged. Such theme-matching is by definition teacher-centered: it requires an authoritarian presence to define for the participants the starting point for their discussion. +The first objection is: Why cannot self-identification be based also on an idea or an issue? Certainly such subjective terms could also be used in a computer system. Political parties, churches, unions, clubs, neighborhood centers, and professional societies already organize their educational activities in this way and in effect they act as schools. They all match people in order to explore certain "themes"; and these are dealt with in courses, seminars, and curricula in which presumed "common interests" are prepackaged. Such theme-matching is by definition teacher-centered: it requires an authoritarian presence to define for the participants the starting point for their discussion. -By contrast, matching by the title of a book, film, etc., in its pure form leaves it to the author to define the special language, the terms, and the framework within which a given problem or fact is stated; and it enables those who accept this starting point to identify themselves to one another. For instance, matching people around the idea of "cultural revolution" usually leads either to confusion or to demagoguery. On the other hand, matching those interested in helping each other understand a specific article by Mao, Marcuse, Freud, or Goodman stands in the great tradition of liberal learning from Plato's Dialogues, which are built around presumed statements by Socrates, to Aquinas's commentaries on Peter the Lombard. The idea of matching by title is thus radically different from the theory on which the "Great Books" clubs, for example, were built: instead of relying on the selection by some Chicago professors, any two partners can choose any book for further analysis. +By contrast, matching by the title of a book, film, etc., in its pure form leaves it to the author to define the special language, the terms, and the framework within which a given problem or fact is stated; and it enables those who accept this starting point to identify themselves to one another. For instance, matching people around the idea of "cultural revolution" usually leads either to confusion or to demagoguery. On the other hand, matching those interested in helping each other understand a specific article by Mao, Marcuse, Freud, or Goodman stands in the great tradition of liberal learning from Plato's Dialogues, which are built around presumed statements by Socrates, to Aquinas's commentaries on Peter the Lombard. The idea of matching by title is thus radically different from the theory on which the "Great Books" clubs, for example, were built: instead of relying on the selection by some Chicago professors, any two partners can choose any book for further analysis. -The second objection asks: Why not let the identification of match seekers include information on age, background, world view, competence, experience, or other defining characteristics? Again, there is no reason why such discriminatory restrictions could not and should not be built into some of the many universities-with or without walls-which could use title-matching as their basic organizational device. I could conceive of a system designed to encourage meetings of interested persons at which the author of the book chosen would be present or represented; or a system which guaranteed the presence of a competent adviser; or one to which only students registered in a department or school had access; or one which permitted meetings only between people who defined their special approach to the title under discussion. Advantages for achieving specific goals of learning could be found for each of these restrictions. But I fear that, more often than not, the real reason for proposing such restrictions is contempt arising from the presumption that people are ignorant: educators want to avoid the ignorant meeting the ignorant around a text which they may not understand and which they read only because they are interested in it. +The second objection asks: Why not let the identification of match seekers include information on age, background, world view, competence, experience, or other defining characteristics? Again, there is no reason why such discriminatory restrictions could not and should not be built into some of the many universities-with or without walls-which could use title-matching as their basic organizational device. I could conceive of a system designed to encourage meetings of interested persons at which the author of the book chosen would be present or represented; or a system which guaranteed the presence of a competent adviser; or one to which only students registered in a department or school had access; or one which permitted meetings only between people who defined their special approach to the title under discussion. Advantages for achieving specific goals of learning could be found for each of these restrictions. But I fear that, more often than not, the real reason for proposing such restrictions is contempt arising from the presumption that people are ignorant: educators want to avoid the ignorant meeting the ignorant around a text which they may not understand and which they read only because they are interested in it. -The third objection: Why not provide match seekers with incidental assistance that will facilitate their meetings-with space, schedules, screening, and protection? This is now done by schools with all the inefficiency characterizing large bureaucracies. If we left the initiative for meetings to the match seekers themselves, organizations which nobody now classifies as educational would probably do the job much better. I think of restaurant owners, publishers, telephone-answering services, department store managers, and even commuter train executives who could promote their services by rendering them attractive for educational meetings. +The third objection: Why not provide match seekers with incidental assistance that will facilitate their meetings-with space, schedules, screening, and protection? This is now done by schools with all the inefficiency characterizing large bureaucracies. If we left the initiative for meetings to the match seekers themselves, organizations which nobody now classifies as educational would probably do the job much better. I think of restaurant owners, publishers, telephone-answering services, department store managers, and even commuter train executives who could promote their services by rendering them attractive for educational meetings. -At a first meeting in a coffee shop, say, the partners might establish their identities by placing the book under discussion next to their cups. People who took the initiative to arrange for such meetings would soon learn what items to quote to meet the people they sought. The risk that the self-chosen discussion with one or several strangers might lead to a loss of time, disappointment, or even unpleasantness is certainly smaller than the same risk taken by a college applicant. A computer arranged meeting to discuss an article in a national magazine, held in a coffee shop off Fourth Avenue, would obligate none of the participants to stay in the company of his new acquaintances for longer than it took to drink a cup of coffee, nor would he have to meet any of them ever again. The chance that it would help to pierce the opaqueness of life in a modern city and further new friendship, selfchosen work, and critical reading is high. (The fact that a record of personal readings and meetings could be obtained thus by the FBI is undeniable; that this should still worry anybody in 1970 is only amusing to a free man, who willynilly contributes his share in order to drown snoopers in the irrelevancies they gather.) +At a first meeting in a coffee shop, say, the partners might establish their identities by placing the book under discussion next to their cups. People who took the initiative to arrange for such meetings would soon learn what items to quote to meet the people they sought. The risk that the self-chosen discussion with one or several strangers might lead to a loss of time, disappointment, or even unpleasantness is certainly smaller than the same risk taken by a college applicant. A computer arranged meeting to discuss an article in a national magazine, held in a coffee shop off Fourth Avenue, would obligate none of the participants to stay in the company of his new acquaintances for longer than it took to drink a cup of coffee, nor would he have to meet any of them ever again. The chance that it would help to pierce the opaqueness of life in a modern city and further new friendship, selfchosen work, and critical reading is high. (The fact that a record of personal readings and meetings could be obtained thus by the FBI is undeniable; that this should still worry anybody in 1970 is only amusing to a free man, who willynilly contributes his share in order to drown snoopers in the irrelevancies they gather.) -Both the exchange of skills and matching of partners are based on the assumption that education for all means education by all. Not the draft into a specialized institution but only the mobilization of the whole population can lead to popular culture. The equal right of each man to exercise his competence to learn and to instruct is now pre-empted by certified teachers. The teachers' competence, in turn, is restricted to what may be done in school. And, further, work and leisure are alienated from each other as a result: the spectator and the worker alike are supposed to arrive at the work place all ready to fit into a routine prepared for them. Adaptation in the form of a product's design, instruction, and publicity shapes them for their role as much as formal education by schooling. A radical alternative to a schooled society requires not only new formal mechanisms for the formal acquisition of skills and their educational use. A deschooled society implies a new approach to incidental or informal education. +Both the exchange of skills and matching of partners are based on the assumption that education for all means education by all. Not the draft into a specialized institution but only the mobilization of the whole population can lead to popular culture. The equal right of each man to exercise his competence to learn and to instruct is now pre-empted by certified teachers. The teachers' competence, in turn, is restricted to what may be done in school. And, further, work and leisure are alienated from each other as a result: the spectator and the worker alike are supposed to arrive at the work place all ready to fit into a routine prepared for them. Adaptation in the form of a product's design, instruction, and publicity shapes them for their role as much as formal education by schooling. A radical alternative to a schooled society requires not only new formal mechanisms for the formal acquisition of skills and their educational use. A deschooled society implies a new approach to incidental or informal education. -Incidental education cannot any longer return to the forms which learning took in the village or the medieval town. Traditional society was more like a set of concentric circles of meaningful structures, while modern man must learn how to find meaning in many structures to which he is only marginally related. In the village, language and architecture and work and religion and family customs were consistent with one another, mutually explanatory and reinforcing. To grow into one implied a growth into the others. Even specialized apprenticeship was a by-product of specialized activities, such as shoemaking or the singing of psalms. If an apprentice never became a master or a scholar, he still contributed to making shoes or to making church services solemn. Education did not compete for time with either work or leisure. Almost all education was complex, lifelong, and unplanned. +Incidental education cannot any longer return to the forms which learning took in the village or the medieval town. Traditional society was more like a set of concentric circles of meaningful structures, while modern man must learn how to find meaning in many structures to which he is only marginally related. In the village, language and architecture and work and religion and family customs were consistent with one another, mutually explanatory and reinforcing. To grow into one implied a growth into the others. Even specialized apprenticeship was a by-product of specialized activities, such as shoemaking or the singing of psalms. If an apprentice never became a master or a scholar, he still contributed to making shoes or to making church services solemn. Education did not compete for time with either work or leisure. Almost all education was complex, lifelong, and unplanned. -Contemporary society is the result of conscious designs, and educational opportunities must be designed into them. Our reliance on specialized, full-time instruction through school will now decrease, and we must find more ways to learn and teach: the educational quality of all institutions must increase again. But this is a very ambiguous forecast. +Contemporary society is the result of conscious designs, and educational opportunities must be designed into them. Our reliance on specialized, full-time instruction through school will now decrease, and we must find more ways to learn and teach: the educational quality of all institutions must increase again. But this is a very ambiguous forecast. -It could mean that men in the modern city will be increasingly the victims of an effective process of total instruction and manipulation once they are deprived of even the tenuous pretense of critical independence which liberal schools now provide for at least some of their pupils. It could also mean that men will shield themselves less behind certificates acquired in school and thus gain in courage to "talk back" and thereby control and instruct the institutions in which they participate. To ensure the latter we must learn to estimate the social value of work and leisure by the educational give-and. take for which they offer opportunity. Effective participation in the politics of a street, a work place, the library, a news program, or a hospital is therefore the best measuring stick to evaluate their level as educational institutions. +It could mean that men in the modern city will be increasingly the victims of an effective process of total instruction and manipulation once they are deprived of even the tenuous pretense of critical independence which liberal schools now provide for at least some of their pupils. It could also mean that men will shield themselves less behind certificates acquired in school and thus gain in courage to "talk back" and thereby control and instruct the institutions in which they participate. To ensure the latter we must learn to estimate the social value of work and leisure by the educational give-and. take for which they offer opportunity. Effective participation in the politics of a street, a work place, the library, a news program, or a hospital is therefore the best measuring stick to evaluate their level as educational institutions. -I recently spoke to a group of junior-high-school students in the process of organizing a resistance movement to their obligatory draft into the next class. Their slogan was "participation not simulation". They were disappointed that this was understood as a demand for less rather than for more education, and reminded me of the resistance which Karl Marx put up against a passage in the Gotha program which-one hundred years ago wanted to outlaw child labor. He opposed the proposal in the interest of the education of the young, which could happen only at work. If the greatest fruit of man's labor should be the education he receives from it and the opportunity which work gives him to initiate the education of others, then the alienation of modern society in a pedagogical sense is even worse than its economic alienation. +I recently spoke to a group of junior-high-school students in the process of organizing a resistance movement to their obligatory draft into the next class. Their slogan was "participation not simulation". They were disappointed that this was understood as a demand for less rather than for more education, and reminded me of the resistance which Karl Marx put up against a passage in the Gotha program which-one hundred years ago wanted to outlaw child labor. He opposed the proposal in the interest of the education of the young, which could happen only at work. If the greatest fruit of man's labor should be the education he receives from it and the opportunity which work gives him to initiate the education of others, then the alienation of modern society in a pedagogical sense is even worse than its economic alienation. -The major obstacle on the way to a society that truly educates was well defined by a black friend of mine in Chicago, who told me that our imagination was "all schooled up". We permit the state to ascertain the universal educational deficiencies of its citizens and establish one specialized agency to treat them. We thus share in the delusion that we can distinguish between what is necessary education for others and what is not, just as former generations established laws which defined what was sacred and what was profane. +The major obstacle on the way to a society that truly educates was well defined by a black friend of mine in Chicago, who told me that our imagination was "all schooled up". We permit the state to ascertain the universal educational deficiencies of its citizens and establish one specialized agency to treat them. We thus share in the delusion that we can distinguish between what is necessary education for others and what is not, just as former generations established laws which defined what was sacred and what was profane. -Durkheim recognized that this ability to divide social reality into two realms was the very essence of formal religion. There are, he reasoned, religions without the supernatural and without gods, but none which does not subdivide the world into things and persons that are sacred and others that as a consequence are profane. Durkheim's insight can be applied to the sociology of education, for school is radically divisive in a similar way. +Durkheim recognized that this ability to divide social reality into two realms was the very essence of formal religion. There are, he reasoned, religions without the supernatural and without gods, but none which does not subdivide the world into things and persons that are sacred and others that as a consequence are profane. Durkheim's insight can be applied to the sociology of education, for school is radically divisive in a similar way. -The very existence of obligatory schools divides any society into two realms: some time spans and processes and treatments and professions are "academic" or "pedagogic," and others are not. The power of school thus to divide social reality has no boundaries: education becomes unworldly and the world becomes noneducational. +The very existence of obligatory schools divides any society into two realms: some time spans and processes and treatments and professions are "academic" or "pedagogic," and others are not. The power of school thus to divide social reality has no boundaries: education becomes unworldly and the world becomes noneducational. -Since Bonhoeffer contemporary theologians have pointed to the confusions now reigning between the Biblical message and institutionalized religion. They point to the experience that Christian freedom and faith usually gain from secularization. Inevitably their statements sound blasphemous to many churchmen. Unquestionably, the educational process will gain from the deschooling of society even though this demand sounds to many schoolmen like treason to the enlightenment. But it is enlightenment itself that is now being snuffed out in the schools. +Since Bonhoeffer contemporary theologians have pointed to the confusions now reigning between the Biblical message and institutionalized religion. They point to the experience that Christian freedom and faith usually gain from secularization. Inevitably their statements sound blasphemous to many churchmen. Unquestionably, the educational process will gain from the deschooling of society even though this demand sounds to many schoolmen like treason to the enlightenment. But it is enlightenment itself that is now being snuffed out in the schools. -The secularization fo the Christian faith depends on the dedication to it on the part of Christians rooted in the Church. In much the same way, the deschooling of education depend son the leadership of those brought up in the schools. Their curriculum cannot serve them as an aliby for the task: each of us remains responsible for what has been made of him, even though he may be able to do no more than accept this responsibility and serve as a warning to others. +The secularization fo the Christian faith depends on the dedication to it on the part of Christians rooted in the Church. In much the same way, the deschooling of education depend son the leadership of those brought up in the schools. Their curriculum cannot serve them as an aliby for the task: each of us remains responsible for what has been made of him, even though he may be able to do no more than accept this responsibility and serve as a warning to others. ## Phenomenology of School -Some words become so flexible that they cease to be useful "School" and "teaching" are such terms. Like an amoeba they fit into almost any interstice of the language. ABM will teach the Russians, IBM will teach Negro children, and the army can become the school of a nation. +Some words become so flexible that they cease to be useful "School" and "teaching" are such terms. Like an amoeba they fit into almost any interstice of the language. ABM will teach the Russians, IBM will teach Negro children, and the army can become the school of a nation. The search for alternatives in education must therefore start with an agreement on what it is we mean by "school". This might be done in several ways. We could begin by listing the latent functions performed by modern school systems, such as custodial care, selection, indoctrination, and learning. We could make a client analysis and verify which of these latent functions render a service or a disservice to teachers, employers, children, parents, or the professions. We could survey the history of Western culture and the information gathered by anthropology in order to find institutions which played a role like that now performed by schooling. We could, finally, recall the many normative statements which have been made since the time of Comenius, or even since Quintilian, and discover which of these the modern school system most closely approaches. But any of these approaches would oblige us to start with certain assumptions about a relationship between school and education. To develop a language in which we can speak about school without such constant recourse to education, I have chosen to begin with something that might be called a phenomenology of public school. For this purpose I shall define "school" as the age-specific, teacher related process requiring full-time attendance at an obligatory curriculum. _1._ Age School groups people according to age. This grouping rests on three unquestioned premises. Children belong in school. -Children learn in school. Children can be taught only in school. I think these unexamined premises deserve serious questioning. We have grown accustomed to children. We have decided that they should go to school, do as they are told, and have neither income nor families of their own. We expect them to know their place and behave like children. We remember, whether nostalgically or bitterly, a time when we were children, too. We are expected to tolerate the childish behavior of children. Man-kind, for us, is a species both afflicted and blessed with the task of caring for children. We forget, however, that our present concept of "childhood" developed only recently in Western Europe and more recently still in the Americas.* (For parallel histories of modern capitalism and modern childhood see Philippe Aries, Centuries 0f Childhood, Knopf, 1962.) +Children learn in school. Children can be taught only in school. I think these unexamined premises deserve serious questioning. We have grown accustomed to children. We have decided that they should go to school, do as they are told, and have neither income nor families of their own. We expect them to know their place and behave like children. We remember, whether nostalgically or bitterly, a time when we were children, too. We are expected to tolerate the childish behavior of children. Man-kind, for us, is a species both afflicted and blessed with the task of caring for children. We forget, however, that our present concept of "childhood" developed only recently in Western Europe and more recently still in the Americas.* (For parallel histories of modern capitalism and modern childhood see Philippe Aries, Centuries 0f Childhood, Knopf, 1962.) -Childhood as distinct from infancy, adolescence, or youth was unknown to most historical periods. Some Christian centuries did not even have an eye for its bodily proportions. Artists depicted the infant as a miniature adult seated on his mother's arm. Children appeared in Europe along with the pocket watch and the Christian moneylenders of the Renaissance. Before our century neither the poor nor the rich knew of children's dress, children's games, or the child's immunity from the law. Childhood belonged to the bourgeoisie. The worker's child, the peasant's child, and the nobleman's child all dressed the way their fathers dressed, played the way their fathers played, and were hanged by the neck as were their fathers. After the discovery of "childhood" by the bourgeoisie all this changed. Only some churches continued to respect for some time the dignity and maturity of the young. Until the Second Vatican Council, each child was instructed that a Christian reaches moral discernment and freedom at the age of seven, and from then on is capable of committing sins for which he may be punished by an eternity in Hell. Toward the middle of this century, middle-class parents began to try to spare their children the impact of this doctrine, and their thinking about children now prevails in the practice of the Church. +Childhood as distinct from infancy, adolescence, or youth was unknown to most historical periods. Some Christian centuries did not even have an eye for its bodily proportions. Artists depicted the infant as a miniature adult seated on his mother's arm. Children appeared in Europe along with the pocket watch and the Christian moneylenders of the Renaissance. Before our century neither the poor nor the rich knew of children's dress, children's games, or the child's immunity from the law. Childhood belonged to the bourgeoisie. The worker's child, the peasant's child, and the nobleman's child all dressed the way their fathers dressed, played the way their fathers played, and were hanged by the neck as were their fathers. After the discovery of "childhood" by the bourgeoisie all this changed. Only some churches continued to respect for some time the dignity and maturity of the young. Until the Second Vatican Council, each child was instructed that a Christian reaches moral discernment and freedom at the age of seven, and from then on is capable of committing sins for which he may be punished by an eternity in Hell. Toward the middle of this century, middle-class parents began to try to spare their children the impact of this doctrine, and their thinking about children now prevails in the practice of the Church. -Until the last century, "children" of middle-class parents were made at home with the help of preceptors and private schools. Only with the advent of industrial society did the mass production of "childhood" become feasible and come within the reach of the masses. The school system is a modern phenomenon, as is the childhood it produces. +Until the last century, "children" of middle-class parents were made at home with the help of preceptors and private schools. Only with the advent of industrial society did the mass production of "childhood" become feasible and come within the reach of the masses. The school system is a modern phenomenon, as is the childhood it produces. -Since most people today live outside industrial cities, most people today do not experience childhood. In the Andes you till the soil once you have become "useful". Before that, you watch the sheep. If you are well nourished, you should be useful by eleven, and otherwise by twelve. Recently, I was talking to my night watchman, Marcos, about his eleven-year-old son who works in a barbershop. I noted in Spanish that his son was still a "ni-o,” Marcos, surprised, answered with a guileless smile: "Don Ivan, I guess you're right". Realizing that until my remark the father had thought of Marcos primarily as his "son," I felt guilty for having drawn the curtain of childhood between two sensible persons. Of course if I were to tell the New York slum-dweller that his working son is still a "child," he would show no surprise. He knows quite well that his eleven-year-old son should be allowed childhood, and resents the fact that he is not. The son of Marcos has yet to be afflicted with the yearning for childhood; the New Yorker's son feels deprived. +Since most people today live outside industrial cities, most people today do not experience childhood. In the Andes you till the soil once you have become "useful". Before that, you watch the sheep. If you are well nourished, you should be useful by eleven, and otherwise by twelve. Recently, I was talking to my night watchman, Marcos, about his eleven-year-old son who works in a barbershop. I noted in Spanish that his son was still a "ni-o,” Marcos, surprised, answered with a guileless smile: "Don Ivan, I guess you're right". Realizing that until my remark the father had thought of Marcos primarily as his "son," I felt guilty for having drawn the curtain of childhood between two sensible persons. Of course if I were to tell the New York slum-dweller that his working son is still a "child," he would show no surprise. He knows quite well that his eleven-year-old son should be allowed childhood, and resents the fact that he is not. The son of Marcos has yet to be afflicted with the yearning for childhood; the New Yorker's son feels deprived. -Most people around the world, then, either do not want or cannot get modern childhood for their offspring. But it also seems that childhood is a burden to a good number of those few who are allowed it. Many of them are simply forced to go through it and are not at all happy playing the child's role. Growing up through childhood means being condemned to a process of in-human conflict between self awareness and the role imposed by a society going through its own school age. Neither Stephen Daedalus nor Alexander Portnoy enjoyed childhood, and neither, I suspect, did many of us like to be treated as children. If there were no age-specific and obligatory learning institution, "childhood" would go out of production. The youth of rich nations would be liberated from its destructiveness, and poor nations would cease attempting to rival the childishness of the rich. If society were to outgrow its age of childhood, it would have to become livable for the young. The present disjunction between an adult society which pretends to be humane and a school environment which mocks reality could no longer be maintained. +Most people around the world, then, either do not want or cannot get modern childhood for their offspring. But it also seems that childhood is a burden to a good number of those few who are allowed it. Many of them are simply forced to go through it and are not at all happy playing the child's role. Growing up through childhood means being condemned to a process of in-human conflict between self awareness and the role imposed by a society going through its own school age. Neither Stephen Daedalus nor Alexander Portnoy enjoyed childhood, and neither, I suspect, did many of us like to be treated as children. If there were no age-specific and obligatory learning institution, "childhood" would go out of production. The youth of rich nations would be liberated from its destructiveness, and poor nations would cease attempting to rival the childishness of the rich. If society were to outgrow its age of childhood, it would have to become livable for the young. The present disjunction between an adult society which pretends to be humane and a school environment which mocks reality could no longer be maintained. -The disestablishment of schools could also end the present discrimination against infants, adults, and the old in favor of children throughout their adolescence and youth. The social decision to allocate educational resources preferably to those citizens who have outgrown the extraordinary learning capacity of their first four years and have not arrived at the height of their self-motivated learning will, in retrospect, probably appear as bizarre. +The disestablishment of schools could also end the present discrimination against infants, adults, and the old in favor of children throughout their adolescence and youth. The social decision to allocate educational resources preferably to those citizens who have outgrown the extraordinary learning capacity of their first four years and have not arrived at the height of their self-motivated learning will, in retrospect, probably appear as bizarre. -Institutional wisdom tells us that children need school. Institutional wisdom tells us that children learn in school. But this institutional wisdom is itself the product of schools because sound common sense tells us that only children can be taught in school. Only by segregating human beings in the category of childhood could we ever get them to submit to the authority of a schoolteacher. +Institutional wisdom tells us that children need school. Institutional wisdom tells us that children learn in school. But this institutional wisdom is itself the product of schools because sound common sense tells us that only children can be taught in school. Only by segregating human beings in the category of childhood could we ever get them to submit to the authority of a schoolteacher. _2._ Teachers and Pupils By definition, children are pupils. The demand for the milieu of childhood creates an unlimited market for accredited teachers. School is an institution built on the axiom that learning is the result of teaching. And institutional wisdom continues to accept this axiom, despite overwhelming evidence to the contrary. -We have all learned most of what we know outside school. Pupils do most of their learning without, and often despite, their teachers. Most tragically, the majority of men are taught their lesson by schools, even though they never go to school. +We have all learned most of what we know outside school. Pupils do most of their learning without, and often despite, their teachers. Most tragically, the majority of men are taught their lesson by schools, even though they never go to school. -Everyone learns how to live outside school. We learn to speak, to think, to love, to feel, to play, to curse, to politick, and to work without interference from a teacher. Even children who are under a teacher's care day and night are no exception to the rule. Orphans, idiots, and schoolteachers' sons learn most of what they learn outside the "educational" process planned for them. Teachers have made a poor showing in their attempts at increasing learning among the poor. Poor parents who want their children to go to school are less concerned about what they will learn than about the certificate and money they will earn. And middle-class parents commit their children to a teacher's care to keep them from learning what the poor learn on the streets. Increasingly educational research demonstrates that children learn most of what teachers pretend to teach them from peer groups, from comics, from chance observations, and above all from mere participation in the ritual of school. Teachers, more often than not, obstruct such learning of subject matters as goes on in school. +Everyone learns how to live outside school. We learn to speak, to think, to love, to feel, to play, to curse, to politick, and to work without interference from a teacher. Even children who are under a teacher's care day and night are no exception to the rule. Orphans, idiots, and schoolteachers' sons learn most of what they learn outside the "educational" process planned for them. Teachers have made a poor showing in their attempts at increasing learning among the poor. Poor parents who want their children to go to school are less concerned about what they will learn than about the certificate and money they will earn. And middle-class parents commit their children to a teacher's care to keep them from learning what the poor learn on the streets. Increasingly educational research demonstrates that children learn most of what teachers pretend to teach them from peer groups, from comics, from chance observations, and above all from mere participation in the ritual of school. Teachers, more often than not, obstruct such learning of subject matters as goes on in school. -Half of the people in our world never set foot in school. They have no contact with teachers, and they are deprived of the privilege of becoming dropouts. Yet they learn quite effectively the message which school teaches: that they should have school, and more and more of it. School instructs them in their own inferiority through the tax collector who makes them pay for it, or through the demagogue who raises their expectations of it, or through their children once the latter are hooked on it. So the poor are robbed of their self-respect by subscribing to a creed that grants salvation only through the school. At least the Church gave them a chance to repent at the hour of death. School leaves them with the expectation (a counterfeit hope) that their grandchildren will make it. That expectation is of course still more learning which comes from school but not from teachers. +Half of the people in our world never set foot in school. They have no contact with teachers, and they are deprived of the privilege of becoming dropouts. Yet they learn quite effectively the message which school teaches: that they should have school, and more and more of it. School instructs them in their own inferiority through the tax collector who makes them pay for it, or through the demagogue who raises their expectations of it, or through their children once the latter are hooked on it. So the poor are robbed of their self-respect by subscribing to a creed that grants salvation only through the school. At least the Church gave them a chance to repent at the hour of death. School leaves them with the expectation (a counterfeit hope) that their grandchildren will make it. That expectation is of course still more learning which comes from school but not from teachers. Pupils have never credited teachers for most of their learning. Bright and dull alike have always relied on rote, reading, and wit to pass their exams, motivated by the stick or by the carrot of a desired career. Adults tend to romanticize their schooling. In retrospect, they attribute their learning to the teacher whose patience they learned to admire. But the same adults would worry about the mental health of a child who rushed home to tell them what he learned from his every teacher. Schools create jobs for schoolteachers, no matter what their pupils learn from them. 3\. Full-Time Attendance Every month I see another list of proposals made by some U.S. industry to AID, suggesting the replacement of Latin-American "classroom practitioners" either by disciplined systems administrators or just by TV. In the United States teaching as a team enterprise of educational researchers, designers, and technicians is gaining acceptance. But, no matter whether the teacher is a schoolmarm or a team of men in white coats, and no matter whether they succeed in teaching the subject matter listed in the catalogue or whether they fail, the professional teacher creates a sacred milieu. -Uncertainty about the future of professional teaching puts the classroom into jeopardy. Were educational professionals to specialize in promoting learning, they would have to abandon a system which calls for between 750 and 1,000 gatherings a year. But of course teachers do a lot more. The institutional wisdom of schools tells parents, pupils, and educators that the teacher, if he is to teach, must exercise his authority in a sacred precinct. This is true even for teachers whose pupils spend most of their school time in a classroom without walls. School, by its very nature, tends to make a total claim on the time and energies of its participants. This, in turn, makes the teacher into custodian, preacher, and therapist. +Uncertainty about the future of professional teaching puts the classroom into jeopardy. Were educational professionals to specialize in promoting learning, they would have to abandon a system which calls for between 750 and 1,000 gatherings a year. But of course teachers do a lot more. The institutional wisdom of schools tells parents, pupils, and educators that the teacher, if he is to teach, must exercise his authority in a sacred precinct. This is true even for teachers whose pupils spend most of their school time in a classroom without walls. School, by its very nature, tends to make a total claim on the time and energies of its participants. This, in turn, makes the teacher into custodian, preacher, and therapist. -In each of these three roles the teacher bases his authority on a different claim. The teacher-as-custodian acts as a master of ceremonies, who guides his pupils through a drawn-out labyrinthine ritual. He arbitrates the observance of rules and administers the intricate rubrics of initiation to life. At his best, he sets the stage for the acquisition of some skill as schoolmasters always have. Without illusions of producing any profound learning, he drills his pupils in some basic routines. +In each of these three roles the teacher bases his authority on a different claim. The teacher-as-custodian acts as a master of ceremonies, who guides his pupils through a drawn-out labyrinthine ritual. He arbitrates the observance of rules and administers the intricate rubrics of initiation to life. At his best, he sets the stage for the acquisition of some skill as schoolmasters always have. Without illusions of producing any profound learning, he drills his pupils in some basic routines. -The teacher-as-moralist substitutes for parents, God, or the state. He indoctrinates the pupil about what is right or wrong, not only in school but also in society at large. He stands in loco parentis for each one and thus ensures that all feel themselves children of the same state. +The teacher-as-moralist substitutes for parents, God, or the state. He indoctrinates the pupil about what is right or wrong, not only in school but also in society at large. He stands in loco parentis for each one and thus ensures that all feel themselves children of the same state. -The teacher-as-therapist feels authorized to delve into the personal life of his pupil in order to help him grow as a person. When this function is exercised by a custodian and preacher, it usually means that he persuades the pupil to submit to a domestication of his vision of truth and his sense of what is right. +The teacher-as-therapist feels authorized to delve into the personal life of his pupil in order to help him grow as a person. When this function is exercised by a custodian and preacher, it usually means that he persuades the pupil to submit to a domestication of his vision of truth and his sense of what is right. -The claim that a liberal society can be founded on the modern school is paradoxical. The safeguards of individual freedom are all canceled in the dealings of a teacher with his pupil. When the schoolteacher fuses in his person the functions of judge, ideologue, and doctor, the fundamental style of society is perverted by the very process which should prepare for life. A teacher who combines these three powers contributes to the warping of the child much more than the laws which establish his legal or economic minority, or restrict his right to free assembly or abode. +The claim that a liberal society can be founded on the modern school is paradoxical. The safeguards of individual freedom are all canceled in the dealings of a teacher with his pupil. When the schoolteacher fuses in his person the functions of judge, ideologue, and doctor, the fundamental style of society is perverted by the very process which should prepare for life. A teacher who combines these three powers contributes to the warping of the child much more than the laws which establish his legal or economic minority, or restrict his right to free assembly or abode. -Teachers are by no means the only professionals who offer therapy. Psychiatrists, guidance counselors, and job counselors, even lawyers, help their clients to decide, to develop their personalities, and to learn. Yet common sense tells the client that such professionals should abstain from imposing their opinion of what is right or wrong, or from forcing anyone to follow their advice. Schoolteachers and ministers are the only professionals who feel entitled to pry into the private affairs of their clients at the same time as they preach to a captive audience. +Teachers are by no means the only professionals who offer therapy. Psychiatrists, guidance counselors, and job counselors, even lawyers, help their clients to decide, to develop their personalities, and to learn. Yet common sense tells the client that such professionals should abstain from imposing their opinion of what is right or wrong, or from forcing anyone to follow their advice. Schoolteachers and ministers are the only professionals who feel entitled to pry into the private affairs of their clients at the same time as they preach to a captive audience. -Children are protected by neither the First nor the Fifth Amendment when they stand before that secular priest, the teacher. The child must confront a man who wears an invisible triple crown, like the papal tiara, the symbol of triple authority combined in one person. For the child, the teacher pontificates as pastor, prophet, and priest-he is at once guide, teacher, and administrator of a sacred ritual. He combines the claims of medieval popes in a society constituted under the guarantee that these claims shall never be exercised together by one established and obligatory institution--church or state. +Children are protected by neither the First nor the Fifth Amendment when they stand before that secular priest, the teacher. The child must confront a man who wears an invisible triple crown, like the papal tiara, the symbol of triple authority combined in one person. For the child, the teacher pontificates as pastor, prophet, and priest-he is at once guide, teacher, and administrator of a sacred ritual. He combines the claims of medieval popes in a society constituted under the guarantee that these claims shall never be exercised together by one established and obligatory institution--church or state. -Defining children as full-time pupils permits the teacher to exercise a kind of power over their persons which is much less limited by constitutional and consuetudinal restrictions than the power wielded by the guardians of other social enclaves. Their chronological age disqualifies children from safeguards which are routine for adults in a modern asylum-madhouse, monastery, or jail. +Defining children as full-time pupils permits the teacher to exercise a kind of power over their persons which is much less limited by constitutional and consuetudinal restrictions than the power wielded by the guardians of other social enclaves. Their chronological age disqualifies children from safeguards which are routine for adults in a modern asylum-madhouse, monastery, or jail. -Under the authoritative eye of the teacher, several orders of value collapse into one. The distinctions between morality, legal. ity, and personal worth are blurred and eventually eliminated. Each transgression is made to be felt as a multiple offense. The offender is expected to feel that he has broken a rule, that he has behaved immorally, and that he has let himself down. A pupil who adroitly obtains assistance on an exam is told that he is an outlaw, morally corrupt, and personally worthless. +Under the authoritative eye of the teacher, several orders of value collapse into one. The distinctions between morality, legal. ity, and personal worth are blurred and eventually eliminated. Each transgression is made to be felt as a multiple offense. The offender is expected to feel that he has broken a rule, that he has behaved immorally, and that he has let himself down. A pupil who adroitly obtains assistance on an exam is told that he is an outlaw, morally corrupt, and personally worthless. -Classroom attendance removes children from the everyday world of Western culture and plunges them into an environment far more primitive, magical, and deadly serious. School could not create such an enclave within which the rules of ordinary reality are suspended, unless it physically incarcerated the young during many successive years on sacred territory. The attendance rule makes it possible for the schoolroom to serve as a magic womb, from which the child is delivered periodically at the school days and school year's completion until he is finally expelled into adult life. Neither universal extended childhood nor the smothering atmosphere of the classroom could exist without schools. Yet schools, as compulsory channels for learning, could exist without either and be more repressive and destructive than anything we have come to know. To understand what it means to deschool society, and not just to reform the educational establishment, we must now focus on the hidden curriculum of schooling. We are not concerned here, directly, with the hidden curriculum of the ghetto streets which brands the poor or with the hidden curriculum of the drawing room which benefits the rich. We are rather concerned to call attention to the fact that the ceremonial or ritual of schooling itself constitutes such a hidden curriculum. Even the best of teachers cannot entirely protect his pupils from it. Inevitably, this hidden curriculum of schooling adds prejudice and guilt to the discrimination which a society practices against some of its members and compounds the privilege of others with a new title to condescend to the majority. Just as inevitably, this hidden curriculum serves as a ritual of initiation into a growth oriented consumer society for rich and poor alike. +Classroom attendance removes children from the everyday world of Western culture and plunges them into an environment far more primitive, magical, and deadly serious. School could not create such an enclave within which the rules of ordinary reality are suspended, unless it physically incarcerated the young during many successive years on sacred territory. The attendance rule makes it possible for the schoolroom to serve as a magic womb, from which the child is delivered periodically at the school days and school year's completion until he is finally expelled into adult life. Neither universal extended childhood nor the smothering atmosphere of the classroom could exist without schools. Yet schools, as compulsory channels for learning, could exist without either and be more repressive and destructive than anything we have come to know. To understand what it means to deschool society, and not just to reform the educational establishment, we must now focus on the hidden curriculum of schooling. We are not concerned here, directly, with the hidden curriculum of the ghetto streets which brands the poor or with the hidden curriculum of the drawing room which benefits the rich. We are rather concerned to call attention to the fact that the ceremonial or ritual of schooling itself constitutes such a hidden curriculum. Even the best of teachers cannot entirely protect his pupils from it. Inevitably, this hidden curriculum of schooling adds prejudice and guilt to the discrimination which a society practices against some of its members and compounds the privilege of others with a new title to condescend to the majority. Just as inevitably, this hidden curriculum serves as a ritual of initiation into a growth oriented consumer society for rich and poor alike. ## Ritualization of Progress -The university graduate has been schooled for selective service among the rich of the world. Whatever his or her claims of solidarity with the Third World, each American college graduate has had an education costing an amount five times greater than the median life income of half of humanity. A Latin American student is introduced to this exclusive fraternity by having at least 350 times as much public money spent on his education as on that of his fellow citizens of median income. With very rare exceptions, the university graduate from a poor country feels more comfortable with his North American and European colleagues than with his non-schooled compatriots, and all students are academically processed to be happy only in the company of fellow consumers of the products of the educational machine. +The university graduate has been schooled for selective service among the rich of the world. Whatever his or her claims of solidarity with the Third World, each American college graduate has had an education costing an amount five times greater than the median life income of half of humanity. A Latin American student is introduced to this exclusive fraternity by having at least 350 times as much public money spent on his education as on that of his fellow citizens of median income. With very rare exceptions, the university graduate from a poor country feels more comfortable with his North American and European colleagues than with his non-schooled compatriots, and all students are academically processed to be happy only in the company of fellow consumers of the products of the educational machine. -The modern university confers the privilege of dissent on those who have been tested and classified as potential money-makers or power-holders. No one is given tax funds for the leisure in which to educate himself or the right to educate others unless at the same time he can also be certified for achievement. Schools select for each successive level those who have, at earlier stages in the game, proved themselves good risks for the established order. Having a monopoly on both the resources for learning and the investiture of social roles, the university coopts the discoverer and the potential dissenter. A degree always leaves its indelible price tag on the curriculum of its consumer. Certified college graduates fit only into a world which puts a price tag on their heads, thereby giving them the power to define the level of expectations in their society. In each country the amount of consumption by the college graduate sets the standard for all others; if they would be civilized people on or off the job, they will aspire to the style of life of college graduates. +The modern university confers the privilege of dissent on those who have been tested and classified as potential money-makers or power-holders. No one is given tax funds for the leisure in which to educate himself or the right to educate others unless at the same time he can also be certified for achievement. Schools select for each successive level those who have, at earlier stages in the game, proved themselves good risks for the established order. Having a monopoly on both the resources for learning and the investiture of social roles, the university coopts the discoverer and the potential dissenter. A degree always leaves its indelible price tag on the curriculum of its consumer. Certified college graduates fit only into a world which puts a price tag on their heads, thereby giving them the power to define the level of expectations in their society. In each country the amount of consumption by the college graduate sets the standard for all others; if they would be civilized people on or off the job, they will aspire to the style of life of college graduates. -The university thus has the effect of imposing consumer standards at work and at home, and it does so in every part of the world and under every political system. The fewer university graduates there are in a country, the more their cultivated demands are taken as models by the rest of the population. The gap between the consumption of the university graduate and that of the average citizen is even wider in Russia, China, and Algeria than in the United States. Cars, airplane trips, and tape recorders confer more visible distinction in a socialist country, where only a degree, and not just money, can procure them. +The university thus has the effect of imposing consumer standards at work and at home, and it does so in every part of the world and under every political system. The fewer university graduates there are in a country, the more their cultivated demands are taken as models by the rest of the population. The gap between the consumption of the university graduate and that of the average citizen is even wider in Russia, China, and Algeria than in the United States. Cars, airplane trips, and tape recorders confer more visible distinction in a socialist country, where only a degree, and not just money, can procure them. -The ability of the university to fix consumer goals is something new. In many countries the university acquired this power only in the sixties, as the delusion of equal access to public education began to spread. Before that the university protected an individual's freedom of speech, but did not automatically convert his knowledge into wealth. To be a scholar in the Middle Ages meant to be poor, even a beggar. By virtue of his calling, the medieval scholar learned Latin, became an outsider worthy of the scorn as well as the esteem of peasant and prince, burgher and cleric. To get ahead in the world, the scholastic first had to enter it by joining the civil service, preferably that of the Church. The old university was a liberated zone for discovery and the discussion of ideas both new and old. Masters and students gathered to read the texts of other masters, now long dead, and the living words of the dead masters gave new perspective to the fallacies of the present day. The university was then a community of academic quest and endemic unrest. +The ability of the university to fix consumer goals is something new. In many countries the university acquired this power only in the sixties, as the delusion of equal access to public education began to spread. Before that the university protected an individual's freedom of speech, but did not automatically convert his knowledge into wealth. To be a scholar in the Middle Ages meant to be poor, even a beggar. By virtue of his calling, the medieval scholar learned Latin, became an outsider worthy of the scorn as well as the esteem of peasant and prince, burgher and cleric. To get ahead in the world, the scholastic first had to enter it by joining the civil service, preferably that of the Church. The old university was a liberated zone for discovery and the discussion of ideas both new and old. Masters and students gathered to read the texts of other masters, now long dead, and the living words of the dead masters gave new perspective to the fallacies of the present day. The university was then a community of academic quest and endemic unrest. -In the modern multiversity this community has fled to the fringes, where it meets in a pad, a professor's office, or the chaplain's quarters. The structural purpose of the modern university has little to do with the traditional quest. Since Gutenberg, the exchange of disciplined, critical inquiry has, for the most part, moved from the "chair" into print. The modern university has forfeited its chance to provide a simple setting for encounters which are both autonomous and anarchic, focused yet unplanned and ebullient, and has chosen instead to manage the process by which so-called research and instruction are produced. +In the modern multiversity this community has fled to the fringes, where it meets in a pad, a professor's office, or the chaplain's quarters. The structural purpose of the modern university has little to do with the traditional quest. Since Gutenberg, the exchange of disciplined, critical inquiry has, for the most part, moved from the "chair" into print. The modern university has forfeited its chance to provide a simple setting for encounters which are both autonomous and anarchic, focused yet unplanned and ebullient, and has chosen instead to manage the process by which so-called research and instruction are produced. -The American university, since Sputnik, has been trying to catch up with the body count of Soviet graduates. Now the Germans are abandoning their academic tradition and are building "campuses" in order to catch up with the Americans. During the present decade they want to increase their expenditure for grammar and high schools from 14 to 59 billion DM, and more than triple expenditures for higher learning. The French propose by 1980 to raise to 10 percent of their GNP the amount spent on schools, and the Ford Foundation has been pushing poor countries in Latin America to raise per capita expenses for "respect-able" graduates toward North American levels. Students see their studies as the investment with the highest monetary return, and nations see them as a key factor in development. +The American university, since Sputnik, has been trying to catch up with the body count of Soviet graduates. Now the Germans are abandoning their academic tradition and are building "campuses" in order to catch up with the Americans. During the present decade they want to increase their expenditure for grammar and high schools from 14 to 59 billion DM, and more than triple expenditures for higher learning. The French propose by 1980 to raise to 10 percent of their GNP the amount spent on schools, and the Ford Foundation has been pushing poor countries in Latin America to raise per capita expenses for "respect-able" graduates toward North American levels. Students see their studies as the investment with the highest monetary return, and nations see them as a key factor in development. -For the majority who primarily seek a college degree, the university has lost no prestige, but since 1968 it has visibly lost standing among its believers. Students refuse to prepare for war, pollution, and the perpetuation of prejudice. Teachers assist them in their challenge to the legitimacy of the government, its foreign policy, education, and the American way of life. More than a few reject degrees and prepare for a life in a counterculture, outside the certified society. They seem to choose the way of medieval Fraticelli and Alumbrados of the Reformation, the hippies and dropouts of their day. Others recognize the monopoly of the schools over the resources which they need to build a counter society. They seek support from each other to live with integrity while submitting to the academic ritual. They form, so to speak, hotbeds of heresy right within the hierarchy. +For the majority who primarily seek a college degree, the university has lost no prestige, but since 1968 it has visibly lost standing among its believers. Students refuse to prepare for war, pollution, and the perpetuation of prejudice. Teachers assist them in their challenge to the legitimacy of the government, its foreign policy, education, and the American way of life. More than a few reject degrees and prepare for a life in a counterculture, outside the certified society. They seem to choose the way of medieval Fraticelli and Alumbrados of the Reformation, the hippies and dropouts of their day. Others recognize the monopoly of the schools over the resources which they need to build a counter society. They seek support from each other to live with integrity while submitting to the academic ritual. They form, so to speak, hotbeds of heresy right within the hierarchy. -Large parts of the general population, however, regard the modern mystic and the modern heresiarch with alarm. They threaten the consumer economy, democratic privilege, and the self-image of America. But they cannot be wished away. Fewer and fewer can be reconverted by patience or coopted by subtlety for instance, by appointing them to teach their heresy. Hence the search for means which would make it possible either to get rid of dissident individuals or to reduce the importance of the university which serves them as a base for protest. +Large parts of the general population, however, regard the modern mystic and the modern heresiarch with alarm. They threaten the consumer economy, democratic privilege, and the self-image of America. But they cannot be wished away. Fewer and fewer can be reconverted by patience or coopted by subtlety for instance, by appointing them to teach their heresy. Hence the search for means which would make it possible either to get rid of dissident individuals or to reduce the importance of the university which serves them as a base for protest. -The students and faculty who question the legitimacy of the university, and do so at high personal cost, certainly do not feel that they are setting consumer standards or abetting a production system. Those who have founded such groups as the Committee of Concerned Asian Scholars and the North American Congress on Latin America (NACLA) have been among the most effective in changing radically the perceptions of the realities of foreign countries for millions of young people. Still others have tried to formulate Marxian interpretations of American society or have been among those responsible for the flowering of communes. Their achievements add new strength to the argument that the existence of the university is necessary to guarantee continued social criticism. +The students and faculty who question the legitimacy of the university, and do so at high personal cost, certainly do not feel that they are setting consumer standards or abetting a production system. Those who have founded such groups as the Committee of Concerned Asian Scholars and the North American Congress on Latin America (NACLA) have been among the most effective in changing radically the perceptions of the realities of foreign countries for millions of young people. Still others have tried to formulate Marxian interpretations of American society or have been among those responsible for the flowering of communes. Their achievements add new strength to the argument that the existence of the university is necessary to guarantee continued social criticism. -There is no question that at present the university offers a unique combination of circumstances which allows some of its members to criticize the whole of society. It provides time, mobility, access to peers and information, and a certain impunity-privileges not equally available to other segments of the population. But the university provides this freedom only to those who have already been deeply initiated into the consumer society and into the need for some kind of obligatory public schooling. +There is no question that at present the university offers a unique combination of circumstances which allows some of its members to criticize the whole of society. It provides time, mobility, access to peers and information, and a certain impunity-privileges not equally available to other segments of the population. But the university provides this freedom only to those who have already been deeply initiated into the consumer society and into the need for some kind of obligatory public schooling. -The school system today performs the threefold function common to powerful churches throughout history. It is simultaneously the repository of society's myth, the institutionalization of that myth's contradictions, and the locus of the ritual which reproduces and veils the disparities between myth and reality. Today the school system, and especially the university, provides ample opportunity for criticism of the myth and for rebellion against its institutional perversions. But the ritual which demands tolerance of the fundamental contradictions between myth and institution still goes largely unchallenged, for neither ideological criticism nor social action can bring about a new society. Only disenchantment with and detachment from the central social ritual and reform of that ritual can bring about radical change. +The school system today performs the threefold function common to powerful churches throughout history. It is simultaneously the repository of society's myth, the institutionalization of that myth's contradictions, and the locus of the ritual which reproduces and veils the disparities between myth and reality. Today the school system, and especially the university, provides ample opportunity for criticism of the myth and for rebellion against its institutional perversions. But the ritual which demands tolerance of the fundamental contradictions between myth and institution still goes largely unchallenged, for neither ideological criticism nor social action can bring about a new society. Only disenchantment with and detachment from the central social ritual and reform of that ritual can bring about radical change. -The American university has become the final stage of the most all encompassing initiation rite the world has ever known. No society in history has been able to survive without ritual or myth, but ours is the first which has needed such a dull, protracted, destructive, and expensive initiation into its myth. The contemporary world civilization is also the first one which has found it necessary to rationalize its fundamental initiation ritual in the name of education. We cannot begin a reform of education unless we first understand that neither individual learning nor social equality can be enhanced by the ritual of schooling. We cannot go beyond the consumer society unless we first understand that obligatory public schools inevitably reproduce such a society, no matter what is taught in them. +The American university has become the final stage of the most all encompassing initiation rite the world has ever known. No society in history has been able to survive without ritual or myth, but ours is the first which has needed such a dull, protracted, destructive, and expensive initiation into its myth. The contemporary world civilization is also the first one which has found it necessary to rationalize its fundamental initiation ritual in the name of education. We cannot begin a reform of education unless we first understand that neither individual learning nor social equality can be enhanced by the ritual of schooling. We cannot go beyond the consumer society unless we first understand that obligatory public schools inevitably reproduce such a society, no matter what is taught in them. -The project of demythologizing which I propose cannot be limited to the university alone. Any attempt to reform the university without attending to the system of which it is an integral part is like trying to do urban renewal in New York City from the twelfth story up. Most current college-level reform looks like the building of high-rise slums. Only a generation which grows up without obligatory schools will be able to recreate the university. +The project of demythologizing which I propose cannot be limited to the university alone. Any attempt to reform the university without attending to the system of which it is an integral part is like trying to do urban renewal in New York City from the twelfth story up. Most current college-level reform looks like the building of high-rise slums. Only a generation which grows up without obligatory schools will be able to recreate the university. ### The Myth of Institutionalized Values -School initiates, too, the Myth of Unending Consumption. This modern myth is grounded in the belief that process inevitably produces something of value and, therefore, production necessarily produces demand. School teaches us that instruction produces learning. The existence of schools produces the demand for schooling. Once we have learned to need school, all our activities tend to take the shape of client relationships to other specialized institutions. Once the self-taught man or woman has been discredited, all nonprofessional activity is rendered suspect. In school we are taught that valuable learning is the result of attendance; that the value of learning increases with the amount of input; and, finally, that this value can be measured and documented by grades and certificates. +School initiates, too, the Myth of Unending Consumption. This modern myth is grounded in the belief that process inevitably produces something of value and, therefore, production necessarily produces demand. School teaches us that instruction produces learning. The existence of schools produces the demand for schooling. Once we have learned to need school, all our activities tend to take the shape of client relationships to other specialized institutions. Once the self-taught man or woman has been discredited, all nonprofessional activity is rendered suspect. In school we are taught that valuable learning is the result of attendance; that the value of learning increases with the amount of input; and, finally, that this value can be measured and documented by grades and certificates. -In fact, learning is the human activity which least needs manipulation by others. Most learning is not the result of instruction. It is rather the result of unhampered participation in a meaningful setting. Most people learn best by being "with it," yet school makes them identify their personal, cognitive growth with elaborate planning and manipulation. +In fact, learning is the human activity which least needs manipulation by others. Most learning is not the result of instruction. It is rather the result of unhampered participation in a meaningful setting. Most people learn best by being "with it," yet school makes them identify their personal, cognitive growth with elaborate planning and manipulation. -Once a man or woman has accepted the need for school, he or she is easy prey for other institutions. Once young people have allowed their imaginations to be formed by curricular instruction, they are conditioned to institutional planning of every sort. "Instruction" smothers the horizon of their imaginations. They cannot be betrayed, but only short-changed, because they have been taught to substitute expectations for hope. They will no longer be surprised, for good or ill, by other people, because they have been taught what to expect from every other person who has been taught as they were. This is true in the case of another person or in the case of a machine. +Once a man or woman has accepted the need for school, he or she is easy prey for other institutions. Once young people have allowed their imaginations to be formed by curricular instruction, they are conditioned to institutional planning of every sort. "Instruction" smothers the horizon of their imaginations. They cannot be betrayed, but only short-changed, because they have been taught to substitute expectations for hope. They will no longer be surprised, for good or ill, by other people, because they have been taught what to expect from every other person who has been taught as they were. This is true in the case of another person or in the case of a machine. -This transfer of responsibility from self to institution guarantees social regression, especially once it has been accepted as an obligation. So rebels against Alma Mater often "make it" into her faculty instead of growing into the courage to infect others with their personal teaching and to assume responsibility for the results. This suggests the possibility of a new Oedipus story-Oedipus the Teacher, who "makes" his mother in order to engender children with her. The man addicted to being taught seeks his security in compulsive teaching. The woman who experiences her knowledge as the result of a process wants to reproduce it in others. +This transfer of responsibility from self to institution guarantees social regression, especially once it has been accepted as an obligation. So rebels against Alma Mater often "make it" into her faculty instead of growing into the courage to infect others with their personal teaching and to assume responsibility for the results. This suggests the possibility of a new Oedipus story-Oedipus the Teacher, who "makes" his mother in order to engender children with her. The man addicted to being taught seeks his security in compulsive teaching. The woman who experiences her knowledge as the result of a process wants to reproduce it in others. ### The Myth of Measurement of Values -The institutionalized values school instills are quantified ones. School initiates young people into a world where everything can be measured, including their imaginations, and, indeed, man himself. +The institutionalized values school instills are quantified ones. School initiates young people into a world where everything can be measured, including their imaginations, and, indeed, man himself. -But personal growth is not a measurable entity. It is growth in disciplined dissidence, which cannot be measured against any rod, or any curriculum, nor compared to someone else's achievement. In such learning one can emulate others only in imaginative endeavor, and follow in their footsteps rather than mimic their gait. The learning I prize is immeasurable re-creation. +But personal growth is not a measurable entity. It is growth in disciplined dissidence, which cannot be measured against any rod, or any curriculum, nor compared to someone else's achievement. In such learning one can emulate others only in imaginative endeavor, and follow in their footsteps rather than mimic their gait. The learning I prize is immeasurable re-creation. -School pretends to break learning up into subject "matters," to build into the pupil a curriculum made of these prefabricated blocks, and to gauge the result on an international scale. People who submit to the standard of others for the measure of their own personal growth soon apply the same ruler to themselves. They no longer have to be put in their place, but put themselves into their assigned slots, squeeze themselves into the niche which they have been taught to seek,and, in the very process, put their fellows into their places, too, until everybody and everything fits. +School pretends to break learning up into subject "matters," to build into the pupil a curriculum made of these prefabricated blocks, and to gauge the result on an international scale. People who submit to the standard of others for the measure of their own personal growth soon apply the same ruler to themselves. They no longer have to be put in their place, but put themselves into their assigned slots, squeeze themselves into the niche which they have been taught to seek,and, in the very process, put their fellows into their places, too, until everybody and everything fits. -People who have been schooled down to size let unmeasured experience slip out of their hands. To them, what cannot be measured becomes secondary, threatening. They do not have to be robbed of their creativity. Under instruction, they have unlearned to "do" their thing or "be" themselves, and value only what has been made or could be made. +People who have been schooled down to size let unmeasured experience slip out of their hands. To them, what cannot be measured becomes secondary, threatening. They do not have to be robbed of their creativity. Under instruction, they have unlearned to "do" their thing or "be" themselves, and value only what has been made or could be made. -Once people have the idea schooled into them that values can be produced and measured, they tend to accept all kinds of rank' ings. There is a scale for the development of nations, another for the intelligence of babies, and even progress toward peace can be calculated according to body count. In a schooled world the road to happiness is paved with a consumer's index. +Once people have the idea schooled into them that values can be produced and measured, they tend to accept all kinds of rank' ings. There is a scale for the development of nations, another for the intelligence of babies, and even progress toward peace can be calculated according to body count. In a schooled world the road to happiness is paved with a consumer's index. ### The Myth of Packaging Values -School sells curriculum--a bundle of goods made according to the same process and having the same structure as other merchandise. Curriculum production for most schools begins with allegedly scientific research, on whose basis educational engineers predict future demand and tools for the assembly line, within the limits set by budgets and taboos. The distributor-teacher delivers the finished product to the consumer pupil, whose reactions are carefully studied and charted to provide research data for the preparation of the next model, which may be "ungraded," "student-designed," "team-taught," "visually-aided," or "issue-centered". +School sells curriculum--a bundle of goods made according to the same process and having the same structure as other merchandise. Curriculum production for most schools begins with allegedly scientific research, on whose basis educational engineers predict future demand and tools for the assembly line, within the limits set by budgets and taboos. The distributor-teacher delivers the finished product to the consumer pupil, whose reactions are carefully studied and charted to provide research data for the preparation of the next model, which may be "ungraded," "student-designed," "team-taught," "visually-aided," or "issue-centered". -The result of the curriculum production process looks like any other modern staple. It is a bundle of planned meanings, a package of values, a commodity whose "balanced appeal" makes it marketable to a sufficiently large number to justify the cost of production. Consumer pupils are taught to make their desires conform to marketable values. Thus they are made to feel guilty if they do not behave according to the predictions of consumer research by getting the grades and certificates that will place them in the job category they have been led to expect. +The result of the curriculum production process looks like any other modern staple. It is a bundle of planned meanings, a package of values, a commodity whose "balanced appeal" makes it marketable to a sufficiently large number to justify the cost of production. Consumer pupils are taught to make their desires conform to marketable values. Thus they are made to feel guilty if they do not behave according to the predictions of consumer research by getting the grades and certificates that will place them in the job category they have been led to expect. -Educators can justify more expensive curricula on the basis of their observation that learning difficulties rise proportionately with the cost of the curriculum. This is an application of Parkinson's Law that work expands with the resources available to do it. This law can be verified on all levels of school: for instance, reading difficulties have been a major issue in French schools only since their per capita expenditures have approached U.S. levels of 1950-when reading difficulties became a major issue in U.S. schools. In fact, healthy students often redouble their resistance to teaching as they find themselves more comprehensively manipulated. This resistance is due not to the authoritarian style of a public school or the seductive style of some free schools, but to the fundamental approach common to all schools-the idea that one person's judgment should determine what and when another person must learn. +Educators can justify more expensive curricula on the basis of their observation that learning difficulties rise proportionately with the cost of the curriculum. This is an application of Parkinson's Law that work expands with the resources available to do it. This law can be verified on all levels of school: for instance, reading difficulties have been a major issue in French schools only since their per capita expenditures have approached U.S. levels of 1950-when reading difficulties became a major issue in U.S. schools. In fact, healthy students often redouble their resistance to teaching as they find themselves more comprehensively manipulated. This resistance is due not to the authoritarian style of a public school or the seductive style of some free schools, but to the fundamental approach common to all schools-the idea that one person's judgment should determine what and when another person must learn. ### The Myth of Self-Perpetuating Progress -Even when accompanied by declining returns in learning, paradoxically, rising per capita instructional costs increase the value of the pupil in his or her own eyes and on the market. At almost any cost, school pushes the pupil up to the level of competitive curricular consumption, into progress to ever higher levels. Expenditures to motivate the student to stay on in school skyrocket as he climbs the pyramid. On higher levels they are disguised as new football stadiums, chapels, or programs called International Education. If it teaches nothing else, school teaches the value of escalation: the value of the American way of doing things. +Even when accompanied by declining returns in learning, paradoxically, rising per capita instructional costs increase the value of the pupil in his or her own eyes and on the market. At almost any cost, school pushes the pupil up to the level of competitive curricular consumption, into progress to ever higher levels. Expenditures to motivate the student to stay on in school skyrocket as he climbs the pyramid. On higher levels they are disguised as new football stadiums, chapels, or programs called International Education. If it teaches nothing else, school teaches the value of escalation: the value of the American way of doing things. -The Vietnam war fits the logic of the moment. Its success has been measured by the numbers of persons effectively treated by cheap bullets delivered at immense cost, and this brutal calculus is unashamedly called "body count". Just as business is business, the never-ending accumulation of money, so war is killing, the never-ending accumulation of dead bodies. In like manner, education is schooling, and this open-ended process is counted in pupil-hours. The various processes are irreversible and self-justifying. By economic standards the country gets richer and richer. By death-accounting standards the nation goes on winning its war forever. And by school standards the population becomes increasingly educated. +The Vietnam war fits the logic of the moment. Its success has been measured by the numbers of persons effectively treated by cheap bullets delivered at immense cost, and this brutal calculus is unashamedly called "body count". Just as business is business, the never-ending accumulation of money, so war is killing, the never-ending accumulation of dead bodies. In like manner, education is schooling, and this open-ended process is counted in pupil-hours. The various processes are irreversible and self-justifying. By economic standards the country gets richer and richer. By death-accounting standards the nation goes on winning its war forever. And by school standards the population becomes increasingly educated. -School programs hunger for progressive intake of instruction, but even if the hunger leads to steady absorption, it never yields the joy of knowing something to one's satisfaction. Each subject comes packaged with the instruction to go on consuming one "offering" after another, and last year's wrapping is always obsolete for this year's consumer. The textbook racket builds on this demand. Educational reformers promise each new generation the latest and the best, and the public is schooled into demanding what they offer. Both the dropout who is forever reminded of what he missed and the graduate who is made to feel inferior to the new breed of student know exactly where they stand in the ritual of rising deceptions and continue to support a society which euphemistically calls the widening frustration gap a "revolution of rising expectations". +School programs hunger for progressive intake of instruction, but even if the hunger leads to steady absorption, it never yields the joy of knowing something to one's satisfaction. Each subject comes packaged with the instruction to go on consuming one "offering" after another, and last year's wrapping is always obsolete for this year's consumer. The textbook racket builds on this demand. Educational reformers promise each new generation the latest and the best, and the public is schooled into demanding what they offer. Both the dropout who is forever reminded of what he missed and the graduate who is made to feel inferior to the new breed of student know exactly where they stand in the ritual of rising deceptions and continue to support a society which euphemistically calls the widening frustration gap a "revolution of rising expectations". -But growth conceived as open-ended consumption-eternal progress-can never lead to maturity. Commitment to unlimited quantitative increase vitiates the possibility of organic development. +But growth conceived as open-ended consumption-eternal progress-can never lead to maturity. Commitment to unlimited quantitative increase vitiates the possibility of organic development. ### Ritual Game and the New World Religion -The school leaving age in developed nations outpaces the rise in life expectancy. The two curves will intersect in a decade and create a problem for Jessica Mitford and professionals concerned with "terminal education". I am reminded of the late Middle Ages, when the demand for Church services outgrew a lifetime, and "Purgatory" was created to purify souls under the pope's control before they could enter eternal peace. Logically, this led first to a trade in indulgences and then to an attempt at Reformation. The Myth of Unending Consumption now takes the place of belief in life everlasting. +The school leaving age in developed nations outpaces the rise in life expectancy. The two curves will intersect in a decade and create a problem for Jessica Mitford and professionals concerned with "terminal education". I am reminded of the late Middle Ages, when the demand for Church services outgrew a lifetime, and "Purgatory" was created to purify souls under the pope's control before they could enter eternal peace. Logically, this led first to a trade in indulgences and then to an attempt at Reformation. The Myth of Unending Consumption now takes the place of belief in life everlasting. -Arnold Toynbee has pointed out that the decadence of a great culture is usually accompanied by the rise of a new World Church which extends hope to the domestic proletariat while serving the needs of a new warrior class. School seems eminently suited to be the World Church of our decaying culture. No institution could better veil from its participants the deep discrepancy between social principles and social reality in today's world. Secular, scientific, and death-denying, it is of a piece with the modern mood. Its classical, critical veneer makes it appear pluralist if not antireligious. Its curriculum both defines science and is itself defined by so-called scientific research. No one completes school--yet. It never closes its doors on anyone without first offering him one more chance: at remedial, adult, and continuing education. +Arnold Toynbee has pointed out that the decadence of a great culture is usually accompanied by the rise of a new World Church which extends hope to the domestic proletariat while serving the needs of a new warrior class. School seems eminently suited to be the World Church of our decaying culture. No institution could better veil from its participants the deep discrepancy between social principles and social reality in today's world. Secular, scientific, and death-denying, it is of a piece with the modern mood. Its classical, critical veneer makes it appear pluralist if not antireligious. Its curriculum both defines science and is itself defined by so-called scientific research. No one completes school--yet. It never closes its doors on anyone without first offering him one more chance: at remedial, adult, and continuing education. -School serves as an effective creator and sustainer of social myth because of its structure as a ritual game of graded promotions. Introduction into this gambling ritual is much more important than what or how something is taught. It is the game itself that schools, that gets into the blood and becomes a habit. A whole society is initiated into the Myth of Unending Consumption of services. This happens to the degree that token participation in the open-ended ritual is made compulsory and compulsive everywhere. School directs ritual rivalry into an international game which obliges competitors to blame the world's ills on those who cannot or will not play. School is a ritual of initiation which introduces the neophyte to the sacred race of progressive consumption, a ritual of propitiation whose academic priests mediate between the faithful and the gods of privilege and power, a ritual of expiation which sacrifices its dropouts, branding them as scapegoats of underdevelopment. +School serves as an effective creator and sustainer of social myth because of its structure as a ritual game of graded promotions. Introduction into this gambling ritual is much more important than what or how something is taught. It is the game itself that schools, that gets into the blood and becomes a habit. A whole society is initiated into the Myth of Unending Consumption of services. This happens to the degree that token participation in the open-ended ritual is made compulsory and compulsive everywhere. School directs ritual rivalry into an international game which obliges competitors to blame the world's ills on those who cannot or will not play. School is a ritual of initiation which introduces the neophyte to the sacred race of progressive consumption, a ritual of propitiation whose academic priests mediate between the faithful and the gods of privilege and power, a ritual of expiation which sacrifices its dropouts, branding them as scapegoats of underdevelopment. -Even those who spend at best a few years in school-and this is the overwhelming majority in Latin America, Asia, and Africa-learn to feel guilty because of their underconsumption of schooling. In Mexico six grades of school are legally obligatory. Children born into the lower economic third have only two chances in three to make it into the first grade. If they make it, they have four chances in one hundred to finish obligatory schooling by the sixth grade. If they are born into the middle third group, their chances increase to twelve out of a hundred. With these rules, Mexico is more successful than most of the other twenty-five Latin American republics in providing public education. +Even those who spend at best a few years in school-and this is the overwhelming majority in Latin America, Asia, and Africa-learn to feel guilty because of their underconsumption of schooling. In Mexico six grades of school are legally obligatory. Children born into the lower economic third have only two chances in three to make it into the first grade. If they make it, they have four chances in one hundred to finish obligatory schooling by the sixth grade. If they are born into the middle third group, their chances increase to twelve out of a hundred. With these rules, Mexico is more successful than most of the other twenty-five Latin American republics in providing public education. -Everywhere, all children know that they were given a chance, albeit an unequal one, in an obligatory lottery, and the presumed equality of the international standard now compounds their original poverty with the self-inflicted discrimination accepted by the dropout. They have been schooled to the belief in rising expectations and can now rationalize their growing frustration outside school by accepting their rejection from scholastic grace. They are excluded from Heaven because, once baptized, they did not go to church. Born in original sin, they are baptized into first grade, but go to Gehenna (which in Hebrew means "slum") because of their personal faults. As Max Weber traced the social effects of the belief that salvation belonged to those who accumulated wealth, we can now observe that grace is reserved for those who accumulate years in school. +Everywhere, all children know that they were given a chance, albeit an unequal one, in an obligatory lottery, and the presumed equality of the international standard now compounds their original poverty with the self-inflicted discrimination accepted by the dropout. They have been schooled to the belief in rising expectations and can now rationalize their growing frustration outside school by accepting their rejection from scholastic grace. They are excluded from Heaven because, once baptized, they did not go to church. Born in original sin, they are baptized into first grade, but go to Gehenna (which in Hebrew means "slum") because of their personal faults. As Max Weber traced the social effects of the belief that salvation belonged to those who accumulated wealth, we can now observe that grace is reserved for those who accumulate years in school. ### The Coming Kingdom: The Universalization of Expectations -School combines the expectations of the consumer expressed in its claims with the beliefs of the producer expressed in its ritual, It is a liturgical expression of a world-wide "cargo cult," reminiscent of the cults which swept Melanesia in the forties, which injected cultists with the belief that if they but put on a black tie over their naked torsos, Jesus would arrive in a steamer bearing an icebox, a pair of trousers, and a sewing machine for each believer. +School combines the expectations of the consumer expressed in its claims with the beliefs of the producer expressed in its ritual, It is a liturgical expression of a world-wide "cargo cult," reminiscent of the cults which swept Melanesia in the forties, which injected cultists with the belief that if they but put on a black tie over their naked torsos, Jesus would arrive in a steamer bearing an icebox, a pair of trousers, and a sewing machine for each believer. -School fuses the growth in humiliating dependence on a master with the growth in the futile sense of omnipotence that is so typical of the pupil who wants to go out and teach all nations to save themselves. The ritual is tailored to the stern work habits of the hardhats, and its purpose is to celebrate the myth of an earthly paradise of never-ending consumption, which is the only hope for the wretched and dispossessed. +School fuses the growth in humiliating dependence on a master with the growth in the futile sense of omnipotence that is so typical of the pupil who wants to go out and teach all nations to save themselves. The ritual is tailored to the stern work habits of the hardhats, and its purpose is to celebrate the myth of an earthly paradise of never-ending consumption, which is the only hope for the wretched and dispossessed. -Epidemics of insatiable this-worldly expectations have occurred throughout history, especially among colonized and marginal groups in all cultures. Jews in the Roman Empire had their Essenes and Jewish messiahs, serfs in the Reformation their Thomas Müntzer, dispossessed Indians from Paraguay to Dakota their infectious dancers. These sects were always led by a prophet, and limited their promises to a chosen few. The school-induced expectation of the kingdom, on the other hand, is impersonal rather than prophetic, and universal rather than local. Man has become the engineer of his own messiah and promises the unlimited rewards of science to those who submit to progressive engineering for his reign. +Epidemics of insatiable this-worldly expectations have occurred throughout history, especially among colonized and marginal groups in all cultures. Jews in the Roman Empire had their Essenes and Jewish messiahs, serfs in the Reformation their Thomas Müntzer, dispossessed Indians from Paraguay to Dakota their infectious dancers. These sects were always led by a prophet, and limited their promises to a chosen few. The school-induced expectation of the kingdom, on the other hand, is impersonal rather than prophetic, and universal rather than local. Man has become the engineer of his own messiah and promises the unlimited rewards of science to those who submit to progressive engineering for his reign. ### The New Alienation -School is not only the New World Religion. It is also the world's fastest-growing labor market. The engineering of consumers has become the economy's principal growth sector. As production costs decrease in rich nations, there is an increasing concentration of both capital and labor in the vast enterprise of equipping man for disciplined consumption. During the past decade capital investments directly related to the school system rose even faster than expenditures for defense. Disarmament would only accelerate the process by which the learning industry moves to the center of the national economy. School gives unlimited opportunity for legitimated waste, so long as its destructiveness goes unrecognized and the cost of palliatives goes up. +School is not only the New World Religion. It is also the world's fastest-growing labor market. The engineering of consumers has become the economy's principal growth sector. As production costs decrease in rich nations, there is an increasing concentration of both capital and labor in the vast enterprise of equipping man for disciplined consumption. During the past decade capital investments directly related to the school system rose even faster than expenditures for defense. Disarmament would only accelerate the process by which the learning industry moves to the center of the national economy. School gives unlimited opportunity for legitimated waste, so long as its destructiveness goes unrecognized and the cost of palliatives goes up. -If we add those engaged in full-time teaching to those in full-time attendance, we realize that this so-called superstructure has become society's major employer. In the United States sixty-two million people are in school and eighty million at work elsewhere. This is often forgotten by neo-Marxist analysts who say that the process of deschooling must be postponed or bracketed until other disorders, traditionally understood as more fundamental, are corrected by an economic and political revolution. Only if school is understood as an industry can revolutionary strategy be planned realistically. For Marx, the cost of producing demands for commodities was barely significant. Today most human labor is engaged in the production of demands that can be satisfied by industry which makes intensive use of capital. Most of this is done in school. +If we add those engaged in full-time teaching to those in full-time attendance, we realize that this so-called superstructure has become society's major employer. In the United States sixty-two million people are in school and eighty million at work elsewhere. This is often forgotten by neo-Marxist analysts who say that the process of deschooling must be postponed or bracketed until other disorders, traditionally understood as more fundamental, are corrected by an economic and political revolution. Only if school is understood as an industry can revolutionary strategy be planned realistically. For Marx, the cost of producing demands for commodities was barely significant. Today most human labor is engaged in the production of demands that can be satisfied by industry which makes intensive use of capital. Most of this is done in school. -Alienation, in the traditional scheme, was a direct consequence of work's becoming wage-labor which deprived man of the opportunity to create and be recreated. Now young people are prealienated by schools that isolate them while they pretend to be both producers and consumers of their own knowledge, which is conceived of as a commodity put on the market in school. School makes alienation preparatory to life, thus depriving education of reality and work of creativity. School prepares for the alienating institutionalization of life by teaching the need to be taught. Once this lesson is learned, people lose their incentive to grow in independence; they no longer find relatedness attractive, and close themselves off to the surprises which life offers when it is not predetermined by institutional definition. And school directly or indirectly employs a major portion of the population. School either keeps people for life or makes sure that they will fit into some institution. +Alienation, in the traditional scheme, was a direct consequence of work's becoming wage-labor which deprived man of the opportunity to create and be recreated. Now young people are prealienated by schools that isolate them while they pretend to be both producers and consumers of their own knowledge, which is conceived of as a commodity put on the market in school. School makes alienation preparatory to life, thus depriving education of reality and work of creativity. School prepares for the alienating institutionalization of life by teaching the need to be taught. Once this lesson is learned, people lose their incentive to grow in independence; they no longer find relatedness attractive, and close themselves off to the surprises which life offers when it is not predetermined by institutional definition. And school directly or indirectly employs a major portion of the population. School either keeps people for life or makes sure that they will fit into some institution. -The New World Church is the knowledge industry, both purveyor of opium and the workbench during an increasing number of the years of an individual's life. Deschooling is, therefore, at the root of any movement for human liberation. +The New World Church is the knowledge industry, both purveyor of opium and the workbench during an increasing number of the years of an individual's life. Deschooling is, therefore, at the root of any movement for human liberation. ### The Revolutionary Potential of Deschooling -Of course, school is not, by any means, the only modern institution which has as its primary purpose the shaping of man's vision of reality. The hidden curriculum of family life, draft, health care, so-called professionalism, or of the media play an important part in the institutional manipulation of man's world-vision, language, and demands. But school enslaves more profoundly and more systematically, since only school is credited with the principal function of forming critical judgment, and, paradoxically, tries to do so by making learning about oneself, about others, and about nature depend on a prepackaged process. School touches us so intimately that none of us can expect to be liberated from it by something else. +Of course, school is not, by any means, the only modern institution which has as its primary purpose the shaping of man's vision of reality. The hidden curriculum of family life, draft, health care, so-called professionalism, or of the media play an important part in the institutional manipulation of man's world-vision, language, and demands. But school enslaves more profoundly and more systematically, since only school is credited with the principal function of forming critical judgment, and, paradoxically, tries to do so by making learning about oneself, about others, and about nature depend on a prepackaged process. School touches us so intimately that none of us can expect to be liberated from it by something else. -Many self-styled revolutionaries are victims of school. They see even "liberation" as the product of an institutional process. Only liberating oneself from school will dispel such illusions. The discovery that most learning requires no teaching can be neither manipulated nor planned. Each of us is personally responsible for his or her own deschooling, and only we have the power to do it. No one can be excused if he fails to liberate himself from schooling. People could not free themselves from the Crown until at least some of them had freed themselves from the established Church. They cannot free themselves from progressive consumption until they free themselves from obligatory school. +Many self-styled revolutionaries are victims of school. They see even "liberation" as the product of an institutional process. Only liberating oneself from school will dispel such illusions. The discovery that most learning requires no teaching can be neither manipulated nor planned. Each of us is personally responsible for his or her own deschooling, and only we have the power to do it. No one can be excused if he fails to liberate himself from schooling. People could not free themselves from the Crown until at least some of them had freed themselves from the established Church. They cannot free themselves from progressive consumption until they free themselves from obligatory school. -We are all involved in schooling, from both the side of production and that of consumption. We are superstitiously convinced that good learning can and should be produced in us-and that we can produce it in others. Our attempt to withdraw from the concept of school will reveal the resistance we find in ourselves when we try to renounce limitless consumption and the pervasive presumption that others can be manipulated for their own good. No one is fully exempt from the exploitation of others in the schooling process. +We are all involved in schooling, from both the side of production and that of consumption. We are superstitiously convinced that good learning can and should be produced in us-and that we can produce it in others. Our attempt to withdraw from the concept of school will reveal the resistance we find in ourselves when we try to renounce limitless consumption and the pervasive presumption that others can be manipulated for their own good. No one is fully exempt from the exploitation of others in the schooling process. -School is both the largest and the most anonymous employer of all. Indeed, the school is the best example of a new kind of enterprise, succeeding the guild, the factory, and the corporation. The multinational corporations which have dominated the economy are now being complemented, and may one day be replaced, by super nationally planned service agencies. These enterprises present their services in ways that make all men feel obliged to consume them. They are internationally standardized, redefining the value of their services periodically and everywhere at approximately the same rhythm. +School is both the largest and the most anonymous employer of all. Indeed, the school is the best example of a new kind of enterprise, succeeding the guild, the factory, and the corporation. The multinational corporations which have dominated the economy are now being complemented, and may one day be replaced, by super nationally planned service agencies. These enterprises present their services in ways that make all men feel obliged to consume them. They are internationally standardized, redefining the value of their services periodically and everywhere at approximately the same rhythm. -"Transportation" relying on new cars and superhighways serves the same institutionally packaged need for comfort, prestige, speed, and gadgetry, whether its components are produced by the state or not. The apparatus of "medical care" defines a peculiar kind of health, whether the service is paid for by the state or by the individual. Graded promotion in order to obtain diplomas fits the student for a place on the same international pyramid of qualified manpower, no matter who directs the school. +"Transportation" relying on new cars and superhighways serves the same institutionally packaged need for comfort, prestige, speed, and gadgetry, whether its components are produced by the state or not. The apparatus of "medical care" defines a peculiar kind of health, whether the service is paid for by the state or by the individual. Graded promotion in order to obtain diplomas fits the student for a place on the same international pyramid of qualified manpower, no matter who directs the school. -In all these cases employment is a hidden benefit: the driver of a private automobile, the patient who submits to hospitalization, or the pupil in the schoolroom must now be seen as part of a new class of "employees". A liberation movement which starts in school, and yet is grounded in the awareness of teachers and pupils as simultaneously exploiters and exploited, could foreshadow the revolutionary strategies of the future; for a radical program of deschooling could train youth in the new style of revolution needed to challenge a social system featuring obligatory "health," "wealth," and "security". +In all these cases employment is a hidden benefit: the driver of a private automobile, the patient who submits to hospitalization, or the pupil in the schoolroom must now be seen as part of a new class of "employees". A liberation movement which starts in school, and yet is grounded in the awareness of teachers and pupils as simultaneously exploiters and exploited, could foreshadow the revolutionary strategies of the future; for a radical program of deschooling could train youth in the new style of revolution needed to challenge a social system featuring obligatory "health," "wealth," and "security". -The risks of a revolt against school are unforeseeable, but they are not as horrible as those of a revolution starting in any other major institution. School is not yet organized for self-protection as effectively as a nation-state, or even a large corporation. Liberation from the grip of schools could be bloodless. The weapons of the truant officer and his allies in the courts and employment agencies might take very cruel measures against the individual offender, especially if he or she were poor, but they might turn out to be powerless against the surge of a mass movement. +The risks of a revolt against school are unforeseeable, but they are not as horrible as those of a revolution starting in any other major institution. School is not yet organized for self-protection as effectively as a nation-state, or even a large corporation. Liberation from the grip of schools could be bloodless. The weapons of the truant officer and his allies in the courts and employment agencies might take very cruel measures against the individual offender, especially if he or she were poor, but they might turn out to be powerless against the surge of a mass movement. -School has become a social problem; it is being attacked on all sides, and citizens and their governments sponsor unconventional experiments all over the world. They resort to unusual statistical devices in order to keep faith and save face. The mood among some educators is much like the mood among Catholic bishops after the Vatican Council. The curricula of so-called "free schools" resemble the liturgies of folk and rock masses. The demands of highschool students to have a say in choosing their teachers are as strident as those of parishioners demanding to select their pastors. But the stakes for society are much higher if a significant minority loses its faith in schooling. This would endanger the survival not only of the economic order built on the coproduction of goods and demands, but equally of the political order built on thenation-state into which students are delivered by the school. +School has become a social problem; it is being attacked on all sides, and citizens and their governments sponsor unconventional experiments all over the world. They resort to unusual statistical devices in order to keep faith and save face. The mood among some educators is much like the mood among Catholic bishops after the Vatican Council. The curricula of so-called "free schools" resemble the liturgies of folk and rock masses. The demands of highschool students to have a say in choosing their teachers are as strident as those of parishioners demanding to select their pastors. But the stakes for society are much higher if a significant minority loses its faith in schooling. This would endanger the survival not only of the economic order built on the coproduction of goods and demands, but equally of the political order built on thenation-state into which students are delivered by the school. -Our options are clear enough. Either we continue to believe that institutionalized learning is a product which justifies unlimited investment or we rediscover that legislation and planning and investment, if they have any place in formal education, should be used mostly to tear down the barriers that now impede opportunities for learning, which can only be a personal activity. +Our options are clear enough. Either we continue to believe that institutionalized learning is a product which justifies unlimited investment or we rediscover that legislation and planning and investment, if they have any place in formal education, should be used mostly to tear down the barriers that now impede opportunities for learning, which can only be a personal activity. -If we do not challenge the assumption that valuable knowledge is a commodity which under certain circumstances may be forced into the consumer, society will be increasingly dominated by sinister pseudo schools and totalitarian managers of information. Pedagogical therapists will drug their pupils more in order to teach them better, and students will drug themselves more to gain relief from the pressures of teachers and the race for certificates. Increasingly larger numbers of bureaucrats will presume to pose as teachers. The language of the schoolman has already been coopted by the adman. Now the general and the policeman try to dignify their professions by masquerading as educators. In a schooled society, warmaking and civil repression find an educational rationale. Pedagogical warfare in the style of Vietnam will be increasingly justified as the only way of teaching people the superior value of unending progress. +If we do not challenge the assumption that valuable knowledge is a commodity which under certain circumstances may be forced into the consumer, society will be increasingly dominated by sinister pseudo schools and totalitarian managers of information. Pedagogical therapists will drug their pupils more in order to teach them better, and students will drug themselves more to gain relief from the pressures of teachers and the race for certificates. Increasingly larger numbers of bureaucrats will presume to pose as teachers. The language of the schoolman has already been coopted by the adman. Now the general and the policeman try to dignify their professions by masquerading as educators. In a schooled society, warmaking and civil repression find an educational rationale. Pedagogical warfare in the style of Vietnam will be increasingly justified as the only way of teaching people the superior value of unending progress. -Repression will be seen as a missionary effort to hasten the coming of the mechanical Messiah. More and more countries will resort to the pedagogical torture already implemented in Brazil and Greece. This pedagogical torture is not used to extract information or to satisfy the psychic needs of sadists. It relies on random terror to break the integrity of an entire population and make it plastic material for the teachings invented by technocrats. The totally destructive and constantly progressive nature of obligatory instruction will fulfill its ultimate logic unless we begin to liberate ourselves right now from our pedagogical hubris, our belief that man can do what God cannot, namely, manipulate others for their own salvation. +Repression will be seen as a missionary effort to hasten the coming of the mechanical Messiah. More and more countries will resort to the pedagogical torture already implemented in Brazil and Greece. This pedagogical torture is not used to extract information or to satisfy the psychic needs of sadists. It relies on random terror to break the integrity of an entire population and make it plastic material for the teachings invented by technocrats. The totally destructive and constantly progressive nature of obligatory instruction will fulfill its ultimate logic unless we begin to liberate ourselves right now from our pedagogical hubris, our belief that man can do what God cannot, namely, manipulate others for their own salvation. -Many people are just awakening to the inexorable destruction which present production trends imply for the environment, but individuals have only very limited power to change these trends. The manipulation of men and women begun in school has also reached a point of no return, and most people are still unaware of it. They still encourage school reform, as Henry Ford II proposes less poisonous automobiles. +Many people are just awakening to the inexorable destruction which present production trends imply for the environment, but individuals have only very limited power to change these trends. The manipulation of men and women begun in school has also reached a point of no return, and most people are still unaware of it. They still encourage school reform, as Henry Ford II proposes less poisonous automobiles. -Daniel Bell says that our epoch is characterized by an extreme disjunction between cultural and social structures, the one being devoted to apocalyptic attitudes, the other to technocratic decision-making. This is certainly true for many educational reformers, who feel impelled to condemn almost everything which characterizes modern schools-and at the same time propose new schools. +Daniel Bell says that our epoch is characterized by an extreme disjunction between cultural and social structures, the one being devoted to apocalyptic attitudes, the other to technocratic decision-making. This is certainly true for many educational reformers, who feel impelled to condemn almost everything which characterizes modern schools-and at the same time propose new schools. -In his The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, Thomas Kuhn argues that such dissonance inevitably precedes the emergence of a new cognitive paradigm. The facts reported by those who observed free fall, by those who returned from the other side of the earth, and by those who used the new telescope did not fit the Ptolemaic world view. Quite suddenly, the Newtonian paradigm was accepted. The dissonance which characterizes many of the young today is not so much cognitive as a matter of attitudes--a feeling about what a tolerable society cannot be like. What is surprising about this dissonance is the ability of a very large number of people to tolerate it. +In his The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, Thomas Kuhn argues that such dissonance inevitably precedes the emergence of a new cognitive paradigm. The facts reported by those who observed free fall, by those who returned from the other side of the earth, and by those who used the new telescope did not fit the Ptolemaic world view. Quite suddenly, the Newtonian paradigm was accepted. The dissonance which characterizes many of the young today is not so much cognitive as a matter of attitudes--a feeling about what a tolerable society cannot be like. What is surprising about this dissonance is the ability of a very large number of people to tolerate it. -The capacity to pursue incongruous goals requires an explanation. According to Max Gluckman, all societies have procedures to hide such dissonances from their members. He suggests that this is the purpose of ritual. Rituals can hide from their participants even discrepancies and conflicts between social principle and social organization. As long as an individual is not explicitly conscious of the ritual character of the process through which he was initiated to the forces which shape his cosmos, he cannot break the spell and shape a new cosmos. As long as we are not aware of the ritual through which school shapes the progressive consumer--the economy's major resource--we cannot break the spell of this economy and shape a new one. +The capacity to pursue incongruous goals requires an explanation. According to Max Gluckman, all societies have procedures to hide such dissonances from their members. He suggests that this is the purpose of ritual. Rituals can hide from their participants even discrepancies and conflicts between social principle and social organization. As long as an individual is not explicitly conscious of the ritual character of the process through which he was initiated to the forces which shape his cosmos, he cannot break the spell and shape a new cosmos. As long as we are not aware of the ritual through which school shapes the progressive consumer--the economy's major resource--we cannot break the spell of this economy and shape a new one. ## Institutional Spectrum -Most utopian schemes and futuristic scenarios call for new and costly technologies, which would have to be sold to rich and poor nations alike. Herman Kahn has found pupils in Venezuela, Argentina, and Colombia. The pipe dreams of Sergio Bernardes for his Brazil of the year 2000 sparkle with more new machinery than is now possessed by the United States, which by then will be weighted down with the antiquated missile sites, jetports, and cities of the sixties and seventies. Futurists inspired by Buckminster Fuller would depend on cheaper and more exotic devices. They count on the acceptance of a new but possible technology that would apparently allow us to make more with less lightweight monorails rather than supersonic transport; vertical living rather than horizontal sprawling. All of today's futuristic planners seek to make economically feasible what is technically possible while refusing to face the inevitable social consequence: the increased craving of all men for goods and services that will remain the privilege of a few. +Most utopian schemes and futuristic scenarios call for new and costly technologies, which would have to be sold to rich and poor nations alike. Herman Kahn has found pupils in Venezuela, Argentina, and Colombia. The pipe dreams of Sergio Bernardes for his Brazil of the year 2000 sparkle with more new machinery than is now possessed by the United States, which by then will be weighted down with the antiquated missile sites, jetports, and cities of the sixties and seventies. Futurists inspired by Buckminster Fuller would depend on cheaper and more exotic devices. They count on the acceptance of a new but possible technology that would apparently allow us to make more with less lightweight monorails rather than supersonic transport; vertical living rather than horizontal sprawling. All of today's futuristic planners seek to make economically feasible what is technically possible while refusing to face the inevitable social consequence: the increased craving of all men for goods and services that will remain the privilege of a few. -I believe that a desirable future depends on our deliberately choosing a life of action over a life of consumption, on our engendering a life style which will enable us to be spontaneous, independent, yet related to each other, rather than maintaining a life style which only allows us to make and unmake, produce and consume-a style of life which is merely a way station on the road to the depletion and pollution of the environment. The future depends more upon our choice of institutions which support a life of action than on our developing new ideologies and technologies. We need a set of criteria which will permit us to recognize those institutions which support personal growth rather than addiction, as well as the will to invest our techno-logical resources preferentially in such institutions of growth. +I believe that a desirable future depends on our deliberately choosing a life of action over a life of consumption, on our engendering a life style which will enable us to be spontaneous, independent, yet related to each other, rather than maintaining a life style which only allows us to make and unmake, produce and consume-a style of life which is merely a way station on the road to the depletion and pollution of the environment. The future depends more upon our choice of institutions which support a life of action than on our developing new ideologies and technologies. We need a set of criteria which will permit us to recognize those institutions which support personal growth rather than addiction, as well as the will to invest our techno-logical resources preferentially in such institutions of growth. -The choice is between two radically opposed institutional types, both of which are exemplified in certain existing institutions, although one type so characterizes the contemporary period. as to almost define it. This dominant type I would propose to call the manipulative institution. The other type also exists, but only precariously. The institutions which fit it are humbler and less noticeable; yet I take them as models for a more desirable future. I call them "convivial" and suggest placing them at the left of an institutional spectrum, both to show that there are institutions which fall between the extremes and to illustrate how historical institutions can change color as they shift from facilitating activity to organizing production. +The choice is between two radically opposed institutional types, both of which are exemplified in certain existing institutions, although one type so characterizes the contemporary period. as to almost define it. This dominant type I would propose to call the manipulative institution. The other type also exists, but only precariously. The institutions which fit it are humbler and less noticeable; yet I take them as models for a more desirable future. I call them "convivial" and suggest placing them at the left of an institutional spectrum, both to show that there are institutions which fall between the extremes and to illustrate how historical institutions can change color as they shift from facilitating activity to organizing production. -Generally, such a spectrum, moving from left to right, has been used to characterize men and their ideologies, not our social institutions and their styles. This categorization of men, whether as individuals or in groups, often generates more heat than light. Weighty objections can be raised against using an ordinary convention in an unusual fashion, but by doing so I hope to shift the terms of the discussion from a sterile to a fertile plane. It will become evident that men of the left are not always characterized by their opposition to the manipulative institutions, which I locate to the right on the spectrum. +Generally, such a spectrum, moving from left to right, has been used to characterize men and their ideologies, not our social institutions and their styles. This categorization of men, whether as individuals or in groups, often generates more heat than light. Weighty objections can be raised against using an ordinary convention in an unusual fashion, but by doing so I hope to shift the terms of the discussion from a sterile to a fertile plane. It will become evident that men of the left are not always characterized by their opposition to the manipulative institutions, which I locate to the right on the spectrum. -The most influential modern institutions crowd up at the right of the spectrum. Law enforcement has moved there, as it has shifted from the hands of the sheriff to those of the FBI and the Pentagon. Modern warfare has become a highly professional enterprise whose business is killing. It has reached the point where its efficiency is measured in body counts. Its peace-keeping potential depends on its ability to convince friend and foe of the nation's unlimited death-dealing power. Modern bullets and chemicals are so effective that a few cents' worth, properly delivered to the intended "client," unfailingly kill or maim. But delivery costs rise vertiginously; the cost of a dead Vietnamese went from $360,000 in 1967 to $450,000 in 1969. Only economies on a scale approaching race suicide would render modern warfare economically efficient. The boomerang effect in war is becoming more obvious: the higher the body count of dead Vietnamese, the more enemies the United States acquires around the world; likewise, the more the United States must spend to create another manipulative institution--cynically dubbed "pacification" in a futile effort to absorb the side effects of war. +The most influential modern institutions crowd up at the right of the spectrum. Law enforcement has moved there, as it has shifted from the hands of the sheriff to those of the FBI and the Pentagon. Modern warfare has become a highly professional enterprise whose business is killing. It has reached the point where its efficiency is measured in body counts. Its peace-keeping potential depends on its ability to convince friend and foe of the nation's unlimited death-dealing power. Modern bullets and chemicals are so effective that a few cents' worth, properly delivered to the intended "client," unfailingly kill or maim. But delivery costs rise vertiginously; the cost of a dead Vietnamese went from $360,000 in 1967 to $450,000 in 1969. Only economies on a scale approaching race suicide would render modern warfare economically efficient. The boomerang effect in war is becoming more obvious: the higher the body count of dead Vietnamese, the more enemies the United States acquires around the world; likewise, the more the United States must spend to create another manipulative institution--cynically dubbed "pacification" in a futile effort to absorb the side effects of war. -At this same extreme on the spectrum we also find social agencies which specialize in the manipulation of their clients. Like the military, they tend to develop effects contrary to their aims as the scope of their operations increases. These social institutions are equally counterproductive, but less obviously so. Many assume a therapeutic and compassionate image to mask this paradoxical effect. For example, jails, up until two centuries ago, served as a means of detaining men until they were sentenced, maimed, killed, or exiled, and were sometimes deliberately used as a form of torture. Only recently have we begun to claim that locking people up in cages will have a beneficial effect on their character and behavior. Now quite a few people are beginning to understand that jail increases both the quality and the quantity of criminals, that, in fact, it often creates them out of mere nonconformists. Far fewer people, however, seem to understand that mental hospitals, nursing homes, and orphan asylums do much the same thing. These institutions provide their clients with the destructive self-image of the psychotic, the overaged, or the waif, and provide a rationale for the existence of entire professions, just as jails produce income for wardens. Membership in the institutions found at this extreme of the spectrum is achieved in two ways, both coercive: by forced commitment or by selective service. +At this same extreme on the spectrum we also find social agencies which specialize in the manipulation of their clients. Like the military, they tend to develop effects contrary to their aims as the scope of their operations increases. These social institutions are equally counterproductive, but less obviously so. Many assume a therapeutic and compassionate image to mask this paradoxical effect. For example, jails, up until two centuries ago, served as a means of detaining men until they were sentenced, maimed, killed, or exiled, and were sometimes deliberately used as a form of torture. Only recently have we begun to claim that locking people up in cages will have a beneficial effect on their character and behavior. Now quite a few people are beginning to understand that jail increases both the quality and the quantity of criminals, that, in fact, it often creates them out of mere nonconformists. Far fewer people, however, seem to understand that mental hospitals, nursing homes, and orphan asylums do much the same thing. These institutions provide their clients with the destructive self-image of the psychotic, the overaged, or the waif, and provide a rationale for the existence of entire professions, just as jails produce income for wardens. Membership in the institutions found at this extreme of the spectrum is achieved in two ways, both coercive: by forced commitment or by selective service. -At the opposite extreme of the spectrum lie institutions distinguished by spontaneous use-the "convivial" institutions. Telephone link-ups, subway lines, mail routes, public markets and exchanges do not require hard or soft sells to induce their clients to use them. Sewage systems, drinking water, parks, and sidewalks are institutions men use without having to be institutionally convinced that it is to their advantage to do so. Of course, all institutions require some regulation. But the operation of institutions which exist to be used rather than to produce something requires rules of an entirely different nature from those required by treatment-institutions, which are manipulative. The rules which govern institutions for use have mainly the purpose of avoiding abuses which would frustrate their general accessibility. Sidewalks must be kept free of obstructions, the industrial use of drinking water must be held within limits, and ball playing must be restricted to special areas within a park. At present we need legislation to limit the abuse of our telephone lines by computers, the abuse of mail service by advertisers, and the pollution of our sewage systems by industrial wastes. The regulation of convivial institutions sets limits to their use; as one moves from the convivial to the manipulative end of the spectrum, the rules progressively call for unwilling consumption or participation. The different cost of acquiring clients is just one of the characteristics which distinguish convivial from manipulative institutions. +At the opposite extreme of the spectrum lie institutions distinguished by spontaneous use-the "convivial" institutions. Telephone link-ups, subway lines, mail routes, public markets and exchanges do not require hard or soft sells to induce their clients to use them. Sewage systems, drinking water, parks, and sidewalks are institutions men use without having to be institutionally convinced that it is to their advantage to do so. Of course, all institutions require some regulation. But the operation of institutions which exist to be used rather than to produce something requires rules of an entirely different nature from those required by treatment-institutions, which are manipulative. The rules which govern institutions for use have mainly the purpose of avoiding abuses which would frustrate their general accessibility. Sidewalks must be kept free of obstructions, the industrial use of drinking water must be held within limits, and ball playing must be restricted to special areas within a park. At present we need legislation to limit the abuse of our telephone lines by computers, the abuse of mail service by advertisers, and the pollution of our sewage systems by industrial wastes. The regulation of convivial institutions sets limits to their use; as one moves from the convivial to the manipulative end of the spectrum, the rules progressively call for unwilling consumption or participation. The different cost of acquiring clients is just one of the characteristics which distinguish convivial from manipulative institutions. -At both extremes of the spectrum we find service institutions, but on the right the service is imposed manipulation, and the client is made the victim of advertising, aggression, indoctrination, imprisonment, or electroshock. On the left the service is amplified opportunity within formally defined limits, while the client remains a free agent. Right-wing institutions tend to be highly complex and costly production processes in which much of the elaboration and expense is concerned with convincing consumers that they cannot live without the product or the treatment offered by the institution. Leftwing institutions tend to be networks which facilitate client-initiated communication or cooperation. +At both extremes of the spectrum we find service institutions, but on the right the service is imposed manipulation, and the client is made the victim of advertising, aggression, indoctrination, imprisonment, or electroshock. On the left the service is amplified opportunity within formally defined limits, while the client remains a free agent. Right-wing institutions tend to be highly complex and costly production processes in which much of the elaboration and expense is concerned with convincing consumers that they cannot live without the product or the treatment offered by the institution. Leftwing institutions tend to be networks which facilitate client-initiated communication or cooperation. -The manipulative institutions of the right are either socially or psychologically "addictive". Social addiction, or escalation, consists in the tendency to prescribe increased treatment if smaller quantities have not yielded the desired results. Psycho-logical addiction, or habituation, results when consumers become hooked on the need for more and more of the process or product. The self-activated institutions of the left tend to be self-limiting. Unlike production processes which identify satisfaction with the mere act of consumption, these networks serve a purpose beyond their own repeated use. An individual picks up the telephone when he wants to say something to someone else, and hangs up when the desired communication is over. He does not, teen-agers excepted, use the telephone for the sheer pleasure of talking into the receiver. If the telephone is not the best way to get in touch, people will write a letter or take a trip. Right-wing institutions, as we can see clearly in the case of schools, both invite compulsively repetitive use and frustrate alternative ways of achieving similar results. +The manipulative institutions of the right are either socially or psychologically "addictive". Social addiction, or escalation, consists in the tendency to prescribe increased treatment if smaller quantities have not yielded the desired results. Psycho-logical addiction, or habituation, results when consumers become hooked on the need for more and more of the process or product. The self-activated institutions of the left tend to be self-limiting. Unlike production processes which identify satisfaction with the mere act of consumption, these networks serve a purpose beyond their own repeated use. An individual picks up the telephone when he wants to say something to someone else, and hangs up when the desired communication is over. He does not, teen-agers excepted, use the telephone for the sheer pleasure of talking into the receiver. If the telephone is not the best way to get in touch, people will write a letter or take a trip. Right-wing institutions, as we can see clearly in the case of schools, both invite compulsively repetitive use and frustrate alternative ways of achieving similar results. -Toward, but not at, the left on the institutional spectrum, we can locate enterprises which compete with others in their own field, but have not begun notably to engage in advertising. Here we find hand laundries, small bakeries, hairdressers, and-to speak of professionals-some lawyers and music teachers. Characteristically left of center, then, are self-employed persons who have institutionalized their services but not their publicity. They acquire clients through their personal touch and the comparative quality of their services. +Toward, but not at, the left on the institutional spectrum, we can locate enterprises which compete with others in their own field, but have not begun notably to engage in advertising. Here we find hand laundries, small bakeries, hairdressers, and-to speak of professionals-some lawyers and music teachers. Characteristically left of center, then, are self-employed persons who have institutionalized their services but not their publicity. They acquire clients through their personal touch and the comparative quality of their services. -Hotels and cafeterias are somewhat closer to the center. The big chains like Hilton-which spend huge amounts on selling their image-often behave as if they were running institutions of the right. Yet Hilton and Sheraton enterprises do not usually offer anything more-in fact, they often give less-than similarly priced, independently managed lodgings. Essentially, a hotel sign beckons to a traveler in the manner of a road sign. It says, "Stop, here is a bed for you," rather than, "You should prefer a hotel bed to a park bench!" +Hotels and cafeterias are somewhat closer to the center. The big chains like Hilton-which spend huge amounts on selling their image-often behave as if they were running institutions of the right. Yet Hilton and Sheraton enterprises do not usually offer anything more-in fact, they often give less-than similarly priced, independently managed lodgings. Essentially, a hotel sign beckons to a traveler in the manner of a road sign. It says, "Stop, here is a bed for you," rather than, "You should prefer a hotel bed to a park bench!" -The producers of staples and most perishable consumer goods belong in the middle of our spectrum. They fill generic demands and add to the cost of production and distribution whatever the market will bear in advertising costs for publicity and special packaging. The more basic the product-be it goods or services-the more does competition tend to limit the sales cost of the item. +The producers of staples and most perishable consumer goods belong in the middle of our spectrum. They fill generic demands and add to the cost of production and distribution whatever the market will bear in advertising costs for publicity and special packaging. The more basic the product-be it goods or services-the more does competition tend to limit the sales cost of the item. -Most manufacturers of consumer goods have moved much further to the right. Both directly and indirectly, they produce demands for accessories which boost real purchase price far beyond production cost. General Motors and Ford produce means of transportation, but they also, and more importantly, manipulate public taste in such a way that the need for transportation is expressed as a demand for private cars rather than public buses. They sell the desire to control a machine, to race at high speeds in luxurious comfort, while also offering the fantasy at the end of the road. What they sell, however, is not just a matter of uselessly big motors, superfluous gadgetry, or the new extras forced on the manufacturers by Ralph Nader and the clean-air lobbyists. The list price includes souped-up engines, airconditioning, safety belts, and exhaust controls; but other costs not openly declared to the driver are also involved: the corporation's advertising and sales expenses, fuel, maintenance and parts, insurance, interest on credit, as well as less tangible costs like loss of time, temper, and breathable air in our traffic-congested cities. +Most manufacturers of consumer goods have moved much further to the right. Both directly and indirectly, they produce demands for accessories which boost real purchase price far beyond production cost. General Motors and Ford produce means of transportation, but they also, and more importantly, manipulate public taste in such a way that the need for transportation is expressed as a demand for private cars rather than public buses. They sell the desire to control a machine, to race at high speeds in luxurious comfort, while also offering the fantasy at the end of the road. What they sell, however, is not just a matter of uselessly big motors, superfluous gadgetry, or the new extras forced on the manufacturers by Ralph Nader and the clean-air lobbyists. The list price includes souped-up engines, airconditioning, safety belts, and exhaust controls; but other costs not openly declared to the driver are also involved: the corporation's advertising and sales expenses, fuel, maintenance and parts, insurance, interest on credit, as well as less tangible costs like loss of time, temper, and breathable air in our traffic-congested cities. -An especially interesting corollary to our discussion of socially useful institutions is the system of "public" highways. This major element of the total cost of automobiles deserves lengthier treatment, since it leads directly to the rightist institution in which I am most interested, namely, the school. +An especially interesting corollary to our discussion of socially useful institutions is the system of "public" highways. This major element of the total cost of automobiles deserves lengthier treatment, since it leads directly to the rightist institution in which I am most interested, namely, the school. ### False Public Utilities -The highway system is a network for locomotion across relatively large distances. As a network, it appears to belong on the left of the institutional spectrum. But here we must make a distinction which will clarify both the nature of highways and the nature of true public utilities. Genuinely all-purpose roads are true public utilities. Superhighways are private preserves, the cost of which has been partially foisted upon the public. +The highway system is a network for locomotion across relatively large distances. As a network, it appears to belong on the left of the institutional spectrum. But here we must make a distinction which will clarify both the nature of highways and the nature of true public utilities. Genuinely all-purpose roads are true public utilities. Superhighways are private preserves, the cost of which has been partially foisted upon the public. -Telephone, postal, and highway systems are all networks, and none of them is free. Access to the telephone network is limited by time charges on each call. These rates are relatively small and could be reduced without changing the nature of the system. Use of the telephone system is not in the least limited by what is transmitted, although it is best used by those who can speak coherent sentences in the language of the other party-an ability universally possessed by those who wish to use the network. Postage is usually cheap. Use of the postal system is slightly limited by the price of pen and paper, and somewhat more by the ability to write. Still, when someone who does not know how to write has a relative or friend to whom he can dictate a letter, the postal system is at his service, as it is if he wants to ship a recorded tape. +Telephone, postal, and highway systems are all networks, and none of them is free. Access to the telephone network is limited by time charges on each call. These rates are relatively small and could be reduced without changing the nature of the system. Use of the telephone system is not in the least limited by what is transmitted, although it is best used by those who can speak coherent sentences in the language of the other party-an ability universally possessed by those who wish to use the network. Postage is usually cheap. Use of the postal system is slightly limited by the price of pen and paper, and somewhat more by the ability to write. Still, when someone who does not know how to write has a relative or friend to whom he can dictate a letter, the postal system is at his service, as it is if he wants to ship a recorded tape. -The highway system does not similarly become available to someone who merely learns to drive. The telephone and postal networks exist to serve those who wish to use them, while the highway system mainly serves as an accessory to the private automobile. The former are true public utilities, whereas the latter is a public service to the owners of cars, trucks, and buses. Public utilities exist for the sake of communication among men; highways, like other institutions of the right, exist for the sake of a product. Auto manufacturers, we have already observed, produce simultaneously both cars and the demand for cars. They also produce the demand for multilane highways, bridges, and oilfields. The private car is the focus of a cluster of right-wing institutions. The high cost of each element is dictated by elaboration of the basic product, and to sell the basic product is to hook society on the entire package. +The highway system does not similarly become available to someone who merely learns to drive. The telephone and postal networks exist to serve those who wish to use them, while the highway system mainly serves as an accessory to the private automobile. The former are true public utilities, whereas the latter is a public service to the owners of cars, trucks, and buses. Public utilities exist for the sake of communication among men; highways, like other institutions of the right, exist for the sake of a product. Auto manufacturers, we have already observed, produce simultaneously both cars and the demand for cars. They also produce the demand for multilane highways, bridges, and oilfields. The private car is the focus of a cluster of right-wing institutions. The high cost of each element is dictated by elaboration of the basic product, and to sell the basic product is to hook society on the entire package. -To plan a highway system as a true public utility would discriminate against those for whom velocity and individualized comfort are the primary transportation values, in favor of those who value fluidity and destination. It is the difference between a far-flung network with maximum access for travelers and one which offers only privileged access to restricted areas. +To plan a highway system as a true public utility would discriminate against those for whom velocity and individualized comfort are the primary transportation values, in favor of those who value fluidity and destination. It is the difference between a far-flung network with maximum access for travelers and one which offers only privileged access to restricted areas. -Transferring a modern institution to the developing nations provides the acid test of its quality. In very poor countries roads are usually just good enough to permit transit by special, high-axle trucks loaded with groceries, livestock, or people. This kind of country should use its limited resources to build a spiderweb of trails extending to every region and should restrict imports to two or three different models of highly durable vehicles which can manage all trails at low speed. This would simplify maintenance and the stocking of spare parts, permit the operation of these vehicles around the clock, and provide maximum fluidity and choice of destination to all citizens. This would require the engineering of all-purpose vehicles with the simplicity of the Model T, making use of the most modern alloys to guarantee durability, with a built-in speed limit of not more than fifteen miles per hour, and strong enough to run on the roughest terrain. Such vehicles are not on the market because there is no demand for them. As a matter of fact, such a demand would have to be cultivated, quite possibly under the protection of strict legislation. At present, whenever such a demand is even slightly felt, it is quickly snuffed out by counterpublicity aimed at universal sales of the machines which currently extract from U.S. taxpayers the money needed for building superhighways. +Transferring a modern institution to the developing nations provides the acid test of its quality. In very poor countries roads are usually just good enough to permit transit by special, high-axle trucks loaded with groceries, livestock, or people. This kind of country should use its limited resources to build a spiderweb of trails extending to every region and should restrict imports to two or three different models of highly durable vehicles which can manage all trails at low speed. This would simplify maintenance and the stocking of spare parts, permit the operation of these vehicles around the clock, and provide maximum fluidity and choice of destination to all citizens. This would require the engineering of all-purpose vehicles with the simplicity of the Model T, making use of the most modern alloys to guarantee durability, with a built-in speed limit of not more than fifteen miles per hour, and strong enough to run on the roughest terrain. Such vehicles are not on the market because there is no demand for them. As a matter of fact, such a demand would have to be cultivated, quite possibly under the protection of strict legislation. At present, whenever such a demand is even slightly felt, it is quickly snuffed out by counterpublicity aimed at universal sales of the machines which currently extract from U.S. taxpayers the money needed for building superhighways. -In order to "improve" transportation, all countries-even the poorest-now plan highway systems designed for the passenger cars and high-speed trailers which fit the velocity-conscious minority of producers and consumers in the elite classes. This approach is frequently rationalized as a saving of the most precious resource of a poor country: the time of the doctor, the school inspector, or the public administrator. These men, of course, serve almost exclusively the same people who have, or hope one day to have, a car. Local taxes and scarce international exchange are wasted on false public utilities. +In order to "improve" transportation, all countries-even the poorest-now plan highway systems designed for the passenger cars and high-speed trailers which fit the velocity-conscious minority of producers and consumers in the elite classes. This approach is frequently rationalized as a saving of the most precious resource of a poor country: the time of the doctor, the school inspector, or the public administrator. These men, of course, serve almost exclusively the same people who have, or hope one day to have, a car. Local taxes and scarce international exchange are wasted on false public utilities. -"Modern" technology transferred to poor countries falls into three large categories: goods, factories which make them, and service institutions -principally schools- which make men into modern producers and consumers. Most countries spend by far the largest proportion of their budget on schools. The school-made graduates then create a demand for other conspicuous utilities, such as industrial power, paved highways, modern hospitals, and airports, and these in turn create a market for the goods made for rich countries and, after a while, the tendency to import obsolescent factories to produce them. +"Modern" technology transferred to poor countries falls into three large categories: goods, factories which make them, and service institutions -principally schools- which make men into modern producers and consumers. Most countries spend by far the largest proportion of their budget on schools. The school-made graduates then create a demand for other conspicuous utilities, such as industrial power, paved highways, modern hospitals, and airports, and these in turn create a market for the goods made for rich countries and, after a while, the tendency to import obsolescent factories to produce them. -Of all "false utilities," school is the most insidious. Highway systems produce only a demand for cars. Schools create a demand for the entire set of modern institutions which crowd the right end of the spectrum. A man who questioned the need for high. ways would be written off as a romantic; the man who questions the need for school is immediately attacked as either heartless or imperialist. +Of all "false utilities," school is the most insidious. Highway systems produce only a demand for cars. Schools create a demand for the entire set of modern institutions which crowd the right end of the spectrum. A man who questioned the need for high. ways would be written off as a romantic; the man who questions the need for school is immediately attacked as either heartless or imperialist. ### Schools as False Public Utilities -Like highways, schools, at first glance, give the impression of being equally open to all comers. They are, in fact, open only to those who consistently renew their credentials. Just as highways create the impression that their present level of cost per year is necessary if people are to move, so schools are presumed essential for attaining the competence required by a society which uses modern technology. We have exposed speedways as spurious public utilities by noting their dependence on private automobiles. Schools are based upon the equally spurious hypothesis that learning is the result of curricular teaching. +Like highways, schools, at first glance, give the impression of being equally open to all comers. They are, in fact, open only to those who consistently renew their credentials. Just as highways create the impression that their present level of cost per year is necessary if people are to move, so schools are presumed essential for attaining the competence required by a society which uses modern technology. We have exposed speedways as spurious public utilities by noting their dependence on private automobiles. Schools are based upon the equally spurious hypothesis that learning is the result of curricular teaching. -Highways result from a perversion of the desire and need for mobility into the demand for a private car. Schools themselves pervert the natural inclination to grow and learn into the demand for instruction. Demand for manufactured maturity is a far greater abnegation of self-initiated activity than the demand for manufactured goods. Schools are not only to the right of highways and cars; they belong near the extreme of the institutional spectrum occupied by total asylums. Even the producers of body counts kill only bodies. By making men abdicate the responsibility for their own growth, school leads many to a kind of spiritual suicide. +Highways result from a perversion of the desire and need for mobility into the demand for a private car. Schools themselves pervert the natural inclination to grow and learn into the demand for instruction. Demand for manufactured maturity is a far greater abnegation of self-initiated activity than the demand for manufactured goods. Schools are not only to the right of highways and cars; they belong near the extreme of the institutional spectrum occupied by total asylums. Even the producers of body counts kill only bodies. By making men abdicate the responsibility for their own growth, school leads many to a kind of spiritual suicide. -Highways are paid for in part by those who use them, since tolls and gasoline taxes are extracted only from drivers. School, on the other hand, is a perfect system of regressive taxation, where the privileged graduates ride on the back of the entire paying public. School puts a head tax on promotion. The under consumption of highway mileage is not nearly so costly as the under consumption of schooling. The man who does not own a car in Los Angeles may be almost immobilized, but if he can somehow manage to reach a work place, he can get and hold a job. The school dropout has no alternative route. The suburbanite with his new Lincoln and his country cousin who drives a beat-up jalopy get essentially the same use out of the highway, even though one man's car costs thirty times more than the other's. The value of a man's schooling is a function of the number of years he has completed and of the costliness of the schools he has attended. The law compels no one to drive, whereas it obliges everyone to go to school. +Highways are paid for in part by those who use them, since tolls and gasoline taxes are extracted only from drivers. School, on the other hand, is a perfect system of regressive taxation, where the privileged graduates ride on the back of the entire paying public. School puts a head tax on promotion. The under consumption of highway mileage is not nearly so costly as the under consumption of schooling. The man who does not own a car in Los Angeles may be almost immobilized, but if he can somehow manage to reach a work place, he can get and hold a job. The school dropout has no alternative route. The suburbanite with his new Lincoln and his country cousin who drives a beat-up jalopy get essentially the same use out of the highway, even though one man's car costs thirty times more than the other's. The value of a man's schooling is a function of the number of years he has completed and of the costliness of the schools he has attended. The law compels no one to drive, whereas it obliges everyone to go to school. -The analysis of institutions according to their present placement on a left-right continuum enables me to clarify my belief that fundamental social change must begin with a change of consciousness about institutions and to explain why the dimension of a viable future turns on the rejuvenation of institutional style. +The analysis of institutions according to their present placement on a left-right continuum enables me to clarify my belief that fundamental social change must begin with a change of consciousness about institutions and to explain why the dimension of a viable future turns on the rejuvenation of institutional style. -During the sixties institutions born in different decades since the French Revolution simultaneously reached old age; public school systems founded in the time of Jefferson or of Atatürk, along with others which started after World War II,all became bureaucratic, self-justifying, and manipulative. The same thing happened to systems of social security, to labor unions, major churches and diplomacies, the care of the aged, and the disposal of the dead. +During the sixties institutions born in different decades since the French Revolution simultaneously reached old age; public school systems founded in the time of Jefferson or of Atatürk, along with others which started after World War II,all became bureaucratic, self-justifying, and manipulative. The same thing happened to systems of social security, to labor unions, major churches and diplomacies, the care of the aged, and the disposal of the dead. -Today, for instance, the school systems of Colombia, Britain, the U.S.S.R., and the U.S. resemble each other more closely than U.S. schools of the late 1890's resembled either today's or their contemporaries in Russia. Today all schools are obligatory, open-ended, and competitive. The same convergence in institutional style affects health care, merchandising, personnel administration, and political life. All these institutional processes tend to pile up at the manipulative end of the spectrum. +Today, for instance, the school systems of Colombia, Britain, the U.S.S.R., and the U.S. resemble each other more closely than U.S. schools of the late 1890's resembled either today's or their contemporaries in Russia. Today all schools are obligatory, open-ended, and competitive. The same convergence in institutional style affects health care, merchandising, personnel administration, and political life. All these institutional processes tend to pile up at the manipulative end of the spectrum. -A merger of world bureaucracies results from this convergence of institutions. The style, the ranking systems, and the paraphernalia (from textbook to computer) are standardized on the planning boards of Costa Rica or Afghanistan after the model of Western Europe. +A merger of world bureaucracies results from this convergence of institutions. The style, the ranking systems, and the paraphernalia (from textbook to computer) are standardized on the planning boards of Costa Rica or Afghanistan after the model of Western Europe. -Everywhere these bureaucracies seem to focus on the same task: promoting the growth of institutions of the right. They are concerned with the making of things, the making of ritual rules, and the making-and reshaping--of "executive truth," the ideology or fiat which establishes the current value which should be attributed to their product. +Everywhere these bureaucracies seem to focus on the same task: promoting the growth of institutions of the right. They are concerned with the making of things, the making of ritual rules, and the making-and reshaping--of "executive truth," the ideology or fiat which establishes the current value which should be attributed to their product. -Technology provides these bureaucracies with increasing power on the right hand of society. The left hand of society seems to wither, not because technology is less capable of increasing the range of human action, and providing time for the play of individual imagination and personal creativity, but because such use of technology does not increase the power of an elite which administers it. The postmaster has no control over the substantive use of the mails, the switchboard operator or Bell Telephone executive has no power to stop adultery, murder, or subversion from being planned over his network. +Technology provides these bureaucracies with increasing power on the right hand of society. The left hand of society seems to wither, not because technology is less capable of increasing the range of human action, and providing time for the play of individual imagination and personal creativity, but because such use of technology does not increase the power of an elite which administers it. The postmaster has no control over the substantive use of the mails, the switchboard operator or Bell Telephone executive has no power to stop adultery, murder, or subversion from being planned over his network. -At stake in the choice between the institutional right and left is the very nature of human life. Man must choose whether tobe rich in things or in the freedom to use them. He must choose between alternate styles of life and related production schedules. +At stake in the choice between the institutional right and left is the very nature of human life. Man must choose whether tobe rich in things or in the freedom to use them. He must choose between alternate styles of life and related production schedules. -Aristotle had already discovered that "making and acting" are different, so different, in fact, that one never includes the other. "For neither is acting a way of making-nor making a way of truly acting. Architecture _techne_ is a way of making - - - of bringing something into being whose origin is in the maker and not in the thing. Making has always an end other than itself, action not; for good action itself is its end. Perfection in making is an art, perfection in acting is a virtue".[^n01] The word which Aristotle employed for making was "poesis," and the word he employed for doing, "praxis". A move to the right implies that an institution is being restructured to increase its ability to "make," while as it moves to the left, it is being restructured to allow increased "doing" or "praxis". Modern technology has increased the ability of man to relinquish the "making" of things to machines, and his potential time for "acting"" has increased. +Aristotle had already discovered that "making and acting" are different, so different, in fact, that one never includes the other. "For neither is acting a way of making-nor making a way of truly acting. Architecture _techne_ is a way of making - - - of bringing something into being whose origin is in the maker and not in the thing. Making has always an end other than itself, action not; for good action itself is its end. Perfection in making is an art, perfection in acting is a virtue".[^n01] The word which Aristotle employed for making was "poesis," and the word he employed for doing, "praxis". A move to the right implies that an institution is being restructured to increase its ability to "make," while as it moves to the left, it is being restructured to allow increased "doing" or "praxis". Modern technology has increased the ability of man to relinquish the "making" of things to machines, and his potential time for "acting"" has increased. -"Making" the necessities of life has ceased to take up his time. Unemployment is the result of this modernization: it is the idleness of a man for whom there is nothing to "make" and who does not know what to "do"--that is, how to "act". Unemployment is the sad idleness of a man who, contrary to Aristotle, believes that making things, or working, is virtuous and that idleness is bad. Unemployment is the experience of the man who has succumbed to the Protestant ethic. Leisure, according to Weber, is necessary for man to be able to work. For Aristotle, work is necessary for man to have leisure. +"Making" the necessities of life has ceased to take up his time. Unemployment is the result of this modernization: it is the idleness of a man for whom there is nothing to "make" and who does not know what to "do"--that is, how to "act". Unemployment is the sad idleness of a man who, contrary to Aristotle, believes that making things, or working, is virtuous and that idleness is bad. Unemployment is the experience of the man who has succumbed to the Protestant ethic. Leisure, according to Weber, is necessary for man to be able to work. For Aristotle, work is necessary for man to have leisure. -Technology provides man with discretionary time he can fill either with making or with doing. The choice between sad unemployment and joyful leisure is now open for the entire culture. It depends on the institutional style the culture chooses. This choice would have been unthinkable in an ancient culture built either on peasant agriculture or on slavery. It has become inevitable for postindustrial man. +Technology provides man with discretionary time he can fill either with making or with doing. The choice between sad unemployment and joyful leisure is now open for the entire culture. It depends on the institutional style the culture chooses. This choice would have been unthinkable in an ancient culture built either on peasant agriculture or on slavery. It has become inevitable for postindustrial man. -One way to fill available time is to stimulate increased demands for the consumption of goods and, simultaneously, for the production of services. The former implies an economy which provides an ever-growing array of ever newer things which can be made, consumed, wasted, and recycled. The latter implies the futile attempt to "make" virtuous actions into the products of "service" institutions. This leads to the identification of schooling and education, of medical service and health, of program watching and entertainment, of speed and effective locomotion. This first option now goes under the name of development. +One way to fill available time is to stimulate increased demands for the consumption of goods and, simultaneously, for the production of services. The former implies an economy which provides an ever-growing array of ever newer things which can be made, consumed, wasted, and recycled. The latter implies the futile attempt to "make" virtuous actions into the products of "service" institutions. This leads to the identification of schooling and education, of medical service and health, of program watching and entertainment, of speed and effective locomotion. This first option now goes under the name of development. -The radically alternative way to fill available time is a limited range of more durable goods and to provide access to institutions which can increase the opportunity and desirability of human interaction. +The radically alternative way to fill available time is a limited range of more durable goods and to provide access to institutions which can increase the opportunity and desirability of human interaction. -A durable-goods economy is precisely the contrary of an economy based on planned obsolescence. A durable-goods economy means a constraint on the bill of goods. Goods would have to be such that they provided the maximum opportunity to "do" something with them: items made for self-assembly, self-help, reuse, and repair. +A durable-goods economy is precisely the contrary of an economy based on planned obsolescence. A durable-goods economy means a constraint on the bill of goods. Goods would have to be such that they provided the maximum opportunity to "do" something with them: items made for self-assembly, self-help, reuse, and repair. -The complement to a durable, repairable, and reusable bill of goods is not an increase of institutionally produced services, but rather an institutional framework which constantly educates to action, participation, and self-help. The movement of our society from the present--in which all institutions gravitate toward post-industrial bureaucracy--to a future of postindustrial conviviality--in which the intensity of action would prevail over production--must begin with a renewal of style in the service institutions--and, first of all, with a renewal of education. A future which is desirable and feasible depends on our willingness to invest our technological know-how into the growth of convivial institutions. In the field of educational research, this amounts to the request for a reversal of present trends. +The complement to a durable, repairable, and reusable bill of goods is not an increase of institutionally produced services, but rather an institutional framework which constantly educates to action, participation, and self-help. The movement of our society from the present--in which all institutions gravitate toward post-industrial bureaucracy--to a future of postindustrial conviviality--in which the intensity of action would prevail over production--must begin with a renewal of style in the service institutions--and, first of all, with a renewal of education. A future which is desirable and feasible depends on our willingness to invest our technological know-how into the growth of convivial institutions. In the field of educational research, this amounts to the request for a reversal of present trends. ## Irrational Consistencies -[^n02] I believe that the contemporary crisis of education demands that we review the very idea of publicly prescribed learning, rather than the methods used in its enforcement. The dropout rate--especially of junior-high-school students and elementary-school teachers--points to a grass-roots demand for a completely fresh look. The "classroom practitioner" who considers himself a liberal teacher is increasingly attacked from all sides. The free-school movement, confusing discipline with indoctrination, has painted him into the role of a destructive authoritarian. The educational technologist consistently demonstrates the teacher's inferiority at measuring and modifying behavior. And the school administration for which he works forces him to bow to both Summerhill and Skinner, making it obvious that compulsory learning cannot be a liberal enterprise. No wonder that the desertion rate of teachers is overtaking that of their students. +[^n02] I believe that the contemporary crisis of education demands that we review the very idea of publicly prescribed learning, rather than the methods used in its enforcement. The dropout rate--especially of junior-high-school students and elementary-school teachers--points to a grass-roots demand for a completely fresh look. The "classroom practitioner" who considers himself a liberal teacher is increasingly attacked from all sides. The free-school movement, confusing discipline with indoctrination, has painted him into the role of a destructive authoritarian. The educational technologist consistently demonstrates the teacher's inferiority at measuring and modifying behavior. And the school administration for which he works forces him to bow to both Summerhill and Skinner, making it obvious that compulsory learning cannot be a liberal enterprise. No wonder that the desertion rate of teachers is overtaking that of their students. -America's commitment to the compulsory education of its young now reveals itself to be as futile as the pretended American commitment to compulsory democratization of the Vietnamese. Conventional schools obviously cannot do it. The free-school movement entices unconventional educators, but ultimately does so in support of the conventional ideology of schooling. And the promises of educational technologists, that their research and development--if adequately funded--can offer some kind of final solution to the resistance of youth to compulsory learning, sound as confident and prove as fatuous as the analogous promises made by the military technologists. +America's commitment to the compulsory education of its young now reveals itself to be as futile as the pretended American commitment to compulsory democratization of the Vietnamese. Conventional schools obviously cannot do it. The free-school movement entices unconventional educators, but ultimately does so in support of the conventional ideology of schooling. And the promises of educational technologists, that their research and development--if adequately funded--can offer some kind of final solution to the resistance of youth to compulsory learning, sound as confident and prove as fatuous as the analogous promises made by the military technologists. -The criticism directed at the American school system by the behaviorists and that coming from the new breed of radical educators seem radically opposed. The behaviorists apply educational research to the "induction of autotelic instruction through individualized learning packages". Their style clashes with the nondirective cooption of youth into liberated communes established under the supervision of adults. Yet, in historical perspective, these two are just contemporary manifestations of the seemingly contradictory yet really complementary goals of the public school system. From the beginning of this century, the schools have been protagonists of social control on the one hand and free cooperation on the other, both placed at the service of the "good society," conceived of as a highly organized and smoothly working corporate structure. Under the impact of intense urbanization, children became a natural resource to be molded by the schools and fed into the industrial machine. Progressive politics and the cult of efficiency converged in the growth of the U.S. public school.* (See Joel Spring, Education and the Rise of the Corporate State, Cuaderno No. 50. Centro Intercultural de Documentaci6n, Cuernavaca, Mexico, 1971) Vocational guidance and the junior high school were two important results of this kind of thinking. +The criticism directed at the American school system by the behaviorists and that coming from the new breed of radical educators seem radically opposed. The behaviorists apply educational research to the "induction of autotelic instruction through individualized learning packages". Their style clashes with the nondirective cooption of youth into liberated communes established under the supervision of adults. Yet, in historical perspective, these two are just contemporary manifestations of the seemingly contradictory yet really complementary goals of the public school system. From the beginning of this century, the schools have been protagonists of social control on the one hand and free cooperation on the other, both placed at the service of the "good society," conceived of as a highly organized and smoothly working corporate structure. Under the impact of intense urbanization, children became a natural resource to be molded by the schools and fed into the industrial machine. Progressive politics and the cult of efficiency converged in the growth of the U.S. public school.* (See Joel Spring, Education and the Rise of the Corporate State, Cuaderno No. 50. Centro Intercultural de Documentaci6n, Cuernavaca, Mexico, 1971) Vocational guidance and the junior high school were two important results of this kind of thinking. -It appears, therefore, that the attempt to produce specified behavioral changes which can be measured and for which the processor can be held accountable is just one side of a coin, whose other side is the pacification of the new generation within specially engineered enclaves which will seduce them into the dream world of their elders. These pacified in society are well described by Dewey, who wants us to "make each one of our schools an embryonic community life, active with types of occupations that reflect the life of the larger society, and permeate it with the spirit of art, history and science". In this historical perspective, it would be a grave mistake to interpret the current three-cornered controversy between the school establishment, the educational technologists and the free schools as the prelude to a revolution in education. This controversy reflects rather a stage of an attempt to escalate an old dream into fact, and to finally make all valuable learning the result of professional teaching. Most educational alternatives proposed converge toward goals which are immanent in the production of the cooperative man whose individual needs are met by means of his specialization in the American system: They are oriented toward the improvement of what--for lack of a better phrase--I call the schooled society. Even the seemingly radical critics of the school system are not willing to abandon the idea that they have an obligation to the young, especially to the poor, an obligation to process them, whether by love or by fear, into a society which needs disciplined specialization as much from its producers as from its consumers and also their full commitment to the ideology which puts economic growth first. +It appears, therefore, that the attempt to produce specified behavioral changes which can be measured and for which the processor can be held accountable is just one side of a coin, whose other side is the pacification of the new generation within specially engineered enclaves which will seduce them into the dream world of their elders. These pacified in society are well described by Dewey, who wants us to "make each one of our schools an embryonic community life, active with types of occupations that reflect the life of the larger society, and permeate it with the spirit of art, history and science". In this historical perspective, it would be a grave mistake to interpret the current three-cornered controversy between the school establishment, the educational technologists and the free schools as the prelude to a revolution in education. This controversy reflects rather a stage of an attempt to escalate an old dream into fact, and to finally make all valuable learning the result of professional teaching. Most educational alternatives proposed converge toward goals which are immanent in the production of the cooperative man whose individual needs are met by means of his specialization in the American system: They are oriented toward the improvement of what--for lack of a better phrase--I call the schooled society. Even the seemingly radical critics of the school system are not willing to abandon the idea that they have an obligation to the young, especially to the poor, an obligation to process them, whether by love or by fear, into a society which needs disciplined specialization as much from its producers as from its consumers and also their full commitment to the ideology which puts economic growth first. -Dissent veils the contradictions inherent in the very idea of school. The established teachers unions, the technological wizards, and the educational liberation movement reinforce the commitment of the entire society to the fundamental axioms of a schooled world, somewhat in the manner in which many peace and protest movements reinforce the commitments of their members--be they black, female, young, or poor--to seek justice through the growth of the gross national income. +Dissent veils the contradictions inherent in the very idea of school. The established teachers unions, the technological wizards, and the educational liberation movement reinforce the commitment of the entire society to the fundamental axioms of a schooled world, somewhat in the manner in which many peace and protest movements reinforce the commitments of their members--be they black, female, young, or poor--to seek justice through the growth of the gross national income. -Some of the tenets which now go unchallenged are easy to list. There is, first, the shared belief that behavior which has been acquired in the sight of a pedagogue is of special value to the pupil and of special benefit to society. This is related to the assumption that social man is born only in adolescence, and properly born only if he matures in the school-womb, which some want to gentle by permissiveness, others to stuff with gadgets, and still others to varnish with a liberal tradition. And there is, finally, a shared view of youth which is psychologically romantic and politically conservative. According to this view, changes in society must be brought about by burdening the young with the responsibility of transforming it-but only after their eventual release from school. It is easy for a society founded on such tenets to build up a sense of its responsibility for the education of the new generation, and this inevitably means that some men may set, specify, and evaluate the personal goals of others. In a "passage from an imaginary Chinese encyclopedia," Jorge Luis Borges tries to evoke the sense of giddiness such an attempt must produce. He tells us that animals are divided into the following classes: "(a) those belonging to the emperor, (b) those that are embalmed, (c) those that are domesticated, (d) the suckling pigs, (e) the sirens, (f) fabulous ones, (g) the roaming dogs, (h) those included in the present classification, (i) those that drive themselves crazy, (j) innumerable ones, (k) those painted with a very fine brush of camel hair, (1) etcetera, (m) those who have just broken the jug, (n) those who resemble flies from afar". Now, such a taxonomy does not come into being unless somebody feels it can serve his purpose: in this case, I suppose, that somebody was a tax collector. For him, at least, this taxonomy of beasts must have made sense, the same way in which the taxonomy of educational objectives makes sense to scientific authors. +Some of the tenets which now go unchallenged are easy to list. There is, first, the shared belief that behavior which has been acquired in the sight of a pedagogue is of special value to the pupil and of special benefit to society. This is related to the assumption that social man is born only in adolescence, and properly born only if he matures in the school-womb, which some want to gentle by permissiveness, others to stuff with gadgets, and still others to varnish with a liberal tradition. And there is, finally, a shared view of youth which is psychologically romantic and politically conservative. According to this view, changes in society must be brought about by burdening the young with the responsibility of transforming it-but only after their eventual release from school. It is easy for a society founded on such tenets to build up a sense of its responsibility for the education of the new generation, and this inevitably means that some men may set, specify, and evaluate the personal goals of others. In a "passage from an imaginary Chinese encyclopedia," Jorge Luis Borges tries to evoke the sense of giddiness such an attempt must produce. He tells us that animals are divided into the following classes: "(a) those belonging to the emperor, (b) those that are embalmed, (c) those that are domesticated, (d) the suckling pigs, (e) the sirens, (f) fabulous ones, (g) the roaming dogs, (h) those included in the present classification, (i) those that drive themselves crazy, (j) innumerable ones, (k) those painted with a very fine brush of camel hair, (1) etcetera, (m) those who have just broken the jug, (n) those who resemble flies from afar". Now, such a taxonomy does not come into being unless somebody feels it can serve his purpose: in this case, I suppose, that somebody was a tax collector. For him, at least, this taxonomy of beasts must have made sense, the same way in which the taxonomy of educational objectives makes sense to scientific authors. -In the peasant, the vision of men with such inscrutable logic, empowered to assess his cattle, must have induced a chilling sense of impotence. Students, for analogous reasons, tend to feel paranoiac when they seriously submit to a curriculum. Inevitably they are even more frightened than my imaginary Chinese peasant, because it is their life goals rather than their life-stock which is being branded with an inscrutable sign. +In the peasant, the vision of men with such inscrutable logic, empowered to assess his cattle, must have induced a chilling sense of impotence. Students, for analogous reasons, tend to feel paranoiac when they seriously submit to a curriculum. Inevitably they are even more frightened than my imaginary Chinese peasant, because it is their life goals rather than their life-stock which is being branded with an inscrutable sign. -This passage of Borges is fascinating, because it evokes the logic of irrational consistency which makes Kafka's and Koestler's bureaucracies so sinister yet so evocative of everyday life. Irrational consistency mesmerizes accomplices who are engaged in mutually expedient and disciplined exploitation. It is the logic generated by bureaucratic behavior. And it becomes the logic of a society which demands that the managers of its educational institutions be held publicly accountable for the behavioral modification they produce in their clients. Students who can be motivated to value the educational packages which their teachers obligate them to consume are comparable to Chinese peasants who can fit their flocks into the tax form provided by Borges. +This passage of Borges is fascinating, because it evokes the logic of irrational consistency which makes Kafka's and Koestler's bureaucracies so sinister yet so evocative of everyday life. Irrational consistency mesmerizes accomplices who are engaged in mutually expedient and disciplined exploitation. It is the logic generated by bureaucratic behavior. And it becomes the logic of a society which demands that the managers of its educational institutions be held publicly accountable for the behavioral modification they produce in their clients. Students who can be motivated to value the educational packages which their teachers obligate them to consume are comparable to Chinese peasants who can fit their flocks into the tax form provided by Borges. -At some time during the last two generations a commitment to therapy triumphed in American culture, and teachers came to be regarded as the therapists whose ministrations all men need, if they wish to enjoy the equality and freedom with which, according to the Constitution, they are born. Now the teacher-therapists go on to propose lifelong educational treatment as the next step. The style of this treatment is under discussion: Should it take the form of continued adult classroom attendance? Electronic ecstasy? Or periodic sensitivity sessions? All educators are ready to conspire to push out the walls of the classroom, with the goal of transforming the entire culture into a school. +At some time during the last two generations a commitment to therapy triumphed in American culture, and teachers came to be regarded as the therapists whose ministrations all men need, if they wish to enjoy the equality and freedom with which, according to the Constitution, they are born. Now the teacher-therapists go on to propose lifelong educational treatment as the next step. The style of this treatment is under discussion: Should it take the form of continued adult classroom attendance? Electronic ecstasy? Or periodic sensitivity sessions? All educators are ready to conspire to push out the walls of the classroom, with the goal of transforming the entire culture into a school. -The American controversy over the future of education, behind its rhetoric and noise, is more conservative than the discourse in other areas of public policy. On foreign affairs, at least, an organized minority constantly reminds us that the United States must renounce its role as the world's policeman. Radical economists, and now even their less radical teachers, question aggregate growth as a desirable goal. There are lobbies for prevention over cure in medicine and others in favor of fluidity over speed in transportation. Only in the field of education do the articulate voices demanding a radical deschooling of society remain so dispersed. There is a lack of cogent argument and of mature leadership aiming at the disestablishment of any and all institutions which serve the purpose of compulsory learning. For the moment, the radical deschooling of society is still a cause without a party. This is especially surprising in a time of growing, though chaotic, resistance to all forms of institutionally planned instruction on the part of those aged twelve to seventeen. +The American controversy over the future of education, behind its rhetoric and noise, is more conservative than the discourse in other areas of public policy. On foreign affairs, at least, an organized minority constantly reminds us that the United States must renounce its role as the world's policeman. Radical economists, and now even their less radical teachers, question aggregate growth as a desirable goal. There are lobbies for prevention over cure in medicine and others in favor of fluidity over speed in transportation. Only in the field of education do the articulate voices demanding a radical deschooling of society remain so dispersed. There is a lack of cogent argument and of mature leadership aiming at the disestablishment of any and all institutions which serve the purpose of compulsory learning. For the moment, the radical deschooling of society is still a cause without a party. This is especially surprising in a time of growing, though chaotic, resistance to all forms of institutionally planned instruction on the part of those aged twelve to seventeen. -Educational innovators still assume that educational institutions function like funnels for the programs they package. For my argument it is irrelevant whether these funnels take the form of a classroom, a TV transmitter, or a "liberated zone". It is equally irrelevant whether the packages purveyed are rich or poor, hot or cold, hard and measurable (like Math III), or impossible to assess (like sensitivity). What counts is that education is assumed to be the result of an institutional process managed by the educator. As long as the relations continue to be those between a supplier and a consumer, educational research will remain a circular process. It will amass scientific evidence in support of the need for more educational packages and for their more deadly accurate delivery to the individual customer, just as a certain brand of social science can prove the need for the delivery of more military treatment. +Educational innovators still assume that educational institutions function like funnels for the programs they package. For my argument it is irrelevant whether these funnels take the form of a classroom, a TV transmitter, or a "liberated zone". It is equally irrelevant whether the packages purveyed are rich or poor, hot or cold, hard and measurable (like Math III), or impossible to assess (like sensitivity). What counts is that education is assumed to be the result of an institutional process managed by the educator. As long as the relations continue to be those between a supplier and a consumer, educational research will remain a circular process. It will amass scientific evidence in support of the need for more educational packages and for their more deadly accurate delivery to the individual customer, just as a certain brand of social science can prove the need for the delivery of more military treatment. -An educational revolution depends on a twofold inversion: a new orientation for research and a new understanding of the educational style of an emerging counterculture. +An educational revolution depends on a twofold inversion: a new orientation for research and a new understanding of the educational style of an emerging counterculture. -Operational research now seeks to optimize the efficiency of an inherited framework--a framework which is itself never questioned. This framework has the syntactic structure of a funnel for teaching packages. The syntactic alternative to it is an educational network or web for the autonomous assembly of resources under the personal control of each learner. This alternative structure of an educational institution now lies within the conceptual blind spot of our operational research. If research were to focus on it, this would constitute a true scientific revolution. +Operational research now seeks to optimize the efficiency of an inherited framework--a framework which is itself never questioned. This framework has the syntactic structure of a funnel for teaching packages. The syntactic alternative to it is an educational network or web for the autonomous assembly of resources under the personal control of each learner. This alternative structure of an educational institution now lies within the conceptual blind spot of our operational research. If research were to focus on it, this would constitute a true scientific revolution. -The blind spot of educational research reflects the cultural bias of a society in which technological growth has been confused with technocratic control. For the technocrat the value of an environment increases as more contacts between each man and his milieu can be programmed. In this world the choices which are manageable for the observer or planner converge with the choices possible for the observed so-called beneficiary. Freedom is reduced to a selection among packaged commodities. +The blind spot of educational research reflects the cultural bias of a society in which technological growth has been confused with technocratic control. For the technocrat the value of an environment increases as more contacts between each man and his milieu can be programmed. In this world the choices which are manageable for the observer or planner converge with the choices possible for the observed so-called beneficiary. Freedom is reduced to a selection among packaged commodities. -The emerging counterculture reaffirms the values of semantic content above the efficiency of increased and more rigid syntax. It values the wealth of connotation above the power of syntax to produce wealth. It values the unpredictable outcome of self-chosen personal encounter above the certified quality of professional instruction. This reorientation toward personal surprise rather than institutionally engineered values will be disruptive of the established order until we dissociate the increasing availability of technological tools which facilitate encounter from the increasing control of the technocrat of what happens when people meet. +The emerging counterculture reaffirms the values of semantic content above the efficiency of increased and more rigid syntax. It values the wealth of connotation above the power of syntax to produce wealth. It values the unpredictable outcome of self-chosen personal encounter above the certified quality of professional instruction. This reorientation toward personal surprise rather than institutionally engineered values will be disruptive of the established order until we dissociate the increasing availability of technological tools which facilitate encounter from the increasing control of the technocrat of what happens when people meet. -Our present educational institutions are at the service of the teacher's goals. The relational structures we need are those which will enable each man to define himself by learning and by contributing to the learning of others. +Our present educational institutions are at the service of the teacher's goals. The relational structures we need are those which will enable each man to define himself by learning and by contributing to the learning of others. ## Learning Webs -In a previous chapter I discussed what is becoming a common complaint about schools, one that is reflected, for example, in the recent report of the Carnegie Commission: In school registered students submit to certified teachers in order to obtain certificates of their own; both are frustrated and both blame insufficient resources--money, time, or buildings--for their mutual frustration. +In a previous chapter I discussed what is becoming a common complaint about schools, one that is reflected, for example, in the recent report of the Carnegie Commission: In school registered students submit to certified teachers in order to obtain certificates of their own; both are frustrated and both blame insufficient resources--money, time, or buildings--for their mutual frustration. -Such criticism leads many people to ask whether it is possible to conceive of a different style of learning. The same people, paradoxically, when pressed to specify how they acquired what they know and value, will readily admit that they learned it more often outside than inside school. Their knowledge of facts, their understanding of life and work came to them from friendship or love, while viewing TV, or while reading, from examples of peers or the challenge of a street encounter. Or they may have learned what they know through the apprenticeship ritual for admission to a street gang or the initiation to a hospital, newspaper city room, plumber's shop, or insurance office. The alternative to dependence on schools is not the use of public resources for some new device which "makes" people learn; rather it is the creation of a new style of educational relationship between man and his environment. To foster this style, attitudes toward growing up, the tools available for learning, and the quality and structure of daily life will have to change concurrently. +Such criticism leads many people to ask whether it is possible to conceive of a different style of learning. The same people, paradoxically, when pressed to specify how they acquired what they know and value, will readily admit that they learned it more often outside than inside school. Their knowledge of facts, their understanding of life and work came to them from friendship or love, while viewing TV, or while reading, from examples of peers or the challenge of a street encounter. Or they may have learned what they know through the apprenticeship ritual for admission to a street gang or the initiation to a hospital, newspaper city room, plumber's shop, or insurance office. The alternative to dependence on schools is not the use of public resources for some new device which "makes" people learn; rather it is the creation of a new style of educational relationship between man and his environment. To foster this style, attitudes toward growing up, the tools available for learning, and the quality and structure of daily life will have to change concurrently. -Attitudes are already changing. The proud dependence on school is gone. Consumer resistance increases in the knowledge industry. Many teachers and pupils, taxpayers and employers, economists and policemen would prefer not to depend any longer on schools. What prevents their frustration from shaping new institutions is a lack not only of imagination but frequently also of appropriate language and of enlightened self-interest. They cannot visualize either a deschooled society or educational institutions in a society which has disestablished school. +Attitudes are already changing. The proud dependence on school is gone. Consumer resistance increases in the knowledge industry. Many teachers and pupils, taxpayers and employers, economists and policemen would prefer not to depend any longer on schools. What prevents their frustration from shaping new institutions is a lack not only of imagination but frequently also of appropriate language and of enlightened self-interest. They cannot visualize either a deschooled society or educational institutions in a society which has disestablished school. -In this chapter I intend to show that the inverse of school is possible: that we can depend on self-motivated learning instead of employing teachers to bribe or compel the student to find the time and the will to learn; that we can provide the learner with new links to the world instead of continuing to funnel all educational programs through the teacher. I shall discuss some of the general characteristics which distinguish schooling from learning and outline four major categories of educational institutions which should appeal not only to many individuals but also to many existing interest groups. An Objection: Who Can Be Served by Bridges to Nowhere? +In this chapter I intend to show that the inverse of school is possible: that we can depend on self-motivated learning instead of employing teachers to bribe or compel the student to find the time and the will to learn; that we can provide the learner with new links to the world instead of continuing to funnel all educational programs through the teacher. I shall discuss some of the general characteristics which distinguish schooling from learning and outline four major categories of educational institutions which should appeal not only to many individuals but also to many existing interest groups. An Objection: Who Can Be Served by Bridges to Nowhere? -We are used to considering schools as a variable, dependent on the political and economic structure. If we can change the style of political leadership, or promote the interests of one class or another, or switch from private to public ownership of the means of production, we assume the school system will change as well. The educational institutions I will propose, however, are meant to serve a society which does not now exist, although the current frustration with schools is itself potentially a major force to set in motion change toward new social arrangements. An obvious objection has been raised to this approach: Why channel energy to build bridges to nowhere, instead of marshaling it first to change not the schools but the political and economic system? +We are used to considering schools as a variable, dependent on the political and economic structure. If we can change the style of political leadership, or promote the interests of one class or another, or switch from private to public ownership of the means of production, we assume the school system will change as well. The educational institutions I will propose, however, are meant to serve a society which does not now exist, although the current frustration with schools is itself potentially a major force to set in motion change toward new social arrangements. An obvious objection has been raised to this approach: Why channel energy to build bridges to nowhere, instead of marshaling it first to change not the schools but the political and economic system? -This objection, however, underestimates the fundamental political and economic nature of the school system itself, as well as the political potential inherent in any effective challenge to it. +This objection, however, underestimates the fundamental political and economic nature of the school system itself, as well as the political potential inherent in any effective challenge to it. -In a basic sense, schools have ceased to be dependent on the ideology professed by any government or market organization. Other basic institutions might differ from one country to another: family, party, church, or press. But everywhere the school system has the same structure, and everywhere its hidden curriculum has the same effect. Invariably, it shapes the consumer who values institutional commodities above the nonprofessional ministration of a neighbor. +In a basic sense, schools have ceased to be dependent on the ideology professed by any government or market organization. Other basic institutions might differ from one country to another: family, party, church, or press. But everywhere the school system has the same structure, and everywhere its hidden curriculum has the same effect. Invariably, it shapes the consumer who values institutional commodities above the nonprofessional ministration of a neighbor. -Everywhere the hidden curriculum of schooling initiates the citizen to the myth that bureaucracies guided by scientific knowledge are efficient and benevolent. Everywhere this same curriculum instills in the pupil the myth that increased production will"" provide a better life. And everywhere it develops the habit of self-defeating consumption of services and alienating production, the tolerance for institutional dependence, and the recognition of institutional rankings. The hidden curriculum of school does all this in spite of contrary efforts undertaken by teachers and no matter what ideology prevails. +Everywhere the hidden curriculum of schooling initiates the citizen to the myth that bureaucracies guided by scientific knowledge are efficient and benevolent. Everywhere this same curriculum instills in the pupil the myth that increased production will"" provide a better life. And everywhere it develops the habit of self-defeating consumption of services and alienating production, the tolerance for institutional dependence, and the recognition of institutional rankings. The hidden curriculum of school does all this in spite of contrary efforts undertaken by teachers and no matter what ideology prevails. -In other words, schools are fundamentally alike in all countries, be they fascist, democratic or socialist, big or small, rich or poor. This identity of the school system forces us to recognize the profound world-wide identity of myth, mode of production, and method of social control, despite the great variety of mythologies in which the myth finds expression. +In other words, schools are fundamentally alike in all countries, be they fascist, democratic or socialist, big or small, rich or poor. This identity of the school system forces us to recognize the profound world-wide identity of myth, mode of production, and method of social control, despite the great variety of mythologies in which the myth finds expression. -In view of this identity, it is illusory to claim that schools are, in any profound sense, dependent variables. This means that to hope for fundamental change in the school system as an effect of conventionally conceived social or economic change is also an illusion. Moreover, this illusion grants the school -the reproductive organ of a consumer society- almost unquestioned immunity. +In view of this identity, it is illusory to claim that schools are, in any profound sense, dependent variables. This means that to hope for fundamental change in the school system as an effect of conventionally conceived social or economic change is also an illusion. Moreover, this illusion grants the school -the reproductive organ of a consumer society- almost unquestioned immunity. -It is at this point that the example of China becomes important. For three millennia, China protected higher learning through a total divorce between the process of learning and the privilege conferred by mandarin examinations. To become a world power and a modern nation-state, China had to adopt the international style of schooling. Only hindsight will allow us to discover if the Great Cultural Revolution will turn out to have been the first successful attempt at deschooling the institutions of society. +It is at this point that the example of China becomes important. For three millennia, China protected higher learning through a total divorce between the process of learning and the privilege conferred by mandarin examinations. To become a world power and a modern nation-state, China had to adopt the international style of schooling. Only hindsight will allow us to discover if the Great Cultural Revolution will turn out to have been the first successful attempt at deschooling the institutions of society. -Even the piecemeal creation of new educational agencies which were the inverse of school would be an attack on the most sensitive link of a pervasive phenomenon, which is organized by the state in all countries. A political program which does not explicitly recognize the need for deschooling is not revolutionary; it is demagoguery calling for more of the same. Any major political program of the seventies should be evaluated by this measure: How clearly does it state the need for deschooling -and how clearly does it provide guidelines for the educational quality of the society for which it aims? +Even the piecemeal creation of new educational agencies which were the inverse of school would be an attack on the most sensitive link of a pervasive phenomenon, which is organized by the state in all countries. A political program which does not explicitly recognize the need for deschooling is not revolutionary; it is demagoguery calling for more of the same. Any major political program of the seventies should be evaluated by this measure: How clearly does it state the need for deschooling -and how clearly does it provide guidelines for the educational quality of the society for which it aims? -The struggle against domination by the world market and big-power politics might be beyond some poor communities or countries, but this weakness is an added reason for emphasizing the importance of liberating each society through a reversal of its educational structure, a change which is not beyond any society's means. +The struggle against domination by the world market and big-power politics might be beyond some poor communities or countries, but this weakness is an added reason for emphasizing the importance of liberating each society through a reversal of its educational structure, a change which is not beyond any society's means. ### General Characteristics of New Formal Educational Institutions -A good educational system should have three purposes: it should provide all who want to learn with access to available resources at any time in their lives; empower all who want to share what they know to find those who want to learn it from them; and, finally, furnish all who want to present an issue to the public with the opportunity to make their challenge known. Such a system would require the application of constitutional guarantees to education. Learners should not be forced to submit to an obligatory curriculum, or to discrimination based on whether they possess a certificate or a diploma. Nor should the public be forced to support, through a regressive taxation, a huge professional apparatus of educators and buildings which in fact restricts the public's chances for learning to the services the profession is willing to put on the market. It should use modern technology to make free speech, free assembly, and a free press truly universal and, therefore, fully educational. +A good educational system should have three purposes: it should provide all who want to learn with access to available resources at any time in their lives; empower all who want to share what they know to find those who want to learn it from them; and, finally, furnish all who want to present an issue to the public with the opportunity to make their challenge known. Such a system would require the application of constitutional guarantees to education. Learners should not be forced to submit to an obligatory curriculum, or to discrimination based on whether they possess a certificate or a diploma. Nor should the public be forced to support, through a regressive taxation, a huge professional apparatus of educators and buildings which in fact restricts the public's chances for learning to the services the profession is willing to put on the market. It should use modern technology to make free speech, free assembly, and a free press truly universal and, therefore, fully educational. -Schools are designed on the assumption that there is a secret to everything in life; that the quality of life depends on knowing that secret; that secrets can be known only in orderly successions; and that only teachers can properly reveal these secrets. An individual with a schooled mind conceives of the world as a pyramid of classified packages accessible only to those who carry the proper tags. New educational institutions would break apart this pyramid. Their purpose must be to facilitate access for the learner: to allow him to look into the windows of the control room or the parliament, if he cannot get in by the door. Moreover, such new institutions should be channels to which the learner would have access without credentials or pedigree- public spaces in which peers and elders outside his immediate horizon would become available. +Schools are designed on the assumption that there is a secret to everything in life; that the quality of life depends on knowing that secret; that secrets can be known only in orderly successions; and that only teachers can properly reveal these secrets. An individual with a schooled mind conceives of the world as a pyramid of classified packages accessible only to those who carry the proper tags. New educational institutions would break apart this pyramid. Their purpose must be to facilitate access for the learner: to allow him to look into the windows of the control room or the parliament, if he cannot get in by the door. Moreover, such new institutions should be channels to which the learner would have access without credentials or pedigree- public spaces in which peers and elders outside his immediate horizon would become available. -I believe that no more than four -possibly even three- distinct "channels" or learning exchanges could contain all the resources needed for real learning. The child grows up in a world of things, surrounded by people who serve as models for skills and values. He finds peers who challenge him to argue, to compete, to cooperate, and to understand; and if the child is lucky, he is exposed to confrontation or criticism by an experienced elder who really cares. Things, models, peers, and elders are four resources each of which requires a different type of arrangement to ensure that everybody has ample access to it. +I believe that no more than four -possibly even three- distinct "channels" or learning exchanges could contain all the resources needed for real learning. The child grows up in a world of things, surrounded by people who serve as models for skills and values. He finds peers who challenge him to argue, to compete, to cooperate, and to understand; and if the child is lucky, he is exposed to confrontation or criticism by an experienced elder who really cares. Things, models, peers, and elders are four resources each of which requires a different type of arrangement to ensure that everybody has ample access to it. -I will use the words "opportunity web" for "network" to designate specific ways to provide access to each of four sets of resources. "Network" is often used, unfortunately, to designate the channels reserved to material selected by others for indoctrination, instruction, and entertainment. But it can also be used for the telephone or the postal service, which are primarily accessible to individuals who want to send messages to one another. I wish we had another word to designate such reticular structures for mutual access, a word less evocative of entrapment, less degraded by current usage and more suggestive of the fact that any such arrangement includes legal, organizational, and technical aspects. Not having found such a term, I will try to redeem the one which is available, using it as a synonym of "educational web". +I will use the words "opportunity web" for "network" to designate specific ways to provide access to each of four sets of resources. "Network" is often used, unfortunately, to designate the channels reserved to material selected by others for indoctrination, instruction, and entertainment. But it can also be used for the telephone or the postal service, which are primarily accessible to individuals who want to send messages to one another. I wish we had another word to designate such reticular structures for mutual access, a word less evocative of entrapment, less degraded by current usage and more suggestive of the fact that any such arrangement includes legal, organizational, and technical aspects. Not having found such a term, I will try to redeem the one which is available, using it as a synonym of "educational web". -What are needed are new networks, readily available to the public and designed to spread equal opportunity for learning and teaching. To give an example: The same level of technology is used in TV and in tape recorders. All Latin-American countries now have introduced TV: in Bolivia the government has financed a TV station, which was built six years ago, and there are no more than seven thousand TV sets for four million citizens. The money now tied up in TV installations throughout Latin America could have provided every fifth adult with a tape recorder. In addition, the money would have sufficed to provide an almost unlimited library of prerecorded tapes, with outlets even in remote villages, as well as an ample supply of empty tapes. +What are needed are new networks, readily available to the public and designed to spread equal opportunity for learning and teaching. To give an example: The same level of technology is used in TV and in tape recorders. All Latin-American countries now have introduced TV: in Bolivia the government has financed a TV station, which was built six years ago, and there are no more than seven thousand TV sets for four million citizens. The money now tied up in TV installations throughout Latin America could have provided every fifth adult with a tape recorder. In addition, the money would have sufficed to provide an almost unlimited library of prerecorded tapes, with outlets even in remote villages, as well as an ample supply of empty tapes. -This network of tape recorders, of course, would be radically different from the present network of TV. It would provideopportunity for free expression: literate and illiterate alike could record, preserve, disseminate, and repeat their opinions. The present investment in TV, instead, provides bureaucrats, whether politicians or educators, with the power to sprinkle the continent with institutionally produced programs which they-or their sponsors--decide are good for or in demand by the people. +This network of tape recorders, of course, would be radically different from the present network of TV. It would provideopportunity for free expression: literate and illiterate alike could record, preserve, disseminate, and repeat their opinions. The present investment in TV, instead, provides bureaucrats, whether politicians or educators, with the power to sprinkle the continent with institutionally produced programs which they-or their sponsors--decide are good for or in demand by the people. -Technology is available to develop either independence and learning or bureaucracy and teaching. +Technology is available to develop either independence and learning or bureaucracy and teaching. ### Four Networks -The planning of new educational institutions ought not to begin with the administrative goals of a principal or president, or with the teaching goals of a professional educator, or with the learning goals of any hypothetical class of people. It must not start with the question, "What should someone learn?" but with the question, "What kinds of things and people might learners want to be in contact with in order to learn?" +The planning of new educational institutions ought not to begin with the administrative goals of a principal or president, or with the teaching goals of a professional educator, or with the learning goals of any hypothetical class of people. It must not start with the question, "What should someone learn?" but with the question, "What kinds of things and people might learners want to be in contact with in order to learn?" -Someone who wants to learn knows that he needs both information and critical response to its use from somebody else. Information can be stored in things and in persons. In a good educational system access to things ought to be available at the sole bidding of the learner, while access to informants requires, in addition, others' consent. Criticism can also come from two directions: from peers or from elders, that is, from fellow learners whose immediate interests match mine, or from those who will grant me a share in their superior experience. Peers can be colleagues with whom to raise a question, companions for playful and enjoyable (or arduous) reading or walking, challengers at any type of game. Elders can be consultants on which skill to learn, which method to use, what company to seek at a given moment. They can be guides to the right questions to be raised among peers and to the deficiency of the answers they arrive at. Most of these resources are plentiful. But they are neither conventionally perceived as educational resources, nor is access to them for learning purposes easy, especially for the poor. We must conceive of new relational structures which are deliberately set up to facilitate access to these resources for the use of anybody who is motivated to seek them for his education. Administrative, technological, and especially legal arrangements are required to set up such web-like structures. +Someone who wants to learn knows that he needs both information and critical response to its use from somebody else. Information can be stored in things and in persons. In a good educational system access to things ought to be available at the sole bidding of the learner, while access to informants requires, in addition, others' consent. Criticism can also come from two directions: from peers or from elders, that is, from fellow learners whose immediate interests match mine, or from those who will grant me a share in their superior experience. Peers can be colleagues with whom to raise a question, companions for playful and enjoyable (or arduous) reading or walking, challengers at any type of game. Elders can be consultants on which skill to learn, which method to use, what company to seek at a given moment. They can be guides to the right questions to be raised among peers and to the deficiency of the answers they arrive at. Most of these resources are plentiful. But they are neither conventionally perceived as educational resources, nor is access to them for learning purposes easy, especially for the poor. We must conceive of new relational structures which are deliberately set up to facilitate access to these resources for the use of anybody who is motivated to seek them for his education. Administrative, technological, and especially legal arrangements are required to set up such web-like structures. -Educational resources are usually labeled according to educators' curricular goals. I propose to do the contrary, to label four different approaches which enable the student to gain access to any educational resource which may help him to define and achieve his own goals: +Educational resources are usually labeled according to educators' curricular goals. I propose to do the contrary, to label four different approaches which enable the student to gain access to any educational resource which may help him to define and achieve his own goals: _1._ Reference Services to Educational Objects-which facilitate access to things or processes used for formal learning. Some of these things can be reserved for this purpose, stored in libraries, rental agencies, laboratories, and showrooms like museums and theaters; others can be in daily use in factories, airports, or on farms, but made available to students as apprentices or on off hours. @@ -543,260 +543,260 @@ _4._ Reference Services to Educators-at-Large--who can be listed in a directory ### Reference Services to Educational Objects -Things are basic resources for learning. The quality of the environment and the relationship of a person to it will determine how much he learns incidentally. Formal learning requires special access to ordinary things, on the one hand, or, on the other, easy and dependable access to special things made for educational purposes. An example of the former is the special right to operate or dismantle a machine in a garage. An example of the latter is the general right to use an abacus, a computer, a book, a botanical garden, or a machine withdrawn from production and placed at the full disposal of students. +Things are basic resources for learning. The quality of the environment and the relationship of a person to it will determine how much he learns incidentally. Formal learning requires special access to ordinary things, on the one hand, or, on the other, easy and dependable access to special things made for educational purposes. An example of the former is the special right to operate or dismantle a machine in a garage. An example of the latter is the general right to use an abacus, a computer, a book, a botanical garden, or a machine withdrawn from production and placed at the full disposal of students. -At present, attention is focused on the disparity between rich and poor children in their access to things and in the manner in which they can learn from them. OEO and other agencies, following this approach, concentrate on equalizing chances, by trying to provide more educational equipment for the poor. A more radical point of departure would be to recognize that in the city rich and poor alike are artificially kept away from most of the things that surround them. Children born into the age of plastics and efficiency experts must penetrate two barriers which obstruct their understanding: one built into things and the other around institutions. Industrial design creates a world of things that resist insight into their nature, and schools shut the learner out of the world of things in their meaningful setting. +At present, attention is focused on the disparity between rich and poor children in their access to things and in the manner in which they can learn from them. OEO and other agencies, following this approach, concentrate on equalizing chances, by trying to provide more educational equipment for the poor. A more radical point of departure would be to recognize that in the city rich and poor alike are artificially kept away from most of the things that surround them. Children born into the age of plastics and efficiency experts must penetrate two barriers which obstruct their understanding: one built into things and the other around institutions. Industrial design creates a world of things that resist insight into their nature, and schools shut the learner out of the world of things in their meaningful setting. -After a short visit to New York, a woman from a Mexican village told me she was impressed by the fact that stores sold only wares heavily made up with cosmetics". I understood her to mean that industrial products "speak" to their customers about their allurements and not about their nature. Industry has surrounded people with artifacts whose inner workings only specialists are allowed to understand. The nonspecialist is discouraged from figuring out what makes a watch tick, or a tele-phone ring, or an electric typewriter work, by being warned that it will break if he tries. He can be told what makes a transistor radio work, but he cannot find out for himself. This type of design tends to reinforce a noninventive society in which the experts find it progressively easier to hide behind their expertise and beyond evaluation. +After a short visit to New York, a woman from a Mexican village told me she was impressed by the fact that stores sold only wares heavily made up with cosmetics". I understood her to mean that industrial products "speak" to their customers about their allurements and not about their nature. Industry has surrounded people with artifacts whose inner workings only specialists are allowed to understand. The nonspecialist is discouraged from figuring out what makes a watch tick, or a tele-phone ring, or an electric typewriter work, by being warned that it will break if he tries. He can be told what makes a transistor radio work, but he cannot find out for himself. This type of design tends to reinforce a noninventive society in which the experts find it progressively easier to hide behind their expertise and beyond evaluation. -The man-made environment has become as inscrutable as nature is for the primitive. At the same time, educational materials have been monopolized by school. Simple educational objects have been expensively packaged by the knowledge industry. They have become specialized tools for professional educators, and their cost has been inflated by forcing them to stimulate either environments or teachers. +The man-made environment has become as inscrutable as nature is for the primitive. At the same time, educational materials have been monopolized by school. Simple educational objects have been expensively packaged by the knowledge industry. They have become specialized tools for professional educators, and their cost has been inflated by forcing them to stimulate either environments or teachers. -The teacher is jealous of the textbook he defines as his professional implement. The student may come to hate the lab because he associates it with schoolwork. The administrator rationalizes his protective attitude toward the library as a defense of costly public equipment against those who would play with it rather than learn. In this atmosphere the student too often uses the map, the lab, the encyclopedia, or the microscope only at the rare moments when the curriculum tells him to do so. Even the great classics become part of "sophomore year" instead of marking a new turn in a person's life. School removes things from everyday use by labeling them educational tools. +The teacher is jealous of the textbook he defines as his professional implement. The student may come to hate the lab because he associates it with schoolwork. The administrator rationalizes his protective attitude toward the library as a defense of costly public equipment against those who would play with it rather than learn. In this atmosphere the student too often uses the map, the lab, the encyclopedia, or the microscope only at the rare moments when the curriculum tells him to do so. Even the great classics become part of "sophomore year" instead of marking a new turn in a person's life. School removes things from everyday use by labeling them educational tools. -If we are to deschool, both tendencies must be reversed. The general physical environment must be made accessible, and those physical learning resources which have been reduced to teaching instruments must become generally available for self-directed learning. Using things only as part of a curriculum can have an even worse effect than just removing them from the general environment. It can corrupt the attitudes of pupils. +If we are to deschool, both tendencies must be reversed. The general physical environment must be made accessible, and those physical learning resources which have been reduced to teaching instruments must become generally available for self-directed learning. Using things only as part of a curriculum can have an even worse effect than just removing them from the general environment. It can corrupt the attitudes of pupils. -Games are a case in point. I do not mean the "games" of the physical education department (such as football and basketball), which the schools use to raise income and prestige and in which they have made a substantial capital investment. As the athletes themselves are well aware, these enterprises, which take the form of warlike tournaments, have undermined the playfulness of sports and are used to reinforce the competitive nature of schools. Rather I have in mind the educational games which can provide a unique way to penetrate formal systems. Set theory, linguistics, propositional logic, geometry, physics, and even chemistry reveal themselves with little effort to certain persons who play these games. A friend of mine went to a Mexican market with a game called "'Wff 'n Proof," which consists of some dice on which twelve logical symbols are imprinted. He showed children which two or three combinations constituted a well-formed sentence, and inductively within the first hour some onlookers also grasped the principle. Within a few hours of playfully conducting formal logical proofs, some children are capable of introducing others to the fundamental proofs of propositional logic. The others just walk away. +Games are a case in point. I do not mean the "games" of the physical education department (such as football and basketball), which the schools use to raise income and prestige and in which they have made a substantial capital investment. As the athletes themselves are well aware, these enterprises, which take the form of warlike tournaments, have undermined the playfulness of sports and are used to reinforce the competitive nature of schools. Rather I have in mind the educational games which can provide a unique way to penetrate formal systems. Set theory, linguistics, propositional logic, geometry, physics, and even chemistry reveal themselves with little effort to certain persons who play these games. A friend of mine went to a Mexican market with a game called "'Wff 'n Proof," which consists of some dice on which twelve logical symbols are imprinted. He showed children which two or three combinations constituted a well-formed sentence, and inductively within the first hour some onlookers also grasped the principle. Within a few hours of playfully conducting formal logical proofs, some children are capable of introducing others to the fundamental proofs of propositional logic. The others just walk away. -In fact, for some children such games are a special form of liberating education, since they heighten their awareness of the fact that formal systems are built on changeable axioms and that conceptual operations have a gamelike nature. They are also simple, cheap, and -to a large extent- can be organized by the players themselves. Used outside the curriculum such games provide an opportunity for identifying and developing unusual talent, while the school psychologist will often identify those who have such talent as in danger of becoming antisocial, sick, or unbalanced. Within school, when used in the form of tournaments, games are not only removed from the sphere of leisure; they often become tools used to translate playfulness into competition, a lack of abstract reasoning into a sign of inferiority. An exercise which is liberating for some character types becomes a straitjacket for others. +In fact, for some children such games are a special form of liberating education, since they heighten their awareness of the fact that formal systems are built on changeable axioms and that conceptual operations have a gamelike nature. They are also simple, cheap, and -to a large extent- can be organized by the players themselves. Used outside the curriculum such games provide an opportunity for identifying and developing unusual talent, while the school psychologist will often identify those who have such talent as in danger of becoming antisocial, sick, or unbalanced. Within school, when used in the form of tournaments, games are not only removed from the sphere of leisure; they often become tools used to translate playfulness into competition, a lack of abstract reasoning into a sign of inferiority. An exercise which is liberating for some character types becomes a straitjacket for others. -The control of school over educational equipment has still another effect. It increases enormously the cost of such cheap materials. Once their use is restricted to scheduled hours, professionals are paid to supervise their acquisition, storage, and use. Then students vent their anger against the school on the equipment, which must be purchased once again. +The control of school over educational equipment has still another effect. It increases enormously the cost of such cheap materials. Once their use is restricted to scheduled hours, professionals are paid to supervise their acquisition, storage, and use. Then students vent their anger against the school on the equipment, which must be purchased once again. -Paralleling the untouchability of teaching tools is the impenetrability of modern junk. In the thirties any self respecting boy knew how to repair an automobile, but now car makers multiply wires and withhold manuals from everyone except specialized mechanics. In a former era an old radio contained enough coils and condensers to build a transmitter that would make all the neighborhood radios scream in feedback. Transistor radios are more portable, but nobody dares to take them apart. To change this in the highly industrialized countries will be immensely difficult; but at least in the Third World we must insist on built-in educational qualities. +Paralleling the untouchability of teaching tools is the impenetrability of modern junk. In the thirties any self respecting boy knew how to repair an automobile, but now car makers multiply wires and withhold manuals from everyone except specialized mechanics. In a former era an old radio contained enough coils and condensers to build a transmitter that would make all the neighborhood radios scream in feedback. Transistor radios are more portable, but nobody dares to take them apart. To change this in the highly industrialized countries will be immensely difficult; but at least in the Third World we must insist on built-in educational qualities. -To illustrate my point, let me present a model: By spending ten million dollars it would be possible to connect forty thousand hamlets in a country like Peru with a spiderweb of six-foot-wide trails and maintain these, and, in addition, provide the country with 200,000 three-wheeled mechanical donkeys -five on the average for each hamlet. Few poor countries of this size spend less than this yearly on cars and roads, both of which are now restricted mainly to the rich and their employees, while poor people remain trapped in their villages. Each of these simple but durable little vehicles would cost $l25 - half of which would pay for transmission and a six-horsepower motor. A "donkey" could make 15 mph, and it can carry loads of 850 pounds (that is, most things besides tree trunks and steel beams which are ordinarily moved). +To illustrate my point, let me present a model: By spending ten million dollars it would be possible to connect forty thousand hamlets in a country like Peru with a spiderweb of six-foot-wide trails and maintain these, and, in addition, provide the country with 200,000 three-wheeled mechanical donkeys -five on the average for each hamlet. Few poor countries of this size spend less than this yearly on cars and roads, both of which are now restricted mainly to the rich and their employees, while poor people remain trapped in their villages. Each of these simple but durable little vehicles would cost $l25 - half of which would pay for transmission and a six-horsepower motor. A "donkey" could make 15 mph, and it can carry loads of 850 pounds (that is, most things besides tree trunks and steel beams which are ordinarily moved). -The political appeal of such a transportation system to a peasantry is obvious. Equally obvious is the reason why those who hold power--and thereby automatically have a car--are not interested in spending money on trails and in clogging roads with engine-driven donkeys. The universal donkey could work only if a country's leaders were willing to impose a national speed limit of, say, twenty-five miles an hour and adapt its public institutions to this. The model could not work if conceived only as a stopgap. +The political appeal of such a transportation system to a peasantry is obvious. Equally obvious is the reason why those who hold power--and thereby automatically have a car--are not interested in spending money on trails and in clogging roads with engine-driven donkeys. The universal donkey could work only if a country's leaders were willing to impose a national speed limit of, say, twenty-five miles an hour and adapt its public institutions to this. The model could not work if conceived only as a stopgap. -This is not the place to elaborate on the political, social, economic, financial, and technical feasibility of this model. I wish only to indicate that educational considerations may be of prime importance when choosing such an alternative to capital. intensive transport. By raising the unit cost per donkey by some 20 percent it would become possible to plan the production of all its parts in such a manner that, as far as possible, each future owner would spend a month or two making and understanding his machine and would be able to repair it. With this additional cost it would also be possible to decentralize production into dispersed plants. +This is not the place to elaborate on the political, social, economic, financial, and technical feasibility of this model. I wish only to indicate that educational considerations may be of prime importance when choosing such an alternative to capital. intensive transport. By raising the unit cost per donkey by some 20 percent it would become possible to plan the production of all its parts in such a manner that, as far as possible, each future owner would spend a month or two making and understanding his machine and would be able to repair it. With this additional cost it would also be possible to decentralize production into dispersed plants. -The added benefits would result not only from including educational costs in the construction process. Even more significantly, a durable motor which practically anyone could learn to repair and which could be used as a plow and pump by somebody who understood it would provide much higher educational benefits than the inscrutable engines of the advanced countries. +The added benefits would result not only from including educational costs in the construction process. Even more significantly, a durable motor which practically anyone could learn to repair and which could be used as a plow and pump by somebody who understood it would provide much higher educational benefits than the inscrutable engines of the advanced countries. -Not only the junk but also the supposedly public places of the modern city have become impenetrable. In American society, children are excluded from most things and places on the grounds that they are private. But even in societies which have declared an end to private property children are kept away from the same places and things because they are considered the special domain of professionals and dangerous to the uninitiated. Since the last generation the railroad yard has become as inaccessible as the fire station. Yet with a little ingenuity it should not be difficult to provide for safety in such places. To deschool the artifacts of education will require making the artifacts and processes available--and recognizing their educational value. Certainly, some workers would find it inconvenient to be accessible to learners; but this inconvenience must be balanced against the educational gains. +Not only the junk but also the supposedly public places of the modern city have become impenetrable. In American society, children are excluded from most things and places on the grounds that they are private. But even in societies which have declared an end to private property children are kept away from the same places and things because they are considered the special domain of professionals and dangerous to the uninitiated. Since the last generation the railroad yard has become as inaccessible as the fire station. Yet with a little ingenuity it should not be difficult to provide for safety in such places. To deschool the artifacts of education will require making the artifacts and processes available--and recognizing their educational value. Certainly, some workers would find it inconvenient to be accessible to learners; but this inconvenience must be balanced against the educational gains. -Private cars could be banned from Manhattan. Five years ago it was unthinkable. Now certain New York streets are closed off at odd hours, and this trend will probably continue. Indeed, most cross-streets should be closed to automotive traffic and parking should be forbidden everywhere. In a city opened up to people, teaching materials which are now locked up in store-rooms and laboratories could be dispersed into independently operated storefront depots which children and adults could visit without the danger of being run over. +Private cars could be banned from Manhattan. Five years ago it was unthinkable. Now certain New York streets are closed off at odd hours, and this trend will probably continue. Indeed, most cross-streets should be closed to automotive traffic and parking should be forbidden everywhere. In a city opened up to people, teaching materials which are now locked up in store-rooms and laboratories could be dispersed into independently operated storefront depots which children and adults could visit without the danger of being run over. -If the goals of learning were no longer dominated by schools and schoolteachers, the market for learners would be much more various and the definition of "educational artifacts" would be less restrictive. There could be tool shops, libraries, laboratories, and gaming rooms. Photo labs and offset presses would allow neighborhood newspapers to flourish. Some storefront learning centers could contain viewing booths for closed-circuit television, others could feature office equipment for use and for repair. The jukebox or the record player would be commonplace, with some specializing in classical music, others in international folk tunes, others in jazz. Film clubs would compete with each other and with commercial television. Museum outlets could be networks for circulating exhibits of works of art, both old and new, originals and reproductions, perhaps administered by the various metropolitan museums. +If the goals of learning were no longer dominated by schools and schoolteachers, the market for learners would be much more various and the definition of "educational artifacts" would be less restrictive. There could be tool shops, libraries, laboratories, and gaming rooms. Photo labs and offset presses would allow neighborhood newspapers to flourish. Some storefront learning centers could contain viewing booths for closed-circuit television, others could feature office equipment for use and for repair. The jukebox or the record player would be commonplace, with some specializing in classical music, others in international folk tunes, others in jazz. Film clubs would compete with each other and with commercial television. Museum outlets could be networks for circulating exhibits of works of art, both old and new, originals and reproductions, perhaps administered by the various metropolitan museums. -The professional personnel needed for this network would be much more like custodians, museum guides, or reference librarians than like teachers. From the corner biology store, they could refer their clients to the shell collection in the museum or indicate the next showing of biology videotapes in a certain viewing booth. They could furnish guides for pest control, diet, and other kinds of preventive medicine. They could refer those who needed advice to "elders" who could provide it. +The professional personnel needed for this network would be much more like custodians, museum guides, or reference librarians than like teachers. From the corner biology store, they could refer their clients to the shell collection in the museum or indicate the next showing of biology videotapes in a certain viewing booth. They could furnish guides for pest control, diet, and other kinds of preventive medicine. They could refer those who needed advice to "elders" who could provide it. -Two distinct approaches can be taken to financing a network of "learning objects". A community could determine a maximum budget for this purpose and arrange for all parts of the network to be open to all visitors at reasonable hours. Or the community could decide to provide citizens with limited entitlements, according to their age group, which would give them special access to certain materials which are both costly and scarce, while leaving other, simpler materials available to everyone. +Two distinct approaches can be taken to financing a network of "learning objects". A community could determine a maximum budget for this purpose and arrange for all parts of the network to be open to all visitors at reasonable hours. Or the community could decide to provide citizens with limited entitlements, according to their age group, which would give them special access to certain materials which are both costly and scarce, while leaving other, simpler materials available to everyone. -Finding resources for materials made specifically for education is only one--and perhaps the least costly--aspect of building an educational world. The money now spent on the sacred paraphernalia of the school ritual could be freed to provide all citizens with greater access to the real life of the city. Special tax incentives could be granted to those who employed children between the ages of eight and fourteen for a couple of hours each day if the conditions of employment were humane ones. We should return to the tradition of the bar mitzvah or confirmation. By this I mean we should first restrict, and later eliminate, the disenfranchisement of the young and permit a boy of twelve to become a man fully responsible for his participation in the life of the community. Many "schoolage" people know more about their neighborhood than social workers or councilmen. Of course, they also ask more embarrassing questions and propose solutions which threaten the bureaucracy. They should be allowed to come of age so that they could put their knowledge and fact finding ability to work in the service of a popular government. +Finding resources for materials made specifically for education is only one--and perhaps the least costly--aspect of building an educational world. The money now spent on the sacred paraphernalia of the school ritual could be freed to provide all citizens with greater access to the real life of the city. Special tax incentives could be granted to those who employed children between the ages of eight and fourteen for a couple of hours each day if the conditions of employment were humane ones. We should return to the tradition of the bar mitzvah or confirmation. By this I mean we should first restrict, and later eliminate, the disenfranchisement of the young and permit a boy of twelve to become a man fully responsible for his participation in the life of the community. Many "schoolage" people know more about their neighborhood than social workers or councilmen. Of course, they also ask more embarrassing questions and propose solutions which threaten the bureaucracy. They should be allowed to come of age so that they could put their knowledge and fact finding ability to work in the service of a popular government. -Until recently the dangers of school were easily underestimated in comparison with the dangers of an apprenticeship in the police force, the fire department, or the entertainment industry. It was easy to justify schools at least as a means to protect youth. Often this argument no longer holds. I recently visited a Methodist church in Harlem occupied by a group of armed Young Lords in protest against the death of Julio Rodan, a Puerto Rican youth found hanged in his prison cell. I knew the leaders of the group, who had spent a semester in Cuernavaca. When I wondered why one of them, Juan, was not among them, I was told that he had "gone back on heroin and to the State University". +Until recently the dangers of school were easily underestimated in comparison with the dangers of an apprenticeship in the police force, the fire department, or the entertainment industry. It was easy to justify schools at least as a means to protect youth. Often this argument no longer holds. I recently visited a Methodist church in Harlem occupied by a group of armed Young Lords in protest against the death of Julio Rodan, a Puerto Rican youth found hanged in his prison cell. I knew the leaders of the group, who had spent a semester in Cuernavaca. When I wondered why one of them, Juan, was not among them, I was told that he had "gone back on heroin and to the State University". -Planning, incentives, and legislation can be used to unlock the educational potential within our society's huge investment in plants and equipment. Full access to educational objects will not exist so long as business firms are allowed to combine the legal protections which the Bill of Rights reserves to the privacy of individuals with the economic power conferred upon them by their millions of customers and thousands of employees, stockholders, and suppliers. Much of the world's know-how and most of its productive processes and equipment are locked within the walls of business firms, away from their customers, employees, and stockholders, as well as from the general public, whose laws and facilities allow them to function. Money now spent on advertising in capitalist countries could be redirected toward education in and by General Electric, NBC-TV, or Budweiser beer. That is, the plants and offices should be reorganized so that their daily operations could be more accessible to the public in ways that would make learning possible; and, indeed, ways might be found to pay the companies for the learning people acquired from them. +Planning, incentives, and legislation can be used to unlock the educational potential within our society's huge investment in plants and equipment. Full access to educational objects will not exist so long as business firms are allowed to combine the legal protections which the Bill of Rights reserves to the privacy of individuals with the economic power conferred upon them by their millions of customers and thousands of employees, stockholders, and suppliers. Much of the world's know-how and most of its productive processes and equipment are locked within the walls of business firms, away from their customers, employees, and stockholders, as well as from the general public, whose laws and facilities allow them to function. Money now spent on advertising in capitalist countries could be redirected toward education in and by General Electric, NBC-TV, or Budweiser beer. That is, the plants and offices should be reorganized so that their daily operations could be more accessible to the public in ways that would make learning possible; and, indeed, ways might be found to pay the companies for the learning people acquired from them. -An even more valuable body of scientific objects and data may be withheld from general access--and even from qualified scientists -under the guise of national security. Until recently science was the one forum which functioned like an anarchist's dream. Each man capable of doing research had more or less the same opportunity of access to its tools and to a hearing by the community of peers. Now bureaucratization and organization have placed much of science beyond public reach. Indeed, what used to be an international network of scientific information has been splintered into an arena of competing teams. The members as well as the artifacts of the scientific community have been locked into national and corporate programs oriented toward practical achievement, to the radical impoverishment of the men who support these nations and corporations. +An even more valuable body of scientific objects and data may be withheld from general access--and even from qualified scientists -under the guise of national security. Until recently science was the one forum which functioned like an anarchist's dream. Each man capable of doing research had more or less the same opportunity of access to its tools and to a hearing by the community of peers. Now bureaucratization and organization have placed much of science beyond public reach. Indeed, what used to be an international network of scientific information has been splintered into an arena of competing teams. The members as well as the artifacts of the scientific community have been locked into national and corporate programs oriented toward practical achievement, to the radical impoverishment of the men who support these nations and corporations. -In a world which is controlled and owned by nations and corporations, only limited access to educational objects will ever be possible. But increased access to those objects which can be shared for educational purposes may enlighten us enough to help us to break through these ultimate political barriers. Public schools transfer control over the educational uses of objects from private to professional hands. The institutional inversion of schools could empower the individual to reclaim the right to use them for education. A truly public kind of ownership might begin to emerge if private or corporate control over the educational aspect of "things" were brought to the vanishing point. +In a world which is controlled and owned by nations and corporations, only limited access to educational objects will ever be possible. But increased access to those objects which can be shared for educational purposes may enlighten us enough to help us to break through these ultimate political barriers. Public schools transfer control over the educational uses of objects from private to professional hands. The institutional inversion of schools could empower the individual to reclaim the right to use them for education. A truly public kind of ownership might begin to emerge if private or corporate control over the educational aspect of "things" were brought to the vanishing point. ### Skill Exchanges -A guitar teacher, unlike a guitar, can be neither classified in a museum nor owned by the public nor rented from an educational warehouse. Teachers of skills belong to a different class of resources from objects needed to learn a skill. This is not to say that they are indispensable in every case. I can rent not only a guitar but also taped guitar lessons and illustrated chord charts, and with these things I can teach myself to play the guitar. Indeed, this arrangement may have advantages--if the available tapes are better than the available teachers, or if the only time I have for learning the guitar is late at night, or if the tunes I wish to play are unknown in my country, or if I am shy and prefer to fumble along in privacy. +A guitar teacher, unlike a guitar, can be neither classified in a museum nor owned by the public nor rented from an educational warehouse. Teachers of skills belong to a different class of resources from objects needed to learn a skill. This is not to say that they are indispensable in every case. I can rent not only a guitar but also taped guitar lessons and illustrated chord charts, and with these things I can teach myself to play the guitar. Indeed, this arrangement may have advantages--if the available tapes are better than the available teachers, or if the only time I have for learning the guitar is late at night, or if the tunes I wish to play are unknown in my country, or if I am shy and prefer to fumble along in privacy. -Skill teachers must be listed and contacted through a different kind of channel from that of things. A thing is available at the bidding of the user -or could be- whereas a person formally becomes a skill resource only when he consents to do so, and he can also restrict time, place, and method as he chooses. +Skill teachers must be listed and contacted through a different kind of channel from that of things. A thing is available at the bidding of the user -or could be- whereas a person formally becomes a skill resource only when he consents to do so, and he can also restrict time, place, and method as he chooses. -Skill teachers must be also distinguished from peers from whom one would learn. Peers who wish to pursue a common inquiry must start from common interests and abilities; they get together to exercise or improve a skill they share: basketball, dancing, constructing a camp site, or discussing the next election. The first transmission of a skill, on the other hand, involves bringing together someone who has the skill and someone who does not have it and wants to acquire it. +Skill teachers must be also distinguished from peers from whom one would learn. Peers who wish to pursue a common inquiry must start from common interests and abilities; they get together to exercise or improve a skill they share: basketball, dancing, constructing a camp site, or discussing the next election. The first transmission of a skill, on the other hand, involves bringing together someone who has the skill and someone who does not have it and wants to acquire it. -A "skill model" is a person who possesses a skill and is willing to demonstrate its practice. A demonstration of this kind is frequently a necessary resource for a potential learner. Modern inventions permit us to incorporate demonstration into tape, film, or chart; yet one would hope personal demonstration will remain in wide demand, especially in communication skills. Some ten thousand adults have learned Spanish at our Center at Cuernavaca -mostly highly motivated persons who wanted to acquire near-native fluency in a second language. When they are faced with a choice between carefully programmed instruction in a lab or drill sessions with two other students and a native speaker following a rigid routine, most choose the second. For most widely shared skills, a person who demonstrates the skill is the only human resource we ever need or get. Whether in speaking or driving, in cooking or in the use of communication equipment, we are often barely conscious of formal instruction and learning, especially after our first experience of the materials in question. I see no reason why other complex skills, such as the mechanical aspects of surgery and playing the fiddle, of reading or the use of directories and catalogues, could not be learned in the same way. +A "skill model" is a person who possesses a skill and is willing to demonstrate its practice. A demonstration of this kind is frequently a necessary resource for a potential learner. Modern inventions permit us to incorporate demonstration into tape, film, or chart; yet one would hope personal demonstration will remain in wide demand, especially in communication skills. Some ten thousand adults have learned Spanish at our Center at Cuernavaca -mostly highly motivated persons who wanted to acquire near-native fluency in a second language. When they are faced with a choice between carefully programmed instruction in a lab or drill sessions with two other students and a native speaker following a rigid routine, most choose the second. For most widely shared skills, a person who demonstrates the skill is the only human resource we ever need or get. Whether in speaking or driving, in cooking or in the use of communication equipment, we are often barely conscious of formal instruction and learning, especially after our first experience of the materials in question. I see no reason why other complex skills, such as the mechanical aspects of surgery and playing the fiddle, of reading or the use of directories and catalogues, could not be learned in the same way. -A well-motivated student who does not labor under a specific handicap often needs no further human assistance than can be provided by someone who can demonstrate on demand how to do what the learner wants to learn to do. The demand made of skilled people that before demonstrating their skill they be certified as pedagogues is a result of the insistence either that people learn what they do not want to know or that all people-even those with a special handicap--learn certain things, at a given moment in their lives, and preferably under specified circumstances. +A well-motivated student who does not labor under a specific handicap often needs no further human assistance than can be provided by someone who can demonstrate on demand how to do what the learner wants to learn to do. The demand made of skilled people that before demonstrating their skill they be certified as pedagogues is a result of the insistence either that people learn what they do not want to know or that all people-even those with a special handicap--learn certain things, at a given moment in their lives, and preferably under specified circumstances. -What makes skills scarce on the present educational market is the institutional requirement that those who can demonstrate them may not do so unless they are given public trust, through a certificate. We insist that those who help others acquire a skill should also know how to diagnose learning difficulties and be able to motivate people to aspire to learn skills. In short, we demand that they be pedagogues. People who can demonstrate skills will be plentiful as soon as we learn to recognize them outside the teaching profession. +What makes skills scarce on the present educational market is the institutional requirement that those who can demonstrate them may not do so unless they are given public trust, through a certificate. We insist that those who help others acquire a skill should also know how to diagnose learning difficulties and be able to motivate people to aspire to learn skills. In short, we demand that they be pedagogues. People who can demonstrate skills will be plentiful as soon as we learn to recognize them outside the teaching profession. -Where princelings are being taught, the parents' insistence that the teacher and the person with skills be combined in one person is understandable, if no longer defensible. But for all parents to aspire to have Aristotle for their Alexander is obviously self-defeating. The person who can both inspire students and demonstrate a technique is so rare, and so hard to recognize, that even princelings more often get a sophist than a true philosopher. +Where princelings are being taught, the parents' insistence that the teacher and the person with skills be combined in one person is understandable, if no longer defensible. But for all parents to aspire to have Aristotle for their Alexander is obviously self-defeating. The person who can both inspire students and demonstrate a technique is so rare, and so hard to recognize, that even princelings more often get a sophist than a true philosopher. -A demand for scarce skills can be quickly filled even if there are only small numbers of people to demonstrate them; but such people must be easily available. During the forties radio repairmen, most of them with no schooling in their work, were no more than two years behind radios in penetrating the interior of Latin America. There they stayed until transistor radios, which are cheap to purchase and impossible to repair, put them out of business. Technical schools now fail to accomplish what repair. men of equally useful, more durable radios could do as a matter of course. +A demand for scarce skills can be quickly filled even if there are only small numbers of people to demonstrate them; but such people must be easily available. During the forties radio repairmen, most of them with no schooling in their work, were no more than two years behind radios in penetrating the interior of Latin America. There they stayed until transistor radios, which are cheap to purchase and impossible to repair, put them out of business. Technical schools now fail to accomplish what repair. men of equally useful, more durable radios could do as a matter of course. -Converging self-interests now conspire to stop a man from sharing his skill. The man who has the skill profits from its scarcity and not from its reproduction. The teacher who specializes in transmitting the skill profits from the artisan's unwillingness to launch his own apprentice into the field. The public is indoctrinated to believe that skills are valuable and reliable only if they are the result of formal schooling. The job market depends on making skills scarce and on keeping them scarce, either by proscribing their unauthorized use and transmission or by making things which can be operated and repaired only by those who have access to tools or information which are kept scarce. +Converging self-interests now conspire to stop a man from sharing his skill. The man who has the skill profits from its scarcity and not from its reproduction. The teacher who specializes in transmitting the skill profits from the artisan's unwillingness to launch his own apprentice into the field. The public is indoctrinated to believe that skills are valuable and reliable only if they are the result of formal schooling. The job market depends on making skills scarce and on keeping them scarce, either by proscribing their unauthorized use and transmission or by making things which can be operated and repaired only by those who have access to tools or information which are kept scarce. -Schools thus produce shortages of skilled persons. A good example is the diminishing number of nurses in the United States, owing to the rapid increase of four-year B.S. programs in nursing. Women from poorer families, who would formerly have enrolled in a two- or three-year program, now stay out of the nursing profession altogether. +Schools thus produce shortages of skilled persons. A good example is the diminishing number of nurses in the United States, owing to the rapid increase of four-year B.S. programs in nursing. Women from poorer families, who would formerly have enrolled in a two- or three-year program, now stay out of the nursing profession altogether. -Insisting on the certification of teachers is another way of keeping skills scarce. If nurses were encouraged to train nurses, and if nurses were employed on the basis of their proven skill at giving injections, filling out charts, and giving medicine, there would soon be no the lack of trained nurses. Certification now tends to abridge the freedom of education by converting the civil right to share one's knowledge into the privilege of academic freedom, now conferred only on the employees of a school. To guarantee access to an effective exchange of skills, we need legislation which generalizes academic freedom. The right to teach any skill should come under the protection of freedom of speech. Once restrictions on teaching are removed, they will quickly be removed from learning as well. +Insisting on the certification of teachers is another way of keeping skills scarce. If nurses were encouraged to train nurses, and if nurses were employed on the basis of their proven skill at giving injections, filling out charts, and giving medicine, there would soon be no the lack of trained nurses. Certification now tends to abridge the freedom of education by converting the civil right to share one's knowledge into the privilege of academic freedom, now conferred only on the employees of a school. To guarantee access to an effective exchange of skills, we need legislation which generalizes academic freedom. The right to teach any skill should come under the protection of freedom of speech. Once restrictions on teaching are removed, they will quickly be removed from learning as well. -The teacher of skills needs some inducement to grant his services to a pupil. There are at least two simple ways to begin to channel public funds to noncertified teachers. One way would be to institutionalize the skill exchange by creating free skill centers open to the public. Such centers could and should be established in industrialized areas, at least for those skills which are fundamental prerequisites for entering certain apprenticeships--such skills as reading, typing, keeping accounts, foreign languages, computer programming and number manipulation, reading special languages such as that of electrical circuits, manipulation of certain machinery, etc. Another approach would be to give certain groups within the population educational currency good for attendance at skill centers where other clients would have to pay commercial rates. +The teacher of skills needs some inducement to grant his services to a pupil. There are at least two simple ways to begin to channel public funds to noncertified teachers. One way would be to institutionalize the skill exchange by creating free skill centers open to the public. Such centers could and should be established in industrialized areas, at least for those skills which are fundamental prerequisites for entering certain apprenticeships--such skills as reading, typing, keeping accounts, foreign languages, computer programming and number manipulation, reading special languages such as that of electrical circuits, manipulation of certain machinery, etc. Another approach would be to give certain groups within the population educational currency good for attendance at skill centers where other clients would have to pay commercial rates. -A much more radical approach would be to create a "bank" for skill exchange. Each citizen would be given a basic credit with which to acquire fundamental skills. Beyond that minimum, further credits would go to those who earned them by teaching, whether they served as models in organized skill centers or did so privately at home or on the playground. Only those who had taught others for an equivalent amount of time would have a claim on the time of more advanced teachers. An entirely new elite would be promoted, an elite of those who earned their education by sharing it. +A much more radical approach would be to create a "bank" for skill exchange. Each citizen would be given a basic credit with which to acquire fundamental skills. Beyond that minimum, further credits would go to those who earned them by teaching, whether they served as models in organized skill centers or did so privately at home or on the playground. Only those who had taught others for an equivalent amount of time would have a claim on the time of more advanced teachers. An entirely new elite would be promoted, an elite of those who earned their education by sharing it. -Should parents have the right to earn skill credit for their children? Since such an arrangement would give further advantage to the privileged classes, it might be offset by granting a larger credit to the underprivileged. The operation of a skill exchange would depend on the existence of agencies which would facilitate the development of directory information and assure its free and inexpensive use. Such an agency might also provide supplementary services of testing and certification and might help to enforce the legislation required to break up and prevent monopolistic practices. +Should parents have the right to earn skill credit for their children? Since such an arrangement would give further advantage to the privileged classes, it might be offset by granting a larger credit to the underprivileged. The operation of a skill exchange would depend on the existence of agencies which would facilitate the development of directory information and assure its free and inexpensive use. Such an agency might also provide supplementary services of testing and certification and might help to enforce the legislation required to break up and prevent monopolistic practices. -Fundamentally, the freedom of a universal skill exchange must be guaranteed by laws which permit discrimination only on the basis of tested skills and not on the basis of educational pedigree. Such a guarantee inevitably requires public control over tests which may be used to qualify persons for the job market. Otherwise, it would be possible to surreptitiously reintroduce complex batteries of tests at the work place itself which would serve for social selection. Much could be done to make skill-testing objective, e.g., allowing only the operation of specific machines or systems to be tested. Tests of typing (measured according to speed, number of errors, and whether or not the typist can work from dictation), operation of an accounting system or of a hydraulic crane, driving, coding into COBOL, etc., can easily be made objective. +Fundamentally, the freedom of a universal skill exchange must be guaranteed by laws which permit discrimination only on the basis of tested skills and not on the basis of educational pedigree. Such a guarantee inevitably requires public control over tests which may be used to qualify persons for the job market. Otherwise, it would be possible to surreptitiously reintroduce complex batteries of tests at the work place itself which would serve for social selection. Much could be done to make skill-testing objective, e.g., allowing only the operation of specific machines or systems to be tested. Tests of typing (measured according to speed, number of errors, and whether or not the typist can work from dictation), operation of an accounting system or of a hydraulic crane, driving, coding into COBOL, etc., can easily be made objective. -In fact, many of the true skills which are of practical importance can be so tested. And for the purposes of manpower management a test of a current skill level is much more useful than the information that twenty years ago a person satisfied his teacher in a curriculum in which typing, stenography, and accounting were taught. The very need for official skill-testing can, of course, be questioned: I personally believe that freedom from undue hurt to a man's reputation through labeling is better guaranteed by restricting than by forbidding tests of competence. +In fact, many of the true skills which are of practical importance can be so tested. And for the purposes of manpower management a test of a current skill level is much more useful than the information that twenty years ago a person satisfied his teacher in a curriculum in which typing, stenography, and accounting were taught. The very need for official skill-testing can, of course, be questioned: I personally believe that freedom from undue hurt to a man's reputation through labeling is better guaranteed by restricting than by forbidding tests of competence. ### Peer-Matching -At their worst, schools gather classmates into the same room and subject them to the same sequence of treatment in math, citizenship, and spelling. At their best, they permit each student to choose one of a limited number of courses. In any case, groups of peers form around the goals of teachers. A desirable educational system would let each person specify the activity for which he sought a peer. +At their worst, schools gather classmates into the same room and subject them to the same sequence of treatment in math, citizenship, and spelling. At their best, they permit each student to choose one of a limited number of courses. In any case, groups of peers form around the goals of teachers. A desirable educational system would let each person specify the activity for which he sought a peer. -School does offer children an opportunity to escape their homes and meet new friends. But, at the same time, this process indoctrinates children with the idea that they should select their friends from among those with whom they are put together. Providing the young from their earliest age with invitations to meet, evaluate, and seek out others would prepare them for a lifelong interest in seeking new partners for new endeavors. +School does offer children an opportunity to escape their homes and meet new friends. But, at the same time, this process indoctrinates children with the idea that they should select their friends from among those with whom they are put together. Providing the young from their earliest age with invitations to meet, evaluate, and seek out others would prepare them for a lifelong interest in seeking new partners for new endeavors. -A good chess player is always glad to find a close match, and one novice to find another. Clubs serve their purpose. People who want to discuss specific books or articles would probably pay to find discussion partners. People who want to play games, go on excursions, build fish tanks, or motorize bicycles will go to considerable lengths to find peers. The reward for their efforts is finding those peers. Good schools try to bring out the common interests of their students registered in the same program. The inverse of school would be an institution which increased the chances that persons who at a given moment shared the same specific interest could meet--no matter what else they had in common. +A good chess player is always glad to find a close match, and one novice to find another. Clubs serve their purpose. People who want to discuss specific books or articles would probably pay to find discussion partners. People who want to play games, go on excursions, build fish tanks, or motorize bicycles will go to considerable lengths to find peers. The reward for their efforts is finding those peers. Good schools try to bring out the common interests of their students registered in the same program. The inverse of school would be an institution which increased the chances that persons who at a given moment shared the same specific interest could meet--no matter what else they had in common. -Skill-teaching does not provide equal benefits for both parties, as does the matching of peers. The teacher of skills, as I have pointed out, must usually be offered some incentive beyond the rewards of teaching. Skill-teaching is a matter of repeating drills over and over and is, in fact, all the more dreary for those pupils who need it most. A skill exchange needs currency or credits or other tangible incentives in order to operate, even if the exchange itself were to generate a currency of its own. A peer-match. ing system requires no such incentives, but only a communications network. +Skill-teaching does not provide equal benefits for both parties, as does the matching of peers. The teacher of skills, as I have pointed out, must usually be offered some incentive beyond the rewards of teaching. Skill-teaching is a matter of repeating drills over and over and is, in fact, all the more dreary for those pupils who need it most. A skill exchange needs currency or credits or other tangible incentives in order to operate, even if the exchange itself were to generate a currency of its own. A peer-match. ing system requires no such incentives, but only a communications network. -Tapes, retrieval systems, programmed instruction, and reproduction of shapes and sounds tend to reduce the need for recourse to human teachers of many skills; they increase the efficiency of teachers and the number of skills one can pick up in a lifetime. Parallel to this runs an increased need to meet people interested in enjoying the newly acquired skill. A student who has picked up Greek before her vacation would like to discuss in Greek Cretan politics when she returns. A Mexican in New York wants to find other readers of the paper Siempre---or of "Los Agachados,” the most popular comic book. Somebody else wants to meet peers who, like himself, would like to increase their interest in the work of James Baldwin or of Bolivar. +Tapes, retrieval systems, programmed instruction, and reproduction of shapes and sounds tend to reduce the need for recourse to human teachers of many skills; they increase the efficiency of teachers and the number of skills one can pick up in a lifetime. Parallel to this runs an increased need to meet people interested in enjoying the newly acquired skill. A student who has picked up Greek before her vacation would like to discuss in Greek Cretan politics when she returns. A Mexican in New York wants to find other readers of the paper Siempre---or of "Los Agachados,” the most popular comic book. Somebody else wants to meet peers who, like himself, would like to increase their interest in the work of James Baldwin or of Bolivar. -The operation of a peer-matching network would be simple. The user would identify himself by name and address and describe the activity for which he sought a peer. A computer would send him back the names and addresses of all those who had inserted the same description. It is amazing that such a simple utility has never been used on a broad scale for publicly valued activity. +The operation of a peer-matching network would be simple. The user would identify himself by name and address and describe the activity for which he sought a peer. A computer would send him back the names and addresses of all those who had inserted the same description. It is amazing that such a simple utility has never been used on a broad scale for publicly valued activity. -In its most rudimentary form, communication between client and computer could be established by return mail. In big cities typewriter terminals could provide instantaneous responses. The only way to retrieve a name and address from the computer would be to list an activity for which a peer was sought. People using the system would become known only to their potential peers. +In its most rudimentary form, communication between client and computer could be established by return mail. In big cities typewriter terminals could provide instantaneous responses. The only way to retrieve a name and address from the computer would be to list an activity for which a peer was sought. People using the system would become known only to their potential peers. -A complement to the computer could be a network of bulletin boards and classified newspaper ads, listing the activities for which the computer could not produce a match. No names would have to be given. Interested readers would then introduce their names into the system. A publicly supported peer-match network might be the only way to guarantee the right of free assembly and to train people in the exercise of this most fundamental civic activity. +A complement to the computer could be a network of bulletin boards and classified newspaper ads, listing the activities for which the computer could not produce a match. No names would have to be given. Interested readers would then introduce their names into the system. A publicly supported peer-match network might be the only way to guarantee the right of free assembly and to train people in the exercise of this most fundamental civic activity. -The right of free assembly has been politically recognized and culturally accepted. We should now understand that this right is curtailed by laws that make some forms of assembly obligatory. This is especially the case with institutions which conscript according to age group, class, or sex, and which are very time-consuming. The army is one example. School is an even more outrageous one. +The right of free assembly has been politically recognized and culturally accepted. We should now understand that this right is curtailed by laws that make some forms of assembly obligatory. This is especially the case with institutions which conscript according to age group, class, or sex, and which are very time-consuming. The army is one example. School is an even more outrageous one. -To deschool means to abolish the power of one person to oblige another person to attend a meeting. It also means recognizing the right of any person, of any age or sex, to call a meeting. This right has been drastically diminished by the institutionalization of meetings. "Meeting" originally referred to the result of an individual's act of gathering. Now it refers to the institutional product of some agency. +To deschool means to abolish the power of one person to oblige another person to attend a meeting. It also means recognizing the right of any person, of any age or sex, to call a meeting. This right has been drastically diminished by the institutionalization of meetings. "Meeting" originally referred to the result of an individual's act of gathering. Now it refers to the institutional product of some agency. -The ability of service institutions to acquire clients has far outgrown the ability of individuals to be heard independently of institutional media, which respond to individuals only if they are salable news. Peer-matching facilities should be available for individuals who want to bring people together as easily as the village bell called the villagers to council. School buildings--of doubtful value for conversion to other uses--could often serve this purpose. +The ability of service institutions to acquire clients has far outgrown the ability of individuals to be heard independently of institutional media, which respond to individuals only if they are salable news. Peer-matching facilities should be available for individuals who want to bring people together as easily as the village bell called the villagers to council. School buildings--of doubtful value for conversion to other uses--could often serve this purpose. -The school system, in fact, may soon face a problem which churches have faced before: what to do with surplus space emptied by the defection of the faithful. Schools are as difficult to sell as temples. One way to provide for their continued use would be to give over the space to people from the neighborhood. Each could state what he would do in the classroom and when, and a bulletin board would bring the available programs to the attention of the inquirers. Access to "class" would be free--or purchased with educational vouchers. The "teacher" could even be paid according to the number of pupils he could attract for any full two-hour period. I can imagine that very young leaders and great educators would be the two types most prominent in such a system. The same approach could be taken toward higher education. Students could be furnished with educational vouchers which entitled them to ten hours' yearly private consultation with the teacher of their choice--and, for the rest of their learning, depend on the library, the peer-matching network, and apprenticeships. +The school system, in fact, may soon face a problem which churches have faced before: what to do with surplus space emptied by the defection of the faithful. Schools are as difficult to sell as temples. One way to provide for their continued use would be to give over the space to people from the neighborhood. Each could state what he would do in the classroom and when, and a bulletin board would bring the available programs to the attention of the inquirers. Access to "class" would be free--or purchased with educational vouchers. The "teacher" could even be paid according to the number of pupils he could attract for any full two-hour period. I can imagine that very young leaders and great educators would be the two types most prominent in such a system. The same approach could be taken toward higher education. Students could be furnished with educational vouchers which entitled them to ten hours' yearly private consultation with the teacher of their choice--and, for the rest of their learning, depend on the library, the peer-matching network, and apprenticeships. -We must, of course, recognize the probability that such public matching devices would be abused for exploitative and immoral purposes, just as the telephone and the mails have been so abused. As with those networks, there must be some protection. I have proposed elsewhere a matching system which would allow only pertinent printed information, plus the name and address of the inquirer, to be used. Such a system would be virtually foolproof against abuse. Other arrangements could allow the addition of any book, film, TV program, or other item quoted from a special catalogue. Concern about the dangers of the system should not make us lose sight of its far greater benefits. +We must, of course, recognize the probability that such public matching devices would be abused for exploitative and immoral purposes, just as the telephone and the mails have been so abused. As with those networks, there must be some protection. I have proposed elsewhere a matching system which would allow only pertinent printed information, plus the name and address of the inquirer, to be used. Such a system would be virtually foolproof against abuse. Other arrangements could allow the addition of any book, film, TV program, or other item quoted from a special catalogue. Concern about the dangers of the system should not make us lose sight of its far greater benefits. -Some who share my concern for free speech and assembly will argue that peer-matching is an artificial means of bringing people together and would not be used by the poor -who need it most. Some people become genuinely agitated when one suggests the setting up of ad hoc encounters which are not rooted in the life of a local community. Others react when one suggests using a computer to sort and match client-identified interests. People cannot be drawn together in such an impersonal manner, they say. Common inquiry must be rooted in a history of shared experience at many levels, and must grow out of this experience-the development of neighborhood institutions, for example. +Some who share my concern for free speech and assembly will argue that peer-matching is an artificial means of bringing people together and would not be used by the poor -who need it most. Some people become genuinely agitated when one suggests the setting up of ad hoc encounters which are not rooted in the life of a local community. Others react when one suggests using a computer to sort and match client-identified interests. People cannot be drawn together in such an impersonal manner, they say. Common inquiry must be rooted in a history of shared experience at many levels, and must grow out of this experience-the development of neighborhood institutions, for example. -I sympathize with these objections, but I think they miss my point as well as their own. In the first place, the return to neighborhood life as the primary center of creative expression might actually work against the reestablishment of neighborhoods as political units. Centering demands on the neighborhood may, in fact, neglect an important liberating aspect of urban life -the ability of a person to participate simultaneously in several peer groups. Also, there is an important sense in which people who have never lived together in a physical community, may occasionally have far more experiences to share than those who have known each other from childhood. The great religions have always recognized the importance of far-off encounters, and the faithful have always found freedom through them; pilgrimage, monasticism, the mutual support of temples and sanctuaries reflect this awareness. Peer-matching could significantly help in making explicit the many potential but suppressed communities of the city. +I sympathize with these objections, but I think they miss my point as well as their own. In the first place, the return to neighborhood life as the primary center of creative expression might actually work against the reestablishment of neighborhoods as political units. Centering demands on the neighborhood may, in fact, neglect an important liberating aspect of urban life -the ability of a person to participate simultaneously in several peer groups. Also, there is an important sense in which people who have never lived together in a physical community, may occasionally have far more experiences to share than those who have known each other from childhood. The great religions have always recognized the importance of far-off encounters, and the faithful have always found freedom through them; pilgrimage, monasticism, the mutual support of temples and sanctuaries reflect this awareness. Peer-matching could significantly help in making explicit the many potential but suppressed communities of the city. -Local communities are valuable. They are also a vanishing reality as men progressively let service institutions define their circles of social relationship. Milton Kotler in his recent book has shown that the imperialism of "downtown" deprives the neighborhood of its political significance. The protectionist attempt to resurrect the neighborhood as a cultural unit only supports this bureaucratic imperialism. Far from artificially removing men from their local contexts to join abstract groupings, peer-matching should encourage the restoration of local life to cities from which it is now disappearing. A man who recovers his initiative to call his fellows into meaningful conversation may cease to settle for being separated from them by office protocol or suburban etiquette. Having once seen that doing things together depends on deciding to do so, men may even insist that their local communities become more open to creative political exchange. +Local communities are valuable. They are also a vanishing reality as men progressively let service institutions define their circles of social relationship. Milton Kotler in his recent book has shown that the imperialism of "downtown" deprives the neighborhood of its political significance. The protectionist attempt to resurrect the neighborhood as a cultural unit only supports this bureaucratic imperialism. Far from artificially removing men from their local contexts to join abstract groupings, peer-matching should encourage the restoration of local life to cities from which it is now disappearing. A man who recovers his initiative to call his fellows into meaningful conversation may cease to settle for being separated from them by office protocol or suburban etiquette. Having once seen that doing things together depends on deciding to do so, men may even insist that their local communities become more open to creative political exchange. -We must recognize that city life tends to become immensely costly as city-dwellers must be taught to rely for every one of their needs on complex institutional services. It is extremely expensive to keep it even minimally livable. Peer-matching in the city could be a first step toward breaking down the dependence of citizens on bureaucratic civic services. +We must recognize that city life tends to become immensely costly as city-dwellers must be taught to rely for every one of their needs on complex institutional services. It is extremely expensive to keep it even minimally livable. Peer-matching in the city could be a first step toward breaking down the dependence of citizens on bureaucratic civic services. -It would also be an essential step to providing new means of establishing public trust. In a schooled society we have come to rely more and more on the professional judgment of educators on the effect of their own work in order to decide whom we can or cannot trust: we go to the doctor, lawyer, or psychologist because we trust that anybody with the required amount of specialized educational treatment by other colleagues deserves our confidence. +It would also be an essential step to providing new means of establishing public trust. In a schooled society we have come to rely more and more on the professional judgment of educators on the effect of their own work in order to decide whom we can or cannot trust: we go to the doctor, lawyer, or psychologist because we trust that anybody with the required amount of specialized educational treatment by other colleagues deserves our confidence. -In a deschooled society professionals could no longer claim the trust of their clients on the basis of their curricular pedigree, or ensure their standing by simply referring their clients to other professionals who approved of their schooling. Instead of placing trust in professionals, it should be possible, at any time, for any potential client to consult with other experienced clients of a professional about their satisfaction with him by means of another peer network easily set up by computer, or by a number of other means. Such networks could be seen as public utilities which permitted students to choose their teachers or patients their healers. +In a deschooled society professionals could no longer claim the trust of their clients on the basis of their curricular pedigree, or ensure their standing by simply referring their clients to other professionals who approved of their schooling. Instead of placing trust in professionals, it should be possible, at any time, for any potential client to consult with other experienced clients of a professional about their satisfaction with him by means of another peer network easily set up by computer, or by a number of other means. Such networks could be seen as public utilities which permitted students to choose their teachers or patients their healers. ### Professional Educators -As citizens have new choices, new chances for learning, their willingness to seek leadership should increase. We may expect that they will experience more deeply both their own independence and their need for guidance. As they are liberated from manipulation by others, they should learn to profit from the discipline others have acquired in a lifetime. Deschooling education should increase--rather than stifle--the search for men with practical wisdom who would be willing to sustain the newcomer in his educational adventure. As masters of their art abandon the claim to be superior informants or skill models, their claim to superior wisdom will begin to ring true. +As citizens have new choices, new chances for learning, their willingness to seek leadership should increase. We may expect that they will experience more deeply both their own independence and their need for guidance. As they are liberated from manipulation by others, they should learn to profit from the discipline others have acquired in a lifetime. Deschooling education should increase--rather than stifle--the search for men with practical wisdom who would be willing to sustain the newcomer in his educational adventure. As masters of their art abandon the claim to be superior informants or skill models, their claim to superior wisdom will begin to ring true. -With an increasing demand for masters, their supply should also increase. As the schoolmaster vanishes, conditions will arise which should bring forth the vocation of the independent educator. This may seem almost a contradiction in terms, so thoroughly have schools and teachers become complementary. Yet this is exactly what the development of the first three educational exchanges would tend to result in -and what would be required to permit their full exploitation- for parents and other '"natural educators" need guidance, individual learners need assistance, and the networks need people to operate them. +With an increasing demand for masters, their supply should also increase. As the schoolmaster vanishes, conditions will arise which should bring forth the vocation of the independent educator. This may seem almost a contradiction in terms, so thoroughly have schools and teachers become complementary. Yet this is exactly what the development of the first three educational exchanges would tend to result in -and what would be required to permit their full exploitation- for parents and other '"natural educators" need guidance, individual learners need assistance, and the networks need people to operate them. -Parents need guidance in directing their children on the road that leads to responsible educational independence. Learners need experienced leadership when they encounter rough terrain. These two needs are quite distinct: the first is a need for pedagogy, the second for intellectual leadership in all other fields of knowledge. The first calls for knowledge of human learning and of educational resources, the second for wisdom based on experience in any kind of exploration. Both kinds of experience are indispensable for effective educational endeavor. Schools package these functions into one role--and render the independent exercise of any of them if not disreputable at least suspect. +Parents need guidance in directing their children on the road that leads to responsible educational independence. Learners need experienced leadership when they encounter rough terrain. These two needs are quite distinct: the first is a need for pedagogy, the second for intellectual leadership in all other fields of knowledge. The first calls for knowledge of human learning and of educational resources, the second for wisdom based on experience in any kind of exploration. Both kinds of experience are indispensable for effective educational endeavor. Schools package these functions into one role--and render the independent exercise of any of them if not disreputable at least suspect. -Three types of special educational competence should, in fact, be distinguished: one to create and operate the kinds of educational exchanges or networks outlined here; another to guide students and parents in the use of these networks; and a third to act as primus inter pares in undertaking difficult intellectual exploratory journeys. Only the former two can be conceived of as branches of an independent profession: educational administrators and pedagogical counselors. To design and operate the networks I have been describing would not require many people, but it would require people with the most profound understanding of education and administration, in a perspective quite different from and even opposed to that of schools. +Three types of special educational competence should, in fact, be distinguished: one to create and operate the kinds of educational exchanges or networks outlined here; another to guide students and parents in the use of these networks; and a third to act as primus inter pares in undertaking difficult intellectual exploratory journeys. Only the former two can be conceived of as branches of an independent profession: educational administrators and pedagogical counselors. To design and operate the networks I have been describing would not require many people, but it would require people with the most profound understanding of education and administration, in a perspective quite different from and even opposed to that of schools. -While an independent educational profession of this kind would welcome many people whom the schools exclude, it would also exclude many whom the schools qualify. The establishment and operation of educational networks would require some designers and administrators, but not in the numbers or of the type required by the administration of schools. Student discipline, public relations, hiring, supervising, and firing teachers would have neither place nor counterpart in the networks I have been describing. Neither would curriculum-making, textbook-purchasing, the maintenance of grounds and facilities, or the supervision of interscholastic athletic competition. Nor would child custody, lesson-planning, and record-keeping, which now take up so much of the time of teachers, figure in the operation of educational networks. Instead, the operation of learning webs would require some of the skills and attitudes now expected from the staff of a museum, a library, an executive employment agency, or a maître d'hôtel. +While an independent educational profession of this kind would welcome many people whom the schools exclude, it would also exclude many whom the schools qualify. The establishment and operation of educational networks would require some designers and administrators, but not in the numbers or of the type required by the administration of schools. Student discipline, public relations, hiring, supervising, and firing teachers would have neither place nor counterpart in the networks I have been describing. Neither would curriculum-making, textbook-purchasing, the maintenance of grounds and facilities, or the supervision of interscholastic athletic competition. Nor would child custody, lesson-planning, and record-keeping, which now take up so much of the time of teachers, figure in the operation of educational networks. Instead, the operation of learning webs would require some of the skills and attitudes now expected from the staff of a museum, a library, an executive employment agency, or a maître d'hôtel. -Today's educational administrators are concerned with controlling teachers and students to the satisfaction of others-trustees, legislatures, and corporate executives. Network builders and administrators would have to demonstrate genius at keeping themselves, and others, out of people's way, at facilitating en-counters among students, skill models, educational leaders, and educational objects. Many persons now attracted to teaching are profoundly authoritarian and would not be able to assume this task: building educational exchanges would mean making it easy for people--especially the young--to pursue goals which might contradict the ideals of the traffic manager who makes the pursuit possible. +Today's educational administrators are concerned with controlling teachers and students to the satisfaction of others-trustees, legislatures, and corporate executives. Network builders and administrators would have to demonstrate genius at keeping themselves, and others, out of people's way, at facilitating en-counters among students, skill models, educational leaders, and educational objects. Many persons now attracted to teaching are profoundly authoritarian and would not be able to assume this task: building educational exchanges would mean making it easy for people--especially the young--to pursue goals which might contradict the ideals of the traffic manager who makes the pursuit possible. -If the networks I have described could emerge, the educational path of each student would be his own to follow, and only in retrospect would it take on the features of a recognizable program. The wise student would periodically seek professional advice: assistance to set a new goal, insight into difficulties encountered, choice between possible methods. Even now, most persons would admit that the important services their teachers have rendered them are such advice or counsel, given at a chance meeting or in a tutorial. Pedagogues, in an unschooled world, would also come into their own, and be able to do what frustrated teachers pretend to pursue today. +If the networks I have described could emerge, the educational path of each student would be his own to follow, and only in retrospect would it take on the features of a recognizable program. The wise student would periodically seek professional advice: assistance to set a new goal, insight into difficulties encountered, choice between possible methods. Even now, most persons would admit that the important services their teachers have rendered them are such advice or counsel, given at a chance meeting or in a tutorial. Pedagogues, in an unschooled world, would also come into their own, and be able to do what frustrated teachers pretend to pursue today. -While network administrators would concentrate primarily on the building and maintenance of roads providing access to resources, the pedagogue would help the student to find the path which for him could lead fastest to his goal. If a student wanted to learn spoken Cantonese from a Chinese neighbor, the pedagogue would be available to judge their proficiency, and to help them select the textbook and methods most suitable to their talents, character, and the time available for study. He could counsel the would-be airplane mechanic on finding the best places for apprenticeship. He could recommend books to somebody who wanted to find challenging peers to discuss African history. Like the network administrator, the pedagogical counselor would conceive of himself as a professional educator. Access to either could be gained by individuals through the use of educational vouchers. +While network administrators would concentrate primarily on the building and maintenance of roads providing access to resources, the pedagogue would help the student to find the path which for him could lead fastest to his goal. If a student wanted to learn spoken Cantonese from a Chinese neighbor, the pedagogue would be available to judge their proficiency, and to help them select the textbook and methods most suitable to their talents, character, and the time available for study. He could counsel the would-be airplane mechanic on finding the best places for apprenticeship. He could recommend books to somebody who wanted to find challenging peers to discuss African history. Like the network administrator, the pedagogical counselor would conceive of himself as a professional educator. Access to either could be gained by individuals through the use of educational vouchers. -The role of the educational initiator or leader, the master or "true" leader, is somewhat more elusive than that of the professional administrator or the pedagogue. This is so because leadership is itself hard to define. In practice, an individual is a leader if people follow his initiative and become apprentices in his progressive discoveries. Frequently, this involves a prophetic vision of entirely new standards -quite understandable today- in which present "wrong" will turn out to be "right". In a society which would honor the right to call assemblies through peermatching, the ability to take educational initiative on a specific subject would be as wide as access to learning itself. But, of course, there is a vast difference between the initiative taken by someone to call a fruitful meeting to discuss this essay and the ability of someone to provide leadership in the systematic exploration of its implications. +The role of the educational initiator or leader, the master or "true" leader, is somewhat more elusive than that of the professional administrator or the pedagogue. This is so because leadership is itself hard to define. In practice, an individual is a leader if people follow his initiative and become apprentices in his progressive discoveries. Frequently, this involves a prophetic vision of entirely new standards -quite understandable today- in which present "wrong" will turn out to be "right". In a society which would honor the right to call assemblies through peermatching, the ability to take educational initiative on a specific subject would be as wide as access to learning itself. But, of course, there is a vast difference between the initiative taken by someone to call a fruitful meeting to discuss this essay and the ability of someone to provide leadership in the systematic exploration of its implications. -Leadership also does not depend on being right. As Thomas Kuhn points out, in a period of constantly changing paradigms most of the very distinguished leaders are bound to be proven wrong by the test of hindsight. Intellectual leadership does depend on superior intellectual discipline and imagination and the willingness to associate with others in their exercise. A learner, for example, may think that there is an analogy between the U.S. antislavery movement or the Cuban Revolution and what is happening in Harlem. The educator who is himself a historian can show him how to appreciate the flaws in such an analogy. He may retrace his own steps as a historian. He may invite the learner to participate in his own research. In both cases he will apprentice his pupil in a critical art--which is rare in school--and which money or other favors cannot buy. +Leadership also does not depend on being right. As Thomas Kuhn points out, in a period of constantly changing paradigms most of the very distinguished leaders are bound to be proven wrong by the test of hindsight. Intellectual leadership does depend on superior intellectual discipline and imagination and the willingness to associate with others in their exercise. A learner, for example, may think that there is an analogy between the U.S. antislavery movement or the Cuban Revolution and what is happening in Harlem. The educator who is himself a historian can show him how to appreciate the flaws in such an analogy. He may retrace his own steps as a historian. He may invite the learner to participate in his own research. In both cases he will apprentice his pupil in a critical art--which is rare in school--and which money or other favors cannot buy. -The relationship of master and disciple is not restricted to intellectual discipline. It has its counterpart in the arts, in physics, in religion, in psychoanalysis, and in pedagogy. It fits mountain-climbing, silverworking and politics, cabinetmaking and personnel administration. What is common to all true master-pupil relationships is the awareness both share that their relationship is literally priceless and in very different ways a privilege for both. +The relationship of master and disciple is not restricted to intellectual discipline. It has its counterpart in the arts, in physics, in religion, in psychoanalysis, and in pedagogy. It fits mountain-climbing, silverworking and politics, cabinetmaking and personnel administration. What is common to all true master-pupil relationships is the awareness both share that their relationship is literally priceless and in very different ways a privilege for both. -Charlatans, demagogues, proselytizers, corrupt masters, and simoniacal priests, tricksters, miracle workers, and messiahs have proven capable of assuming leadership roles and thus show the dangers of any dependence of a disciple on the master. Different societies have taken different measures to defend themselves against these counterfeit teachers. Indians relied on caste-lineage, Eastern Jews on the spiritual discipleship of rabbis, high periods of Christianity on an exemplary life of monastic virtue, other periods on hierarchical orders. Our society relies on certification by schools. It is doubtful that this procedure provides a better screening, but if it should be claimed that it does, then the counterclaim can be made that it does so at the cost of making personal discipleship almost vanish. +Charlatans, demagogues, proselytizers, corrupt masters, and simoniacal priests, tricksters, miracle workers, and messiahs have proven capable of assuming leadership roles and thus show the dangers of any dependence of a disciple on the master. Different societies have taken different measures to defend themselves against these counterfeit teachers. Indians relied on caste-lineage, Eastern Jews on the spiritual discipleship of rabbis, high periods of Christianity on an exemplary life of monastic virtue, other periods on hierarchical orders. Our society relies on certification by schools. It is doubtful that this procedure provides a better screening, but if it should be claimed that it does, then the counterclaim can be made that it does so at the cost of making personal discipleship almost vanish. -In practice, there will always be a fuzzy line between the teacher of skills and the educational leaders identified above, and there are no practical reasons why access to some leaders could not be gained by discovering the "master" in the drill teacher who introduces students to his discipline. +In practice, there will always be a fuzzy line between the teacher of skills and the educational leaders identified above, and there are no practical reasons why access to some leaders could not be gained by discovering the "master" in the drill teacher who introduces students to his discipline. -On the other hand, what characterizes the true master disciple relationship is its priceless character. Aristotle speaks of it as a "moral type of friendship, which is not on fixed terms: it makes a gift, or does whatever it does, as to a friend". Thomas Aquinas says of this kind of teaching that inevitably it is an act of love and mercy. This kind of teaching is always a luxury for the teacher and a form of leisure (in Greek, "schole") for him and his pupil: an activity meaningful for both, having no ulterior purpose. +On the other hand, what characterizes the true master disciple relationship is its priceless character. Aristotle speaks of it as a "moral type of friendship, which is not on fixed terms: it makes a gift, or does whatever it does, as to a friend". Thomas Aquinas says of this kind of teaching that inevitably it is an act of love and mercy. This kind of teaching is always a luxury for the teacher and a form of leisure (in Greek, "schole") for him and his pupil: an activity meaningful for both, having no ulterior purpose. -To rely for true intellectual leadership on the desire of gifted people to provide it is obviously necessary even in our society, but it could not be made into a policy now. We must first construct a society in which personal acts themselves reacquire a value higher than that of making things and manipulating people. In such a society exploratory, inventive, creative teaching would logically be counted among the most desirable forms of leisurely "unemployment". But we do not have to wait until the advent of utopia. Even now one of the most important consequences of deschooling and the establishment of peer-matching facilities would be the initiative which "masters" could take to assemble congenial disciples. It would also, as we have seen, provide ample opportunity for potential disciples to share information or to select a master. +To rely for true intellectual leadership on the desire of gifted people to provide it is obviously necessary even in our society, but it could not be made into a policy now. We must first construct a society in which personal acts themselves reacquire a value higher than that of making things and manipulating people. In such a society exploratory, inventive, creative teaching would logically be counted among the most desirable forms of leisurely "unemployment". But we do not have to wait until the advent of utopia. Even now one of the most important consequences of deschooling and the establishment of peer-matching facilities would be the initiative which "masters" could take to assemble congenial disciples. It would also, as we have seen, provide ample opportunity for potential disciples to share information or to select a master. -Schools are not the only institutions which pervert professions by packaging roles. Hospitals render home care increasingly impossible--and then justify hospitalization as a benefit to the sick. At the same time, the doctor's legitimacy and ability to work come increasingly to depend on his association with a hospital, even though he is still less totally dependent on it than are teachers on schools. The same could be said about courts, which overcrowd their calendars as new transactions acquire legal solemnity, and thus delay justice. Or it could be said about churches, which succeed in making a captive profession out of a free vocation. The result in each case is scarce service at higher cost, and greater income to the less competent members of the profession. +Schools are not the only institutions which pervert professions by packaging roles. Hospitals render home care increasingly impossible--and then justify hospitalization as a benefit to the sick. At the same time, the doctor's legitimacy and ability to work come increasingly to depend on his association with a hospital, even though he is still less totally dependent on it than are teachers on schools. The same could be said about courts, which overcrowd their calendars as new transactions acquire legal solemnity, and thus delay justice. Or it could be said about churches, which succeed in making a captive profession out of a free vocation. The result in each case is scarce service at higher cost, and greater income to the less competent members of the profession. -So long as the older professions monopolize superior income and prestige it is difficult to reform them. The profession of the schoolteacher should be easier to reform, and not only because it is of more recent origin. The educational profession now claims a comprehensive monopoly; it claims the exclusive competence to apprentice not only its own novices but those of other professions as well. This overexpansion renders it vulnerable to any profession which would reclaim the right to teach its own apprentices. Schoolteachers are overwhelmingly badly paid and frustrated by the tight control of the school system. The most enterprising and gifted among them would probably find more congenial work, more independence, and even higher incomes by specializing as skill models, network administrators, or guidance specialists. +So long as the older professions monopolize superior income and prestige it is difficult to reform them. The profession of the schoolteacher should be easier to reform, and not only because it is of more recent origin. The educational profession now claims a comprehensive monopoly; it claims the exclusive competence to apprentice not only its own novices but those of other professions as well. This overexpansion renders it vulnerable to any profession which would reclaim the right to teach its own apprentices. Schoolteachers are overwhelmingly badly paid and frustrated by the tight control of the school system. The most enterprising and gifted among them would probably find more congenial work, more independence, and even higher incomes by specializing as skill models, network administrators, or guidance specialists. -Finally, the dependence of the registered student on the certified teacher can be broken more easily than his dependence on other professionals--for instance, that of a hospitalized patient on his doctor. If schools ceased to be compulsory, teachers who find their satisfaction in the exercise of pedagogical authority in the classroom would be left only with pupils who were attracted by their style. The disestablishment of our present professional structure could begin with the dropping out of the schoolteacher. +Finally, the dependence of the registered student on the certified teacher can be broken more easily than his dependence on other professionals--for instance, that of a hospitalized patient on his doctor. If schools ceased to be compulsory, teachers who find their satisfaction in the exercise of pedagogical authority in the classroom would be left only with pupils who were attracted by their style. The disestablishment of our present professional structure could begin with the dropping out of the schoolteacher. -The disestablishment of schools will inevitably happen- and it will happen surprisingly fast. It cannot be retarded very much longer, and it is hardly necessary to promote it vigorously, for this is being done now. What is worthwhile is to try to orient it in a hopeful direction, for it could take place in either of two diametrically opposed ways. +The disestablishment of schools will inevitably happen- and it will happen surprisingly fast. It cannot be retarded very much longer, and it is hardly necessary to promote it vigorously, for this is being done now. What is worthwhile is to try to orient it in a hopeful direction, for it could take place in either of two diametrically opposed ways. -The first would be the expansion of the mandate of the pedagogue and his increasing control over society even outside school. With the best of intentions and simply by expanding the rhetoric now used in school, the present crisis in the schools could provide educators with an excuse to use all the networks of contemporary society to funnel their messages to us--for our own good. Deschooling, which we cannot stop, could mean the advent of a ""brave new world" dominated by well-intentioned administrators of programmed instruction. +The first would be the expansion of the mandate of the pedagogue and his increasing control over society even outside school. With the best of intentions and simply by expanding the rhetoric now used in school, the present crisis in the schools could provide educators with an excuse to use all the networks of contemporary society to funnel their messages to us--for our own good. Deschooling, which we cannot stop, could mean the advent of a ""brave new world" dominated by well-intentioned administrators of programmed instruction. -On the other hand, the growing awareness on the part of governments, as well as of employers, taxpayers, enlightened pedagogues, and school administrators, that graded curricular teaching for certification has become harmful could offer large masses of people an extraordinary opportunity: that of preserving the right of equal access to the tools both of learning and of sharing with others what they know or believe. But this would require that the educational revolution be guided by certain goals: +On the other hand, the growing awareness on the part of governments, as well as of employers, taxpayers, enlightened pedagogues, and school administrators, that graded curricular teaching for certification has become harmful could offer large masses of people an extraordinary opportunity: that of preserving the right of equal access to the tools both of learning and of sharing with others what they know or believe. But this would require that the educational revolution be guided by certain goals: _1._ To liberate access to things by abolishing the control which persons and institutions now exercise over their educational values. _2._ To liberate the sharing of skills by guaranteeing freedom to teach or exercise them on request. -_3._ To liberate the critical and creative resources of people by returning to individual persons the ability to call and hold meetings--an ability now increasingly monopolized by institutions which claim to speak for the people. +_3._ To liberate the critical and creative resources of people by returning to individual persons the ability to call and hold meetings--an ability now increasingly monopolized by institutions which claim to speak for the people. -_4._ To liberate the individual from the obligation to shape his expectations to the services offered by any established profession--by providing him with the opportunity to draw on the experience of his peers and to entrust himself to the teacher, guide, adviser, or healer of his choice. Inevitably the deschooling of society will blur the distinctions between economics, education, and politics on which the stability of the present world order and the stability of nations now rest. +_4._ To liberate the individual from the obligation to shape his expectations to the services offered by any established profession--by providing him with the opportunity to draw on the experience of his peers and to entrust himself to the teacher, guide, adviser, or healer of his choice. Inevitably the deschooling of society will blur the distinctions between economics, education, and politics on which the stability of the present world order and the stability of nations now rest. -Our review of educational institutions leads us to a review of our image of man. The creature whom schools need as a client has neither the autonomy nor the motivation to grow on his own. We can recognize universal schooling as the culmination of a Promethean enterprise, and speak about the alternative as a world fit to live in for Epimethean man. While we can specify that the alternative to scholastic funnels is a world made transparent by true communication webs, and while we can specify very concretely how these could function, we can only expect the Epimethean nature of man to re-emerge; we can neither plan nor produce it. +Our review of educational institutions leads us to a review of our image of man. The creature whom schools need as a client has neither the autonomy nor the motivation to grow on his own. We can recognize universal schooling as the culmination of a Promethean enterprise, and speak about the alternative as a world fit to live in for Epimethean man. While we can specify that the alternative to scholastic funnels is a world made transparent by true communication webs, and while we can specify very concretely how these could function, we can only expect the Epimethean nature of man to re-emerge; we can neither plan nor produce it. ## Rebirth of Epimethean Man -Our society resembles the ultimate machine which I once saw in a New York toy shop. It was a metal casket which, when you touched a switch, snapped open to reveal a mechanical hand. Chromed fingers reached out for the lid, pulled it down, and locked it from the inside. It was a box; you expected to be able to take something out of it; yet all it contained was a mechanism for closing the cover. This contraption is the opposite of Pandora's "box". +Our society resembles the ultimate machine which I once saw in a New York toy shop. It was a metal casket which, when you touched a switch, snapped open to reveal a mechanical hand. Chromed fingers reached out for the lid, pulled it down, and locked it from the inside. It was a box; you expected to be able to take something out of it; yet all it contained was a mechanism for closing the cover. This contraption is the opposite of Pandora's "box". -The original Pandora, the All-Giver, was an Earth goddess in prehistoric matriarchal Greece. She let all ills escape from her amphora (pythos). But she closed the lid before Hope could escape. The history of modern man begins with the degradation of Pandora's myth and comes to an end in the self-sealing casket. It is the history of the Promethean endeavor to forge institutions in order to corral each of the rampant ills. It is the history of fading hope and rising expectations. +The original Pandora, the All-Giver, was an Earth goddess in prehistoric matriarchal Greece. She let all ills escape from her amphora (pythos). But she closed the lid before Hope could escape. The history of modern man begins with the degradation of Pandora's myth and comes to an end in the self-sealing casket. It is the history of the Promethean endeavor to forge institutions in order to corral each of the rampant ills. It is the history of fading hope and rising expectations. -To understand what this means we must rediscover the distinction between hope and expectation. Hope, in its strong sense, means trusting faith in the goodness of nature, while expectation, as I will use it here, means reliance on results which are planned and controlled by man. Hope centers desire on a person from whom we await a gift. Expectation looks forward to satisfaction from a predictable process which will produce what we have the right to claim. The Promethean ethos has now eclipsed hope. Survival of the human race depends on its rediscovery as a social force. +To understand what this means we must rediscover the distinction between hope and expectation. Hope, in its strong sense, means trusting faith in the goodness of nature, while expectation, as I will use it here, means reliance on results which are planned and controlled by man. Hope centers desire on a person from whom we await a gift. Expectation looks forward to satisfaction from a predictable process which will produce what we have the right to claim. The Promethean ethos has now eclipsed hope. Survival of the human race depends on its rediscovery as a social force. -The original Pandora was sent to Earth with a jar which contained all ills; of good things, it contained only hope. Primitive man lived in this world of hope. He relied on the munificence of nature, on the handouts of gods, and on the instincts of his tribe to enable him to subsist. Classical Greeks began to replace hope with expectations. In their version of Pandora she released both evils and goods. They remembered her mainly for the ills she had unleashed. And, most significantly, they forgot that the All-Giver was also the keeper of hope. +The original Pandora was sent to Earth with a jar which contained all ills; of good things, it contained only hope. Primitive man lived in this world of hope. He relied on the munificence of nature, on the handouts of gods, and on the instincts of his tribe to enable him to subsist. Classical Greeks began to replace hope with expectations. In their version of Pandora she released both evils and goods. They remembered her mainly for the ills she had unleashed. And, most significantly, they forgot that the All-Giver was also the keeper of hope. -The Greeks told the story of two brothers, Prometheus and Epimetheus. The former warned the latter to leave Pandora alone. Instead, he married her. In classical Greece the name "Epimetheus," which means "hindsight," was interpreted to mean "dull" or "dumb". By the time Hesiod retold the story in its classical form, the Greeks had become moral and misogynous patriarchs who panicked at the thought of the first woman. They built a rational and authoritarian society. +The Greeks told the story of two brothers, Prometheus and Epimetheus. The former warned the latter to leave Pandora alone. Instead, he married her. In classical Greece the name "Epimetheus," which means "hindsight," was interpreted to mean "dull" or "dumb". By the time Hesiod retold the story in its classical form, the Greeks had become moral and misogynous patriarchs who panicked at the thought of the first woman. They built a rational and authoritarian society. -Men engineered institutions through which they planned to cope with the rampant ills. They became conscious of their power to fashion the world and make it produce services they also learned to expect. They wanted their own needs and the future demands of their children to be shaped by their artifacts. They became lawgivers, architects, and authors, the makers of constitutions, cities, and works of art to serve as examples for their offspring. Primitive man had relied on mythical participation in sacred rites to initiate individuals into the lore of society, but the classical Greeks recognized as true men only those citizens who let themselves be fitted by paideIa (education) into the institutions their elders had planned. +Men engineered institutions through which they planned to cope with the rampant ills. They became conscious of their power to fashion the world and make it produce services they also learned to expect. They wanted their own needs and the future demands of their children to be shaped by their artifacts. They became lawgivers, architects, and authors, the makers of constitutions, cities, and works of art to serve as examples for their offspring. Primitive man had relied on mythical participation in sacred rites to initiate individuals into the lore of society, but the classical Greeks recognized as true men only those citizens who let themselves be fitted by paideIa (education) into the institutions their elders had planned. -The developing myth reflects the transition from a world in which dreams were interpreted to a world in which oracles were made. From immemorial time, the Earth Goddess had been worshipped on the slope of Mount Parnassus, which was the center and navel of the Earth. There, at Delphi (from deiphys, the womb), slept Gaia, the sister of Chaos and Eros. Her son, Python the dragon, guarded her moonlit and dewy dreams, until Apollo the Sun God, the architect of Troy, rose from the east, slew the dragon, and became the owner of Gaia's cave. His priests took over her temple. They employed a local maiden, sat her on a tripod over Earth's smoking navel, and made her drowsy with fumes. They then rhymed her ecstatic utterances into hexameters of self-fulfilling prophecies. From all over the Peloponnesus men brought their problems to Apollo's sanctuary. The oracle was consulted on social options, such as measures to be taken to stop a plague or a famine, to choose the right constitution for Sparta or the propitious sites for cities which later became Byzantium and Chalcedon. The never-erring arrow became Apollo's symbol. Everything about him became purposeful and useful. +The developing myth reflects the transition from a world in which dreams were interpreted to a world in which oracles were made. From immemorial time, the Earth Goddess had been worshipped on the slope of Mount Parnassus, which was the center and navel of the Earth. There, at Delphi (from deiphys, the womb), slept Gaia, the sister of Chaos and Eros. Her son, Python the dragon, guarded her moonlit and dewy dreams, until Apollo the Sun God, the architect of Troy, rose from the east, slew the dragon, and became the owner of Gaia's cave. His priests took over her temple. They employed a local maiden, sat her on a tripod over Earth's smoking navel, and made her drowsy with fumes. They then rhymed her ecstatic utterances into hexameters of self-fulfilling prophecies. From all over the Peloponnesus men brought their problems to Apollo's sanctuary. The oracle was consulted on social options, such as measures to be taken to stop a plague or a famine, to choose the right constitution for Sparta or the propitious sites for cities which later became Byzantium and Chalcedon. The never-erring arrow became Apollo's symbol. Everything about him became purposeful and useful. -In the Republic, describing the ideal state, Plato already excludes popular music. Only the harp and Apollo's lyre would be permitted in towns because their harmony alone creates "the strain of necessity and the strain of freedom, the strain of the unfortunate and the strain of the fortunate, the strain of courage and the strain of temperance which befit the citizen". City-dwellers panicked before Pan's flute and its power to awaken the instincts. Only "the shepherds may play Pan's pipes and they only in the country". +In the Republic, describing the ideal state, Plato already excludes popular music. Only the harp and Apollo's lyre would be permitted in towns because their harmony alone creates "the strain of necessity and the strain of freedom, the strain of the unfortunate and the strain of the fortunate, the strain of courage and the strain of temperance which befit the citizen". City-dwellers panicked before Pan's flute and its power to awaken the instincts. Only "the shepherds may play Pan's pipes and they only in the country". -Man assumed responsibility for the laws under which he wanted to live and for the casting of the environment into his own image. Primitive initiation by Mother Earth into mythical life was transformed into the education (paideia) of the citizen who would feel at home in the forum. +Man assumed responsibility for the laws under which he wanted to live and for the casting of the environment into his own image. Primitive initiation by Mother Earth into mythical life was transformed into the education (paideia) of the citizen who would feel at home in the forum. -To the primitive the world was governed by fate, fact, and necessity. By stealing fire from the gods, Prometheus turned facts into problems, called necessity into question, and defied fate. Classical man framed a civilized context for human perspective. He was aware that he could defy fate-nature-environment, but only at his own risk. Contemporary man goes further; he attempts to create the world in his image, to build a totally man-made environment, and then discovers that he can do so only on the condition of constantly remaking himself to fit it. We now must face the fact that man himself is at stake. +To the primitive the world was governed by fate, fact, and necessity. By stealing fire from the gods, Prometheus turned facts into problems, called necessity into question, and defied fate. Classical man framed a civilized context for human perspective. He was aware that he could defy fate-nature-environment, but only at his own risk. Contemporary man goes further; he attempts to create the world in his image, to build a totally man-made environment, and then discovers that he can do so only on the condition of constantly remaking himself to fit it. We now must face the fact that man himself is at stake. -Life today in New York produces a very peculiar vision of what is and what can be, and without this vision life in New York is impossible. A child on the streets of New York never touches anything which has not been scientifically developed, engineered, planned, and sold to someone. Even the trees are there because the Parks Department decided to put them there. The jokes the child hears on television have been programmed at a high cost. The refuse with which he plays in the streets of Harlem is made of broken packages planned for somebody else. Even desires and fears are institutionally shaped. Power and violence are organized and managed: the gangs versus the police. Learning itself is defined as the consumption of subject matter, which is the result of researched, planned, and promoted programs. Whatever good there is, is the product of some specialized institution. It would be foolish to demand something which some institution cannot produce. The child of the city cannot expect anything which lies outside the possible development of institutional process. Even his fantasy is prompted to produce science fiction. He can experience the poetic surprise of the unplanned only through his encounter with "dirt," blunder, or failure: the orange peel in the gutter, the puddle in the street, the breakdown of order, program, or machine are the only take-offs for creative fancy. "Goofing off" becomes the only poetry at hand. +Life today in New York produces a very peculiar vision of what is and what can be, and without this vision life in New York is impossible. A child on the streets of New York never touches anything which has not been scientifically developed, engineered, planned, and sold to someone. Even the trees are there because the Parks Department decided to put them there. The jokes the child hears on television have been programmed at a high cost. The refuse with which he plays in the streets of Harlem is made of broken packages planned for somebody else. Even desires and fears are institutionally shaped. Power and violence are organized and managed: the gangs versus the police. Learning itself is defined as the consumption of subject matter, which is the result of researched, planned, and promoted programs. Whatever good there is, is the product of some specialized institution. It would be foolish to demand something which some institution cannot produce. The child of the city cannot expect anything which lies outside the possible development of institutional process. Even his fantasy is prompted to produce science fiction. He can experience the poetic surprise of the unplanned only through his encounter with "dirt," blunder, or failure: the orange peel in the gutter, the puddle in the street, the breakdown of order, program, or machine are the only take-offs for creative fancy. "Goofing off" becomes the only poetry at hand. -Since there is nothing desirable which has not been planned, the city child soon concludes that we will always be able to design an institution for our every want. He takes for granted the power of process to create value. Whether the goal is meeting a mate, integrating a neighborhood, or acquiring reading skills, it will be defined in such a way that its achievement can be engineered. The man who knows that nothing in demand is out of production soon expects that nothing produced can be out of demand. If a moon vehicle can be designed, so can the demand to go to the moon. Not to go where one can go would be subversive. It would unmask as folly the assumption that every satisfied demand entails the discovery of an even greater unsatisfied one. Such insight would stop progress. Not to produce what is possible would expose the law of "rising expectations" as a euphemism for a growing frustration gap, which is the motor of a society built on the coproduction of services and increased demand. +Since there is nothing desirable which has not been planned, the city child soon concludes that we will always be able to design an institution for our every want. He takes for granted the power of process to create value. Whether the goal is meeting a mate, integrating a neighborhood, or acquiring reading skills, it will be defined in such a way that its achievement can be engineered. The man who knows that nothing in demand is out of production soon expects that nothing produced can be out of demand. If a moon vehicle can be designed, so can the demand to go to the moon. Not to go where one can go would be subversive. It would unmask as folly the assumption that every satisfied demand entails the discovery of an even greater unsatisfied one. Such insight would stop progress. Not to produce what is possible would expose the law of "rising expectations" as a euphemism for a growing frustration gap, which is the motor of a society built on the coproduction of services and increased demand. -The state of mind of the modern city-dweller appears in the mythical tradition only under the image of Hell: Sisyphus, who for a while had chained Thanatos (death), must roll a heavy stone up the hill to the pinnacle of Hell, and the stone always slips from his grip just when he is about to reach the top. Tantalus, who was invited by the gods to share their meal, and on that occasion stole their secret of how to prepare all-healing ambrosia, which bestowed immortality, suffers eternal hunger and thirst standing in a river of receding waters, overshadowed by fruit trees with receding branches. A world of ever-rising demands is not just evil-it can be spoken of only as Hell. +The state of mind of the modern city-dweller appears in the mythical tradition only under the image of Hell: Sisyphus, who for a while had chained Thanatos (death), must roll a heavy stone up the hill to the pinnacle of Hell, and the stone always slips from his grip just when he is about to reach the top. Tantalus, who was invited by the gods to share their meal, and on that occasion stole their secret of how to prepare all-healing ambrosia, which bestowed immortality, suffers eternal hunger and thirst standing in a river of receding waters, overshadowed by fruit trees with receding branches. A world of ever-rising demands is not just evil-it can be spoken of only as Hell. -Man has developed the frustrating power to demand anything because he cannot visualize anything which an institution cannot do for him. Surrounded by all-powerful tools, man is reduced to a tool of his tools. Each of the institutions meant to exorcise one of the primeval evils has become a fail-safe, self-sealing coffin for man. Man is trapped in the boxes he makes to contain the ills Pandora allowed to escape. The blackout of reality in the smog produced by our tools has enveloped us. Quite suddenly we find ourselves in the darkness of our own trap. +Man has developed the frustrating power to demand anything because he cannot visualize anything which an institution cannot do for him. Surrounded by all-powerful tools, man is reduced to a tool of his tools. Each of the institutions meant to exorcise one of the primeval evils has become a fail-safe, self-sealing coffin for man. Man is trapped in the boxes he makes to contain the ills Pandora allowed to escape. The blackout of reality in the smog produced by our tools has enveloped us. Quite suddenly we find ourselves in the darkness of our own trap. -Reality itself has become dependent on human decision. The same President who ordered the ineffective invasion of Cambodia could equally well order the effective use of the atom. The "Hiroshima switch" now can cut the navel of the Earth. Man has acquired the power to make Chaos overwhelm both Eros and Gaia. This new power of man to cut the navel of the Earth is a constant reminder that our institutions not only create their own ends, but also have the power to put an end to themselves and to us. The absurdity of modern institutions is evident in the case of the military. Modern weapons can defend freedom, civilization, and life only by annihilating them. Security in military language means the ability to do away with the Earth. +Reality itself has become dependent on human decision. The same President who ordered the ineffective invasion of Cambodia could equally well order the effective use of the atom. The "Hiroshima switch" now can cut the navel of the Earth. Man has acquired the power to make Chaos overwhelm both Eros and Gaia. This new power of man to cut the navel of the Earth is a constant reminder that our institutions not only create their own ends, but also have the power to put an end to themselves and to us. The absurdity of modern institutions is evident in the case of the military. Modern weapons can defend freedom, civilization, and life only by annihilating them. Security in military language means the ability to do away with the Earth. -The absurdity that underlies nonmilitary institutions is no less manifest. There is no switch in them to activate their destructive power, but neither do they need a switch. Their grip is already fastened to the lid of the world. They create needs faster than they can create satisfaction, and in the process of trying to meet the needs they generate, they consume the Earth. This is true for agriculture and manufacturing, and no less for medicine and education. Modern agriculture poisons and exhausts the soil. The "green revolution" can, by means of new seeds, triple the output of an acre--but only with an even greater proportional increase of fertilizers, insecticides, water, and power. Manufacturing of these, as of all other goods, pollutes the oceans and the atmosphere and degrades irreplaceable resources. If combustion continues to increase at present rates, we will soon consume the oxygen of the atmosphere faster than it can be replaced. We have no reason to believe that fission or fusion can replace combustion without equal or higher hazards. Medicine men replace midwives and promise to make man into something else: genetically planned, pharmacologically sweetened, and capable of more protracted sickness. The contemporary ideal is a pan-hygienic world: a world in which all contacts between men, and between men and their world, are the result of foresight and manipulation. School has become the planned process which tools man for a planned world, the principal tool to trap man in man s trap. It is sup-posed to shape each man to an adequate level for playing a part in this world game. Inexorably we cultivate, treat, produce, and school the world out of existence. +The absurdity that underlies nonmilitary institutions is no less manifest. There is no switch in them to activate their destructive power, but neither do they need a switch. Their grip is already fastened to the lid of the world. They create needs faster than they can create satisfaction, and in the process of trying to meet the needs they generate, they consume the Earth. This is true for agriculture and manufacturing, and no less for medicine and education. Modern agriculture poisons and exhausts the soil. The "green revolution" can, by means of new seeds, triple the output of an acre--but only with an even greater proportional increase of fertilizers, insecticides, water, and power. Manufacturing of these, as of all other goods, pollutes the oceans and the atmosphere and degrades irreplaceable resources. If combustion continues to increase at present rates, we will soon consume the oxygen of the atmosphere faster than it can be replaced. We have no reason to believe that fission or fusion can replace combustion without equal or higher hazards. Medicine men replace midwives and promise to make man into something else: genetically planned, pharmacologically sweetened, and capable of more protracted sickness. The contemporary ideal is a pan-hygienic world: a world in which all contacts between men, and between men and their world, are the result of foresight and manipulation. School has become the planned process which tools man for a planned world, the principal tool to trap man in man s trap. It is sup-posed to shape each man to an adequate level for playing a part in this world game. Inexorably we cultivate, treat, produce, and school the world out of existence. -The military institution is evidently absurd. The absurdity of nonmilitary institutions is more difficult to face. It is even more frightening, precisely because it operates inexorably. We know which switch must stay open to avoid an atomic holocaust. No switch detains an ecological Armageddon. +The military institution is evidently absurd. The absurdity of nonmilitary institutions is more difficult to face. It is even more frightening, precisely because it operates inexorably. We know which switch must stay open to avoid an atomic holocaust. No switch detains an ecological Armageddon. -In classical antiquity, man had discovered that the world could be made according to man's plans, and with this insight he perceived that it was inherently precarious, dramatic and comical. Democratic institutions evolved and man was presumed worthy of trust within their framework. Expectations from due process and confidence in human nature kept each other in balance. The traditional professions developed and with them the institutions needed for their exercise. +In classical antiquity, man had discovered that the world could be made according to man's plans, and with this insight he perceived that it was inherently precarious, dramatic and comical. Democratic institutions evolved and man was presumed worthy of trust within their framework. Expectations from due process and confidence in human nature kept each other in balance. The traditional professions developed and with them the institutions needed for their exercise. -Surreptitiously, reliance on institutional process has replaced dependence on personal good will. The world has lost its humane dimension and reacquired the factual necessity and fatefulness which were characteristic of primitive times. But while the chaos of the barbarian was constantly ordered in the name of mysterious, anthropomorphic gods, today only man's planning can be given as a reason for the world being as it, is. Man has become the plaything of scientists, engineers, and planners. +Surreptitiously, reliance on institutional process has replaced dependence on personal good will. The world has lost its humane dimension and reacquired the factual necessity and fatefulness which were characteristic of primitive times. But while the chaos of the barbarian was constantly ordered in the name of mysterious, anthropomorphic gods, today only man's planning can be given as a reason for the world being as it, is. Man has become the plaything of scientists, engineers, and planners. -We see this logic at work in ourselves and in others. I know a Mexican village through which not more than a dozen cars drive each day. A Mexican was playing dominoes on the new hard-surface road in front of his house--where he had probably played and sat since his youth. A car sped through and killed him. The tourist who reported the event to me was deeply upset, and yet he said: "The man had it coming to him". +We see this logic at work in ourselves and in others. I know a Mexican village through which not more than a dozen cars drive each day. A Mexican was playing dominoes on the new hard-surface road in front of his house--where he had probably played and sat since his youth. A car sped through and killed him. The tourist who reported the event to me was deeply upset, and yet he said: "The man had it coming to him". -At first sight, the tourist's remark is no different from the statement of some primitive bushman reporting the death of a fellow who had collided with a taboo and had therefore died. But the two statements carry opposite meanings. The primitive can blame some tremendous and dumb transcendence, while the tourist is in awe of the inexorable logic of the machine. The primitive does not sense responsibility; the tourist senses it, but denies it. In both the primitive and the tourist the classical mode of drama, the style of tragedy, the logic of personal endeavor and rebellion is absent. The primitive man has not become conscious of it, and the tourist has lost it. The myth of the Bushman and the myth of the American are made of inert, inhuman forces. Neither experiences tragic rebellion. For the Bushman, the event follows the laws of magic; for the American, it follows the laws of science. The event puts him under the spell of the laws of mechanics, which for him govern physical, social, and psychological events. +At first sight, the tourist's remark is no different from the statement of some primitive bushman reporting the death of a fellow who had collided with a taboo and had therefore died. But the two statements carry opposite meanings. The primitive can blame some tremendous and dumb transcendence, while the tourist is in awe of the inexorable logic of the machine. The primitive does not sense responsibility; the tourist senses it, but denies it. In both the primitive and the tourist the classical mode of drama, the style of tragedy, the logic of personal endeavor and rebellion is absent. The primitive man has not become conscious of it, and the tourist has lost it. The myth of the Bushman and the myth of the American are made of inert, inhuman forces. Neither experiences tragic rebellion. For the Bushman, the event follows the laws of magic; for the American, it follows the laws of science. The event puts him under the spell of the laws of mechanics, which for him govern physical, social, and psychological events. -The mood of 1971 is propitious for a major change of direction in search of a hopeful future. Institutional goals continuously contradict institutional products. The poverty program produces more poor, the war in Asia more Vietcong, technical assistance more underdevelopment. Birth control clinics increase survival rates and boost the population; schools produce more dropouts; and the curb on one kind of pollution usually increases another. +The mood of 1971 is propitious for a major change of direction in search of a hopeful future. Institutional goals continuously contradict institutional products. The poverty program produces more poor, the war in Asia more Vietcong, technical assistance more underdevelopment. Birth control clinics increase survival rates and boost the population; schools produce more dropouts; and the curb on one kind of pollution usually increases another. -Consumers are faced with the realization that the more they can buy, the more deceptions they must swallow. Until recently it seemed logical that the blame for this pandemic inflation of dysfunctions could be laid either on the limping of scientific discovery behind the technological demands or on the perversity of ethnic, ideological, or class enemies. Both the expectations of a scientific millennium and of a war to end all wars have declined. +Consumers are faced with the realization that the more they can buy, the more deceptions they must swallow. Until recently it seemed logical that the blame for this pandemic inflation of dysfunctions could be laid either on the limping of scientific discovery behind the technological demands or on the perversity of ethnic, ideological, or class enemies. Both the expectations of a scientific millennium and of a war to end all wars have declined. -For the experienced consumer, there is no way back to a naïve reliance on magical technologies. Too many people have had bad experiences with neurotic computers, hospital-bred infections, and jams wherever there is traffic on the road, in the air, or on the phone. Only ten years ago conventional wisdom anticipated a better life based on an increase in scientific discovery. Now scientists frighten children. The moon shots provide a fascinating demonstration that human failure can be almost eliminated among the operators of complex systems-yet this does not allay our fears that the human failure to consume according to instruction might spread out of control. +For the experienced consumer, there is no way back to a naïve reliance on magical technologies. Too many people have had bad experiences with neurotic computers, hospital-bred infections, and jams wherever there is traffic on the road, in the air, or on the phone. Only ten years ago conventional wisdom anticipated a better life based on an increase in scientific discovery. Now scientists frighten children. The moon shots provide a fascinating demonstration that human failure can be almost eliminated among the operators of complex systems-yet this does not allay our fears that the human failure to consume according to instruction might spread out of control. -For the social reformer there is no way back, either, to the assumptions of the forties. The hope has vanished that the problem of justly distributing goods can be sidetracked by creating an abundance of them. The cost of the minimum package capable of satisfying modern tastes has skyrocketed, and what makes tastes modern is their obsolescence prior even to satisfaction. +For the social reformer there is no way back, either, to the assumptions of the forties. The hope has vanished that the problem of justly distributing goods can be sidetracked by creating an abundance of them. The cost of the minimum package capable of satisfying modern tastes has skyrocketed, and what makes tastes modern is their obsolescence prior even to satisfaction. -The limits of the Earth's resources have become evident. No breakthrough in science or technology could provide every man in the world with the commodities and services which are now available to the poor of rich countries. For instance, it would take the extraction of one hundred times the present amounts of iron, tin, copper, and lead to achieve such a goal, with even the "lightest" alternative technology. +The limits of the Earth's resources have become evident. No breakthrough in science or technology could provide every man in the world with the commodities and services which are now available to the poor of rich countries. For instance, it would take the extraction of one hundred times the present amounts of iron, tin, copper, and lead to achieve such a goal, with even the "lightest" alternative technology. -Finally, teachers, doctors, and social workers realize that their distinct professional ministrations have one aspect-at least-in common. They create further demands for the institutional treatments they provide, faster than they can provide service institutions. +Finally, teachers, doctors, and social workers realize that their distinct professional ministrations have one aspect-at least-in common. They create further demands for the institutional treatments they provide, faster than they can provide service institutions. -Not just some part, but the very logic, of conventional wisdom is becoming suspect. Even the laws of economy seem unconvincing outside the narrow parameters which apply to the social, geographic area where most of the money is concentrated. Money is, indeed, the cheapest currency, but only in an economy geared to efficiency measured in monetary terms. Both capitalist and Communist countries in their various forms are committed to measuring efficiency in cost-benefit ratios expressed in dollars. Capitalism flaunts a higher standard of living as its claim to superiority. Communism boasts of a higher growth rate as an index of its ultimate triumph. But under either ideology the total cost of increasing efficiency increases geometrically. The largest institutions compete most fiercely for resources which are not listed in any inventory: the air, the ocean, silence, sunlight, and health. They bring the scarcity of these resources to public attention only when they are almost irremediably degraded. Everywhere nature becomes poisonous, society inhumane, and the inner life is invaded and personal vocation smothered. +Not just some part, but the very logic, of conventional wisdom is becoming suspect. Even the laws of economy seem unconvincing outside the narrow parameters which apply to the social, geographic area where most of the money is concentrated. Money is, indeed, the cheapest currency, but only in an economy geared to efficiency measured in monetary terms. Both capitalist and Communist countries in their various forms are committed to measuring efficiency in cost-benefit ratios expressed in dollars. Capitalism flaunts a higher standard of living as its claim to superiority. Communism boasts of a higher growth rate as an index of its ultimate triumph. But under either ideology the total cost of increasing efficiency increases geometrically. The largest institutions compete most fiercely for resources which are not listed in any inventory: the air, the ocean, silence, sunlight, and health. They bring the scarcity of these resources to public attention only when they are almost irremediably degraded. Everywhere nature becomes poisonous, society inhumane, and the inner life is invaded and personal vocation smothered. -A society committed to the institutionalization of values identifies the production of goods and services with the demand for such. Education which makes you need the product is included in the price of the product. School is the advertising agency which makes you believe that you need the society as it is. In such a society marginal value has become constantly self-transcendent. It forces the few largest consumers to compete for the power to deplete the earth, to fill their own swelling bellies, to discipline smaller consumers, and to deactivate those who still find satisfaction in making do with what they have. The ethos of nonsatiety is thus at the root of physical depredation, social polarization, and psychological passivity. +A society committed to the institutionalization of values identifies the production of goods and services with the demand for such. Education which makes you need the product is included in the price of the product. School is the advertising agency which makes you believe that you need the society as it is. In such a society marginal value has become constantly self-transcendent. It forces the few largest consumers to compete for the power to deplete the earth, to fill their own swelling bellies, to discipline smaller consumers, and to deactivate those who still find satisfaction in making do with what they have. The ethos of nonsatiety is thus at the root of physical depredation, social polarization, and psychological passivity. -When values have been institutionalized in planned and engineered processes, members of modern society believe that the good life consists in having institutions which define the values that both they and their society believe they need. Institutional value can be defined as the level of output of an institution. The corresponding value of man is measured by his ability to consume and degrade these institutional outputs, and thus create a new-even higher demand. The value of institutionalized man depends on his capacity as an incinerator. To use an image--he has become the idol of his handiworks. Man now defines himself as the fur-nace which burns up the values produced by his tools. And there is no limit to his capacity. His is the act of Prometheus carried to an extreme. +When values have been institutionalized in planned and engineered processes, members of modern society believe that the good life consists in having institutions which define the values that both they and their society believe they need. Institutional value can be defined as the level of output of an institution. The corresponding value of man is measured by his ability to consume and degrade these institutional outputs, and thus create a new-even higher demand. The value of institutionalized man depends on his capacity as an incinerator. To use an image--he has become the idol of his handiworks. Man now defines himself as the fur-nace which burns up the values produced by his tools. And there is no limit to his capacity. His is the act of Prometheus carried to an extreme. -The exhaustion and pollution of the earth's resources is, above all, the result of a corruption in man's self-image, of a regression in his consciousness. Some would like to speak about a mutation of collective consciousness which leads to a conception of man as an organism dependent not on nature and individuals, but rather on institutions. This institutionalization of substantive values, this belief that a planned process of treatment ultimately gives results desired by the recipient, this consumer ethos, is at the heart of the Promethean fallacy. +The exhaustion and pollution of the earth's resources is, above all, the result of a corruption in man's self-image, of a regression in his consciousness. Some would like to speak about a mutation of collective consciousness which leads to a conception of man as an organism dependent not on nature and individuals, but rather on institutions. This institutionalization of substantive values, this belief that a planned process of treatment ultimately gives results desired by the recipient, this consumer ethos, is at the heart of the Promethean fallacy. ### Efforts to find a new balance in the global milieu depend on the deinstitutionalization of values -The suspicion that something is structurally wrong with the vision of _homo faber_ is common to a growing minority in capitalist, Communist, and "underdeveloped" countries alike. This suspicion is the shared characteristic of a new elite. To it belong people of all classes, incomes, faiths, and civilizations. They have 'become wary of the myths of the majority: of scientific utopias, of ideological diabolism, and of the expectation of the distribution of goods and services with some degree of equality. They share with the majority the sense of being trapped. They share with the majority the awareness that most new policies adopted by broad consensus consistently lead to results which are glaringly opposed to their stated aims. Yet whereas the Promethean majority of would-be spacemen still evades the structural issue, the emergent minority is critical of the scientific _deus ex machina_, the ideological panacea, and the hunt for devils and witches. This minority begins to formulate its suspicion that our constant deceptions tie us to contemporary institutions as the chains bound Prometheus to his rock. Hopeful trust and classical irony (eironeia) must conspire to expose the Promethean fallacy. +The suspicion that something is structurally wrong with the vision of _homo faber_ is common to a growing minority in capitalist, Communist, and "underdeveloped" countries alike. This suspicion is the shared characteristic of a new elite. To it belong people of all classes, incomes, faiths, and civilizations. They have 'become wary of the myths of the majority: of scientific utopias, of ideological diabolism, and of the expectation of the distribution of goods and services with some degree of equality. They share with the majority the sense of being trapped. They share with the majority the awareness that most new policies adopted by broad consensus consistently lead to results which are glaringly opposed to their stated aims. Yet whereas the Promethean majority of would-be spacemen still evades the structural issue, the emergent minority is critical of the scientific _deus ex machina_, the ideological panacea, and the hunt for devils and witches. This minority begins to formulate its suspicion that our constant deceptions tie us to contemporary institutions as the chains bound Prometheus to his rock. Hopeful trust and classical irony (eironeia) must conspire to expose the Promethean fallacy. -Prometheus is usually thought to mean "foresight," or sometimes even "he who makes the North Star progress". He tricked the gods out of their monopoly of fire, taught men to use it in the forging of iron, became the god of technologists, and wound up in iron chains. +Prometheus is usually thought to mean "foresight," or sometimes even "he who makes the North Star progress". He tricked the gods out of their monopoly of fire, taught men to use it in the forging of iron, became the god of technologists, and wound up in iron chains. -The Pythia of Delphi has now been replaced by a computer which hovers above panels and punch cards. The hexameters of the oracle have given way to sixteen-bit codes of instructions. Man the helmsman has turned the rudder over to the cybernetic machine. The ultimate machine emerges to direct our destinies. Children phantasize flying their spacecrafts away from a crepuscular earth. +The Pythia of Delphi has now been replaced by a computer which hovers above panels and punch cards. The hexameters of the oracle have given way to sixteen-bit codes of instructions. Man the helmsman has turned the rudder over to the cybernetic machine. The ultimate machine emerges to direct our destinies. Children phantasize flying their spacecrafts away from a crepuscular earth. -From the perspectives of the Man on the Moon, Prometheus could recognize sparkling blue Gaia as the planet of Hope and as the Arc of Mankind. A new sense of the finiteness of the Earth and a new nostalgia now can open man's eyes to the choice of his brother Epimetheus to wed the Earth with Pandora. +From the perspectives of the Man on the Moon, Prometheus could recognize sparkling blue Gaia as the planet of Hope and as the Arc of Mankind. A new sense of the finiteness of the Earth and a new nostalgia now can open man's eyes to the choice of his brother Epimetheus to wed the Earth with Pandora. -At this point the Greek myth turns into hopeful prophecy because it tells us that the son of Prometheus was Deucalion, the Helmsman of the Ark who like Noah outrode the Flood to become the father of a new mankind which he made from the earth with Pyrrha, the daughter of Epimetheus and Pandora. We are gaining insight into the meaning of the Pythos which Pandora brought from the gods as being the inverse of the Box: our Vessel and Ark. +At this point the Greek myth turns into hopeful prophecy because it tells us that the son of Prometheus was Deucalion, the Helmsman of the Ark who like Noah outrode the Flood to become the father of a new mankind which he made from the earth with Pyrrha, the daughter of Epimetheus and Pandora. We are gaining insight into the meaning of the Pythos which Pandora brought from the gods as being the inverse of the Box: our Vessel and Ark. -We now need a name for those who value hope above expectations. We need a name for those who love people more than products, those who believe that +We now need a name for those who value hope above expectations. We need a name for those who love people more than products, those who believe that ``` No people are uninteresting. @@ -806,7 +806,7 @@ Nothing in them is not particular, and planet is dissimilar from planet. ``` -We need a name for those who love the earth on which each can meet the other, +We need a name for those who love the earth on which each can meet the other, ``` And if a man lived in obscurity @@ -814,7 +814,7 @@ making his friends in that obscurity, obscurity is not uninteresting. ``` -We need a name for those who collaborate with their Promethean brother in the lighting of the fire and the shaping of iron, but who do so to enhance their ability to tend and care and wait upon the other, knowing that +We need a name for those who collaborate with their Promethean brother in the lighting of the fire and the shaping of iron, but who do so to enhance their ability to tend and care and wait upon the other, knowing that[^n03] ``` to each his world is private, @@ -823,8 +823,9 @@ And in that world one tragic minute. These are private. ``` -[^n03] I suggest that these hopeful brothers and sisters be called Epimethean men. +I suggest that these hopeful brothers and sisters be called Epimethean men. +---- [^n00:] Penrose B. Jackson, _Trends in Elementary and Secondary Education Expenditures: Central City and Suburban Comparisons 1965 to 1968_, U.S. Office of Education, Office of Program and Planning Evaluation, June 1969. ] @@ -832,4 +833,4 @@ These are private. [^n02:] This chapter was presented originally at a meeting of the American Educational Research Association, in New York City, February 6, 1971.) ] -[^n03:] The three quotations are from "People" from the book Selected Poems by Yevgeny Yevtushenko. Translated and with Introduction by Robin Milner Gulland and Peter Levi. Published by E. P. Dutton & Co. Inc., 1962, and reprinted with their permission. ]
\ No newline at end of file +[^n03:] The three quotations are from "People" from the book Selected Poems by Yevgeny Yevtushenko. Translated and with Introduction by Robin Milner Gulland and Peter Levi. Published by E. P. Dutton & Co. Inc., 1962, and reprinted with their permission. ] diff --git a/contents/book/deschooling/es.bib b/contents/book/deschooling/es.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..8437a4a --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/deschooling/es.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-deschooling-es, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {La sociedad desescolarizada}, + year = {1970}, + date = {1970}, + origdate = {1970}, + language = {es}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/book/deschooling:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-19} +} diff --git a/data/pages/es/book/deschooling/es.md b/contents/book/deschooling/es.md index 6c16bf4..61b286c 100644 --- a/data/pages/es/book/deschooling/es.md +++ b/contents/book/deschooling/es.md @@ -1,24 +1,23 @@ --- -title: My Title Here -author: Jake Zimmerman (<jake@zimmerman.io>) -date: \today -geometry: margin=1.75in -fontsize: 12pt -fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths -newtxmathoptions: -- cmintegrals -- cmbraces -toc: true -colorlinks: true -linkcolor: RoyalBlue -urlcolor: RoyalBlue -documentclass: book -classoption: -- oneside ---- - - - + title: "La sociedad desescolarizada" + author: "Ivan Illich" + date: "1970" + lang: "" + documentclass: book + classoption: + - oneside + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + newtxmathoptions: + - cmintegrals + - cmbraces + toc: true + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue + titlepage: true +--- # Introducción @@ -1095,3 +1094,4 @@ Necesitamos un entorno nuevo en el cual crecer para conocer una sociedad sin cla [^n22]: En francés, en el original. (T.) [^n23]: Alusiones al libro de Aldous Huxley, _Un mundo feliz_ , y al de George Orwell, _1984._ + diff --git a/contents/book/deschooling/es.notes b/contents/book/deschooling/es.notes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..ed48399 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/deschooling/es.notes @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +* fue publicado por vez primera en Harper and Row Publishers Inc., Nueva York, en 1970, bajo el título de _"Deschooling society"_. La primera traducción al esp añol la publicó Barral Editores, Barcelona, España, en 1970; una nueva edición apareció bajo el sello de la Editorial Posada en 1978 y otra más bajo el de Joaquín Mortiz/Planeta en j ulio de 1985. Para la edición del FCE de 2006 se utilizó esta última, traducida por Gerardo Espinoza y revisada contra los originales por Javier Sicilia. El apéndice que aparece en l a edición del FCE no apareció en las anteriores ediciones en español. Se tomó de la edición de Fayard, _Oeuvres complètes_, vol. I, Francia, diciembre de 2003; la traducción es de Javier Sicilia. diff --git a/data/pages/es/book/deschooling/es.txt b/contents/book/deschooling/es.txt index 3d2c00d..3d2c00d 100644 --- a/data/pages/es/book/deschooling/es.txt +++ b/contents/book/deschooling/es.txt diff --git a/contents/book/deschooling/index b/contents/book/deschooling/index new file mode 100644 index 0000000..63b6367 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/deschooling/index @@ -0,0 +1,5 @@ +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Deschooling Society_ +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1970 +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** ... +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# diff --git a/contents/book/energy/en.bib b/contents/book/energy/en.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..79b65c9 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/energy/en.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-energy-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Energy and Equity}, + year = {1974}, + date = {1974}, + origdate = {1974}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/book/energy:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-18} +} diff --git a/contents/book/energy/en.md b/contents/book/energy/en.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..820736d --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/energy/en.md @@ -0,0 +1,434 @@ +--- + title: "Energy and Equity" + author: "Ivan Illich" + date: "1974" + lang: "" + documentclass: book + classoption: + - oneside + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + newtxmathoptions: + - cmintegrals + - cmbraces + toc: true + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue + titlepage: true +--- + +# Foreword + +This essay is my summary of the discussions which took place in the course of two sessions--one in English, the other in Spanish--of a seminar that met at the Center for Intercultural Documentation (CIDOC) in Cuernavaca, Mexico. I am grateful to my colleagues who contributed ideas, facts and criticism. Copies of the working papers of our ongoing seminar on the history of thermodynamics as applied to transportation can be obtained from Isaac Rogel, CIDOC Librarian, Apdo. 479, Cuernavaca, Mor., Mexico. I owe special thanks to Dennis Sullivan for his editorial assistance on this essay. + +The seminar on traffic was one of the preparatory meetings for a consultation which Valentina Borremans is now organizing at CIDOC for 1975-76\. The consultation will focus on the interlocking structure by which medical, legal, educational and energy-intensive agencies (such as those which produce transportation and housing) impose their paralysing monopoly on contemporary society. Although the context of our discussion is Latin America, its theme is pertinent to other regions. + +During the next thirty months, the consultation ought to generate several more short working papers which are of general interest even though they are only vulnerable ideas in progress and in search of critique. Such essays cannot await the permanence of the book. They do not belong in the learned journal. They resist packaging in periodicals. The monopoly of publishers over the printed word too often pushes the tract into the mimeograph’s limbo or seduces the author to reshape his text to fit the available vehicles. To break this monopoly Marion Boyars has shaped the format of this series, and Dennis Sullivan has offered to edit and submit to her what our consultation might produce. + +> El socialismo puede llegar solo en bicicleta + +José Antonio Viera-Gallo, Assistant Secretary of Justice in the Government of Salvador Allende + +# The energy crisis + +It has recently become fashionable to insist on an impending energy crisis. This euphemistic term conceals a contradiction and consecrates an illusion. It masks the contradiction implicit in the joint pursuit of equity and industrial growth. It safeguards the illusion that machine power can indefinitely take the place of manpower. To face this contradiction and betray this illusion, it is urgent to clarify the reality that the language of crisis obscures: high quanta of energy degrade social relations just as inevitably as they destroy the physical milieu. + +The proponents of an energy crisis confirm and continue to propagate a peculiar vision of man. According to this notion, man is born into prolonged dependence on slaves which he must painfully learn to master. If he does not employ prisoners, then he needs motors to do most of his work. According to this doctrine, the well-being of a society can be measured by the number of years its members have gone to school and by the number of energy slaves they have thereby learned to command. This belief is common to the conflicting economic ideologies now in vogue. It is threatened by the obvious inequity, harriedness and impotence that appear everywhere once the voracious hordes of energy slaves outnumber people by a certain proportion. The energy crisis focuses concern on the scarcity of fodder for these slaves. I prefer to ask whether free men need them. + +The energy policies adopted during the current decade will determine the range of social relationships a society will be able to enjoy by the year 2000. A low energy policy allows for a wide choice of life styles and cultures. If, on the other hand, a society opts for high energy consumption, its social relations must be dictated by technocracy and will be equally distasteful whether labelled capitalist or socialist. + +At this moment, most societies--especially the poor ones--are still free to set their energy policies by any of three guidelines. Well-being can be identified with high amounts of per capita energy use, with high efficiency of energy transformation, or with the least possible use of mechanical energy by the most powerful member of society. The first approach would stress tight management of scarce and destructive fuels on behalf of industry, whereas the second would emphasize the retooling of industry in the interest of thermodynamic thrift. Both attitudes necessarily imply huge public expenditures and increased social control; both rationalize the emergence of a computerized Leviathan, and both are at present widely discussed. + +The possibility of a third option is barely noticed. While people have begun to accept ecological limits on maximum per capita energy use as a condition for physical survival, they do not yet think about the use of minimum feasible power as the foundation of any of various social orders that would be both modern and desirable. Yet only a ceiling on energy use can lead to social relations that are characterized by high levels of equity. The one option that is presently neglected is the only choice within the reach of all nations. It is also the only strategy by which a political process can be used to set limits on the power of even the most motorized bureaucrat. Participatory democracy postulates low energy technology. Only participatory democracy creates the conditions for rational technology. + +What is generally overlooked is that equity and energy can grow concurrently only to a point. Below a threshold of per capita wattage, motors improve the conditions for social progress. Above this threshold, energy grows at the expense of equity. Further energy affluence then means decreased distribution of control over that energy. + +The widespread belief that clean and abundant energy is the panacea for social ills is due to a political fallacy, according to which equity and energy consumption can be indefinitely correlated, at least under some ideal political conditions. Labouring under this illusion, we tend to discount any social limit on the growth of energy consumption. But if ecologists are right to assert that non-metabolic power pollutes, it is in fact just as inevitable that, beyond a certain threshold, mechanical power corrupts. The threshold of social disintegration by high energy quanta is independent from the threshold at which energy conversion produces physical destruction. Expressed in horsepower, it is undoubtedly lower. This is the fact which must be theoretically recognized before a political issue can be made of the per capita wattage to which a society will limit its members. + +Even if non-polluting power were feasible and abundant, the use of energy on a massive scale acts on society like a drug that is physically harmless but psychically enslaving. A community can choose between Methadone and ‘cold turkey’--between maintaining its addiction to alien energy and kicking it in painful cramps--but no society can have a population that is at once autonomously active and hooked on progressively larger numbers of energy slaves. + +In previous discussions, I have shown that, beyond a certain level of GNP, the cost of social control must rise faster than total output and become the major institutional activity within an economy. Therapy administered by educators, psychiatrists and social workers must converge with the designs of planners, managers and salesmen, and complement the services of security agencies, the military and the police. I now want to indicate one reason why increased affluence requires increased control over personnel. I argue that beyond a certain median per capita energy level, the political system and cultural context of any society must decay. Once the critical quantum of per capita energy is surpassed, education for the abstract goals of a bureaucracy must supplant the legal guarantees of personal and concrete initiative. This quantum is the limit of social order. + +I will argue here that technocracy must prevail as soon as the ratio of mechanical power and metabolic energy oversteps a definite, identifiable threshold. The order of magnitude within which this threshold lies is largely independent from the level of technology applied, yet its very existence has slipped into the blindspot of social imagination in both rich and medium rich countries. Both the United States and Mexico have passed the critical divide. In both countries, further energy inputs increase inequality, inefficiency and personal impotence. Although one country has a per capita income of $500 and the other of nearly $5,000, huge vested interest in an industrial infrastructure prods both of them to further escalate the use of energy. As a result, both North American and Mexican ideologues put the label of ‘energy crisis’ on their frustration, and both countries are blinded to the fact that the threat of social breakdown is due neither to a shortage of fuel, nor to the wasteful, polluting and irrational use of available wattage, but to the attempt of industries to gorge society with energy quanta that inevitably degrade, deprive and frustrate most people. + +A people can be just as dangerously overpowered by the wattage of its tools as by the caloric content of its foods, but it is much harder to confess to a national overindulgence in wattage than to a sickening diet. The per capita wattage that is critical for social well-being lies within an order of magnitude which is far above the horsepower known to four-fifths of humanity and far below the power commanded by any Volkswagen driver. It eludes the underconsumer and the overconsumer alike. Neither is willing to face the facts. For the primitive, the elimination of slavery and drudgery depends on the introduction of appropriate modern technology, and for the rich, the avoidance of an even more horrible degradation depends on the effective recognition of a threshold in energy consumption beyond which technical processes begin to dictate social relations. Calories are both biologically and socially healthy only as long as they stay within the narrow range that separates enough from too much. + +The so-called energy crisis is, then, a politically ambiguous issue. Public interest in the quantity of power and in the distribution of controls over the use of energy can lead in two opposite directions. On the one hand, questions can be posed that would open the way to political reconstruction by unblocking the search for a post-industrial, labour-intensive, low energy and high equity economy. On the other hand, hysterical concern with machine fodder can reinforce the present escalation of capital-intensive institutional growth, and carry us past the last turnoff from a hyper-industrial Armageddon. Political reconstruction presupposes the recognition of the fact that there exist _critical_ _per_ _capita_ _quanta_ beyond which energy can no longer be controlled by political process. Social breakdown will be the inevitable outcome of ecological restraints on _total_ _energy_ _use_ imposed by industrially-minded planners bent on keeping industrial production at some hypothetical maximum. + +Rich countries like the United States, Japan or France might never reach the point of choking in their own waste, but only because their societies will have already collapsed into a socio-cultural energy coma. Countries like India, Burma and, for another short while at least, China, are in the inverse position of being still muscle-powered enough to stop short of an energy stroke. They could choose, right now, to stay within those limits to which the rich will be forced back at an enormous loss in their vested interest. + +The choice of a minimum energy economy compels the poor to abandon distant expectations and the rich to recognize their vested interest as a ghastly liability. Both must reject the fatal image of man the slaveholder currently promoted by an ideologically stimulated hunger for more energy. In countries that were made affluent by industrial development, the energy crisis serves as a whip to raise the taxes which will be needed to substitute new, more sober and socially more deadly industrial processes for those that have been rendered obsolete by inefficient overexpansion. For the leaders of people who have been disowned by the same process of industrialization, the energy crisis serves as an alibi to centralize production, pollution and its control in a last-ditch effort to catch up with the more highly powered. By exporting their crisis and by preaching the new gospel of Puritan energy worship, the rich do even more damage to the poor than they did by selling them the products of now outdated factories. As soon as a poor country accepts the doctrine that more energy more carefully managed will always yield more goods for more people, that country is hooked into the race for enslavement to maximum industrial outputs. Inevitably the poor abandon the option for rational technology when they choose to modernize their poverty by increasing their dependence on energy. Inevitably the poor reject the possibility of liberating technology and participatory politics when, together with maximum feasible energy use, they accept maximum feasible social control. + +The energy crisis cannot be overwhelmed by more energy inputs. It can only be dissolved, along with the illusion that well-being depends on the number of energy slaves a man has at his command. For this purpose, it is necessary to identify the thresholds beyond which power corrupts, and to do so by a political process that associates the community in the search for limits. Because this kind of research runs counter to that now done by experts and for institutions, I shall call it counterfoil research. It has three steps. First, the need for limits on the per capita use of energy must be theoretically recognized as a social imperative. Then, the range must be located wherein the critical magnitude might be found. Finally, each community has to identify the levels of inequity, harrying and operant conditioning that its members are willing to accept in exchange for the satisfaction that comes of idolizing powerful devices and joining in rituals directed by the professionals who control their operation. + +The need for political research on socially optimal energy quanta can be clearly and concisely illustrated by an examination of modern traffic. The United States puts 45 per cent of its total energy into vehicles: to make them, run them and clear a right of way for them when they roll, when they fly and when they park. Most of this energy is to move people who have been strapped into place. For the sole purpose of transporting people, 250 million Americans allocate more fuel than is used by 1,300 million Chinese and Indians for all purposes. Almost all of this fuel is burnt in a rain dance of time-consuming acceleration. Poor countries spend less energy per person, but the percentage of total energy devoted to traffic in Mexico or in Peru is greater than in the USA, and it benefits a smaller percentage of the population. The size of this enterprise makes it both easy and significant to demonstrate the existence of socially critical energy quanta by the example of personal carriage. + +In traffic, energy used over a specific period of time (power) translates into speed. In this case, the critical quantum will appear as a speed limit. Wherever this limit has been passed, the basic pattern of social degradation by high energy quanta has emerged. Once some public utility went faster than ± 15 mph, equity declined and the scarcity of both time and space increased. Motorized transportation monopolized traffic and blocked self-powered transit. In every Western country, passenger mileage on all types of conveyance increased by a factor of a hundred within fifty years of building the first railroad. When the ratio of their respective power outputs passed beyond a certain value, mechanical transformers of mineral fuels excluded people from the use of their metabolic energy and forced them to become captive consumers of conveyance. This effect of speed on the autonomy of people is only marginally affected by the technological characteristics of the motorized vehicles employed or by the persons or entities who hold the legal titles to airlines, buses, railroads or cars. High speed is the critical factor which makes transportation socially destructive. A true choice among political systems and of desirable social relations is possible only where speed is restrained. Participatory democracy demands low energy technology, and free people must travel the road to productive social relations at the speed of a bicycle.* + +* I speak about traffic for the purpose of illustrating the more general point of socially optimal energy use, and I restrict myself to the locomotion of persons, including their personal baggage and the fuel, materials and equipment used for the vehicle and the road. I purposely abstain from the discussion of two other types of traffic: merchandise and messages. A parallel argument can be made for both, but this would require a different line of reasoning, and I leave it for another occasion. + +# The industrialization of traffic + +The discussion of how energy is used to move people requires a formal distinction between transport and transit as the two components of traffic. By _traffic_ I mean any movement of people from one place to another when they are outside of their homes. By _transit_ I mean those movements that put human metabolic energy to use, and by _transport_ that mode of movement which relies on other sources of energy. These energy sources will henceforth be mostly motors, since animals compete fiercely with men for their food in an over-populated world, unless they are thistle eaters like donkeys and camels. + +As soon as people become tributaries of transport, not only when they travel for several days, but also on their daily trips, the contradictions between social justice and motorized power, between effective movement and higher speed, between personal freedom and engineered routing, become poignantly-clear. Enforced dependence on auto-mobile machines then denies a community of self-propelled people just those values supposedly procured by improved transportation. + +People move well on their feet. This primitive means of getting around will, on closer analysis, appear quite effective when compared with the lot of people in modern cities or on industrialized farms. It will appear particularly attractive once it has been understood that modern Americans walk, on the average, as many miles as their ancestors--most of them through tunnels, corridors, parking lots and stores. + +People on their feet are more or less equal. People solely dependent on their feet move on the spur of the moment, at three to four miles per hour, in any direction and to any place from which they are not legally or physically barred. An improvement on this native degree of mobility by new transport technology should be expected to safeguard these values and to add some new ones, such as greater range, time economies, comfort, or more opportunities for the disabled. So far this is not what has happened. Instead, the growth of the transportation industry has everywhere had the reverse effects. From the moment its machines could put more than a certain horsepower behind any one passenger, this industry has reduced equality among men, restricted their mobility to a system of industrially defined routes and created time scarcity of unprecedented severity. As the speed of their vehicles crosses a threshold, citizens become transportation consumers on the daily loop that brings them back to their home, a circuit which the United States Department of Commerce calls a ‘trip’ as opposed to the ‘travel’ for which Americans leave home equipped with a toothbrush. + +More energy fed into the transportation system means that more people move faster over a greater range in the course of every day. Everybody’s daily radius expands at the expense of being able to drop in on an acquaintance or walk through the park on the way to work. Extremes of privilege are created at the cost of universal enslavement. An elite packs unlimited distance into a lifetime of pampered travel, while the majority spend a bigger slice of their existence on unwanted trips. The few mount their magic carpets to travel between distant points that their ephemeral presence renders both scarce and seductive, while the many are compelled to trip further and faster and to spend more time preparing for and recovering from their trips. + +In the United States, four-fifths of all man-hours on the road are those of commuters and shoppers who hardly ever get into a plane, while four-fifths of the mileage flown to conventions and resorts is covered year after year by the same one and a half per cent of the population, usually those who are either well-to-do or professionally trained to do good. The speedier the vehicle, the larger the subsidy it gets from regressive taxation. Barely 0·2 per cent of the entire US population can engage in self-chosen air travel more than once a year, and few other countries can support a jet set which is that large. + +The captive tripper and the reckless traveller become equally dependent on transport. Neither can do without it. Occasional spurts to Acapulco or to a Party Congress dupe the ordinary passenger into believing that he has made it into the shrunk world of the powerfully rushed. The occasional chance to spend a few hours strapped into a high-powered seat makes him an accomplice in the distortion of human space, and prompts him to consent to the design of his country’s geography around vehicles rather than around people. Man has evolved physically and culturally together with his cosmic niche. What for animals is their environment he has learned to make into his home. His self-image requires as its complement a life-space and a life-time integrated by the pace at which he moves. If that relationship is determined by the velocity of vehicles rather than by the movement of people, man the architect is reduced to the status of a mere commuter. + +The typical American male devotes more than 1,600 hours a year to his car. He sits in it while it goes and while it stands idling. He parks it and searches for it. He earns the money to put down on it and to meet the monthly instalments. He works to pay for petrol, tolls, insurance, taxes and tickets. He spends four of his sixteen waking hours on the road or gathering his resources for it. And this figure does not take into account the time consumed by other activities dictated by transport: time spent in hospitals, traffic courts and garages; time spent watching automobile commercials or attending consumer education meetings to improve the quality of the next buy. The model American puts in 1,600 hours to get 7,500 miles: less than five miles per hour. In countries deprived of a transportation industry, people manage to do the same, walking wherever they want to go, and they allocate only three to eight per cent of their society’s time budget to traffic instead of 28 per cent. What distinguishes the traffic in rich countries from the traffic in poor countries is not more mileage per hour of life-time for the majority, but more hours of compulsory consumption of high doses of energy, packaged and unequally distributed by the transportation industry. + +# Speed stunned imagination + +PAST a certain threshold of energy consumption, the transportation industry dictates the configuration of social space. Motorways expand, driving wedges between neighbours and removing fields beyond the distance a farmer can walk. Ambulances take clinics beyond the few miles a sick child can be carried. The doctor will no longer come to the house, because vehicles have made the hospital into the right place to be sick. Once heavy lorries reach a village high in the Andes, part of the local market disappears. Later, when the high school arrives at the plaza along with the paved highway, more and more of the young people move to the city, until not one family is left which does not long for a reunion with someone hundreds of miles away, down on the coast. + +Equal speeds have equally distorting effects on the perception of space, time and personal potency in rich and in poor countries, however different the surface appearances might be. Everywhere, the transportation industry shapes a new kind of man to fit the new geography and the new schedules of its making. The major difference between Guatemala and Kansas is that in Central America some people are still exempt from all contact with vehicles and are, therefore, still not degraded by their dependence on them. + +The product of the transportation industry is the habitual passenger. He has been boosted out of the world in which people still move on their own, and he has lost the sense that he stands at the centre of his world. The habitual passenger is conscious of the exasperating time scarcity that results from daily recourse to the cars, trains, buses, undergrounds and lifts that force him to cover an average of twenty miles each day, frequently crossing his path within a radius of less than five miles. He has been lifted off his feet. No matter if he goes by underground or jetplane he feels slower and poorer than someone else and resents the shortcuts taken by the priviledged few who can escape the frustrations of traffic. If he is cramped by the timetable of his commuter train, he dreams of a car. If he is exhausted by the rush hour, he envies the speed capitalist who drives against the traffic. If he must pay for his car out of his own pocket, he knows full well that the commanders of corporate fleets send the fuel bill to the company and write off the rented car as a business expense. The habitual passenger is caught at the wrong end of growing inequality, time scarcity and personal impotence, but he can see no way out of this bind except to demand more of the same: more traffic by transport. He stands in wait of technical changes in the design of vehicles, roads and schedules; or else he expects a revolution to produce mass rapid transport under public control. In neither case does he calculate the price of being hauled into a better future. He forgets that he is the one who will pay the bill, either in fares or in taxes. He overlooks the hidden costs of replacing private cars with equally rapid public transport. + +The habitual passenger cannot grasp the folly of traffic based overwhelmingly on transport. His inherited perceptions of space and time and of personal pace have been industrially deformed. He has lost the power to conceive of himself outside of the passenger role. Addicted to being carried along, he has lost control over the physical, social and psychic powers that reside in man’s feet. The passenger has come to identify territory with the untouchable landscape through which he is rushed. He has become impotent to establish his domain, mark it with his imprint and assert his sovereignty over it. He has lost confidence in his power to admit others into his presence and to share space consciously with them. He can no longer face the remote by himself. Left on his own, he feels immobile. + +The habitual passenger must adopt a new set of beliefs and expectations if he is to feel secure in the strange world where both liaisons and loneliness are products of conveyance. To ‘gather’ for him means to be brought together by vehicles. He comes to believe that political power grows out of the capacity of a transportation system, and in its absence is the result of access to the television screen. He takes freedom of movement to be the same as one’s claim on propulsion. He believes that the level of democratic process correlates to the power of transportation and communications systems. He has lost faith in the political power of the feet and of the tongue. As a result, what he wants is not more liberty as a citizen but better service as a client. He does not insist on his freedom to move and to speak to people but on his claim to be shipped and to be informed by media. He wants a better product rather than freedom from servitude to it. It is vital that he come to see that the acceleration he demands is self-defeating, and that it must result in a further decline of equity, leisure and autonomy. + +# Net transfer of lifetime + +UNCHECKED speed is expensive and progressively fewer can afford it. Each increment in the velocity of a vehicle results in an increase in the cost of propulsion, track-construction and--most dramatically--in the space the vehicle devours while it is on the move. Past a certain threshold of energy consumption for the fastest passenger, a worldwide class structure of speed capitalists is created. The exchange value of time becomes dominant, and this is reflected in language: time is spent, saved, invested, wasted and employed. As societies put price tags on time, equity and vehicular speed correlate inversely. + +High speed capitalizes a few people’s time at an enormous rate but, paradoxically, it does this at a high cost in time for all. In Bombay, only a very few people own cars. They can reach a provincial capital in one morning and make the trip once a week. Two generations ago, this would have been a week-long trek once a year. They now spend more time on more trips. But these same few also disrupt, with their cars, the traffic flow of thousands of bicycles and pedicabs that move through downtown Bombay at a rate of effective locomotion superior to that of downtown Paris, London or New York. The compounded, transport-related time expenditure within a society grows much faster than the time economies made by a few people on their speedy excursions. Traffic grows indefinitely with the availability of transports. Beyond a critical threshold, the output of the industrial complex established to move people costs a society more time than it saves. The marginal utility of an increment in the speed of a small number of people has for its price the growing marginal disutility of this acceleration for the great majority. + +Beyond a critical speed, no one can save time without forcing another to lose it. The man who claims a seat in a faster vehicle insists that his time is worth more than that of the passenger in a slower one. Beyond a certain velocity, passengers become consumers of other people’s time, and accelerating vehicles become the means for effecting a net transfer of life-time. The degree of transfer is measured in quanta of speed. This time-grab despoils those who are left behind, and since they are the majority, it raises ethical issues of a more general nature than kidney dialysis or organ transplants. + +Beyond a certain speed, motorized vehicles create remoteness which they alone can shrink. They create distances for all and shrink them for only a few. A new dirt road through the wilderness brings the city within view, but not within reach, of most Brazilian subsistence farmers. The new expressway expands Chicago, but it sucks those who are well-wheeled away from a downtown that decays into a ghetto. + +Man’s speed remained unchanged from the Age of Cyrus to the Age of Steam. News could not travel more than a hundred miles per day, no matter how the message was carried. Neither the Inca’s runners nor the Venetian galley, the Persian horseman or the mail coach under Louis XIV, could break the barrier. Soldiers, explorers, merchants and pilgrims moved at twenty miles per day. In Valéry’s words, Napoleon still had to move at Caesar’s slowness: _Napoléon va à la même lenteur que César._ The Emperor knew that ‘public prosperity is measured by the income of the coaches’: _On_ _mésure_ _la_ _prospérité_ _publique_ _aux_ _comptes_ _des_ _diligences_ , __ but he could barely speed them up. Paris-Toulouse had required about 200 hours in Roman times, and the scheduled stagecoach still took 158 hours in 1782. Only the nineteenth century accelerated man. By 1830, the trip had been reduced to 110 hours, but at a new cost. In the same year, 4,150 stagecoaches overturned in France, causing more than a thousand deaths. Then the railroad brought a sudden change. By 1855, Napoleon III claimed to have travelled an average of 96 kilometres per hour on the train between Paris and Marseilles. Within one generation, the average distance travelled each year per Frenchman increased one hundred and thirty times, and Britain’s railroad network reached its greatest expansion. Passenger trains attained their optimum cost calculated in terms of time spent for their maintenance and use. + +With further acceleration, transportation began to dominate traffic, and speed began to erect a hierarchy of destinations. By now, each set of destinations corresponds to a specific level of speed and defines a certain passenger class. Each circuit of terminal points degrades those pegged at a lower number of miles per hour. Those who must get around on their own power have been redefined as underdeveloped outsiders. Tell me how fast you go and I’ll tell you who you are. If you can corner the taxes which fuel the Concorde, you are certainly at the top. + +Over the last two generations, the vehicle has become the sign of career achievement, just as the school has become the sign of starting advantage. At each new level, the concentration of power must produce its own kind of rationale. So, for example, the reason that is usually given for spending public money to make a man travel more miles in less time each year is the still greater investment that was made to keep him more years in school. His putative value as a capital-intensive production tool sets the rate at which he is being shipped. Other ideological labels besides ‘a good education’ are just as useful for opening the cabin door to luxuries paid for by others. If the Thought of Chairman Mao must now be rushed around China by jet, this can only mean that two classes are needed to fuel what his revolution has become, one of them living in the geography of the masses and the other in the geography of the cadres. The suppression of intermediary levels of speed in Popular China has certainly made the concentration of power more efficient and rational, but it also underscores the new difference in value between the time of the bullock driver and the time of the jet-driven. Accelerating speed inevitably concentrates horsepower under the seats of a few and compounds the increasing time-lack of most commuters with the further sense that they are lagging behind. + +The need for unequal privilege in an industrial society is generally advocated by means of an argument with two sides. The hypocrisy of this argument is clearly betrayed by acceleration. Privilege is accepted as the necessary pre-condition to improve the lot of a growing total population, or it is advertised as the instrument for raising the standards of a deprived minority. In the long run, accelerating transportation does neither. It only creates a universal demand for motorized conveyance, and puts previously unimaginable distances between the various layers of privilege. Beyond a certain point, more energy means less equity. + +# The ineffectiveness of acceleration + +It should not be overlooked that top speeds for a few exact a different price than high speeds for all. Social classification by levels of speed enforces a net transfer of power: the poor work and pay to get left behind. But if the middle classes of a speed society may be tempted to ignore discrimination, they should not neglect the rising marginal disutilities of transportation and their own loss of leisure. High speeds for all mean that everybody has less time for himself as the whole society spends a growing slice of its time budget on moving people. Vehicles running over the critical speed not only tend to impose inequality, they also inevitably establish a self-serving industry that hides an inefficient system of locomotion under apparent technological sophistication. I will argue that a speed limit is necessary not only to safeguard equity; it is equally a condition for increasing the total distance travelled within a society, while decreasing the total time that travel takes. + +There is little research available on the impact of vehicles on the twenty-four-hour time budget of individuals and societies. From transportation studies, we get statistics on the cost of time per mile, on the value of time measured in dollars or in length of trips. But these statistics tell us nothing about the hidden costs of transportation: about how traffic nibbles away at life-time, about how vehicles devour space, about the multiplication of trips made necessary by the existence of vehicles, or about the time spent directly and indirectly preparing for locomotion. Further, there is no available measure of the even more deeply buried costs of transport, such as higher rent to live in areas convenient to the flow of traffic, or the cost of protecting these areas from the noise, pollution and danger to life and limb that vehicles create. The lack of an account of expenditures from the social time budget should not lead us to believe, however, that such an accounting is impossible, nor should it prevent our drawing conclusions from the little that we do know. + +From our limited information it appears that everywhere in the world, after some vehicle broke the speed barrier of 15 mph, time scarcity related to traffic began to grow. After industry had reached this threshold of per capita output, transport made of man a new kind of waif: a being constantly absent from a destination he cannot reach on his own but must reach within the day. By now, people work a substantial part of every day to earn the money without which they could not even get to work. The time a society spends on transportation grows in proportion to the speed of its fastest public conveyance. Japan now leads the United States in both areas. Life-time gets cluttered up with activities generated by traffic as soon as vehicles crash through the barrier that guards people from dislocation and space from distortion. + +Whether the vehicle that speeds along the public freeway is owned by the state or by an individual has little to do with the time scarcity and over-programming that rise with every increment in speed. Buses use one-third of the fuel which cars burn to carry one man over a given distance. Commuter trains are up to ten times more efficient than cars. Both could become even more efficient and less polluting. If publicly owned and rationally managed, they could be so scheduled and routed that the privileges they presently provide under private ownership and incompetent organization would be considerably cut. But as long as any system of vehicles imposes itself on the public by its unlimited top speed, the public is left to choose between spending more time to pay for more people to be carried from station to station, and paying less taxes so that even fewer people can travel in much less time much further than others. The order of magnitude of the top speed which is permitted within a transportation system determines the slice of its time budget that an entire society spends on traffic. + +# The radical monopoly of industry + +A desirable ceiling on the velocity of movement cannot be usefully discussed without returning to the distinction between self-powered _transit_ and motorized _transport_ , __ and comparing the contribution each component makes relative to the total locomotion of people, which I have called _traffic._ + +Transport stands for the capital-intensive mode of traffic and transit indicates the labour-intensive mode. Transport is the product of an industry whose clients are passengers. It is an industrial commodity and therefore scarce by definition. Improvement of transport always takes place under conditions of scarcity that become more severe as the speed--and with it the cost--of the service increases. Conflict about insufficient transport tends to take the form of a zero-sum game where one wins only if another loses. At best, such a conflict allows for the solution of the Prisoner’s Dilemma: by cooperating with their jailer, both prisoners get off with less time in the cell. + +Transit is not the product of an industry, but the independent enterprise of transients. It has use value by definition but need not have any exchange value. The ability to engage in transit is native to man and more or less equally distributed among healthy people of the same age. The exercise of this ability can be restricted by depriving some class of people of the right to take a straight route, or because a population lacks shoes or pavements. Conflict about unsatisfactory transit conditions tends to take, therefore, the form of a non-zero-sum game in which everyone comes out ahead--not only the people who get the right to walk through a formerly walled property, but also the owner who now gets a road. + +Total traffic is the result of two profoundly distinct modes of production. These can reinforce each other harmoniously only as long as the autonomous outputs are protected against the encroachment of the industrial product. + +The harm done by contemporary traffic is due to the monopoly of transport. The allure of speed has deceived the passenger into accepting the promises made by an industry that produces capital-intensive traffic. He is convinced that high-speed vehicles have allowed him to progress beyond the limited autonomy he enjoyed when moving under his own power. He has allowed planned transport to predominate over the alternative of labour-intensive transit. Destruction of the physical environment is the least noxious effect of this concession. The far more bitter results are the multiplication of psychic frustration, the growing disutilities of continued production, and subjection to an inequitable transfer of power--all of which are manifestations of a distorted relationship between life-time and life-space. The passenger who agrees to live in a world monopolized by transport becomes a harassed, overburdened consumer of distances whose shape and length he can no longer control. + +Every society that imposes compulsory speed submerges transit to the profit of transport. Where-ever not only privilege but also elementary necessities are denied to those who do not use high-speed conveyances, an involuntary acceleration of personal rhythms is imposed. Industry dominates traffic as soon as daily life comes to depend on motorized trips. + +This profound control of the transportation industry over natural mobility constitutes a monopoly much more pervasive than either the commercial monopoly Ford might win over the automobile market, or the political monopoly car manufacturers might wield against the development of trains and buses. Because of its hidden, entrenched and structuring nature, I call this a _radical_ _monopoly._ Any industry exercises this kind of deep-seated monopoly when it becomes the dominant means of satisfying needs that formerly occasioned a personal response. The compulsory consumption of a high-powered commodity (motorized transport) restricts the conditions for enjoying an abundant use value (the innate capacity for transit). Traffic serves here as the paradigm of a general economic law: _Any industrial product that comes in per capita quanta beyond a given intensity exercises a radical monopoly over the satisfaction of a need_. Beyond some point, compulsory schooling destroys the environment for learning, medical delivery systems dry up the non-therapeutic sources of health, and transportation smothers traffic. + +Radical monopoly is first established by a rearrangement of society for the benefit of those who have access to the larger quanta, then it is enforced by compelling all to consume the minimum quantum in which the output is currently produced. Compulsory consumption will take on a different appearance in industrial branches where information dominates, such as education or medicine, than it will in those branches where quanta can be measured in British thermal units, such as housing, clothing or transport. The industrial packaging of values will reach critical intensity at different points with different products but, for each major class of outputs, the threshold occurs within an order of magnitude that is theoretically identifiable. The fact that it is possible theoretically to determine the range of speed within which transportation develops a radical monopoly over traffic does not mean that it is possible theoretically to determine just how much of such a monopoly any given society will tolerate. The fact that it is possible to identify a level of compulsory instruction at which learning by seeing and doing declines does not enable the theorist to identify the specific pedagogical limits to the division of labour that a culture will tolerate. Only recourse to juridical and, above all, to political process can lead to the specific, though provisional, measures by which speed or compulsory education will actually be limited in a given society. The magnitude of voluntary limits is a matter of politics; the encroachment of radical monopoly can be pinpointed by social analysis. + +A branch of industry does not impose a radical monopoly on a whole society by the simple fact that it produces scarce products, or because it drives competing industries off the market, but rather by virtue of its acquired ability to create and shape the need which it alone can satisfy. + +Shoes are scarce all over Latin America and many people never wear them. They walk on the bare soles of their feet, or wear the world’s widest variety of excellent sandals, supplied by a range of artisans. Their transit is in no way restricted by their lack of shoes. But in some countries of South America people are compelled to be shod ever since access to schools, jobs and public services was denied to the barefoot. Teachers or party officials define the lack of shoes as a sign of indifference toward ‘progress’. Without any intentional conspiracy between the promoters of national development and the shoe industry, the barefoot in these countries are now barred from any office. + +Schools, like shoes, were scarce at all times. But it was never the small number of privileged pupils that turned the school into an obstacle for learning. Only when laws were enacted to make schools both compulsory and free did the educator assume the power to deny learning opportunities on the job to the underconsumer of educational therapies. Only when school attendance had become obligatory did it become feasible to impose on all a progressively more complex artificial environment into which the unschooled and unprogrammed do not fit. + +The potential of a radical monopoly is unmistakeable in the case of traffic. Imagine what would happen if the transportation industry could somehow distribute its output more adequately: a traffic Utopia of free _rapid_ transportation for all would inevitably lead to a further expansion of traffic’s domain over human life. What could such a Utopia look like? Traffic would be organized exclusively around public transportation systems. It would be financed by a progressive tax calculated on income and on the proximity of one’s residence to the next terminal and to the job. It would be designed so that everybody could occupy any seat on a first-come, first-served basis: the doctor, the vacationer and the President would not be assigned any priority of person. In this fool’s paradise, all passengers would be equal, but they would be just as equally captive consumers of transport. Each citizen of a motorized Utopia would be deprived of the use of his feet and drafted into the servitude of proliferating networks of transportation. + +Certain would-be miracle makers disguised as architects offer a specious escape from the paradox of speed. By their standards, acceleration imposes inequities, time loss and controlled schedules only because people do not yet live in those patterns and orbits into which vehicles can best place them. These futuristic architects would house and occupy people in self-sufficient units of towers interconnected by tracks for high-speed capsules. Soleri, Doxiadis or Fuller would solve the problem created by high-speed transport by identifying the entire human habitat with the problem. Rather than asking how the earth’s surface can be preserved for people, they ask how reservations for necessary people can be established on an earth that has been reshaped for the sake of industrial outputs. + +# The elusive threshold + +Any traffic-optimal speed for transport seems capricious or fanatical to the confirmed passenger, whereas it looks like the flight of the bird to the donkey driver. Four or six times the speed of a man on foot constitutes a threshold too low to be deemed worthy of consideration by the habitual passenger and too high to convey the sense of a _limit_ to the three-quarters of humanity who still get around on their own power. + +All those who plan other people’s housing, transportation or education belong to the passenger class. Their claim to power is derived from the value their employers place on acceleration. Social scientists can build a computer model of traffic in Calcutta or Santiago, and engineers can design monorail webs according to abstract notions of traffic flow. Since these planners are true believers in problem solving by industry, the real solution for traffic congestion is beyond their grasp. Their belief in the effectiveness of power blinds them to the disproportionately greater effectiveness of abstaining from its use. Traffic engineers have yet to combine in one simulation model the mobility of people with that of vehicles. The engineer cannot conceive the possibility of renouncing speed and slowing down for the sake of permitting optimal traffic flow. He would never entertain the thought of programming his computer on the stipulation that no motorized vehicle within any city should ever overtake the speed of a velocipede. The development expert who looks down compassionately from his Land-Rover on the Indian peasant driving his pigs to market refuses to acknowledge the relative advantage of feet. The expert tends to forget that this man has dispensed ten others in his village from spending time on the road, whereas the engineer and every member of his family separately devote a major part of every day to being in traffic. For a man who believes that human mobility must be conceived in terms of indefinite progress, there can be no optimal level of traffic but only passing consensus on a given level of technical development. + +Most Mexicans, not to speak of Indians and Chinese, are in a position inverse to that of the confirmed passenger. The critical threshold is entirely beyond what all but a few of them know or expect. They still belong to the class of the self-powered. Some of them have a lingering memory of a motorized adventure, but most of them have no personal experience of travelling at or above the critical speed. In the two typical Mexican states of Guerrero and Chiapas, less than one per cent of the population moved even once over ten miles in less than one hour during 1970. The vehicles into which people in these areas are sometimes crowded render traffic indeed more convenient, but barely faster than the speed of a bicycle. The third class bus does not separate the farmer from his pig, and it takes them both to market without inflicting any loss of weight, but this acquaintance with motorized ‘comfort’ does not amount to dependence on destructive speed. + +The order of magnitude in which the critical threshold of speed can be found is too low to be taken seriously by the passenger, and too high to concern the peasant. It is so obvious it cannot be easily seen. The proposal of a limit to speed within this order of magnitude engenders stubborn opposition. It exposes the addiction of industrialized men to consuming ever higher doses of energy, while it asks those who are still sober to abstain from something they have yet to taste. + +To propose counterfoil research is not only a scandal, it is also a threat. Simplicity threatens the expert, who supposedly understands just why the commuter train runs at 8:15 and 8:41 and why it must be better to use fuel with certain additives. That a political process could identify a natural magnitude, both inescapable and limited, is an idea that lies outside the passenger’s world of verities. He has let respect for specialists he doesn’t even know turn into unthinking submission. If a political resolution could be found for problems created by experts in the field of traffic, then perhaps the same remedy could be applied to problems of education, medicine or urbanization. If the order of magnitude of traffic optimal vehicular velocities could be determined by laymen actively participating in an ongoing political process, then the foundation on which the framework of every industrial society is built would be shattered. To propose such research is politically subversive. It puts in question the overarching consensus on the need for more transportation which now allows the proponents of public ownership to define themselves as political adversaries of the proponents of private enterprise. + +# Degrees of self powered mobility + +A century ago the ball bearing was invented it reduced the coefficient of friction by a factor of a thousand by applying a well calibrated ball-bearing between two neolithic millstones, a man could now grind in a day what took his ancestors a week. The ball-bearing also made possible the bicycle, allowing the wheel--probably the last of the great neolithic inventions--finally to become useful for self-powered mobility. + +Man, unaided by any tool, gets around quite efficiently. He carries one gram of his weight over a kilometre in ten minutes by expending 0·75 calories. Man on his feet is thermodynamically more efficient than any motorized vehicle and most animals. For his weight, he performs more work in locomotion than rats or oxen, less than horses or sturgeon. At this rate of efficiency man settled the world and made its history. At this rate peasant societies spend less than five per cent and nomads less than eight per cent of their respective social time budgets outside the home or the encampment. + +Man on a bicycle can go three or four times faster than the pedestrian, but uses five times less energy in the process. He carries one gram of his weight over a kilometre of flat road at an expense of only 0·15 calories. The bicycle is the perfect transducer to match man’s metabolic energy to the impedance of locomotion. Equipped with this tool, man outstrips the efficiency of not only all machines, but all other animals as well. + +The invention of the ball-bearing, the tangent-spoked wheel and the pneumatic tyre taken together can be compared to only three other events in the history of transportation. The invention of the wheel at the dawn of civilization took the load off man’s back and put it onto the barrow. The invention and simultaneous application, during the European Middle Ages, of stirrup, shoulder harness and horseshoe increased the thermodynamic efficiency of the horse by a factor of up to five, and changed the economy of medieval Europe: it made frequent ploughing possible and thus introduced rotation agriculture; it brought more distant fields into the reach of the peasant, and thus permitted landowners to move from six-family hamlets into 100-family villages, where they could live around the church, the square, the jail and--later--the school; it allowed the cultivation of northern soils and shifted the centre of power into cold climates. The building of the first ocean-going vessels by the Portuguese in the fifteenth century, under the aegis of developing European capitalism, laid the solid foundations for a globe-spanning culture and market. + +The invention of the ball-bearing signalled a fourth revolution. It created an option between more freedom in equity and more speed. The bearing is an equally fundamental ingredient of two new types of locomotion, respectively symbolized by the bicycle and the car. The bicycle lifted man’s automobility into a new order, beyond which progress is theoretically not possible. In contrast, the accelerating individual capsule enabled societies to engage in a ritual of progressively paralysing speed. + +The monopoly of a ritual application over a potentially useful device is nothing new. Thousands of years ago, the wheel took the load off the carrier-slave, but it did so only on the Eurasian landmass. In Mexico, the wheel was well-known, but never applied to transport. It served exclusively for the construction of carriages for toy gods. The taboo on wheelbarrows in America before Cortés is no more puzzling than the taboo on bicycles in modern traffic. + +It is by no means necessary that the invention of the ball-bearing continue to serve the increase of energy use, and thereby produce time scarcity, space consumption and class privilege. If the new order of self-powered mobility offered by the bicycle were protected against devaluation, paralysis and risk to the limbs of the rider, it would be possible to guarantee optimal shared mobility to all people and put an end to the imposition of maximum privilege and exploitation. It would be possible to control the patterns of urbanization if the organization of space were constrained by the power man has to move through it. + +Bicycles are not only thermodynamically efficient, they are also cheap. With his much lower salary, the Chinese acquires his durable bicycle in a fraction of the working hours an American devotes to the purchase of his obsolescent car. The cost of public utilities needed to facilitate bicycle traffic versus the price of an infrastructure tailored to high speeds is proportionately even less than the price differential of the vehicles used in the two systems. In the bicycle system, engineered roads are necessary only at certain points of dense traffic, and people who live far from the surfaced path are not thereby automatically isolated as they would be if they depended on cars or trains. The bicycle has extended man’s radius without shunting him onto roads he cannot walk. Where he cannot ride his bike he can usually push it. + +The bicycle also uses little space. Eighteen bikes can be parked in the place of one car, thirty of them can move along in the space devoured by a single automobile. It takes two lanes of a given size to move 40,000 people across a bridge in one hour by using modern trains, four to move them on buses, 12 to move them in their cars, and only one lane for them to pedal across on bicycles. Of all these vehicles, only the bicycle really allows people to go from door to door without walking. The cyclist can reach new destinations of his choice without his tool creating new locations from which he is barred. + +Bicycles let people move with greater speed without taking up significant amounts of scarce space, energy or time. They can spend fewer hours on each mile and still travel more miles in a year. They can get the benefit of technological breakthroughs without putting undue claims on the schedules, energy or space of others. They become masters of their own movements without blocking those of their fellows. Their new tool creates only those demands which it can also satisfy. Every increase in motorized speed creates new demands on space and time. The use of the bicycle is self-limiting. It allows people to create a new relationship between their life-space and their life-time, between their territory and the pulse of their being, without destroying their inherited balance. The advantages of modern self-powered traffic are obvious, and ignored. That better traffic runs faster is asserted, but never proved. Before they ask people to pay for it, those who propose acceleration should try to display the evidence for their claim. + +A grizzly contest between bicycles and motors has just come to an end. In Vietnam, a hyperindustrialized army tried to conquer, but could not overcome, a people organized around bicycle speed. The lesson should be clear. High energy armies can annihilate people--both those they defend and those against whom they are launched, but they are of very limited use to a people which defends itself. It remains to be seen if the Vietnamese will apply what they learned in war to an economy of peace, if they will be willing to protect the values that made their victory possible. The dismal likelihood is that the victors, for the sake of industrial progress and increased energy consumption, will tend to defeat themselves by destroying that structure of equity, rationality and autonomy into which American bombers had forced them by depriving them of fuels, motors and roads. + +# Dominant v subsidiary motors + +Men are born almost equally mobile their natural ability speaks for the personal liberty of each one to go wherever he or she wants to go Citizens of a society founded on the notion of equity will demand the protection of this right against any abridgement. It should be irrelevant to them by what means the exercise of personal mobility is denied, whether by imprisonment, bondage to an estate, revocation of a passport, or enclosure within an environment that encroaches on a person’s native ability to move in order to make him a consumer of transport. This inalienable right of free movement does not lapse just because most of our contemporaries have strapped themselves into ideological seat belts. Man’s natural capacity for transit emerges as the only yardstick by which to measure the contribution transport can make to traffic: there is only so much transport that traffic can bear. It remains to be outlined how we can distinguish those forms of transport that cripple the power to move from those that enhance it. + +Transportation can abridge traffic in three ways: by breaking its flow, by creating isolated sets of destinations, and by increasing the loss of time due to traffic. I have already argued that the key to the relation between transport and traffic is the speed of vehicles. I have described how, past a certain threshold of speed, transport has gone on to obstruct traffic in these three ways. It blocks mobility by cluttering up the environment with vehicles and roads. It transforms geography into a pyramid of circuits sealed off from one another according to levels of acceleration. It expropriates life-time at the behest of speed. + +If beyond a certain threshold transport obstructs traffic, the inverse is also true: below some level of speed, motorized vehicles can complement or improve traffic by permitting people to do things they could not do on foot or on bicycle. Motors can be used to transport the sick, the lame, the old and the just plain lazy. Motorpulleys can lift people over hills, but they can do so peacefully only if they do not push the climber off the path. Trains can extend the range of travel, but only if they give people equal opportunity to come closer to each other. A well-developed transportation system running at top speeds of 25 mph would have allowed Fix to chase Phileas Fogg around the world in less than half of 80 days. The time engaged in travel must be, as much as possible, the traveller’s own: only insofar as motorized transport remains limited to speeds which leave it subsidiary to autonomous transit can a traffic-optimal transportation system be developed. + +A limit on the power and therefore on the speed of motors does not by itself insure those who are weaker against exploitation by the rich and powerful, who can still devise means to live and work at better located addresses, travel with retinue in plush carriages, and reserve a special lane for doctors and members of the central committee. But at a sufficiently limited maximum speed, this is an unfairness which can be reduced or even corrected by a combination of taxes and technological devices. At unlimited top speed neither public ownership of the means of transportation nor technical improvements in their control can ever eliminate growing and unequal exploitation. A transportation industry is the key to optimal production of traffic, but only if it does not exercise its radical monopoly over personal productivity. + +# Underequipment overdevelopment and mature technology + +The combination of transportation and transit that constitutes traffic has provided us with an example of socially optimal per capita wattage and of the need for politically chosen limits on it. Traffic is also a model for the convergence of worldwide development goals, and a criterion by which to distinguish those countries which are lamely underequipped from those that are destructively overindustrialized. + +A country can be classified as underequipped if it cannot outfit each citizen with a bicycle or provide a five-speed transmission for anyone who wants to pedal others around. It is underequipped if it cannot provide good roads for the cycle, or free public motorized transportation for those who want to travel for more than a few hours in succession. No technical, economic or ecological reason exists why such backwardness should be tolerated anywhere in 1975. It would be a scandal if the natural mobility of a people were forced to stagnate on a pre-bicycle level against its will. + +A country can be classified as overindustrialized when its social life is dominated by the transportation industry, which has come to determine its class privileges, to accentuate its time scarcity, and to tie its people more tightly to the tracks it has laid out for them. + +Beyond underequipment and overindustrialization, there is a place for the world of post-industrial effectiveness, where the industrial mode of production complements other autonomous forms of production. There is a place, in other words, for a world of technological maturity. In terms of traffic, it is the world of those who have tripled the extent of their daily horizon by lifting themselves onto their bicycles. It is just as much the world marked by a variety of subsidiary motors available for the occasions when a bicycle is not enough and when an extra push will limit neither equity nor freedom. And it is, too, the world of the long voyage: a world where every place is open to every person, at his own pleasure and speed, without haste or fear, by means of vehicles that cross distances without breaking with the earth which man walked for hundreds of thousands of years on his own two feet. + +Underequipment keeps people enslaved to primordial nature and limits their freedom. Overindustrialization does not admit of differences in production and political style. It imposes its technical characteristics on social relations. The world of technological maturity permits a variety of political choices and cultures. The variety diminishes, of course, as a community allows industry to grow at the cost of autonomous production. Reasoning alone can offer no precise measure for the level of post-industrial effectiveness and technological maturity appropriate to a concrete society. It can only indicate in dimensional terms the range into which these technological characteristics must fit. It must be left to a historical community engaged in its own political process to decide when programming, space distortion, time scarcity and inequality cease to be worth its while. Reasoning can identify speed as the critical factor in traffic. It cannot set politically feasible limits. + +Only when top speeds on personal carriage reflect the enlightened self-interest of a political community can they become operative. This interest cannot be expressed in a society where one class monopolizes not only transportation, but communication, medicine, education and weapons as well. It does not matter if this power is held by legal owners or by entrenched managers of an industry that is legally owned by the workers. This power must be reappropriated and submitted to the sound judgment of the common man. The reconquest of power starts with the recognition that expert knowledge blinds the secretive bureaucrat to the obvious way of dissolving the energy crisis, just as it has blinded him to recognize the obvious solution to the war in Vietnam. + +There are two roads from where we are to technological maturity: one is the road of liberation from affluence; the other is the road of liberation from dependence. Both roads have the same destination: the social restructuring of space that offers to each person the constantly renewed experience that the centre of the world is where he stands, walks and lives. + +Liberation from affluence begins on the traffic islands where the rich run into one another. The well-sped are tossed from one island to the next and are offered but the company of fellow passengers en route to somewhere else. This solitude of plenty breaks down as the traffic islands gradually expand and people begin to recover their native power to move around the place where they live. Thus, the impoverished environment of the traffic island can embody the beginnings of social reconstruction, and the people who now call themselves rich will break with bondage to overefficient transport on the day they come to treasure the horizon of their traffic islands, now fully grown, and to dread frequent shipments from their homes. + +Liberation from dependence starts at the other end. It breaks the constriction of village and valley and leaves behind the boredom of narrow horizons and the stifling oppression of a world closed in on itself. To expand life beyond the radius of tradition without scattering it to the winds of acceleration is a goal that any poor country could achieve within a few years, but it is a goal that will be reached only by those who reject the offer of unchecked industrial development made in the name of an ideology of indefinite energy consumption. + +Liberation from the radical monopoly of industry is possible only where people engage in a political process founded on the protection of optimal traffic. This protection, in turn, demands a recognition of those energy quanta upon whose neglect industrial society has been built. These energy quanta can carry those who consume that much, but no more, into a post-industrial age that is technologically mature. + +Liberation which comes cheap to the poor will cost the rich dear, but they will pay its price once the acceleration of their transportation systems grinds traffic to a halt. A concrete analysis of traffic betrays the truth underlying the energy crisis: the impact of industrially packaged quanta of energy on the social environment tends to be degrading, exhausting and enslaving, and these effects come into play even before those which threaten the pollution of the physical environment and the extinction of the race. The crucial point at which these effects can be reversed is not, however, a matter of deduction, but of decision. + +# Bibliography + +_Seminars on ‘Alternatives to Acceleration in the Improvement of Traffic’ and on ‘The History of Thermodynamics Applied to Personal Transportation’ are meeting at CIDOC in Cuernavaca during 1974 and 1975. The following list has been culled from the seminar library. Only those titles have been quoted which, besides having proved useful in past sessions of the seminar, could easily be overlooked by those who might wish to pursue the line of inquiry followed in this essay_. + +ALBION, R. G., _Naval_ _and_ _Maritime_ _History_ , _An_ _Annotated_ _Bibliography_. Mystic, The Marine Hist. Assn. Conn. 1972. + +ANDERSON, Romola and Roger, _The_ _Sailing_ _Ship:_ _Six_ _Thousand_ _Years_ _of_ _History_. London, Harrap, 1926. + +BANKS, Arthur S., _Cross-Polity_ _Times_ _Series_ _Data_. Cambridge, Mass.; MIT, 1971. + +BARKIN, David, ‘El consumo y la vía chilena al socialismo; reflexiones en torno a la decisión automotriz’. Versión Preliminar. _Centro_ _de_ _Estudios_ _Socio-Económicos_ , Santiago de Chile, 1972. (Available from CIDOC Library.) + +BERNSTEIN, M. T., _Steamboats_ _on_ _the_ _Ganges_. Bombay, Orient Longmans, 1960. + +BIVAR, A. D. H., ‘The Stirrup and Its Origins’. _Oriental_ _Art_ , vol. I, 1955, pp. 61-65\. + +BLAISDEL, R. et al., _Sources_ _of_ _Information_ _in_ _Transportation_. Evanston, Ill., Northwestern University Press (The Transportation Center), 1964. + +BOWDEN, Frank Philip, Art. on ‘Friction’ in the _Encyclopaedia_ _Britannica_ , vol. 9, pp. 840A-841\. + +BRANCH, Melville C., _Comprehensive_ _Urban_ _Planning:_ _A_ _Selected_ _Anno_ _tated_ _Bibliography_ _with_ _Related_ _Materials_. Sage Publications, 1973. For material on transportation, cf. pp. 251-272\. + +BRAUDEL, Fernand, ‘La Lenteur des Transports’ in _Civilisation_ _Materielle_ _et_ _Capitalisme_ , _XV-XVIII_ _Siècle_ , pp. 314-329\. Paris, Armand Colin, 1967. + +----. ‘Vicissitudes des Routes’ in _La_ _Méditerranée_ _et_ _le_ _Monde_ _Medi_ _terranéen_ , pp. 242-259\. Paris, Armand Colin, 1949. + +BRUNOT, Ferdinand, _Histoire_ _de_ _la_ _Langue_ _Française_ _des_ _Origines_ _a_ _nos_ _Jours_. For references to ‘transport’, cf. esp. tome VI, pp. 357-360 and tome VII, pp. 201-231\. + +BUCHANAN, C. D., _Mixed_ _Blessing:_ _The_ _Motor_ _Car_ _in_ _Britain_. London, 1958. + +BUFFET, B., _L’Eau_ _Potable_ _à_ _travers_ _les_ _Ages_. Liege, 1950. + +CAUNTER, C. F., _The_ _History_ _and_ _Development_ _of_ _the_ _Cycles_ , _As_ _Illustrated_ _by_ _the_ _Collection_ _of_ _Cycles_ _in_ _the_ _Science_ _Museum_. London, 1955. + +CAVAILLES, Henri, _La_ _Route_ _Française_ , _son_ _Histoire_. Paris, 1946. + +CHERMAYEFF, Serge, and TZONIS, Alexander, _Shape_ _of_ _Community_. Penguin, 1971. + +CLAXTON, E. C., ‘The Future of the Bicycle in a Modern Society’. _Journal_ _of_ _the_ _Royal_ _Society_ _of_ _Arts_ , January, 1968, pp. 114-135\. + +COOK, Walter L., _Bike_ _Trails_ _and_ _Facilities_ _:_ _A_ _Guide_ _to_ _Their_ _Design_ , _Construction_ _and_ _Operation_. Wheeling, W.Va., American Institute of Park Executives, 1965. + +COPELAND, John, _Roads_ _and_ _Their_ _Traffic_ , _1750 -1858_. Newton Abbot, 1968. + +DAVENAS, Paul, _Les_ _Messageries_ _Royales_. Paris, 1937. + +DEFFONTAINES, P., ‘Sur la Reparticion Géographique des Voitures à Deux Roues et à Quatre Roues’. _Traveaux_ _du_ _Premier_ _Congrès_ _Internacional_ _de_ _Folklore_ , _Paris_ _1937_ , p. 117 ff. Arbault, Tours, 1938. + +DEISCHEL, Erwin, _Umweltbeanspruchung_ _und_ _Umweltschaeden_ _durch_ _den_ _Verkehr_ _in_ _der_ _BDR_ , Munich, 1971. + +DOLLFUS, C., _Historie_ _de_ _la_ _Locomotion_ _Terrestre_. Paris, 1935-36\. + +EKHOLM, Gordon F., ‘Wheeled Toys in Mexico’. _American_ _Antiquity_ , vol. 2, 1946, pp. 222-228\. + +FARVAR, M. Taghi and MILTON, John, _The_ _Careless_ _Technology:_ _Ecology_ _and_ _International_ _Development_. Garden City, N.Y., The Natural History Press, 1972. + +FORBES, R. J., ‘Land Transport and Road Building, 1000-1900’. _Janus_ , vol. 46, 1957, p. 100. + +----. _Notes_ _on_ _the_ _History_ _of_ _Ancient_ _Roads_ _and_ _Their_ _Construction_. Second Edition. Amsterdam, 1964. + +FOSTER, George M., _Culture_ _and_ _Conquest:_ _America’s_ _Spanish_ _Heritage_. Chicago, Quadrangle Books, 1960. + +FROMM, Gary, ed., _Transport_ _Investment_ _and_ _Economic_ _Development_. Washington, D.C., The Brookings Institution Transport Research Program, 1969. + +FULLER, R. Buckminster, _World_ _Resource_ _Inventory_. Carbondale, Southern Illinois University Press, 1965. Cf. esp. vol. 4, part 4. + +FULLER, Dudley D., _Theory_ _and_ _Practice_ _of_ _Lubrication_ _for_ _Engineers_ , N.Y., Wiley, 1956. + +GIEDION, Siegfried, _Mechanization_ _Takes_ _Command_. New York, Norton, 1969. + +GINSBURG, Norton, _Atlas_ _of_ _Economic_ _Development_. University of Chicago Press, 1961. Cf. esp. pp. 100-101 and pp. 60-77\. + +GOETZ, Wilhelm, _Verkehrswege_ _im_ _Dienste_ _des_ _Welthandels:_ _Eine_ _Historisch-Geographische_ _Untersuchung_. Stuttgart, 1888. + +HALDANE, J. B. S., ‘On Being the Right Size’ in James R. Newman, ed., _The_ _World_ _of_ _Mathematics_ , vol. II. New York, Simon and Schuster, 1956. + +HALL, Edward T., _Hidden_ _Dimension_. New York, Doubleday, 1969. + +HANNEN, Bruce, ‘Options for Energy Conservation’. Unpublished manuscript, Feb., 1973. CIDOC Library. + +HASEBRÖK, Johannes, _Griechische_ _Wirtschaftgeschichte_ _und_ _Gesell_ _schaftgeschichte_ _bis_ _zur_ _Perserzeit_. Tübingen, 1931. + +HAUDRICOURT, André G., ‘Contribution a la Géographie et a l’Ethnologie de la Voiture’. _Revue_ _de_ _Géographie_ _Humaine_ _et_ _Ethnologie_ , 1948. pp. 54-64\. + +HEICHELHEIM, Fritz M., _An_ _Ancient_ _Economic_ _History_ , _From_ _the_ _Paleo_ _lithic_ _Age_ _to_ _the_ _Migrations_ _of_ _the_ _Germanic_ , _Slavic_ _and_ _Arabic_ _Nations_. 3 Volumes, Leiden, 1938. + +HERENDEEN, R., Use of Input/Output Analysis to Determine the Energy Cost of Goods and Services. Mimeograph, 22 pp. Urbana, University of Illinois (Center for Advanced Computer Studies), Feb. 20, 1973. + +HIRST, E., _Energy_ _Efficiency_ _for_ _Passenger_ _Transportation_ _and_ _for_ _Freight_ _Transportation_. Oak Ridge National Laboratories, 1971. + +HORNELL, J., _Water_ _Transport:_ _Origins_ _and_ _Early_ _Evolution_. Cambridge University Press, 1946. + +HOSKINS, Halford, _British_ _Routes_ _to_ _India_. New York, 1928. + +HUNTER, Holland, _Soviet_ _Transport_ _Experience_ , _Its_ _Lessons_ _for_ _Other_ _Countries_. Washington, D.C., The Brookings Institution Transport Research Program, 1968. + +JOPE, E. M., ‘Vehicles and Harness’ in Singer, _A_ _History_ _of_ _Technology_ , vol. 2, p. 537. Oxford University Press, 1956. + +KALMUS, Ludwig, _Weltgeschichte_ _der_ _Post_ _mit_ _besonderer_ _Berücksichtigung_ _des_ _deutschen_ _Sprachgebietes_. Vienna, 1937. + +KIRKLAND, Edward, _Men_ , _Cities_ _and_ _Transportation_ _:_ _A_ _Study_ _of_ _New_ _England_ _History_ , _1820 -1900_. Two volumes. Cambridge, Mass., 1948. + +KOHL, Johann Georg, _Der_ _Verkehr_ _und_ _die_ _Ansiedlungen_ _der_ _Menschen_ _in_ _ihrer_ _Abhaengigkeit_ _von_ _der_ _Gestaltung_ _der_ _Erdoberflaeche_. Leipzig, 1841. + +LANSING, John B.; MARANS, Robert W., et. al., _Car_ _Ownership_ , _Annual_ _Mileage_ , _and_ _the_ _Journey_ _to_ _Work_. Ann Arbor, Institute for Social Research, The University of Michigan, 1970. Cf. esp. pp. 137-151\. + +LAPIN, Howard, _Structuring_ _the_ _Journey_ _to_ _Work_. Philadelphia University Press, 1964. + +LARTILLEUX, H., _Geografía_ _de_ _los_ _Ferrocarriles_ _Españoles_. M. Rivadaneyra, 1954. + +LEFEBVRE des NOETTES, R., _L’Attelage_ _et_ _le_ _Cheval_ _de_ _Selle_ _à_ _travers_ _les_ _Ages;_ _Contribution_ _à_ _l’Histoire_ _de_ _l_ ’ _Esclavage_. Paris, Picard, 1931. + +----. _De_ _la_ _Marine_ _Antique_ _à_ _la_ _Marine_ _Moderne:_ _La_ _Revolution_ _du_ _Gouvernail_. Paris, 1935. + +LEWIS, Richard S. and SPINRAD, Bernard I., _The_ _Energy_ _Crisis_. Chicago, Educational Foundation for Nuclear Science, 1972. + +LIEPMANN, Kate K., _The_ _Journey_ _to_ _Work_ , _Its_ _Significance_ _for_ _Industrial_ _and_ _Community_ _Life_. London, 1944. + +LINDER, Staffan Burestam, _The_ _Harried_ _Leisure_ _Class_. New York, Columbia University Press, 1971. + +LISCO, Thomas E., ‘The Future of Urban Transportation; Mass Transportation: Cinderella in Our Cities’. _The_ _Public_ _Interest_. 1970. + +LOPEZ, R. S. and RAYMOND, J. W., eds., _Medieval_ _Trade_ _in_ _the_ _Mediter_ _ranean_ _World_ : _Illustrative_ _Documents_. New York, Columbia University Press, 1955. + +MANHEIM, Marvin L., ‘Principles of Transport Systems Analysis’. _Proceedings_ _of_ _the_ _Seventh_ _Annual_ _Meeting_ _of_ _the_ _Transportation_ _Research_ _Forum_ , 1966, pp. 9-21\. + +MARSH, George Perkins, _The_ _Earth_ _As_ _Modified_ _by_ _Human_ _Action_. Third Edition. New York, 1888. + +MEYER, Balthasar H., ed., _History_ _of_ _Transportation_ _in_ _the_ _United_ _States_ _before_ _1860_. Washington, D.C., 1917. + +MEYER, John R., Art. on ‘Transportation: Economic Aspects’ in the _Encyclopedia_ _of_ _Social_ _Sciences_ , vol. 16, pp. 134-140\. + +MOTT, George Fox, ‘Transportation in Contemporary Civilization’ in _Transportation_ _Renaissance_ , vol. 345 of The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, pp. 1-5, Philadelphia, 1963. + +MACKAYE, Benton, ‘Townless Highways for the Motorist’. _Harper’s_ _Magazine_ , Aug., 1931. + +MCMURRAY, David F. E., _Aspects_ _of_ _Time_ _and_ _the_ _Study_ _of_ _Activity_ _Routines_. Thesis for the M.S. in city planning. Cambridge, Mass., MIT, 1968. + +NEEDHAM, Joseph, ‘Vehicles for Land Transport’ in _Science_ _and_ _Civilization_ _in_ _China_ , vol. 4 (Physics and Physical Technology), part II (Mechanical Engineering), pp. 243-281\. Cambridge University Press, 1965. + +----. ‘Power Sources and Their Employment, (1) Animal Traction’ in _ibid_., pp. 303-328\. + +OLSSON, Gunnar, _Distance_ _and_ _Human_ _Interaction_ _:_ _A_ _Review_ _Bibliography_. Philadelphia (Regional Science Research Institute, bibl. sec. 2), 1965. + +OSTWALD, W., _Energetische_ _Grundlagen_ _der_ _Kulturwissenschaft_. (Philosophisch-Soziologische Bücherei Bd. 16) Leipzig, 1909. + +OTTLEY, George, _A_ _Bibliography_ _of_ _British_ _Railway_ _History_. London, Allen and Unwin, 1965. + +OWEN, Wolford, _Strategy_ _for_ _Mobility_. Washington, D.G., Brookings Institution, 1964. + +PERRATON, Jean K., ‘Planning for the Cyclist in Urban Areas’. _The_ _Town_ _Planning_ _Review_ , vol. 39, no. 2, July, 1968, pp. 149-162\. + +PLATT, John, ‘Hierarchical Restructuring’. _Bulletin_ _of_ _Atomic_ _Scientists_ , Nov., 1970. + +POLANYI, Karl, ed., _Trade_ _and_ _Market_ _in_ _Early_ _Empires_. Glencoe, Ill., The Free Press, 1957. + +ROBBINS, Michael, _The_ _Railway_ _Age_. London, Routledge and Kegan Paul. Penguin, 1964. + +RUSSEAU, Pierre, _Histoire_ _des_ _Transports_. Paris, Artheme Fayard, 1961. + +SAUER, Carl O., _Agricultural_ _Origins_ _and_ _Dispersal_. Bowman Memorial Lectures, Series Two. New York, 1952. + +SAUVY, Alfred, _Les_ _Quatre_ _Roues_ _de_ _la_ _Fortune_ _:_ _Essai_ _sur_ _l_ ’ _Automobile_ , Paris, 1968. + +SCHNORE, Leo F., Art. on ‘Transportation, Commutation’ in the _Encyclopedia_ _of_ _Social_ _Sciences_ , vol. 16, pp. 140-144\. + +SHERRINGTON, Charles E. R., _A_ _Hundred_ _Years_ _of_ _Inland_ _Transportation_ , _1830 -1933_. London, 1934. Kelly reprint, 1969. + +SMERK, George M., _Readings_ _in_ _Urban_ _Transportation_. Bloomington, Indiana University Press, 1968. + +SMITH, Joel. Art. on ‘Transportation: Social Aspects’ in the _Encyclo_ _pedia_ _of_ _Social_ _Sciences_ , vol. 16, pp. 129-134\. + +SMITH, William, _The_ _History_ _of_ _the_ _Post_ _Office_ _in_ _British_ _North_ _America_ , _1639 -1870_. Cambridge University Press, 1920. + +SPENGLER, Joseph, ‘On the Progress of Quantification in Economics’ in Harry Woolf, ed., _A_ _History_ _of_ _the_ _Meaning_ _of_ _Measurement_ _in_ _the_ _Natural_ _and_ _Social_ _Sciences_ , pp. 128-146\. New York, Bobbs Merrill, 1961. + +STONE, Tabor R., _Beyond_ _the_ _Automobile:_ _Reshaping_ _the_ _Transportation_ _Environment_. Englewood Cliffs, N.J., Prentice Hall, 1971. + +STRUBE ERDMANN, Leon, _Vialidad_ _Imperial_ _de_ _los_ _Incas_. Universidad de Córdoba, Argentina, 1963. + +SUNDQUIST, James L., ‘A Policy for Urban Growth: Where Shall They Live?’ _The_ _Public_ _Interest_. No. 18, Winter 1970. + +STUTZ, Frederick P., _Research_ _on_ _Intra-Urban_ _Social_ _Travel:_ _Introduction_ _and_ _Bibliography_ _;_ _Exchange_ _Bibliography_ _No_. _173_. Monticello, Mich., Council of Planning Librarians, Feb., 1971. + +TAYLOR, George, _The_ _Transportation_ _Revolution_. New York, Harper & Row, 1951. + +TERRAZAS DE LA PEÑA, Eduardo, ‘Necesidad de un Incremento en la Intensidad del Uso del Espacio’. Paper presented at a regional meeting on urban development policies, Mexico City, July, 1972. CIDOC Library. + +_Transportation_ _Renaissance_ , Vol. 345 of The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science. Philadelphia, 1963. + +TURNER, John F. C., ‘Housing for People or Housing by People’? Mimeograph, 10 pp. Cambridge, Mass., MIT, 1970. + +WESTERGAARD, John, ‘Journey to Work in London Region’. _TPR_ , April, 1957. + +WHEELER, James O., _Research_ _on_ _the_ _Journey_ _to_ _Work:_ _Introduction_ _and_ _Bibliography;_ _Exchange_ _Bibliography_ _No_. _65_. Monticello, Mich., Council of Planning Librarians, January, 1969. + +WHITE, Lynn, ‘Tibet, India and Malaya as Sources of Western Medieval Technology’. _American_ _Historical_ _Review_ , vol. 65, 1960, pp. 515-526\. + +----. ‘The Agricultural Revolution of the Early Middle Ages’ in _Medieval_ _Technology_ _and_ _Social_ _Change_. Oxford University Press, 1969, pp. 39-78\. + +WHITE, Leslie, _The_ _Science_ _of_ _Culture_ _:_ _Energy_ _and_ _the_ _Evolution_ _of_ _Culture_. New York, Grove Press, 1949. cf. esp. pp. 363-393\. + +WILSON, S. S., ‘Bicycle Technology’. _Scientific_ _American_ , March, 1973, pp. 81-91\. + +WILSON, George W., et. al., _The_ _Impact_ _of_ _Highway_ _Investment_ _on_ _Development_. Washington, D.C., The Brookings Institution Transport Research Program, 1966. + +YURICK, Sol, ‘The Political Economy of Junk’. _Monthly_ _Review_ , vol. 22, no. 7, Dec, 1970, pp. 22-37\. diff --git a/contents/book/energy/en.notes b/contents/book/energy/en.notes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..28eb43f --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/energy/en.notes @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +* It was first written in French and published in Le Monde in May 1973 in three instalments. Developed and rewritten, with the help of Luce Giard and Vincent Bardet, it was the subject of a first edition in French in 1975, under the Éditions du Seuil. A longer and more detailed English version was established on this complete and enriched plot of works conducted at the CIDOC of Cuernavaca. diff --git a/data/pages/en/book/energy/en.txt b/contents/book/energy/en.txt index b63f167..99c00ff 100644 --- a/data/pages/en/book/energy/en.txt +++ b/contents/book/energy/en.txt @@ -1,12 +1,12 @@ -# Energy and equity +# Energy and Equity ## Foreword -This essay is my summary of the discussions which took place in the course of two sessions--one in English, the other in Spanish--of a seminar that met at the Center for Intercultural Documentation (CIDOC) in Cuernavaca, Mexico. I am grateful to my colleagues who contributed ideas, facts and criticism. Copies of the working papers of our ongoing seminar on the history of thermodynamics as applied to transportation can be obtained from Isaac Rogel, CIDOC Librarian, Apdo. 479, Cuernavaca, Mor., Mexico. I owe special thanks to Dennis Sullivan for his editorial assistance on this essay. +This essay is my summary of the discussions which took place in the course of two sessions--one in English, the other in Spanish--of a seminar that met at the Center for Intercultural Documentation (CIDOC) in Cuernavaca, Mexico. I am grateful to my colleagues who contributed ideas, facts and criticism. Copies of the working papers of our ongoing seminar on the history of thermodynamics as applied to transportation can be obtained from Isaac Rogel, CIDOC Librarian, Apdo. 479, Cuernavaca, Mor., Mexico. I owe special thanks to Dennis Sullivan for his editorial assistance on this essay. -The seminar on traffic was one of the preparatory meetings for a consultation which Valentina Borremans is now organizing at CIDOC for 1975-76\. The consultation will focus on the interlocking structure by which medical, legal, educational and energy-intensive agencies (such as those which produce transportation and housing) impose their paralysing monopoly on contemporary society. Although the context of our discussion is Latin America, its theme is pertinent to other regions. +The seminar on traffic was one of the preparatory meetings for a consultation which Valentina Borremans is now organizing at CIDOC for 1975-76\. The consultation will focus on the interlocking structure by which medical, legal, educational and energy-intensive agencies (such as those which produce transportation and housing) impose their paralysing monopoly on contemporary society. Although the context of our discussion is Latin America, its theme is pertinent to other regions. -During the next thirty months, the consultation ought to generate several more short working papers which are of general interest even though they are only vulnerable ideas in progress and in search of critique. Such essays cannot await the permanence of the book. They do not belong in the learned journal. They resist packaging in periodicals. The monopoly of publishers over the printed word too often pushes the tract into the mimeograph’s limbo or seduces the author to reshape his text to fit the available vehicles. To break this monopoly Marion Boyars has shaped the format of this series, and Dennis Sullivan has offered to edit and submit to her what our consultation might produce. +During the next thirty months, the consultation ought to generate several more short working papers which are of general interest even though they are only vulnerable ideas in progress and in search of critique. Such essays cannot await the permanence of the book. They do not belong in the learned journal. They resist packaging in periodicals. The monopoly of publishers over the printed word too often pushes the tract into the mimeograph’s limbo or seduces the author to reshape his text to fit the available vehicles. To break this monopoly Marion Boyars has shaped the format of this series, and Dennis Sullivan has offered to edit and submit to her what our consultation might produce. > El socialismo puede llegar solo en bicicleta @@ -14,402 +14,402 @@ José Antonio Viera-Gallo, Assistant Secretary of Justice in the Government of S ## The energy crisis -It has recently become fashionable to insist on an impending energy crisis. This euphemistic term conceals a contradiction and consecrates an illusion. It masks the contradiction implicit in the joint pursuit of equity and industrial growth. It safeguards the illusion that machine power can indefinitely take the place of manpower. To face this contradiction and betray this illusion, it is urgent to clarify the reality that the language of crisis obscures: high quanta of energy degrade social relations just as inevitably as they destroy the physical milieu. +It has recently become fashionable to insist on an impending energy crisis. This euphemistic term conceals a contradiction and consecrates an illusion. It masks the contradiction implicit in the joint pursuit of equity and industrial growth. It safeguards the illusion that machine power can indefinitely take the place of manpower. To face this contradiction and betray this illusion, it is urgent to clarify the reality that the language of crisis obscures: high quanta of energy degrade social relations just as inevitably as they destroy the physical milieu. -The proponents of an energy crisis confirm and continue to propagate a peculiar vision of man. According to this notion, man is born into prolonged dependence on slaves which he must painfully learn to master. If he does not employ prisoners, then he needs motors to do most of his work. According to this doctrine, the well-being of a society can be measured by the number of years its members have gone to school and by the number of energy slaves they have thereby learned to command. This belief is common to the conflicting economic ideologies now in vogue. It is threatened by the obvious inequity, harriedness and impotence that appear everywhere once the voracious hordes of energy slaves outnumber people by a certain proportion. The energy crisis focuses concern on the scarcity of fodder for these slaves. I prefer to ask whether free men need them. +The proponents of an energy crisis confirm and continue to propagate a peculiar vision of man. According to this notion, man is born into prolonged dependence on slaves which he must painfully learn to master. If he does not employ prisoners, then he needs motors to do most of his work. According to this doctrine, the well-being of a society can be measured by the number of years its members have gone to school and by the number of energy slaves they have thereby learned to command. This belief is common to the conflicting economic ideologies now in vogue. It is threatened by the obvious inequity, harriedness and impotence that appear everywhere once the voracious hordes of energy slaves outnumber people by a certain proportion. The energy crisis focuses concern on the scarcity of fodder for these slaves. I prefer to ask whether free men need them. -The energy policies adopted during the current decade will determine the range of social relationships a society will be able to enjoy by the year 2000. A low energy policy allows for a wide choice of life styles and cultures. If, on the other hand, a society opts for high energy consumption, its social relations must be dictated by technocracy and will be equally distasteful whether labelled capitalist or socialist. +The energy policies adopted during the current decade will determine the range of social relationships a society will be able to enjoy by the year 2000. A low energy policy allows for a wide choice of life styles and cultures. If, on the other hand, a society opts for high energy consumption, its social relations must be dictated by technocracy and will be equally distasteful whether labelled capitalist or socialist. -At this moment, most societies--especially the poor ones--are still free to set their energy policies by any of three guidelines. Well-being can be identified with high amounts of per capita energy use, with high efficiency of energy transformation, or with the least possible use of mechanical energy by the most powerful member of society. The first approach would stress tight management of scarce and destructive fuels on behalf of industry, whereas the second would emphasize the retooling of industry in the interest of thermodynamic thrift. Both attitudes necessarily imply huge public expenditures and increased social control; both rationalize the emergence of a computerized Leviathan, and both are at present widely discussed. +At this moment, most societies--especially the poor ones--are still free to set their energy policies by any of three guidelines. Well-being can be identified with high amounts of per capita energy use, with high efficiency of energy transformation, or with the least possible use of mechanical energy by the most powerful member of society. The first approach would stress tight management of scarce and destructive fuels on behalf of industry, whereas the second would emphasize the retooling of industry in the interest of thermodynamic thrift. Both attitudes necessarily imply huge public expenditures and increased social control; both rationalize the emergence of a computerized Leviathan, and both are at present widely discussed. -The possibility of a third option is barely noticed. While people have begun to accept ecological limits on maximum per capita energy use as a condition for physical survival, they do not yet think about the use of minimum feasible power as the foundation of any of various social orders that would be both modern and desirable. Yet only a ceiling on energy use can lead to social relations that are characterized by high levels of equity. The one option that is presently neglected is the only choice within the reach of all nations. It is also the only strategy by which a political process can be used to set limits on the power of even the most motorized bureaucrat. Participatory democracy postulates low energy technology. Only participatory democracy creates the conditions for rational technology. +The possibility of a third option is barely noticed. While people have begun to accept ecological limits on maximum per capita energy use as a condition for physical survival, they do not yet think about the use of minimum feasible power as the foundation of any of various social orders that would be both modern and desirable. Yet only a ceiling on energy use can lead to social relations that are characterized by high levels of equity. The one option that is presently neglected is the only choice within the reach of all nations. It is also the only strategy by which a political process can be used to set limits on the power of even the most motorized bureaucrat. Participatory democracy postulates low energy technology. Only participatory democracy creates the conditions for rational technology. -What is generally overlooked is that equity and energy can grow concurrently only to a point. Below a threshold of per capita wattage, motors improve the conditions for social progress. Above this threshold, energy grows at the expense of equity. Further energy affluence then means decreased distribution of control over that energy. +What is generally overlooked is that equity and energy can grow concurrently only to a point. Below a threshold of per capita wattage, motors improve the conditions for social progress. Above this threshold, energy grows at the expense of equity. Further energy affluence then means decreased distribution of control over that energy. -The widespread belief that clean and abundant energy is the panacea for social ills is due to a political fallacy, according to which equity and energy consumption can be indefinitely correlated, at least under some ideal political conditions. Labouring under this illusion, we tend to discount any social limit on the growth of energy consumption. But if ecologists are right to assert that non-metabolic power pollutes, it is in fact just as inevitable that, beyond a certain threshold, mechanical power corrupts. The threshold of social disintegration by high energy quanta is independent from the threshold at which energy conversion produces physical destruction. Expressed in horsepower, it is undoubtedly lower. This is the fact which must be theoretically recognized before a political issue can be made of the per capita wattage to which a society will limit its members. +The widespread belief that clean and abundant energy is the panacea for social ills is due to a political fallacy, according to which equity and energy consumption can be indefinitely correlated, at least under some ideal political conditions. Labouring under this illusion, we tend to discount any social limit on the growth of energy consumption. But if ecologists are right to assert that non-metabolic power pollutes, it is in fact just as inevitable that, beyond a certain threshold, mechanical power corrupts. The threshold of social disintegration by high energy quanta is independent from the threshold at which energy conversion produces physical destruction. Expressed in horsepower, it is undoubtedly lower. This is the fact which must be theoretically recognized before a political issue can be made of the per capita wattage to which a society will limit its members. -Even if non-polluting power were feasible and abundant, the use of energy on a massive scale acts on society like a drug that is physically harmless but psychically enslaving. A community can choose between Methadone and ‘cold turkey’--between maintaining its addiction to alien energy and kicking it in painful cramps--but no society can have a population that is at once autonomously active and hooked on progressively larger numbers of energy slaves. +Even if non-polluting power were feasible and abundant, the use of energy on a massive scale acts on society like a drug that is physically harmless but psychically enslaving. A community can choose between Methadone and ‘cold turkey’--between maintaining its addiction to alien energy and kicking it in painful cramps--but no society can have a population that is at once autonomously active and hooked on progressively larger numbers of energy slaves. -In previous discussions, I have shown that, beyond a certain level of GNP, the cost of social control must rise faster than total output and become the major institutional activity within an economy. Therapy administered by educators, psychiatrists and social workers must converge with the designs of planners, managers and salesmen, and complement the services of security agencies, the military and the police. I now want to indicate one reason why increased affluence requires increased control over personnel. I argue that beyond a certain median per capita energy level, the political system and cultural context of any society must decay. Once the critical quantum of per capita energy is surpassed, education for the abstract goals of a bureaucracy must supplant the legal guarantees of personal and concrete initiative. This quantum is the limit of social order. +In previous discussions, I have shown that, beyond a certain level of GNP, the cost of social control must rise faster than total output and become the major institutional activity within an economy. Therapy administered by educators, psychiatrists and social workers must converge with the designs of planners, managers and salesmen, and complement the services of security agencies, the military and the police. I now want to indicate one reason why increased affluence requires increased control over personnel. I argue that beyond a certain median per capita energy level, the political system and cultural context of any society must decay. Once the critical quantum of per capita energy is surpassed, education for the abstract goals of a bureaucracy must supplant the legal guarantees of personal and concrete initiative. This quantum is the limit of social order. -I will argue here that technocracy must prevail as soon as the ratio of mechanical power and metabolic energy oversteps a definite, identifiable threshold. The order of magnitude within which this threshold lies is largely independent from the level of technology applied, yet its very existence has slipped into the blindspot of social imagination in both rich and medium rich countries. Both the United States and Mexico have passed the critical divide. In both countries, further energy inputs increase inequality, inefficiency and personal impotence. Although one country has a per capita income of $500 and the other of nearly $5,000, huge vested interest in an industrial infrastructure prods both of them to further escalate the use of energy. As a result, both North American and Mexican ideologues put the label of ‘energy crisis’ on their frustration, and both countries are blinded to the fact that the threat of social breakdown is due neither to a shortage of fuel, nor to the wasteful, polluting and irrational use of available wattage, but to the attempt of industries to gorge society with energy quanta that inevitably degrade, deprive and frustrate most people. +I will argue here that technocracy must prevail as soon as the ratio of mechanical power and metabolic energy oversteps a definite, identifiable threshold. The order of magnitude within which this threshold lies is largely independent from the level of technology applied, yet its very existence has slipped into the blindspot of social imagination in both rich and medium rich countries. Both the United States and Mexico have passed the critical divide. In both countries, further energy inputs increase inequality, inefficiency and personal impotence. Although one country has a per capita income of $500 and the other of nearly $5,000, huge vested interest in an industrial infrastructure prods both of them to further escalate the use of energy. As a result, both North American and Mexican ideologues put the label of ‘energy crisis’ on their frustration, and both countries are blinded to the fact that the threat of social breakdown is due neither to a shortage of fuel, nor to the wasteful, polluting and irrational use of available wattage, but to the attempt of industries to gorge society with energy quanta that inevitably degrade, deprive and frustrate most people. -A people can be just as dangerously overpowered by the wattage of its tools as by the caloric content of its foods, but it is much harder to confess to a national overindulgence in wattage than to a sickening diet. The per capita wattage that is critical for social well-being lies within an order of magnitude which is far above the horsepower known to four-fifths of humanity and far below the power commanded by any Volkswagen driver. It eludes the underconsumer and the overconsumer alike. Neither is willing to face the facts. For the primitive, the elimination of slavery and drudgery depends on the introduction of appropriate modern technology, and for the rich, the avoidance of an even more horrible degradation depends on the effective recognition of a threshold in energy consumption beyond which technical processes begin to dictate social relations. Calories are both biologically and socially healthy only as long as they stay within the narrow range that separates enough from too much. +A people can be just as dangerously overpowered by the wattage of its tools as by the caloric content of its foods, but it is much harder to confess to a national overindulgence in wattage than to a sickening diet. The per capita wattage that is critical for social well-being lies within an order of magnitude which is far above the horsepower known to four-fifths of humanity and far below the power commanded by any Volkswagen driver. It eludes the underconsumer and the overconsumer alike. Neither is willing to face the facts. For the primitive, the elimination of slavery and drudgery depends on the introduction of appropriate modern technology, and for the rich, the avoidance of an even more horrible degradation depends on the effective recognition of a threshold in energy consumption beyond which technical processes begin to dictate social relations. Calories are both biologically and socially healthy only as long as they stay within the narrow range that separates enough from too much. -The so-called energy crisis is, then, a politically ambiguous issue. Public interest in the quantity of power and in the distribution of controls over the use of energy can lead in two opposite directions. On the one hand, questions can be posed that would open the way to political reconstruction by unblocking the search for a post-industrial, labour-intensive, low energy and high equity economy. On the other hand, hysterical concern with machine fodder can reinforce the present escalation of capital-intensive institutional growth, and carry us past the last turnoff from a hyper-industrial Armageddon. Political reconstruction presupposes the recognition of the fact that there exist _critical_ _per_ _capita_ _quanta_ beyond which energy can no longer be controlled by political process. Social breakdown will be the inevitable outcome of ecological restraints on _total_ _energy_ _use_ imposed by industrially-minded planners bent on keeping industrial production at some hypothetical maximum. +The so-called energy crisis is, then, a politically ambiguous issue. Public interest in the quantity of power and in the distribution of controls over the use of energy can lead in two opposite directions. On the one hand, questions can be posed that would open the way to political reconstruction by unblocking the search for a post-industrial, labour-intensive, low energy and high equity economy. On the other hand, hysterical concern with machine fodder can reinforce the present escalation of capital-intensive institutional growth, and carry us past the last turnoff from a hyper-industrial Armageddon. Political reconstruction presupposes the recognition of the fact that there exist _critical_ _per_ _capita_ _quanta_ beyond which energy can no longer be controlled by political process. Social breakdown will be the inevitable outcome of ecological restraints on _total_ _energy_ _use_ imposed by industrially-minded planners bent on keeping industrial production at some hypothetical maximum. -Rich countries like the United States, Japan or France might never reach the point of choking in their own waste, but only because their societies will have already collapsed into a socio-cultural energy coma. Countries like India, Burma and, for another short while at least, China, are in the inverse position of being still muscle-powered enough to stop short of an energy stroke. They could choose, right now, to stay within those limits to which the rich will be forced back at an enormous loss in their vested interest. +Rich countries like the United States, Japan or France might never reach the point of choking in their own waste, but only because their societies will have already collapsed into a socio-cultural energy coma. Countries like India, Burma and, for another short while at least, China, are in the inverse position of being still muscle-powered enough to stop short of an energy stroke. They could choose, right now, to stay within those limits to which the rich will be forced back at an enormous loss in their vested interest. -The choice of a minimum energy economy compels the poor to abandon distant expectations and the rich to recognize their vested interest as a ghastly liability. Both must reject the fatal image of man the slaveholder currently promoted by an ideologically stimulated hunger for more energy. In countries that were made affluent by industrial development, the energy crisis serves as a whip to raise the taxes which will be needed to substitute new, more sober and socially more deadly industrial processes for those that have been rendered obsolete by inefficient overexpansion. For the leaders of people who have been disowned by the same process of industrialization, the energy crisis serves as an alibi to centralize production, pollution and its control in a last-ditch effort to catch up with the more highly powered. By exporting their crisis and by preaching the new gospel of Puritan energy worship, the rich do even more damage to the poor than they did by selling them the products of now outdated factories. As soon as a poor country accepts the doctrine that more energy more carefully managed will always yield more goods for more people, that country is hooked into the race for enslavement to maximum industrial outputs. Inevitably the poor abandon the option for rational technology when they choose to modernize their poverty by increasing their dependence on energy. Inevitably the poor reject the possibility of liberating technology and participatory politics when, together with maximum feasible energy use, they accept maximum feasible social control. +The choice of a minimum energy economy compels the poor to abandon distant expectations and the rich to recognize their vested interest as a ghastly liability. Both must reject the fatal image of man the slaveholder currently promoted by an ideologically stimulated hunger for more energy. In countries that were made affluent by industrial development, the energy crisis serves as a whip to raise the taxes which will be needed to substitute new, more sober and socially more deadly industrial processes for those that have been rendered obsolete by inefficient overexpansion. For the leaders of people who have been disowned by the same process of industrialization, the energy crisis serves as an alibi to centralize production, pollution and its control in a last-ditch effort to catch up with the more highly powered. By exporting their crisis and by preaching the new gospel of Puritan energy worship, the rich do even more damage to the poor than they did by selling them the products of now outdated factories. As soon as a poor country accepts the doctrine that more energy more carefully managed will always yield more goods for more people, that country is hooked into the race for enslavement to maximum industrial outputs. Inevitably the poor abandon the option for rational technology when they choose to modernize their poverty by increasing their dependence on energy. Inevitably the poor reject the possibility of liberating technology and participatory politics when, together with maximum feasible energy use, they accept maximum feasible social control. -The energy crisis cannot be overwhelmed by more energy inputs. It can only be dissolved, along with the illusion that well-being depends on the number of energy slaves a man has at his command. For this purpose, it is necessary to identify the thresholds beyond which power corrupts, and to do so by a political process that associates the community in the search for limits. Because this kind of research runs counter to that now done by experts and for institutions, I shall call it counterfoil research. It has three steps. First, the need for limits on the per capita use of energy must be theoretically recognized as a social imperative. Then, the range must be located wherein the critical magnitude might be found. Finally, each community has to identify the levels of inequity, harrying and operant conditioning that its members are willing to accept in exchange for the satisfaction that comes of idolizing powerful devices and joining in rituals directed by the professionals who control their operation. +The energy crisis cannot be overwhelmed by more energy inputs. It can only be dissolved, along with the illusion that well-being depends on the number of energy slaves a man has at his command. For this purpose, it is necessary to identify the thresholds beyond which power corrupts, and to do so by a political process that associates the community in the search for limits. Because this kind of research runs counter to that now done by experts and for institutions, I shall call it counterfoil research. It has three steps. First, the need for limits on the per capita use of energy must be theoretically recognized as a social imperative. Then, the range must be located wherein the critical magnitude might be found. Finally, each community has to identify the levels of inequity, harrying and operant conditioning that its members are willing to accept in exchange for the satisfaction that comes of idolizing powerful devices and joining in rituals directed by the professionals who control their operation. -The need for political research on socially optimal energy quanta can be clearly and concisely illustrated by an examination of modern traffic. The United States puts 45 per cent of its total energy into vehicles: to make them, run them and clear a right of way for them when they roll, when they fly and when they park. Most of this energy is to move people who have been strapped into place. For the sole purpose of transporting people, 250 million Americans allocate more fuel than is used by 1,300 million Chinese and Indians for all purposes. Almost all of this fuel is burnt in a rain dance of time-consuming acceleration. Poor countries spend less energy per person, but the percentage of total energy devoted to traffic in Mexico or in Peru is greater than in the USA, and it benefits a smaller percentage of the population. The size of this enterprise makes it both easy and significant to demonstrate the existence of socially critical energy quanta by the example of personal carriage. +The need for political research on socially optimal energy quanta can be clearly and concisely illustrated by an examination of modern traffic. The United States puts 45 per cent of its total energy into vehicles: to make them, run them and clear a right of way for them when they roll, when they fly and when they park. Most of this energy is to move people who have been strapped into place. For the sole purpose of transporting people, 250 million Americans allocate more fuel than is used by 1,300 million Chinese and Indians for all purposes. Almost all of this fuel is burnt in a rain dance of time-consuming acceleration. Poor countries spend less energy per person, but the percentage of total energy devoted to traffic in Mexico or in Peru is greater than in the USA, and it benefits a smaller percentage of the population. The size of this enterprise makes it both easy and significant to demonstrate the existence of socially critical energy quanta by the example of personal carriage. In traffic, energy used over a specific period of time (power) translates into speed. In this case, the critical quantum will appear as a speed limit. Wherever this limit has been passed, the basic pattern of social degradation by high energy quanta has emerged. Once some public utility went faster than ± 15 mph, equity declined and the scarcity of both time and space increased. Motorized transportation monopolized traffic and blocked self-powered transit. In every Western country, passenger mileage on all types of conveyance increased by a factor of a hundred within fifty years of building the first railroad. When the ratio of their respective power outputs passed beyond a certain value, mechanical transformers of mineral fuels excluded people from the use of their metabolic energy and forced them to become captive consumers of conveyance. This effect of speed on the autonomy of people is only marginally affected by the technological characteristics of the motorized vehicles employed or by the persons or entities who hold the legal titles to airlines, buses, railroads or cars. High speed is the critical factor which makes transportation socially destructive. A true choice among political systems and of desirable social relations is possible only where speed is restrained. Participatory democracy demands low energy technology, and free people must travel the road to productive social relations at the speed of a bicycle.* -* I speak about traffic for the purpose of illustrating the more general point of socially optimal energy use, and I restrict myself to the locomotion of persons, including their personal baggage and the fuel, materials and equipment used for the vehicle and the road. I purposely abstain from the discussion of two other types of traffic: merchandise and messages. A parallel argument can be made for both, but this would require a different line of reasoning, and I leave it for another occasion. +* I speak about traffic for the purpose of illustrating the more general point of socially optimal energy use, and I restrict myself to the locomotion of persons, including their personal baggage and the fuel, materials and equipment used for the vehicle and the road. I purposely abstain from the discussion of two other types of traffic: merchandise and messages. A parallel argument can be made for both, but this would require a different line of reasoning, and I leave it for another occasion. ## The industrialization of traffic -The discussion of how energy is used to move people requires a formal distinction between transport and transit as the two components of traffic. By _traffic_ I mean any movement of people from one place to another when they are outside of their homes. By _transit_ I mean those movements that put human metabolic energy to use, and by _transport_ that mode of movement which relies on other sources of energy. These energy sources will henceforth be mostly motors, since animals compete fiercely with men for their food in an over-populated world, unless they are thistle eaters like donkeys and camels. +The discussion of how energy is used to move people requires a formal distinction between transport and transit as the two components of traffic. By _traffic_ I mean any movement of people from one place to another when they are outside of their homes. By _transit_ I mean those movements that put human metabolic energy to use, and by _transport_ that mode of movement which relies on other sources of energy. These energy sources will henceforth be mostly motors, since animals compete fiercely with men for their food in an over-populated world, unless they are thistle eaters like donkeys and camels. -As soon as people become tributaries of transport, not only when they travel for several days, but also on their daily trips, the contradictions between social justice and motorized power, between effective movement and higher speed, between personal freedom and engineered routing, become poignantly-clear. Enforced dependence on auto-mobile machines then denies a community of self-propelled people just those values supposedly procured by improved transportation. +As soon as people become tributaries of transport, not only when they travel for several days, but also on their daily trips, the contradictions between social justice and motorized power, between effective movement and higher speed, between personal freedom and engineered routing, become poignantly-clear. Enforced dependence on auto-mobile machines then denies a community of self-propelled people just those values supposedly procured by improved transportation. -People move well on their feet. This primitive means of getting around will, on closer analysis, appear quite effective when compared with the lot of people in modern cities or on industrialized farms. It will appear particularly attractive once it has been understood that modern Americans walk, on the average, as many miles as their ancestors--most of them through tunnels, corridors, parking lots and stores. +People move well on their feet. This primitive means of getting around will, on closer analysis, appear quite effective when compared with the lot of people in modern cities or on industrialized farms. It will appear particularly attractive once it has been understood that modern Americans walk, on the average, as many miles as their ancestors--most of them through tunnels, corridors, parking lots and stores. -People on their feet are more or less equal. People solely dependent on their feet move on the spur of the moment, at three to four miles per hour, in any direction and to any place from which they are not legally or physically barred. An improvement on this native degree of mobility by new transport technology should be expected to safeguard these values and to add some new ones, such as greater range, time economies, comfort, or more opportunities for the disabled. So far this is not what has happened. Instead, the growth of the transportation industry has everywhere had the reverse effects. From the moment its machines could put more than a certain horsepower behind any one passenger, this industry has reduced equality among men, restricted their mobility to a system of industrially defined routes and created time scarcity of unprecedented severity. As the speed of their vehicles crosses a threshold, citizens become transportation consumers on the daily loop that brings them back to their home, a circuit which the United States Department of Commerce calls a ‘trip’ as opposed to the ‘travel’ for which Americans leave home equipped with a toothbrush. +People on their feet are more or less equal. People solely dependent on their feet move on the spur of the moment, at three to four miles per hour, in any direction and to any place from which they are not legally or physically barred. An improvement on this native degree of mobility by new transport technology should be expected to safeguard these values and to add some new ones, such as greater range, time economies, comfort, or more opportunities for the disabled. So far this is not what has happened. Instead, the growth of the transportation industry has everywhere had the reverse effects. From the moment its machines could put more than a certain horsepower behind any one passenger, this industry has reduced equality among men, restricted their mobility to a system of industrially defined routes and created time scarcity of unprecedented severity. As the speed of their vehicles crosses a threshold, citizens become transportation consumers on the daily loop that brings them back to their home, a circuit which the United States Department of Commerce calls a ‘trip’ as opposed to the ‘travel’ for which Americans leave home equipped with a toothbrush. -More energy fed into the transportation system means that more people move faster over a greater range in the course of every day. Everybody’s daily radius expands at the expense of being able to drop in on an acquaintance or walk through the park on the way to work. Extremes of privilege are created at the cost of universal enslavement. An elite packs unlimited distance into a lifetime of pampered travel, while the majority spend a bigger slice of their existence on unwanted trips. The few mount their magic carpets to travel between distant points that their ephemeral presence renders both scarce and seductive, while the many are compelled to trip further and faster and to spend more time preparing for and recovering from their trips. +More energy fed into the transportation system means that more people move faster over a greater range in the course of every day. Everybody’s daily radius expands at the expense of being able to drop in on an acquaintance or walk through the park on the way to work. Extremes of privilege are created at the cost of universal enslavement. An elite packs unlimited distance into a lifetime of pampered travel, while the majority spend a bigger slice of their existence on unwanted trips. The few mount their magic carpets to travel between distant points that their ephemeral presence renders both scarce and seductive, while the many are compelled to trip further and faster and to spend more time preparing for and recovering from their trips. -In the United States, four-fifths of all man-hours on the road are those of commuters and shoppers who hardly ever get into a plane, while four-fifths of the mileage flown to conventions and resorts is covered year after year by the same one and a half per cent of the population, usually those who are either well-to-do or professionally trained to do good. The speedier the vehicle, the larger the subsidy it gets from regressive taxation. Barely 0·2 per cent of the entire US population can engage in self-chosen air travel more than once a year, and few other countries can support a jet set which is that large. +In the United States, four-fifths of all man-hours on the road are those of commuters and shoppers who hardly ever get into a plane, while four-fifths of the mileage flown to conventions and resorts is covered year after year by the same one and a half per cent of the population, usually those who are either well-to-do or professionally trained to do good. The speedier the vehicle, the larger the subsidy it gets from regressive taxation. Barely 0·2 per cent of the entire US population can engage in self-chosen air travel more than once a year, and few other countries can support a jet set which is that large. -The captive tripper and the reckless traveller become equally dependent on transport. Neither can do without it. Occasional spurts to Acapulco or to a Party Congress dupe the ordinary passenger into believing that he has made it into the shrunk world of the powerfully rushed. The occasional chance to spend a few hours strapped into a high-powered seat makes him an accomplice in the distortion of human space, and prompts him to consent to the design of his country’s geography around vehicles rather than around people. Man has evolved physically and culturally together with his cosmic niche. What for animals is their environment he has learned to make into his home. His self-image requires as its complement a life-space and a life-time integrated by the pace at which he moves. If that relationship is determined by the velocity of vehicles rather than by the movement of people, man the architect is reduced to the status of a mere commuter. +The captive tripper and the reckless traveller become equally dependent on transport. Neither can do without it. Occasional spurts to Acapulco or to a Party Congress dupe the ordinary passenger into believing that he has made it into the shrunk world of the powerfully rushed. The occasional chance to spend a few hours strapped into a high-powered seat makes him an accomplice in the distortion of human space, and prompts him to consent to the design of his country’s geography around vehicles rather than around people. Man has evolved physically and culturally together with his cosmic niche. What for animals is their environment he has learned to make into his home. His self-image requires as its complement a life-space and a life-time integrated by the pace at which he moves. If that relationship is determined by the velocity of vehicles rather than by the movement of people, man the architect is reduced to the status of a mere commuter. -The typical American male devotes more than 1,600 hours a year to his car. He sits in it while it goes and while it stands idling. He parks it and searches for it. He earns the money to put down on it and to meet the monthly instalments. He works to pay for petrol, tolls, insurance, taxes and tickets. He spends four of his sixteen waking hours on the road or gathering his resources for it. And this figure does not take into account the time consumed by other activities dictated by transport: time spent in hospitals, traffic courts and garages; time spent watching automobile commercials or attending consumer education meetings to improve the quality of the next buy. The model American puts in 1,600 hours to get 7,500 miles: less than five miles per hour. In countries deprived of a transportation industry, people manage to do the same, walking wherever they want to go, and they allocate only three to eight per cent of their society’s time budget to traffic instead of 28 per cent. What distinguishes the traffic in rich countries from the traffic in poor countries is not more mileage per hour of life-time for the majority, but more hours of compulsory consumption of high doses of energy, packaged and unequally distributed by the transportation industry. +The typical American male devotes more than 1,600 hours a year to his car. He sits in it while it goes and while it stands idling. He parks it and searches for it. He earns the money to put down on it and to meet the monthly instalments. He works to pay for petrol, tolls, insurance, taxes and tickets. He spends four of his sixteen waking hours on the road or gathering his resources for it. And this figure does not take into account the time consumed by other activities dictated by transport: time spent in hospitals, traffic courts and garages; time spent watching automobile commercials or attending consumer education meetings to improve the quality of the next buy. The model American puts in 1,600 hours to get 7,500 miles: less than five miles per hour. In countries deprived of a transportation industry, people manage to do the same, walking wherever they want to go, and they allocate only three to eight per cent of their society’s time budget to traffic instead of 28 per cent. What distinguishes the traffic in rich countries from the traffic in poor countries is not more mileage per hour of life-time for the majority, but more hours of compulsory consumption of high doses of energy, packaged and unequally distributed by the transportation industry. ## Speed stunned imagination -PAST a certain threshold of energy consumption, the transportation industry dictates the configuration of social space. Motorways expand, driving wedges between neighbours and removing fields beyond the distance a farmer can walk. Ambulances take clinics beyond the few miles a sick child can be carried. The doctor will no longer come to the house, because vehicles have made the hospital into the right place to be sick. Once heavy lorries reach a village high in the Andes, part of the local market disappears. Later, when the high school arrives at the plaza along with the paved highway, more and more of the young people move to the city, until not one family is left which does not long for a reunion with someone hundreds of miles away, down on the coast. +PAST a certain threshold of energy consumption, the transportation industry dictates the configuration of social space. Motorways expand, driving wedges between neighbours and removing fields beyond the distance a farmer can walk. Ambulances take clinics beyond the few miles a sick child can be carried. The doctor will no longer come to the house, because vehicles have made the hospital into the right place to be sick. Once heavy lorries reach a village high in the Andes, part of the local market disappears. Later, when the high school arrives at the plaza along with the paved highway, more and more of the young people move to the city, until not one family is left which does not long for a reunion with someone hundreds of miles away, down on the coast. -Equal speeds have equally distorting effects on the perception of space, time and personal potency in rich and in poor countries, however different the surface appearances might be. Everywhere, the transportation industry shapes a new kind of man to fit the new geography and the new schedules of its making. The major difference between Guatemala and Kansas is that in Central America some people are still exempt from all contact with vehicles and are, therefore, still not degraded by their dependence on them. +Equal speeds have equally distorting effects on the perception of space, time and personal potency in rich and in poor countries, however different the surface appearances might be. Everywhere, the transportation industry shapes a new kind of man to fit the new geography and the new schedules of its making. The major difference between Guatemala and Kansas is that in Central America some people are still exempt from all contact with vehicles and are, therefore, still not degraded by their dependence on them. -The product of the transportation industry is the habitual passenger. He has been boosted out of the world in which people still move on their own, and he has lost the sense that he stands at the centre of his world. The habitual passenger is conscious of the exasperating time scarcity that results from daily recourse to the cars, trains, buses, undergrounds and lifts that force him to cover an average of twenty miles each day, frequently crossing his path within a radius of less than five miles. He has been lifted off his feet. No matter if he goes by underground or jetplane he feels slower and poorer than someone else and resents the shortcuts taken by the priviledged few who can escape the frustrations of traffic. If he is cramped by the timetable of his commuter train, he dreams of a car. If he is exhausted by the rush hour, he envies the speed capitalist who drives against the traffic. If he must pay for his car out of his own pocket, he knows full well that the commanders of corporate fleets send the fuel bill to the company and write off the rented car as a business expense. The habitual passenger is caught at the wrong end of growing inequality, time scarcity and personal impotence, but he can see no way out of this bind except to demand more of the same: more traffic by transport. He stands in wait of technical changes in the design of vehicles, roads and schedules; or else he expects a revolution to produce mass rapid transport under public control. In neither case does he calculate the price of being hauled into a better future. He forgets that he is the one who will pay the bill, either in fares or in taxes. He overlooks the hidden costs of replacing private cars with equally rapid public transport. +The product of the transportation industry is the habitual passenger. He has been boosted out of the world in which people still move on their own, and he has lost the sense that he stands at the centre of his world. The habitual passenger is conscious of the exasperating time scarcity that results from daily recourse to the cars, trains, buses, undergrounds and lifts that force him to cover an average of twenty miles each day, frequently crossing his path within a radius of less than five miles. He has been lifted off his feet. No matter if he goes by underground or jetplane he feels slower and poorer than someone else and resents the shortcuts taken by the priviledged few who can escape the frustrations of traffic. If he is cramped by the timetable of his commuter train, he dreams of a car. If he is exhausted by the rush hour, he envies the speed capitalist who drives against the traffic. If he must pay for his car out of his own pocket, he knows full well that the commanders of corporate fleets send the fuel bill to the company and write off the rented car as a business expense. The habitual passenger is caught at the wrong end of growing inequality, time scarcity and personal impotence, but he can see no way out of this bind except to demand more of the same: more traffic by transport. He stands in wait of technical changes in the design of vehicles, roads and schedules; or else he expects a revolution to produce mass rapid transport under public control. In neither case does he calculate the price of being hauled into a better future. He forgets that he is the one who will pay the bill, either in fares or in taxes. He overlooks the hidden costs of replacing private cars with equally rapid public transport. -The habitual passenger cannot grasp the folly of traffic based overwhelmingly on transport. His inherited perceptions of space and time and of personal pace have been industrially deformed. He has lost the power to conceive of himself outside of the passenger role. Addicted to being carried along, he has lost control over the physical, social and psychic powers that reside in man’s feet. The passenger has come to identify territory with the untouchable landscape through which he is rushed. He has become impotent to establish his domain, mark it with his imprint and assert his sovereignty over it. He has lost confidence in his power to admit others into his presence and to share space consciously with them. He can no longer face the remote by himself. Left on his own, he feels immobile. +The habitual passenger cannot grasp the folly of traffic based overwhelmingly on transport. His inherited perceptions of space and time and of personal pace have been industrially deformed. He has lost the power to conceive of himself outside of the passenger role. Addicted to being carried along, he has lost control over the physical, social and psychic powers that reside in man’s feet. The passenger has come to identify territory with the untouchable landscape through which he is rushed. He has become impotent to establish his domain, mark it with his imprint and assert his sovereignty over it. He has lost confidence in his power to admit others into his presence and to share space consciously with them. He can no longer face the remote by himself. Left on his own, he feels immobile. -The habitual passenger must adopt a new set of beliefs and expectations if he is to feel secure in the strange world where both liaisons and loneliness are products of conveyance. To ‘gather’ for him means to be brought together by vehicles. He comes to believe that political power grows out of the capacity of a transportation system, and in its absence is the result of access to the television screen. He takes freedom of movement to be the same as one’s claim on propulsion. He believes that the level of democratic process correlates to the power of transportation and communications systems. He has lost faith in the political power of the feet and of the tongue. As a result, what he wants is not more liberty as a citizen but better service as a client. He does not insist on his freedom to move and to speak to people but on his claim to be shipped and to be informed by media. He wants a better product rather than freedom from servitude to it. It is vital that he come to see that the acceleration he demands is self-defeating, and that it must result in a further decline of equity, leisure and autonomy. +The habitual passenger must adopt a new set of beliefs and expectations if he is to feel secure in the strange world where both liaisons and loneliness are products of conveyance. To ‘gather’ for him means to be brought together by vehicles. He comes to believe that political power grows out of the capacity of a transportation system, and in its absence is the result of access to the television screen. He takes freedom of movement to be the same as one’s claim on propulsion. He believes that the level of democratic process correlates to the power of transportation and communications systems. He has lost faith in the political power of the feet and of the tongue. As a result, what he wants is not more liberty as a citizen but better service as a client. He does not insist on his freedom to move and to speak to people but on his claim to be shipped and to be informed by media. He wants a better product rather than freedom from servitude to it. It is vital that he come to see that the acceleration he demands is self-defeating, and that it must result in a further decline of equity, leisure and autonomy. ## Net transfer of lifetime -UNCHECKED speed is expensive and progressively fewer can afford it. Each increment in the velocity of a vehicle results in an increase in the cost of propulsion, track-construction and--most dramatically--in the space the vehicle devours while it is on the move. Past a certain threshold of energy consumption for the fastest passenger, a worldwide class structure of speed capitalists is created. The exchange value of time becomes dominant, and this is reflected in language: time is spent, saved, invested, wasted and employed. As societies put price tags on time, equity and vehicular speed correlate inversely. +UNCHECKED speed is expensive and progressively fewer can afford it. Each increment in the velocity of a vehicle results in an increase in the cost of propulsion, track-construction and--most dramatically--in the space the vehicle devours while it is on the move. Past a certain threshold of energy consumption for the fastest passenger, a worldwide class structure of speed capitalists is created. The exchange value of time becomes dominant, and this is reflected in language: time is spent, saved, invested, wasted and employed. As societies put price tags on time, equity and vehicular speed correlate inversely. -High speed capitalizes a few people’s time at an enormous rate but, paradoxically, it does this at a high cost in time for all. In Bombay, only a very few people own cars. They can reach a provincial capital in one morning and make the trip once a week. Two generations ago, this would have been a week-long trek once a year. They now spend more time on more trips. But these same few also disrupt, with their cars, the traffic flow of thousands of bicycles and pedicabs that move through downtown Bombay at a rate of effective locomotion superior to that of downtown Paris, London or New York. The compounded, transport-related time expenditure within a society grows much faster than the time economies made by a few people on their speedy excursions. Traffic grows indefinitely with the availability of transports. Beyond a critical threshold, the output of the industrial complex established to move people costs a society more time than it saves. The marginal utility of an increment in the speed of a small number of people has for its price the growing marginal disutility of this acceleration for the great majority. +High speed capitalizes a few people’s time at an enormous rate but, paradoxically, it does this at a high cost in time for all. In Bombay, only a very few people own cars. They can reach a provincial capital in one morning and make the trip once a week. Two generations ago, this would have been a week-long trek once a year. They now spend more time on more trips. But these same few also disrupt, with their cars, the traffic flow of thousands of bicycles and pedicabs that move through downtown Bombay at a rate of effective locomotion superior to that of downtown Paris, London or New York. The compounded, transport-related time expenditure within a society grows much faster than the time economies made by a few people on their speedy excursions. Traffic grows indefinitely with the availability of transports. Beyond a critical threshold, the output of the industrial complex established to move people costs a society more time than it saves. The marginal utility of an increment in the speed of a small number of people has for its price the growing marginal disutility of this acceleration for the great majority. -Beyond a critical speed, no one can save time without forcing another to lose it. The man who claims a seat in a faster vehicle insists that his time is worth more than that of the passenger in a slower one. Beyond a certain velocity, passengers become consumers of other people’s time, and accelerating vehicles become the means for effecting a net transfer of life-time. The degree of transfer is measured in quanta of speed. This time-grab despoils those who are left behind, and since they are the majority, it raises ethical issues of a more general nature than kidney dialysis or organ transplants. +Beyond a critical speed, no one can save time without forcing another to lose it. The man who claims a seat in a faster vehicle insists that his time is worth more than that of the passenger in a slower one. Beyond a certain velocity, passengers become consumers of other people’s time, and accelerating vehicles become the means for effecting a net transfer of life-time. The degree of transfer is measured in quanta of speed. This time-grab despoils those who are left behind, and since they are the majority, it raises ethical issues of a more general nature than kidney dialysis or organ transplants. -Beyond a certain speed, motorized vehicles create remoteness which they alone can shrink. They create distances for all and shrink them for only a few. A new dirt road through the wilderness brings the city within view, but not within reach, of most Brazilian subsistence farmers. The new expressway expands Chicago, but it sucks those who are well-wheeled away from a downtown that decays into a ghetto. +Beyond a certain speed, motorized vehicles create remoteness which they alone can shrink. They create distances for all and shrink them for only a few. A new dirt road through the wilderness brings the city within view, but not within reach, of most Brazilian subsistence farmers. The new expressway expands Chicago, but it sucks those who are well-wheeled away from a downtown that decays into a ghetto. -Man’s speed remained unchanged from the Age of Cyrus to the Age of Steam. News could not travel more than a hundred miles per day, no matter how the message was carried. Neither the Inca’s runners nor the Venetian galley, the Persian horseman or the mail coach under Louis XIV, could break the barrier. Soldiers, explorers, merchants and pilgrims moved at twenty miles per day. In Valéry’s words, Napoleon still had to move at Caesar’s slowness: _Napoléon va à la même lenteur que César._ The Emperor knew that ‘public prosperity is measured by the income of the coaches’: _On_ _mésure_ _la_ _prospérité_ _publique_ _aux_ _comptes_ _des_ _diligences_ , __ but he could barely speed them up. Paris-Toulouse had required about 200 hours in Roman times, and the scheduled stagecoach still took 158 hours in 1782. Only the nineteenth century accelerated man. By 1830, the trip had been reduced to 110 hours, but at a new cost. In the same year, 4,150 stagecoaches overturned in France, causing more than a thousand deaths. Then the railroad brought a sudden change. By 1855, Napoleon III claimed to have travelled an average of 96 kilometres per hour on the train between Paris and Marseilles. Within one generation, the average distance travelled each year per Frenchman increased one hundred and thirty times, and Britain’s railroad network reached its greatest expansion. Passenger trains attained their optimum cost calculated in terms of time spent for their maintenance and use. +Man’s speed remained unchanged from the Age of Cyrus to the Age of Steam. News could not travel more than a hundred miles per day, no matter how the message was carried. Neither the Inca’s runners nor the Venetian galley, the Persian horseman or the mail coach under Louis XIV, could break the barrier. Soldiers, explorers, merchants and pilgrims moved at twenty miles per day. In Valéry’s words, Napoleon still had to move at Caesar’s slowness: _Napoléon va à la même lenteur que César._ The Emperor knew that ‘public prosperity is measured by the income of the coaches’: _On_ _mésure_ _la_ _prospérité_ _publique_ _aux_ _comptes_ _des_ _diligences_ , __ but he could barely speed them up. Paris-Toulouse had required about 200 hours in Roman times, and the scheduled stagecoach still took 158 hours in 1782. Only the nineteenth century accelerated man. By 1830, the trip had been reduced to 110 hours, but at a new cost. In the same year, 4,150 stagecoaches overturned in France, causing more than a thousand deaths. Then the railroad brought a sudden change. By 1855, Napoleon III claimed to have travelled an average of 96 kilometres per hour on the train between Paris and Marseilles. Within one generation, the average distance travelled each year per Frenchman increased one hundred and thirty times, and Britain’s railroad network reached its greatest expansion. Passenger trains attained their optimum cost calculated in terms of time spent for their maintenance and use. -With further acceleration, transportation began to dominate traffic, and speed began to erect a hierarchy of destinations. By now, each set of destinations corresponds to a specific level of speed and defines a certain passenger class. Each circuit of terminal points degrades those pegged at a lower number of miles per hour. Those who must get around on their own power have been redefined as underdeveloped outsiders. Tell me how fast you go and I’ll tell you who you are. If you can corner the taxes which fuel the Concorde, you are certainly at the top. +With further acceleration, transportation began to dominate traffic, and speed began to erect a hierarchy of destinations. By now, each set of destinations corresponds to a specific level of speed and defines a certain passenger class. Each circuit of terminal points degrades those pegged at a lower number of miles per hour. Those who must get around on their own power have been redefined as underdeveloped outsiders. Tell me how fast you go and I’ll tell you who you are. If you can corner the taxes which fuel the Concorde, you are certainly at the top. -Over the last two generations, the vehicle has become the sign of career achievement, just as the school has become the sign of starting advantage. At each new level, the concentration of power must produce its own kind of rationale. So, for example, the reason that is usually given for spending public money to make a man travel more miles in less time each year is the still greater investment that was made to keep him more years in school. His putative value as a capital-intensive production tool sets the rate at which he is being shipped. Other ideological labels besides ‘a good education’ are just as useful for opening the cabin door to luxuries paid for by others. If the Thought of Chairman Mao must now be rushed around China by jet, this can only mean that two classes are needed to fuel what his revolution has become, one of them living in the geography of the masses and the other in the geography of the cadres. The suppression of intermediary levels of speed in Popular China has certainly made the concentration of power more efficient and rational, but it also underscores the new difference in value between the time of the bullock driver and the time of the jet-driven. Accelerating speed inevitably concentrates horsepower under the seats of a few and compounds the increasing time-lack of most commuters with the further sense that they are lagging behind. +Over the last two generations, the vehicle has become the sign of career achievement, just as the school has become the sign of starting advantage. At each new level, the concentration of power must produce its own kind of rationale. So, for example, the reason that is usually given for spending public money to make a man travel more miles in less time each year is the still greater investment that was made to keep him more years in school. His putative value as a capital-intensive production tool sets the rate at which he is being shipped. Other ideological labels besides ‘a good education’ are just as useful for opening the cabin door to luxuries paid for by others. If the Thought of Chairman Mao must now be rushed around China by jet, this can only mean that two classes are needed to fuel what his revolution has become, one of them living in the geography of the masses and the other in the geography of the cadres. The suppression of intermediary levels of speed in Popular China has certainly made the concentration of power more efficient and rational, but it also underscores the new difference in value between the time of the bullock driver and the time of the jet-driven. Accelerating speed inevitably concentrates horsepower under the seats of a few and compounds the increasing time-lack of most commuters with the further sense that they are lagging behind. -The need for unequal privilege in an industrial society is generally advocated by means of an argument with two sides. The hypocrisy of this argument is clearly betrayed by acceleration. Privilege is accepted as the necessary pre-condition to improve the lot of a growing total population, or it is advertised as the instrument for raising the standards of a deprived minority. In the long run, accelerating transportation does neither. It only creates a universal demand for motorized conveyance, and puts previously unimaginable distances between the various layers of privilege. Beyond a certain point, more energy means less equity. +The need for unequal privilege in an industrial society is generally advocated by means of an argument with two sides. The hypocrisy of this argument is clearly betrayed by acceleration. Privilege is accepted as the necessary pre-condition to improve the lot of a growing total population, or it is advertised as the instrument for raising the standards of a deprived minority. In the long run, accelerating transportation does neither. It only creates a universal demand for motorized conveyance, and puts previously unimaginable distances between the various layers of privilege. Beyond a certain point, more energy means less equity. ## The ineffectiveness of acceleration -It should not be overlooked that top speeds for a few exact a different price than high speeds for all. Social classification by levels of speed enforces a net transfer of power: the poor work and pay to get left behind. But if the middle classes of a speed society may be tempted to ignore discrimination, they should not neglect the rising marginal disutilities of transportation and their own loss of leisure. High speeds for all mean that everybody has less time for himself as the whole society spends a growing slice of its time budget on moving people. Vehicles running over the critical speed not only tend to impose inequality, they also inevitably establish a self-serving industry that hides an inefficient system of locomotion under apparent technological sophistication. I will argue that a speed limit is necessary not only to safeguard equity; it is equally a condition for increasing the total distance travelled within a society, while decreasing the total time that travel takes. +It should not be overlooked that top speeds for a few exact a different price than high speeds for all. Social classification by levels of speed enforces a net transfer of power: the poor work and pay to get left behind. But if the middle classes of a speed society may be tempted to ignore discrimination, they should not neglect the rising marginal disutilities of transportation and their own loss of leisure. High speeds for all mean that everybody has less time for himself as the whole society spends a growing slice of its time budget on moving people. Vehicles running over the critical speed not only tend to impose inequality, they also inevitably establish a self-serving industry that hides an inefficient system of locomotion under apparent technological sophistication. I will argue that a speed limit is necessary not only to safeguard equity; it is equally a condition for increasing the total distance travelled within a society, while decreasing the total time that travel takes. -There is little research available on the impact of vehicles on the twenty-four-hour time budget of individuals and societies. From transportation studies, we get statistics on the cost of time per mile, on the value of time measured in dollars or in length of trips. But these statistics tell us nothing about the hidden costs of transportation: about how traffic nibbles away at life-time, about how vehicles devour space, about the multiplication of trips made necessary by the existence of vehicles, or about the time spent directly and indirectly preparing for locomotion. Further, there is no available measure of the even more deeply buried costs of transport, such as higher rent to live in areas convenient to the flow of traffic, or the cost of protecting these areas from the noise, pollution and danger to life and limb that vehicles create. The lack of an account of expenditures from the social time budget should not lead us to believe, however, that such an accounting is impossible, nor should it prevent our drawing conclusions from the little that we do know. +There is little research available on the impact of vehicles on the twenty-four-hour time budget of individuals and societies. From transportation studies, we get statistics on the cost of time per mile, on the value of time measured in dollars or in length of trips. But these statistics tell us nothing about the hidden costs of transportation: about how traffic nibbles away at life-time, about how vehicles devour space, about the multiplication of trips made necessary by the existence of vehicles, or about the time spent directly and indirectly preparing for locomotion. Further, there is no available measure of the even more deeply buried costs of transport, such as higher rent to live in areas convenient to the flow of traffic, or the cost of protecting these areas from the noise, pollution and danger to life and limb that vehicles create. The lack of an account of expenditures from the social time budget should not lead us to believe, however, that such an accounting is impossible, nor should it prevent our drawing conclusions from the little that we do know. -From our limited information it appears that everywhere in the world, after some vehicle broke the speed barrier of 15 mph, time scarcity related to traffic began to grow. After industry had reached this threshold of per capita output, transport made of man a new kind of waif: a being constantly absent from a destination he cannot reach on his own but must reach within the day. By now, people work a substantial part of every day to earn the money without which they could not even get to work. The time a society spends on transportation grows in proportion to the speed of its fastest public conveyance. Japan now leads the United States in both areas. Life-time gets cluttered up with activities generated by traffic as soon as vehicles crash through the barrier that guards people from dislocation and space from distortion. +From our limited information it appears that everywhere in the world, after some vehicle broke the speed barrier of 15 mph, time scarcity related to traffic began to grow. After industry had reached this threshold of per capita output, transport made of man a new kind of waif: a being constantly absent from a destination he cannot reach on his own but must reach within the day. By now, people work a substantial part of every day to earn the money without which they could not even get to work. The time a society spends on transportation grows in proportion to the speed of its fastest public conveyance. Japan now leads the United States in both areas. Life-time gets cluttered up with activities generated by traffic as soon as vehicles crash through the barrier that guards people from dislocation and space from distortion. -Whether the vehicle that speeds along the public freeway is owned by the state or by an individual has little to do with the time scarcity and over-programming that rise with every increment in speed. Buses use one-third of the fuel which cars burn to carry one man over a given distance. Commuter trains are up to ten times more efficient than cars. Both could become even more efficient and less polluting. If publicly owned and rationally managed, they could be so scheduled and routed that the privileges they presently provide under private ownership and incompetent organization would be considerably cut. But as long as any system of vehicles imposes itself on the public by its unlimited top speed, the public is left to choose between spending more time to pay for more people to be carried from station to station, and paying less taxes so that even fewer people can travel in much less time much further than others. The order of magnitude of the top speed which is permitted within a transportation system determines the slice of its time budget that an entire society spends on traffic. +Whether the vehicle that speeds along the public freeway is owned by the state or by an individual has little to do with the time scarcity and over-programming that rise with every increment in speed. Buses use one-third of the fuel which cars burn to carry one man over a given distance. Commuter trains are up to ten times more efficient than cars. Both could become even more efficient and less polluting. If publicly owned and rationally managed, they could be so scheduled and routed that the privileges they presently provide under private ownership and incompetent organization would be considerably cut. But as long as any system of vehicles imposes itself on the public by its unlimited top speed, the public is left to choose between spending more time to pay for more people to be carried from station to station, and paying less taxes so that even fewer people can travel in much less time much further than others. The order of magnitude of the top speed which is permitted within a transportation system determines the slice of its time budget that an entire society spends on traffic. ## The radical monopoly of industry A desirable ceiling on the velocity of movement cannot be usefully discussed without returning to the distinction between self-powered _transit_ and motorized _transport_ , __ and comparing the contribution each component makes relative to the total locomotion of people, which I have called _traffic._ -Transport stands for the capital-intensive mode of traffic and transit indicates the labour-intensive mode. Transport is the product of an industry whose clients are passengers. It is an industrial commodity and therefore scarce by definition. Improvement of transport always takes place under conditions of scarcity that become more severe as the speed--and with it the cost--of the service increases. Conflict about insufficient transport tends to take the form of a zero-sum game where one wins only if another loses. At best, such a conflict allows for the solution of the Prisoner’s Dilemma: by cooperating with their jailer, both prisoners get off with less time in the cell. +Transport stands for the capital-intensive mode of traffic and transit indicates the labour-intensive mode. Transport is the product of an industry whose clients are passengers. It is an industrial commodity and therefore scarce by definition. Improvement of transport always takes place under conditions of scarcity that become more severe as the speed--and with it the cost--of the service increases. Conflict about insufficient transport tends to take the form of a zero-sum game where one wins only if another loses. At best, such a conflict allows for the solution of the Prisoner’s Dilemma: by cooperating with their jailer, both prisoners get off with less time in the cell. -Transit is not the product of an industry, but the independent enterprise of transients. It has use value by definition but need not have any exchange value. The ability to engage in transit is native to man and more or less equally distributed among healthy people of the same age. The exercise of this ability can be restricted by depriving some class of people of the right to take a straight route, or because a population lacks shoes or pavements. Conflict about unsatisfactory transit conditions tends to take, therefore, the form of a non-zero-sum game in which everyone comes out ahead--not only the people who get the right to walk through a formerly walled property, but also the owner who now gets a road. +Transit is not the product of an industry, but the independent enterprise of transients. It has use value by definition but need not have any exchange value. The ability to engage in transit is native to man and more or less equally distributed among healthy people of the same age. The exercise of this ability can be restricted by depriving some class of people of the right to take a straight route, or because a population lacks shoes or pavements. Conflict about unsatisfactory transit conditions tends to take, therefore, the form of a non-zero-sum game in which everyone comes out ahead--not only the people who get the right to walk through a formerly walled property, but also the owner who now gets a road. -Total traffic is the result of two profoundly distinct modes of production. These can reinforce each other harmoniously only as long as the autonomous outputs are protected against the encroachment of the industrial product. +Total traffic is the result of two profoundly distinct modes of production. These can reinforce each other harmoniously only as long as the autonomous outputs are protected against the encroachment of the industrial product. -The harm done by contemporary traffic is due to the monopoly of transport. The allure of speed has deceived the passenger into accepting the promises made by an industry that produces capital-intensive traffic. He is convinced that high-speed vehicles have allowed him to progress beyond the limited autonomy he enjoyed when moving under his own power. He has allowed planned transport to predominate over the alternative of labour-intensive transit. Destruction of the physical environment is the least noxious effect of this concession. The far more bitter results are the multiplication of psychic frustration, the growing disutilities of continued production, and subjection to an inequitable transfer of power--all of which are manifestations of a distorted relationship between life-time and life-space. The passenger who agrees to live in a world monopolized by transport becomes a harassed, overburdened consumer of distances whose shape and length he can no longer control. +The harm done by contemporary traffic is due to the monopoly of transport. The allure of speed has deceived the passenger into accepting the promises made by an industry that produces capital-intensive traffic. He is convinced that high-speed vehicles have allowed him to progress beyond the limited autonomy he enjoyed when moving under his own power. He has allowed planned transport to predominate over the alternative of labour-intensive transit. Destruction of the physical environment is the least noxious effect of this concession. The far more bitter results are the multiplication of psychic frustration, the growing disutilities of continued production, and subjection to an inequitable transfer of power--all of which are manifestations of a distorted relationship between life-time and life-space. The passenger who agrees to live in a world monopolized by transport becomes a harassed, overburdened consumer of distances whose shape and length he can no longer control. -Every society that imposes compulsory speed submerges transit to the profit of transport. Where-ever not only privilege but also elementary necessities are denied to those who do not use high-speed conveyances, an involuntary acceleration of personal rhythms is imposed. Industry dominates traffic as soon as daily life comes to depend on motorized trips. +Every society that imposes compulsory speed submerges transit to the profit of transport. Where-ever not only privilege but also elementary necessities are denied to those who do not use high-speed conveyances, an involuntary acceleration of personal rhythms is imposed. Industry dominates traffic as soon as daily life comes to depend on motorized trips. -This profound control of the transportation industry over natural mobility constitutes a monopoly much more pervasive than either the commercial monopoly Ford might win over the automobile market, or the political monopoly car manufacturers might wield against the development of trains and buses. Because of its hidden, entrenched and structuring nature, I call this a _radical_ _monopoly._ Any industry exercises this kind of deep-seated monopoly when it becomes the dominant means of satisfying needs that formerly occasioned a personal response. The compulsory consumption of a high-powered commodity (motorized transport) restricts the conditions for enjoying an abundant use value (the innate capacity for transit). Traffic serves here as the paradigm of a general economic law: _Any industrial product that comes in per capita quanta beyond a given intensity exercises a radical monopoly over the satisfaction of a need_. Beyond some point, compulsory schooling destroys the environment for learning, medical delivery systems dry up the non-therapeutic sources of health, and transportation smothers traffic. +This profound control of the transportation industry over natural mobility constitutes a monopoly much more pervasive than either the commercial monopoly Ford might win over the automobile market, or the political monopoly car manufacturers might wield against the development of trains and buses. Because of its hidden, entrenched and structuring nature, I call this a _radical_ _monopoly._ Any industry exercises this kind of deep-seated monopoly when it becomes the dominant means of satisfying needs that formerly occasioned a personal response. The compulsory consumption of a high-powered commodity (motorized transport) restricts the conditions for enjoying an abundant use value (the innate capacity for transit). Traffic serves here as the paradigm of a general economic law: _Any industrial product that comes in per capita quanta beyond a given intensity exercises a radical monopoly over the satisfaction of a need_. Beyond some point, compulsory schooling destroys the environment for learning, medical delivery systems dry up the non-therapeutic sources of health, and transportation smothers traffic. -Radical monopoly is first established by a rearrangement of society for the benefit of those who have access to the larger quanta, then it is enforced by compelling all to consume the minimum quantum in which the output is currently produced. Compulsory consumption will take on a different appearance in industrial branches where information dominates, such as education or medicine, than it will in those branches where quanta can be measured in British thermal units, such as housing, clothing or transport. The industrial packaging of values will reach critical intensity at different points with different products but, for each major class of outputs, the threshold occurs within an order of magnitude that is theoretically identifiable. The fact that it is possible theoretically to determine the range of speed within which transportation develops a radical monopoly over traffic does not mean that it is possible theoretically to determine just how much of such a monopoly any given society will tolerate. The fact that it is possible to identify a level of compulsory instruction at which learning by seeing and doing declines does not enable the theorist to identify the specific pedagogical limits to the division of labour that a culture will tolerate. Only recourse to juridical and, above all, to political process can lead to the specific, though provisional, measures by which speed or compulsory education will actually be limited in a given society. The magnitude of voluntary limits is a matter of politics; the encroachment of radical monopoly can be pinpointed by social analysis. +Radical monopoly is first established by a rearrangement of society for the benefit of those who have access to the larger quanta, then it is enforced by compelling all to consume the minimum quantum in which the output is currently produced. Compulsory consumption will take on a different appearance in industrial branches where information dominates, such as education or medicine, than it will in those branches where quanta can be measured in British thermal units, such as housing, clothing or transport. The industrial packaging of values will reach critical intensity at different points with different products but, for each major class of outputs, the threshold occurs within an order of magnitude that is theoretically identifiable. The fact that it is possible theoretically to determine the range of speed within which transportation develops a radical monopoly over traffic does not mean that it is possible theoretically to determine just how much of such a monopoly any given society will tolerate. The fact that it is possible to identify a level of compulsory instruction at which learning by seeing and doing declines does not enable the theorist to identify the specific pedagogical limits to the division of labour that a culture will tolerate. Only recourse to juridical and, above all, to political process can lead to the specific, though provisional, measures by which speed or compulsory education will actually be limited in a given society. The magnitude of voluntary limits is a matter of politics; the encroachment of radical monopoly can be pinpointed by social analysis. -A branch of industry does not impose a radical monopoly on a whole society by the simple fact that it produces scarce products, or because it drives competing industries off the market, but rather by virtue of its acquired ability to create and shape the need which it alone can satisfy. +A branch of industry does not impose a radical monopoly on a whole society by the simple fact that it produces scarce products, or because it drives competing industries off the market, but rather by virtue of its acquired ability to create and shape the need which it alone can satisfy. -Shoes are scarce all over Latin America and many people never wear them. They walk on the bare soles of their feet, or wear the world’s widest variety of excellent sandals, supplied by a range of artisans. Their transit is in no way restricted by their lack of shoes. But in some countries of South America people are compelled to be shod ever since access to schools, jobs and public services was denied to the barefoot. Teachers or party officials define the lack of shoes as a sign of indifference toward ‘progress’. Without any intentional conspiracy between the promoters of national development and the shoe industry, the barefoot in these countries are now barred from any office. +Shoes are scarce all over Latin America and many people never wear them. They walk on the bare soles of their feet, or wear the world’s widest variety of excellent sandals, supplied by a range of artisans. Their transit is in no way restricted by their lack of shoes. But in some countries of South America people are compelled to be shod ever since access to schools, jobs and public services was denied to the barefoot. Teachers or party officials define the lack of shoes as a sign of indifference toward ‘progress’. Without any intentional conspiracy between the promoters of national development and the shoe industry, the barefoot in these countries are now barred from any office. -Schools, like shoes, were scarce at all times. But it was never the small number of privileged pupils that turned the school into an obstacle for learning. Only when laws were enacted to make schools both compulsory and free did the educator assume the power to deny learning opportunities on the job to the underconsumer of educational therapies. Only when school attendance had become obligatory did it become feasible to impose on all a progressively more complex artificial environment into which the unschooled and unprogrammed do not fit. +Schools, like shoes, were scarce at all times. But it was never the small number of privileged pupils that turned the school into an obstacle for learning. Only when laws were enacted to make schools both compulsory and free did the educator assume the power to deny learning opportunities on the job to the underconsumer of educational therapies. Only when school attendance had become obligatory did it become feasible to impose on all a progressively more complex artificial environment into which the unschooled and unprogrammed do not fit. -The potential of a radical monopoly is unmistakeable in the case of traffic. Imagine what would happen if the transportation industry could somehow distribute its output more adequately: a traffic Utopia of free _rapid_ transportation for all would inevitably lead to a further expansion of traffic’s domain over human life. What could such a Utopia look like? Traffic would be organized exclusively around public transportation systems. It would be financed by a progressive tax calculated on income and on the proximity of one’s residence to the next terminal and to the job. It would be designed so that everybody could occupy any seat on a first-come, first-served basis: the doctor, the vacationer and the President would not be assigned any priority of person. In this fool’s paradise, all passengers would be equal, but they would be just as equally captive consumers of transport. Each citizen of a motorized Utopia would be deprived of the use of his feet and drafted into the servitude of proliferating networks of transportation. +The potential of a radical monopoly is unmistakeable in the case of traffic. Imagine what would happen if the transportation industry could somehow distribute its output more adequately: a traffic Utopia of free _rapid_ transportation for all would inevitably lead to a further expansion of traffic’s domain over human life. What could such a Utopia look like? Traffic would be organized exclusively around public transportation systems. It would be financed by a progressive tax calculated on income and on the proximity of one’s residence to the next terminal and to the job. It would be designed so that everybody could occupy any seat on a first-come, first-served basis: the doctor, the vacationer and the President would not be assigned any priority of person. In this fool’s paradise, all passengers would be equal, but they would be just as equally captive consumers of transport. Each citizen of a motorized Utopia would be deprived of the use of his feet and drafted into the servitude of proliferating networks of transportation. -Certain would-be miracle makers disguised as architects offer a specious escape from the paradox of speed. By their standards, acceleration imposes inequities, time loss and controlled schedules only because people do not yet live in those patterns and orbits into which vehicles can best place them. These futuristic architects would house and occupy people in self-sufficient units of towers interconnected by tracks for high-speed capsules. Soleri, Doxiadis or Fuller would solve the problem created by high-speed transport by identifying the entire human habitat with the problem. Rather than asking how the earth’s surface can be preserved for people, they ask how reservations for necessary people can be established on an earth that has been reshaped for the sake of industrial outputs. +Certain would-be miracle makers disguised as architects offer a specious escape from the paradox of speed. By their standards, acceleration imposes inequities, time loss and controlled schedules only because people do not yet live in those patterns and orbits into which vehicles can best place them. These futuristic architects would house and occupy people in self-sufficient units of towers interconnected by tracks for high-speed capsules. Soleri, Doxiadis or Fuller would solve the problem created by high-speed transport by identifying the entire human habitat with the problem. Rather than asking how the earth’s surface can be preserved for people, they ask how reservations for necessary people can be established on an earth that has been reshaped for the sake of industrial outputs. ## The elusive threshold -Any traffic-optimal speed for transport seems capricious or fanatical to the confirmed passenger, whereas it looks like the flight of the bird to the donkey driver. Four or six times the speed of a man on foot constitutes a threshold too low to be deemed worthy of consideration by the habitual passenger and too high to convey the sense of a _limit_ to the three-quarters of humanity who still get around on their own power. +Any traffic-optimal speed for transport seems capricious or fanatical to the confirmed passenger, whereas it looks like the flight of the bird to the donkey driver. Four or six times the speed of a man on foot constitutes a threshold too low to be deemed worthy of consideration by the habitual passenger and too high to convey the sense of a _limit_ to the three-quarters of humanity who still get around on their own power. -All those who plan other people’s housing, transportation or education belong to the passenger class. Their claim to power is derived from the value their employers place on acceleration. Social scientists can build a computer model of traffic in Calcutta or Santiago, and engineers can design monorail webs according to abstract notions of traffic flow. Since these planners are true believers in problem solving by industry, the real solution for traffic congestion is beyond their grasp. Their belief in the effectiveness of power blinds them to the disproportionately greater effectiveness of abstaining from its use. Traffic engineers have yet to combine in one simulation model the mobility of people with that of vehicles. The engineer cannot conceive the possibility of renouncing speed and slowing down for the sake of permitting optimal traffic flow. He would never entertain the thought of programming his computer on the stipulation that no motorized vehicle within any city should ever overtake the speed of a velocipede. The development expert who looks down compassionately from his Land-Rover on the Indian peasant driving his pigs to market refuses to acknowledge the relative advantage of feet. The expert tends to forget that this man has dispensed ten others in his village from spending time on the road, whereas the engineer and every member of his family separately devote a major part of every day to being in traffic. For a man who believes that human mobility must be conceived in terms of indefinite progress, there can be no optimal level of traffic but only passing consensus on a given level of technical development. +All those who plan other people’s housing, transportation or education belong to the passenger class. Their claim to power is derived from the value their employers place on acceleration. Social scientists can build a computer model of traffic in Calcutta or Santiago, and engineers can design monorail webs according to abstract notions of traffic flow. Since these planners are true believers in problem solving by industry, the real solution for traffic congestion is beyond their grasp. Their belief in the effectiveness of power blinds them to the disproportionately greater effectiveness of abstaining from its use. Traffic engineers have yet to combine in one simulation model the mobility of people with that of vehicles. The engineer cannot conceive the possibility of renouncing speed and slowing down for the sake of permitting optimal traffic flow. He would never entertain the thought of programming his computer on the stipulation that no motorized vehicle within any city should ever overtake the speed of a velocipede. The development expert who looks down compassionately from his Land-Rover on the Indian peasant driving his pigs to market refuses to acknowledge the relative advantage of feet. The expert tends to forget that this man has dispensed ten others in his village from spending time on the road, whereas the engineer and every member of his family separately devote a major part of every day to being in traffic. For a man who believes that human mobility must be conceived in terms of indefinite progress, there can be no optimal level of traffic but only passing consensus on a given level of technical development. -Most Mexicans, not to speak of Indians and Chinese, are in a position inverse to that of the confirmed passenger. The critical threshold is entirely beyond what all but a few of them know or expect. They still belong to the class of the self-powered. Some of them have a lingering memory of a motorized adventure, but most of them have no personal experience of travelling at or above the critical speed. In the two typical Mexican states of Guerrero and Chiapas, less than one per cent of the population moved even once over ten miles in less than one hour during 1970. The vehicles into which people in these areas are sometimes crowded render traffic indeed more convenient, but barely faster than the speed of a bicycle. The third class bus does not separate the farmer from his pig, and it takes them both to market without inflicting any loss of weight, but this acquaintance with motorized ‘comfort’ does not amount to dependence on destructive speed. +Most Mexicans, not to speak of Indians and Chinese, are in a position inverse to that of the confirmed passenger. The critical threshold is entirely beyond what all but a few of them know or expect. They still belong to the class of the self-powered. Some of them have a lingering memory of a motorized adventure, but most of them have no personal experience of travelling at or above the critical speed. In the two typical Mexican states of Guerrero and Chiapas, less than one per cent of the population moved even once over ten miles in less than one hour during 1970. The vehicles into which people in these areas are sometimes crowded render traffic indeed more convenient, but barely faster than the speed of a bicycle. The third class bus does not separate the farmer from his pig, and it takes them both to market without inflicting any loss of weight, but this acquaintance with motorized ‘comfort’ does not amount to dependence on destructive speed. -The order of magnitude in which the critical threshold of speed can be found is too low to be taken seriously by the passenger, and too high to concern the peasant. It is so obvious it cannot be easily seen. The proposal of a limit to speed within this order of magnitude engenders stubborn opposition. It exposes the addiction of industrialized men to consuming ever higher doses of energy, while it asks those who are still sober to abstain from something they have yet to taste. +The order of magnitude in which the critical threshold of speed can be found is too low to be taken seriously by the passenger, and too high to concern the peasant. It is so obvious it cannot be easily seen. The proposal of a limit to speed within this order of magnitude engenders stubborn opposition. It exposes the addiction of industrialized men to consuming ever higher doses of energy, while it asks those who are still sober to abstain from something they have yet to taste. -To propose counterfoil research is not only a scandal, it is also a threat. Simplicity threatens the expert, who supposedly understands just why the commuter train runs at 8:15 and 8:41 and why it must be better to use fuel with certain additives. That a political process could identify a natural magnitude, both inescapable and limited, is an idea that lies outside the passenger’s world of verities. He has let respect for specialists he doesn’t even know turn into unthinking submission. If a political resolution could be found for problems created by experts in the field of traffic, then perhaps the same remedy could be applied to problems of education, medicine or urbanization. If the order of magnitude of traffic optimal vehicular velocities could be determined by laymen actively participating in an ongoing political process, then the foundation on which the framework of every industrial society is built would be shattered. To propose such research is politically subversive. It puts in question the overarching consensus on the need for more transportation which now allows the proponents of public ownership to define themselves as political adversaries of the proponents of private enterprise. +To propose counterfoil research is not only a scandal, it is also a threat. Simplicity threatens the expert, who supposedly understands just why the commuter train runs at 8:15 and 8:41 and why it must be better to use fuel with certain additives. That a political process could identify a natural magnitude, both inescapable and limited, is an idea that lies outside the passenger’s world of verities. He has let respect for specialists he doesn’t even know turn into unthinking submission. If a political resolution could be found for problems created by experts in the field of traffic, then perhaps the same remedy could be applied to problems of education, medicine or urbanization. If the order of magnitude of traffic optimal vehicular velocities could be determined by laymen actively participating in an ongoing political process, then the foundation on which the framework of every industrial society is built would be shattered. To propose such research is politically subversive. It puts in question the overarching consensus on the need for more transportation which now allows the proponents of public ownership to define themselves as political adversaries of the proponents of private enterprise. ## Degrees of self powered mobility -A century ago the ball bearing was invented it reduced the coefficient of friction by a factor of a thousand by applying a well calibrated ball-bearing between two neolithic millstones, a man could now grind in a day what took his ancestors a week. The ball-bearing also made possible the bicycle, allowing the wheel--probably the last of the great neolithic inventions--finally to become useful for self-powered mobility. +A century ago the ball bearing was invented it reduced the coefficient of friction by a factor of a thousand by applying a well calibrated ball-bearing between two neolithic millstones, a man could now grind in a day what took his ancestors a week. The ball-bearing also made possible the bicycle, allowing the wheel--probably the last of the great neolithic inventions--finally to become useful for self-powered mobility. -Man, unaided by any tool, gets around quite efficiently. He carries one gram of his weight over a kilometre in ten minutes by expending 0·75 calories. Man on his feet is thermodynamically more efficient than any motorized vehicle and most animals. For his weight, he performs more work in locomotion than rats or oxen, less than horses or sturgeon. At this rate of efficiency man settled the world and made its history. At this rate peasant societies spend less than five per cent and nomads less than eight per cent of their respective social time budgets outside the home or the encampment. +Man, unaided by any tool, gets around quite efficiently. He carries one gram of his weight over a kilometre in ten minutes by expending 0·75 calories. Man on his feet is thermodynamically more efficient than any motorized vehicle and most animals. For his weight, he performs more work in locomotion than rats or oxen, less than horses or sturgeon. At this rate of efficiency man settled the world and made its history. At this rate peasant societies spend less than five per cent and nomads less than eight per cent of their respective social time budgets outside the home or the encampment. -Man on a bicycle can go three or four times faster than the pedestrian, but uses five times less energy in the process. He carries one gram of his weight over a kilometre of flat road at an expense of only 0·15 calories. The bicycle is the perfect transducer to match man’s metabolic energy to the impedance of locomotion. Equipped with this tool, man outstrips the efficiency of not only all machines, but all other animals as well. +Man on a bicycle can go three or four times faster than the pedestrian, but uses five times less energy in the process. He carries one gram of his weight over a kilometre of flat road at an expense of only 0·15 calories. The bicycle is the perfect transducer to match man’s metabolic energy to the impedance of locomotion. Equipped with this tool, man outstrips the efficiency of not only all machines, but all other animals as well. -The invention of the ball-bearing, the tangent-spoked wheel and the pneumatic tyre taken together can be compared to only three other events in the history of transportation. The invention of the wheel at the dawn of civilization took the load off man’s back and put it onto the barrow. The invention and simultaneous application, during the European Middle Ages, of stirrup, shoulder harness and horseshoe increased the thermodynamic efficiency of the horse by a factor of up to five, and changed the economy of medieval Europe: it made frequent ploughing possible and thus introduced rotation agriculture; it brought more distant fields into the reach of the peasant, and thus permitted landowners to move from six-family hamlets into 100-family villages, where they could live around the church, the square, the jail and--later--the school; it allowed the cultivation of northern soils and shifted the centre of power into cold climates. The building of the first ocean-going vessels by the Portuguese in the fifteenth century, under the aegis of developing European capitalism, laid the solid foundations for a globe-spanning culture and market. +The invention of the ball-bearing, the tangent-spoked wheel and the pneumatic tyre taken together can be compared to only three other events in the history of transportation. The invention of the wheel at the dawn of civilization took the load off man’s back and put it onto the barrow. The invention and simultaneous application, during the European Middle Ages, of stirrup, shoulder harness and horseshoe increased the thermodynamic efficiency of the horse by a factor of up to five, and changed the economy of medieval Europe: it made frequent ploughing possible and thus introduced rotation agriculture; it brought more distant fields into the reach of the peasant, and thus permitted landowners to move from six-family hamlets into 100-family villages, where they could live around the church, the square, the jail and--later--the school; it allowed the cultivation of northern soils and shifted the centre of power into cold climates. The building of the first ocean-going vessels by the Portuguese in the fifteenth century, under the aegis of developing European capitalism, laid the solid foundations for a globe-spanning culture and market. -The invention of the ball-bearing signalled a fourth revolution. It created an option between more freedom in equity and more speed. The bearing is an equally fundamental ingredient of two new types of locomotion, respectively symbolized by the bicycle and the car. The bicycle lifted man’s automobility into a new order, beyond which progress is theoretically not possible. In contrast, the accelerating individual capsule enabled societies to engage in a ritual of progressively paralysing speed. +The invention of the ball-bearing signalled a fourth revolution. It created an option between more freedom in equity and more speed. The bearing is an equally fundamental ingredient of two new types of locomotion, respectively symbolized by the bicycle and the car. The bicycle lifted man’s automobility into a new order, beyond which progress is theoretically not possible. In contrast, the accelerating individual capsule enabled societies to engage in a ritual of progressively paralysing speed. -The monopoly of a ritual application over a potentially useful device is nothing new. Thousands of years ago, the wheel took the load off the carrier-slave, but it did so only on the Eurasian landmass. In Mexico, the wheel was well-known, but never applied to transport. It served exclusively for the construction of carriages for toy gods. The taboo on wheelbarrows in America before Cortés is no more puzzling than the taboo on bicycles in modern traffic. +The monopoly of a ritual application over a potentially useful device is nothing new. Thousands of years ago, the wheel took the load off the carrier-slave, but it did so only on the Eurasian landmass. In Mexico, the wheel was well-known, but never applied to transport. It served exclusively for the construction of carriages for toy gods. The taboo on wheelbarrows in America before Cortés is no more puzzling than the taboo on bicycles in modern traffic. -It is by no means necessary that the invention of the ball-bearing continue to serve the increase of energy use, and thereby produce time scarcity, space consumption and class privilege. If the new order of self-powered mobility offered by the bicycle were protected against devaluation, paralysis and risk to the limbs of the rider, it would be possible to guarantee optimal shared mobility to all people and put an end to the imposition of maximum privilege and exploitation. It would be possible to control the patterns of urbanization if the organization of space were constrained by the power man has to move through it. +It is by no means necessary that the invention of the ball-bearing continue to serve the increase of energy use, and thereby produce time scarcity, space consumption and class privilege. If the new order of self-powered mobility offered by the bicycle were protected against devaluation, paralysis and risk to the limbs of the rider, it would be possible to guarantee optimal shared mobility to all people and put an end to the imposition of maximum privilege and exploitation. It would be possible to control the patterns of urbanization if the organization of space were constrained by the power man has to move through it. -Bicycles are not only thermodynamically efficient, they are also cheap. With his much lower salary, the Chinese acquires his durable bicycle in a fraction of the working hours an American devotes to the purchase of his obsolescent car. The cost of public utilities needed to facilitate bicycle traffic versus the price of an infrastructure tailored to high speeds is proportionately even less than the price differential of the vehicles used in the two systems. In the bicycle system, engineered roads are necessary only at certain points of dense traffic, and people who live far from the surfaced path are not thereby automatically isolated as they would be if they depended on cars or trains. The bicycle has extended man’s radius without shunting him onto roads he cannot walk. Where he cannot ride his bike he can usually push it. +Bicycles are not only thermodynamically efficient, they are also cheap. With his much lower salary, the Chinese acquires his durable bicycle in a fraction of the working hours an American devotes to the purchase of his obsolescent car. The cost of public utilities needed to facilitate bicycle traffic versus the price of an infrastructure tailored to high speeds is proportionately even less than the price differential of the vehicles used in the two systems. In the bicycle system, engineered roads are necessary only at certain points of dense traffic, and people who live far from the surfaced path are not thereby automatically isolated as they would be if they depended on cars or trains. The bicycle has extended man’s radius without shunting him onto roads he cannot walk. Where he cannot ride his bike he can usually push it. -The bicycle also uses little space. Eighteen bikes can be parked in the place of one car, thirty of them can move along in the space devoured by a single automobile. It takes two lanes of a given size to move 40,000 people across a bridge in one hour by using modern trains, four to move them on buses, 12 to move them in their cars, and only one lane for them to pedal across on bicycles. Of all these vehicles, only the bicycle really allows people to go from door to door without walking. The cyclist can reach new destinations of his choice without his tool creating new locations from which he is barred. +The bicycle also uses little space. Eighteen bikes can be parked in the place of one car, thirty of them can move along in the space devoured by a single automobile. It takes two lanes of a given size to move 40,000 people across a bridge in one hour by using modern trains, four to move them on buses, 12 to move them in their cars, and only one lane for them to pedal across on bicycles. Of all these vehicles, only the bicycle really allows people to go from door to door without walking. The cyclist can reach new destinations of his choice without his tool creating new locations from which he is barred. -Bicycles let people move with greater speed without taking up significant amounts of scarce space, energy or time. They can spend fewer hours on each mile and still travel more miles in a year. They can get the benefit of technological breakthroughs without putting undue claims on the schedules, energy or space of others. They become masters of their own movements without blocking those of their fellows. Their new tool creates only those demands which it can also satisfy. Every increase in motorized speed creates new demands on space and time. The use of the bicycle is self-limiting. It allows people to create a new relationship between their life-space and their life-time, between their territory and the pulse of their being, without destroying their inherited balance. The advantages of modern self-powered traffic are obvious, and ignored. That better traffic runs faster is asserted, but never proved. Before they ask people to pay for it, those who propose acceleration should try to display the evidence for their claim. +Bicycles let people move with greater speed without taking up significant amounts of scarce space, energy or time. They can spend fewer hours on each mile and still travel more miles in a year. They can get the benefit of technological breakthroughs without putting undue claims on the schedules, energy or space of others. They become masters of their own movements without blocking those of their fellows. Their new tool creates only those demands which it can also satisfy. Every increase in motorized speed creates new demands on space and time. The use of the bicycle is self-limiting. It allows people to create a new relationship between their life-space and their life-time, between their territory and the pulse of their being, without destroying their inherited balance. The advantages of modern self-powered traffic are obvious, and ignored. That better traffic runs faster is asserted, but never proved. Before they ask people to pay for it, those who propose acceleration should try to display the evidence for their claim. -A grizzly contest between bicycles and motors has just come to an end. In Vietnam, a hyperindustrialized army tried to conquer, but could not overcome, a people organized around bicycle speed. The lesson should be clear. High energy armies can annihilate people--both those they defend and those against whom they are launched, but they are of very limited use to a people which defends itself. It remains to be seen if the Vietnamese will apply what they learned in war to an economy of peace, if they will be willing to protect the values that made their victory possible. The dismal likelihood is that the victors, for the sake of industrial progress and increased energy consumption, will tend to defeat themselves by destroying that structure of equity, rationality and autonomy into which American bombers had forced them by depriving them of fuels, motors and roads. +A grizzly contest between bicycles and motors has just come to an end. In Vietnam, a hyperindustrialized army tried to conquer, but could not overcome, a people organized around bicycle speed. The lesson should be clear. High energy armies can annihilate people--both those they defend and those against whom they are launched, but they are of very limited use to a people which defends itself. It remains to be seen if the Vietnamese will apply what they learned in war to an economy of peace, if they will be willing to protect the values that made their victory possible. The dismal likelihood is that the victors, for the sake of industrial progress and increased energy consumption, will tend to defeat themselves by destroying that structure of equity, rationality and autonomy into which American bombers had forced them by depriving them of fuels, motors and roads. ## Dominant v subsidiary motors -Men are born almost equally mobile their natural ability speaks for the personal liberty of each one to go wherever he or she wants to go Citizens of a society founded on the notion of equity will demand the protection of this right against any abridgement. It should be irrelevant to them by what means the exercise of personal mobility is denied, whether by imprisonment, bondage to an estate, revocation of a passport, or enclosure within an environment that encroaches on a person’s native ability to move in order to make him a consumer of transport. This inalienable right of free movement does not lapse just because most of our contemporaries have strapped themselves into ideological seat belts. Man’s natural capacity for transit emerges as the only yardstick by which to measure the contribution transport can make to traffic: there is only so much transport that traffic can bear. It remains to be outlined how we can distinguish those forms of transport that cripple the power to move from those that enhance it. +Men are born almost equally mobile their natural ability speaks for the personal liberty of each one to go wherever he or she wants to go Citizens of a society founded on the notion of equity will demand the protection of this right against any abridgement. It should be irrelevant to them by what means the exercise of personal mobility is denied, whether by imprisonment, bondage to an estate, revocation of a passport, or enclosure within an environment that encroaches on a person’s native ability to move in order to make him a consumer of transport. This inalienable right of free movement does not lapse just because most of our contemporaries have strapped themselves into ideological seat belts. Man’s natural capacity for transit emerges as the only yardstick by which to measure the contribution transport can make to traffic: there is only so much transport that traffic can bear. It remains to be outlined how we can distinguish those forms of transport that cripple the power to move from those that enhance it. -Transportation can abridge traffic in three ways: by breaking its flow, by creating isolated sets of destinations, and by increasing the loss of time due to traffic. I have already argued that the key to the relation between transport and traffic is the speed of vehicles. I have described how, past a certain threshold of speed, transport has gone on to obstruct traffic in these three ways. It blocks mobility by cluttering up the environment with vehicles and roads. It transforms geography into a pyramid of circuits sealed off from one another according to levels of acceleration. It expropriates life-time at the behest of speed. +Transportation can abridge traffic in three ways: by breaking its flow, by creating isolated sets of destinations, and by increasing the loss of time due to traffic. I have already argued that the key to the relation between transport and traffic is the speed of vehicles. I have described how, past a certain threshold of speed, transport has gone on to obstruct traffic in these three ways. It blocks mobility by cluttering up the environment with vehicles and roads. It transforms geography into a pyramid of circuits sealed off from one another according to levels of acceleration. It expropriates life-time at the behest of speed. -If beyond a certain threshold transport obstructs traffic, the inverse is also true: below some level of speed, motorized vehicles can complement or improve traffic by permitting people to do things they could not do on foot or on bicycle. Motors can be used to transport the sick, the lame, the old and the just plain lazy. Motorpulleys can lift people over hills, but they can do so peacefully only if they do not push the climber off the path. Trains can extend the range of travel, but only if they give people equal opportunity to come closer to each other. A well-developed transportation system running at top speeds of 25 mph would have allowed Fix to chase Phileas Fogg around the world in less than half of 80 days. The time engaged in travel must be, as much as possible, the traveller’s own: only insofar as motorized transport remains limited to speeds which leave it subsidiary to autonomous transit can a traffic-optimal transportation system be developed. +If beyond a certain threshold transport obstructs traffic, the inverse is also true: below some level of speed, motorized vehicles can complement or improve traffic by permitting people to do things they could not do on foot or on bicycle. Motors can be used to transport the sick, the lame, the old and the just plain lazy. Motorpulleys can lift people over hills, but they can do so peacefully only if they do not push the climber off the path. Trains can extend the range of travel, but only if they give people equal opportunity to come closer to each other. A well-developed transportation system running at top speeds of 25 mph would have allowed Fix to chase Phileas Fogg around the world in less than half of 80 days. The time engaged in travel must be, as much as possible, the traveller’s own: only insofar as motorized transport remains limited to speeds which leave it subsidiary to autonomous transit can a traffic-optimal transportation system be developed. -A limit on the power and therefore on the speed of motors does not by itself insure those who are weaker against exploitation by the rich and powerful, who can still devise means to live and work at better located addresses, travel with retinue in plush carriages, and reserve a special lane for doctors and members of the central committee. But at a sufficiently limited maximum speed, this is an unfairness which can be reduced or even corrected by a combination of taxes and technological devices. At unlimited top speed neither public ownership of the means of transportation nor technical improvements in their control can ever eliminate growing and unequal exploitation. A transportation industry is the key to optimal production of traffic, but only if it does not exercise its radical monopoly over personal productivity. +A limit on the power and therefore on the speed of motors does not by itself insure those who are weaker against exploitation by the rich and powerful, who can still devise means to live and work at better located addresses, travel with retinue in plush carriages, and reserve a special lane for doctors and members of the central committee. But at a sufficiently limited maximum speed, this is an unfairness which can be reduced or even corrected by a combination of taxes and technological devices. At unlimited top speed neither public ownership of the means of transportation nor technical improvements in their control can ever eliminate growing and unequal exploitation. A transportation industry is the key to optimal production of traffic, but only if it does not exercise its radical monopoly over personal productivity. ## Underequipment overdevelopment and mature technology -The combination of transportation and transit that constitutes traffic has provided us with an example of socially optimal per capita wattage and of the need for politically chosen limits on it. Traffic is also a model for the convergence of worldwide development goals, and a criterion by which to distinguish those countries which are lamely underequipped from those that are destructively overindustrialized. +The combination of transportation and transit that constitutes traffic has provided us with an example of socially optimal per capita wattage and of the need for politically chosen limits on it. Traffic is also a model for the convergence of worldwide development goals, and a criterion by which to distinguish those countries which are lamely underequipped from those that are destructively overindustrialized. -A country can be classified as underequipped if it cannot outfit each citizen with a bicycle or provide a five-speed transmission for anyone who wants to pedal others around. It is underequipped if it cannot provide good roads for the cycle, or free public motorized transportation for those who want to travel for more than a few hours in succession. No technical, economic or ecological reason exists why such backwardness should be tolerated anywhere in 1975. It would be a scandal if the natural mobility of a people were forced to stagnate on a pre-bicycle level against its will. +A country can be classified as underequipped if it cannot outfit each citizen with a bicycle or provide a five-speed transmission for anyone who wants to pedal others around. It is underequipped if it cannot provide good roads for the cycle, or free public motorized transportation for those who want to travel for more than a few hours in succession. No technical, economic or ecological reason exists why such backwardness should be tolerated anywhere in 1975. It would be a scandal if the natural mobility of a people were forced to stagnate on a pre-bicycle level against its will. -A country can be classified as overindustrialized when its social life is dominated by the transportation industry, which has come to determine its class privileges, to accentuate its time scarcity, and to tie its people more tightly to the tracks it has laid out for them. +A country can be classified as overindustrialized when its social life is dominated by the transportation industry, which has come to determine its class privileges, to accentuate its time scarcity, and to tie its people more tightly to the tracks it has laid out for them. -Beyond underequipment and overindustrialization, there is a place for the world of post-industrial effectiveness, where the industrial mode of production complements other autonomous forms of production. There is a place, in other words, for a world of technological maturity. In terms of traffic, it is the world of those who have tripled the extent of their daily horizon by lifting themselves onto their bicycles. It is just as much the world marked by a variety of subsidiary motors available for the occasions when a bicycle is not enough and when an extra push will limit neither equity nor freedom. And it is, too, the world of the long voyage: a world where every place is open to every person, at his own pleasure and speed, without haste or fear, by means of vehicles that cross distances without breaking with the earth which man walked for hundreds of thousands of years on his own two feet. +Beyond underequipment and overindustrialization, there is a place for the world of post-industrial effectiveness, where the industrial mode of production complements other autonomous forms of production. There is a place, in other words, for a world of technological maturity. In terms of traffic, it is the world of those who have tripled the extent of their daily horizon by lifting themselves onto their bicycles. It is just as much the world marked by a variety of subsidiary motors available for the occasions when a bicycle is not enough and when an extra push will limit neither equity nor freedom. And it is, too, the world of the long voyage: a world where every place is open to every person, at his own pleasure and speed, without haste or fear, by means of vehicles that cross distances without breaking with the earth which man walked for hundreds of thousands of years on his own two feet. -Underequipment keeps people enslaved to primordial nature and limits their freedom. Overindustrialization does not admit of differences in production and political style. It imposes its technical characteristics on social relations. The world of technological maturity permits a variety of political choices and cultures. The variety diminishes, of course, as a community allows industry to grow at the cost of autonomous production. Reasoning alone can offer no precise measure for the level of post-industrial effectiveness and technological maturity appropriate to a concrete society. It can only indicate in dimensional terms the range into which these technological characteristics must fit. It must be left to a historical community engaged in its own political process to decide when programming, space distortion, time scarcity and inequality cease to be worth its while. Reasoning can identify speed as the critical factor in traffic. It cannot set politically feasible limits. +Underequipment keeps people enslaved to primordial nature and limits their freedom. Overindustrialization does not admit of differences in production and political style. It imposes its technical characteristics on social relations. The world of technological maturity permits a variety of political choices and cultures. The variety diminishes, of course, as a community allows industry to grow at the cost of autonomous production. Reasoning alone can offer no precise measure for the level of post-industrial effectiveness and technological maturity appropriate to a concrete society. It can only indicate in dimensional terms the range into which these technological characteristics must fit. It must be left to a historical community engaged in its own political process to decide when programming, space distortion, time scarcity and inequality cease to be worth its while. Reasoning can identify speed as the critical factor in traffic. It cannot set politically feasible limits. -Only when top speeds on personal carriage reflect the enlightened self-interest of a political community can they become operative. This interest cannot be expressed in a society where one class monopolizes not only transportation, but communication, medicine, education and weapons as well. It does not matter if this power is held by legal owners or by entrenched managers of an industry that is legally owned by the workers. This power must be reappropriated and submitted to the sound judgment of the common man. The reconquest of power starts with the recognition that expert knowledge blinds the secretive bureaucrat to the obvious way of dissolving the energy crisis, just as it has blinded him to recognize the obvious solution to the war in Vietnam. +Only when top speeds on personal carriage reflect the enlightened self-interest of a political community can they become operative. This interest cannot be expressed in a society where one class monopolizes not only transportation, but communication, medicine, education and weapons as well. It does not matter if this power is held by legal owners or by entrenched managers of an industry that is legally owned by the workers. This power must be reappropriated and submitted to the sound judgment of the common man. The reconquest of power starts with the recognition that expert knowledge blinds the secretive bureaucrat to the obvious way of dissolving the energy crisis, just as it has blinded him to recognize the obvious solution to the war in Vietnam. -There are two roads from where we are to technological maturity: one is the road of liberation from affluence; the other is the road of liberation from dependence. Both roads have the same destination: the social restructuring of space that offers to each person the constantly renewed experience that the centre of the world is where he stands, walks and lives. +There are two roads from where we are to technological maturity: one is the road of liberation from affluence; the other is the road of liberation from dependence. Both roads have the same destination: the social restructuring of space that offers to each person the constantly renewed experience that the centre of the world is where he stands, walks and lives. -Liberation from affluence begins on the traffic islands where the rich run into one another. The well-sped are tossed from one island to the next and are offered but the company of fellow passengers en route to somewhere else. This solitude of plenty breaks down as the traffic islands gradually expand and people begin to recover their native power to move around the place where they live. Thus, the impoverished environment of the traffic island can embody the beginnings of social reconstruction, and the people who now call themselves rich will break with bondage to overefficient transport on the day they come to treasure the horizon of their traffic islands, now fully grown, and to dread frequent shipments from their homes. +Liberation from affluence begins on the traffic islands where the rich run into one another. The well-sped are tossed from one island to the next and are offered but the company of fellow passengers en route to somewhere else. This solitude of plenty breaks down as the traffic islands gradually expand and people begin to recover their native power to move around the place where they live. Thus, the impoverished environment of the traffic island can embody the beginnings of social reconstruction, and the people who now call themselves rich will break with bondage to overefficient transport on the day they come to treasure the horizon of their traffic islands, now fully grown, and to dread frequent shipments from their homes. -Liberation from dependence starts at the other end. It breaks the constriction of village and valley and leaves behind the boredom of narrow horizons and the stifling oppression of a world closed in on itself. To expand life beyond the radius of tradition without scattering it to the winds of acceleration is a goal that any poor country could achieve within a few years, but it is a goal that will be reached only by those who reject the offer of unchecked industrial development made in the name of an ideology of indefinite energy consumption. +Liberation from dependence starts at the other end. It breaks the constriction of village and valley and leaves behind the boredom of narrow horizons and the stifling oppression of a world closed in on itself. To expand life beyond the radius of tradition without scattering it to the winds of acceleration is a goal that any poor country could achieve within a few years, but it is a goal that will be reached only by those who reject the offer of unchecked industrial development made in the name of an ideology of indefinite energy consumption. -Liberation from the radical monopoly of industry is possible only where people engage in a political process founded on the protection of optimal traffic. This protection, in turn, demands a recognition of those energy quanta upon whose neglect industrial society has been built. These energy quanta can carry those who consume that much, but no more, into a post-industrial age that is technologically mature. +Liberation from the radical monopoly of industry is possible only where people engage in a political process founded on the protection of optimal traffic. This protection, in turn, demands a recognition of those energy quanta upon whose neglect industrial society has been built. These energy quanta can carry those who consume that much, but no more, into a post-industrial age that is technologically mature. -Liberation which comes cheap to the poor will cost the rich dear, but they will pay its price once the acceleration of their transportation systems grinds traffic to a halt. A concrete analysis of traffic betrays the truth underlying the energy crisis: the impact of industrially packaged quanta of energy on the social environment tends to be degrading, exhausting and enslaving, and these effects come into play even before those which threaten the pollution of the physical environment and the extinction of the race. The crucial point at which these effects can be reversed is not, however, a matter of deduction, but of decision. +Liberation which comes cheap to the poor will cost the rich dear, but they will pay its price once the acceleration of their transportation systems grinds traffic to a halt. A concrete analysis of traffic betrays the truth underlying the energy crisis: the impact of industrially packaged quanta of energy on the social environment tends to be degrading, exhausting and enslaving, and these effects come into play even before those which threaten the pollution of the physical environment and the extinction of the race. The crucial point at which these effects can be reversed is not, however, a matter of deduction, but of decision. ## Bibliography -_Seminars on ‘Alternatives to Acceleration in the Improvement of Traffic’ and on ‘The History of Thermodynamics Applied to Personal Transportation’ are meeting at CIDOC in Cuernavaca during 1974 and 1975. The following list has been culled from the seminar library. Only those titles have been quoted which, besides having proved useful in past sessions of the seminar, could easily be overlooked by those who might wish to pursue the line of inquiry followed in this essay_. +_Seminars on ‘Alternatives to Acceleration in the Improvement of Traffic’ and on ‘The History of Thermodynamics Applied to Personal Transportation’ are meeting at CIDOC in Cuernavaca during 1974 and 1975. The following list has been culled from the seminar library. Only those titles have been quoted which, besides having proved useful in past sessions of the seminar, could easily be overlooked by those who might wish to pursue the line of inquiry followed in this essay_. -ALBION, R. G., _Naval_ _and_ _Maritime_ _History_ , _An_ _Annotated_ _Bibliography_. Mystic, The Marine Hist. Assn. Conn. 1972. +ALBION, R. G., _Naval_ _and_ _Maritime_ _History_ , _An_ _Annotated_ _Bibliography_. Mystic, The Marine Hist. Assn. Conn. 1972. -ANDERSON, Romola and Roger, _The_ _Sailing_ _Ship:_ _Six_ _Thousand_ _Years_ _of_ _History_. London, Harrap, 1926. +ANDERSON, Romola and Roger, _The_ _Sailing_ _Ship:_ _Six_ _Thousand_ _Years_ _of_ _History_. London, Harrap, 1926. -BANKS, Arthur S., _Cross-Polity_ _Times_ _Series_ _Data_. Cambridge, Mass.; MIT, 1971. +BANKS, Arthur S., _Cross-Polity_ _Times_ _Series_ _Data_. Cambridge, Mass.; MIT, 1971. -BARKIN, David, ‘El consumo y la vía chilena al socialismo; reflexiones en torno a la decisión automotriz’. Versión Preliminar. _Centro_ _de_ _Estudios_ _Socio-Económicos_ , Santiago de Chile, 1972. (Available from CIDOC Library.) +BARKIN, David, ‘El consumo y la vía chilena al socialismo; reflexiones en torno a la decisión automotriz’. Versión Preliminar. _Centro_ _de_ _Estudios_ _Socio-Económicos_ , Santiago de Chile, 1972. (Available from CIDOC Library.) -BERNSTEIN, M. T., _Steamboats_ _on_ _the_ _Ganges_. Bombay, Orient Longmans, 1960. +BERNSTEIN, M. T., _Steamboats_ _on_ _the_ _Ganges_. Bombay, Orient Longmans, 1960. -BIVAR, A. D. H., ‘The Stirrup and Its Origins’. _Oriental_ _Art_ , vol. I, 1955, pp. 61-65\. +BIVAR, A. D. H., ‘The Stirrup and Its Origins’. _Oriental_ _Art_ , vol. I, 1955, pp. 61-65\. BLAISDEL, R. et al., _Sources_ _of_ _Information_ _in_ _Transportation_. Evanston, Ill., Northwestern University Press (The Transportation Center), 1964. -BOWDEN, Frank Philip, Art. on ‘Friction’ in the _Encyclopaedia_ _Britannica_ , vol. 9, pp. 840A-841\. +BOWDEN, Frank Philip, Art. on ‘Friction’ in the _Encyclopaedia_ _Britannica_ , vol. 9, pp. 840A-841\. -BRANCH, Melville C., _Comprehensive_ _Urban_ _Planning:_ _A_ _Selected_ _Anno_ _tated_ _Bibliography_ _with_ _Related_ _Materials_. Sage Publications, 1973. For material on transportation, cf. pp. 251-272\. +BRANCH, Melville C., _Comprehensive_ _Urban_ _Planning:_ _A_ _Selected_ _Anno_ _tated_ _Bibliography_ _with_ _Related_ _Materials_. Sage Publications, 1973. For material on transportation, cf. pp. 251-272\. -BRAUDEL, Fernand, ‘La Lenteur des Transports’ in _Civilisation_ _Materielle_ _et_ _Capitalisme_ , _XV-XVIII_ _Siècle_ , pp. 314-329\. Paris, Armand Colin, 1967. +BRAUDEL, Fernand, ‘La Lenteur des Transports’ in _Civilisation_ _Materielle_ _et_ _Capitalisme_ , _XV-XVIII_ _Siècle_ , pp. 314-329\. Paris, Armand Colin, 1967. -----. ‘Vicissitudes des Routes’ in _La_ _Méditerranée_ _et_ _le_ _Monde_ _Medi_ _terranéen_ , pp. 242-259\. Paris, Armand Colin, 1949. +----. ‘Vicissitudes des Routes’ in _La_ _Méditerranée_ _et_ _le_ _Monde_ _Medi_ _terranéen_ , pp. 242-259\. Paris, Armand Colin, 1949. -BRUNOT, Ferdinand, _Histoire_ _de_ _la_ _Langue_ _Française_ _des_ _Origines_ _a_ _nos_ _Jours_. For references to ‘transport’, cf. esp. tome VI, pp. 357-360 and tome VII, pp. 201-231\. +BRUNOT, Ferdinand, _Histoire_ _de_ _la_ _Langue_ _Française_ _des_ _Origines_ _a_ _nos_ _Jours_. For references to ‘transport’, cf. esp. tome VI, pp. 357-360 and tome VII, pp. 201-231\. -BUCHANAN, C. D., _Mixed_ _Blessing:_ _The_ _Motor_ _Car_ _in_ _Britain_. London, 1958. +BUCHANAN, C. D., _Mixed_ _Blessing:_ _The_ _Motor_ _Car_ _in_ _Britain_. London, 1958. -BUFFET, B., _L’Eau_ _Potable_ _à_ _travers_ _les_ _Ages_. Liege, 1950. +BUFFET, B., _L’Eau_ _Potable_ _à_ _travers_ _les_ _Ages_. Liege, 1950. -CAUNTER, C. F., _The_ _History_ _and_ _Development_ _of_ _the_ _Cycles_ , _As_ _Illustrated_ _by_ _the_ _Collection_ _of_ _Cycles_ _in_ _the_ _Science_ _Museum_. London, 1955. +CAUNTER, C. F., _The_ _History_ _and_ _Development_ _of_ _the_ _Cycles_ , _As_ _Illustrated_ _by_ _the_ _Collection_ _of_ _Cycles_ _in_ _the_ _Science_ _Museum_. London, 1955. -CAVAILLES, Henri, _La_ _Route_ _Française_ , _son_ _Histoire_. Paris, 1946. +CAVAILLES, Henri, _La_ _Route_ _Française_ , _son_ _Histoire_. Paris, 1946. -CHERMAYEFF, Serge, and TZONIS, Alexander, _Shape_ _of_ _Community_. Penguin, 1971. +CHERMAYEFF, Serge, and TZONIS, Alexander, _Shape_ _of_ _Community_. Penguin, 1971. -CLAXTON, E. C., ‘The Future of the Bicycle in a Modern Society’. _Journal_ _of_ _the_ _Royal_ _Society_ _of_ _Arts_ , January, 1968, pp. 114-135\. +CLAXTON, E. C., ‘The Future of the Bicycle in a Modern Society’. _Journal_ _of_ _the_ _Royal_ _Society_ _of_ _Arts_ , January, 1968, pp. 114-135\. -COOK, Walter L., _Bike_ _Trails_ _and_ _Facilities_ _:_ _A_ _Guide_ _to_ _Their_ _Design_ , _Construction_ _and_ _Operation_. Wheeling, W.Va., American Institute of Park Executives, 1965. +COOK, Walter L., _Bike_ _Trails_ _and_ _Facilities_ _:_ _A_ _Guide_ _to_ _Their_ _Design_ , _Construction_ _and_ _Operation_. Wheeling, W.Va., American Institute of Park Executives, 1965. -COPELAND, John, _Roads_ _and_ _Their_ _Traffic_ , _1750 -1858_. Newton Abbot, 1968. +COPELAND, John, _Roads_ _and_ _Their_ _Traffic_ , _1750 -1858_. Newton Abbot, 1968. -DAVENAS, Paul, _Les_ _Messageries_ _Royales_. Paris, 1937. +DAVENAS, Paul, _Les_ _Messageries_ _Royales_. Paris, 1937. -DEFFONTAINES, P., ‘Sur la Reparticion Géographique des Voitures à Deux Roues et à Quatre Roues’. _Traveaux_ _du_ _Premier_ _Congrès_ _Internacional_ _de_ _Folklore_ , _Paris_ _1937_ , p. 117 ff. Arbault, Tours, 1938. +DEFFONTAINES, P., ‘Sur la Reparticion Géographique des Voitures à Deux Roues et à Quatre Roues’. _Traveaux_ _du_ _Premier_ _Congrès_ _Internacional_ _de_ _Folklore_ , _Paris_ _1937_ , p. 117 ff. Arbault, Tours, 1938. -DEISCHEL, Erwin, _Umweltbeanspruchung_ _und_ _Umweltschaeden_ _durch_ _den_ _Verkehr_ _in_ _der_ _BDR_ , Munich, 1971. +DEISCHEL, Erwin, _Umweltbeanspruchung_ _und_ _Umweltschaeden_ _durch_ _den_ _Verkehr_ _in_ _der_ _BDR_ , Munich, 1971. -DOLLFUS, C., _Historie_ _de_ _la_ _Locomotion_ _Terrestre_. Paris, 1935-36\. +DOLLFUS, C., _Historie_ _de_ _la_ _Locomotion_ _Terrestre_. Paris, 1935-36\. -EKHOLM, Gordon F., ‘Wheeled Toys in Mexico’. _American_ _Antiquity_ , vol. 2, 1946, pp. 222-228\. +EKHOLM, Gordon F., ‘Wheeled Toys in Mexico’. _American_ _Antiquity_ , vol. 2, 1946, pp. 222-228\. -FARVAR, M. Taghi and MILTON, John, _The_ _Careless_ _Technology:_ _Ecology_ _and_ _International_ _Development_. Garden City, N.Y., The Natural History Press, 1972. +FARVAR, M. Taghi and MILTON, John, _The_ _Careless_ _Technology:_ _Ecology_ _and_ _International_ _Development_. Garden City, N.Y., The Natural History Press, 1972. -FORBES, R. J., ‘Land Transport and Road Building, 1000-1900’. _Janus_ , vol. 46, 1957, p. 100. +FORBES, R. J., ‘Land Transport and Road Building, 1000-1900’. _Janus_ , vol. 46, 1957, p. 100. -----. _Notes_ _on_ _the_ _History_ _of_ _Ancient_ _Roads_ _and_ _Their_ _Construction_. Second Edition. Amsterdam, 1964. +----. _Notes_ _on_ _the_ _History_ _of_ _Ancient_ _Roads_ _and_ _Their_ _Construction_. Second Edition. Amsterdam, 1964. FOSTER, George M., _Culture_ _and_ _Conquest:_ _America’s_ _Spanish_ _Heritage_. Chicago, Quadrangle Books, 1960. -FROMM, Gary, ed., _Transport_ _Investment_ _and_ _Economic_ _Development_. Washington, D.C., The Brookings Institution Transport Research Program, 1969. +FROMM, Gary, ed., _Transport_ _Investment_ _and_ _Economic_ _Development_. Washington, D.C., The Brookings Institution Transport Research Program, 1969. -FULLER, R. Buckminster, _World_ _Resource_ _Inventory_. Carbondale, Southern Illinois University Press, 1965. Cf. esp. vol. 4, part 4. +FULLER, R. Buckminster, _World_ _Resource_ _Inventory_. Carbondale, Southern Illinois University Press, 1965. Cf. esp. vol. 4, part 4. -FULLER, Dudley D., _Theory_ _and_ _Practice_ _of_ _Lubrication_ _for_ _Engineers_ , N.Y., Wiley, 1956. +FULLER, Dudley D., _Theory_ _and_ _Practice_ _of_ _Lubrication_ _for_ _Engineers_ , N.Y., Wiley, 1956. -GIEDION, Siegfried, _Mechanization_ _Takes_ _Command_. New York, Norton, 1969. +GIEDION, Siegfried, _Mechanization_ _Takes_ _Command_. New York, Norton, 1969. -GINSBURG, Norton, _Atlas_ _of_ _Economic_ _Development_. University of Chicago Press, 1961. Cf. esp. pp. 100-101 and pp. 60-77\. +GINSBURG, Norton, _Atlas_ _of_ _Economic_ _Development_. University of Chicago Press, 1961. Cf. esp. pp. 100-101 and pp. 60-77\. -GOETZ, Wilhelm, _Verkehrswege_ _im_ _Dienste_ _des_ _Welthandels:_ _Eine_ _Historisch-Geographische_ _Untersuchung_. Stuttgart, 1888. +GOETZ, Wilhelm, _Verkehrswege_ _im_ _Dienste_ _des_ _Welthandels:_ _Eine_ _Historisch-Geographische_ _Untersuchung_. Stuttgart, 1888. -HALDANE, J. B. S., ‘On Being the Right Size’ in James R. Newman, ed., _The_ _World_ _of_ _Mathematics_ , vol. II. New York, Simon and Schuster, 1956. +HALDANE, J. B. S., ‘On Being the Right Size’ in James R. Newman, ed., _The_ _World_ _of_ _Mathematics_ , vol. II. New York, Simon and Schuster, 1956. -HALL, Edward T., _Hidden_ _Dimension_. New York, Doubleday, 1969. +HALL, Edward T., _Hidden_ _Dimension_. New York, Doubleday, 1969. -HANNEN, Bruce, ‘Options for Energy Conservation’. Unpublished manuscript, Feb., 1973. CIDOC Library. +HANNEN, Bruce, ‘Options for Energy Conservation’. Unpublished manuscript, Feb., 1973. 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Tübingen, 1931. -HAUDRICOURT, André G., ‘Contribution a la Géographie et a l’Ethnologie de la Voiture’. _Revue_ _de_ _Géographie_ _Humaine_ _et_ _Ethnologie_ , 1948. pp. 54-64\. +HAUDRICOURT, André G., ‘Contribution a la Géographie et a l’Ethnologie de la Voiture’. _Revue_ _de_ _Géographie_ _Humaine_ _et_ _Ethnologie_ , 1948. pp. 54-64\. -HEICHELHEIM, Fritz M., _An_ _Ancient_ _Economic_ _History_ , _From_ _the_ _Paleo_ _lithic_ _Age_ _to_ _the_ _Migrations_ _of_ _the_ _Germanic_ , _Slavic_ _and_ _Arabic_ _Nations_. 3 Volumes, Leiden, 1938. +HEICHELHEIM, Fritz M., _An_ _Ancient_ _Economic_ _History_ , _From_ _the_ _Paleo_ _lithic_ _Age_ _to_ _the_ _Migrations_ _of_ _the_ _Germanic_ , _Slavic_ _and_ _Arabic_ _Nations_. 3 Volumes, Leiden, 1938. -HERENDEEN, R., Use of Input/Output Analysis to Determine the Energy Cost of Goods and Services. 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New York, 1928. -HUNTER, Holland, _Soviet_ _Transport_ _Experience_ , _Its_ _Lessons_ _for_ _Other_ _Countries_. Washington, D.C., The Brookings Institution Transport Research Program, 1968. +HUNTER, Holland, _Soviet_ _Transport_ _Experience_ , _Its_ _Lessons_ _for_ _Other_ _Countries_. Washington, D.C., The Brookings Institution Transport Research Program, 1968. -JOPE, E. M., ‘Vehicles and Harness’ in Singer, _A_ _History_ _of_ _Technology_ , vol. 2, p. 537. Oxford University Press, 1956. +JOPE, E. M., ‘Vehicles and Harness’ in Singer, _A_ _History_ _of_ _Technology_ , vol. 2, p. 537. Oxford University Press, 1956. -KALMUS, Ludwig, _Weltgeschichte_ _der_ _Post_ _mit_ _besonderer_ _Berücksichtigung_ _des_ _deutschen_ _Sprachgebietes_. Vienna, 1937. +KALMUS, Ludwig, _Weltgeschichte_ _der_ _Post_ _mit_ _besonderer_ _Berücksichtigung_ _des_ _deutschen_ _Sprachgebietes_. 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Universidad de Córdoba, Argentina, 1963. -SUNDQUIST, James L., ‘A Policy for Urban Growth: Where Shall They Live?’ _The_ _Public_ _Interest_. No. 18, Winter 1970. +SUNDQUIST, James L., ‘A Policy for Urban Growth: Where Shall They Live?’ _The_ _Public_ _Interest_. No. 18, Winter 1970. -STUTZ, Frederick P., _Research_ _on_ _Intra-Urban_ _Social_ _Travel:_ _Introduction_ _and_ _Bibliography_ _;_ _Exchange_ _Bibliography_ _No_. _173_. Monticello, Mich., Council of Planning Librarians, Feb., 1971. +STUTZ, Frederick P., _Research_ _on_ _Intra-Urban_ _Social_ _Travel:_ _Introduction_ _and_ _Bibliography_ _;_ _Exchange_ _Bibliography_ _No_. _173_. Monticello, Mich., Council of Planning Librarians, Feb., 1971. -TAYLOR, George, _The_ _Transportation_ _Revolution_. New York, Harper & Row, 1951. +TAYLOR, George, _The_ _Transportation_ _Revolution_. New York, Harper & Row, 1951. TERRAZAS DE LA PEÑA, Eduardo, ‘Necesidad de un Incremento en la Intensidad del Uso del Espacio’. Paper presented at a regional meeting on urban development policies, Mexico City, July, 1972. CIDOC Library. -_Transportation_ _Renaissance_ , Vol. 345 of The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science. Philadelphia, 1963. +_Transportation_ _Renaissance_ , Vol. 345 of The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science. Philadelphia, 1963. -TURNER, John F. C., ‘Housing for People or Housing by People’? Mimeograph, 10 pp. Cambridge, Mass., MIT, 1970. +TURNER, John F. C., ‘Housing for People or Housing by People’? Mimeograph, 10 pp. Cambridge, Mass., MIT, 1970. -WESTERGAARD, John, ‘Journey to Work in London Region’. _TPR_ , April, 1957. +WESTERGAARD, John, ‘Journey to Work in London Region’. _TPR_ , April, 1957. -WHEELER, James O., _Research_ _on_ _the_ _Journey_ _to_ _Work:_ _Introduction_ _and_ _Bibliography;_ _Exchange_ _Bibliography_ _No_. _65_. 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New York, Grove Press, 1949. cf. esp. pp. 363-393\. +WHITE, Leslie, _The_ _Science_ _of_ _Culture_ _:_ _Energy_ _and_ _the_ _Evolution_ _of_ _Culture_. New York, Grove Press, 1949. cf. esp. pp. 363-393\. -WILSON, S. S., ‘Bicycle Technology’. _Scientific_ _American_ , March, 1973, pp. 81-91\. +WILSON, S. S., ‘Bicycle Technology’. _Scientific_ _American_ , March, 1973, pp. 81-91\. -WILSON, George W., et. al., _The_ _Impact_ _of_ _Highway_ _Investment_ _on_ _Development_. Washington, D.C., The Brookings Institution Transport Research Program, 1966. +WILSON, George W., et. al., _The_ _Impact_ _of_ _Highway_ _Investment_ _on_ _Development_. Washington, D.C., The Brookings Institution Transport Research Program, 1966. -YURICK, Sol, ‘The Political Economy of Junk’. _Monthly_ _Review_ , vol. 22, no. 7, Dec, 1970, pp. 22-37\. +YURICK, Sol, ‘The Political Economy of Junk’. _Monthly_ _Review_ , vol. 22, no. 7, Dec, 1970, pp. 22-37\. diff --git a/contents/book/energy/es.bib b/contents/book/energy/es.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..9536603 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/energy/es.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-energy-es, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Energía y Equidad}, + year = {1974}, + date = {1974}, + origdate = {1974}, + language = {es}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/book/energy:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-18} +} diff --git a/data/pages/es/book/energy/es.txt b/contents/book/energy/es.md index e448072..9fd09d8 100644 --- a/data/pages/es/book/energy/es.txt +++ b/contents/book/energy/es.md @@ -1,12 +1,31 @@ -# Energía y equidad - -## La importación de una crisis +--- + title: "Energía y Equidad" + author: "Ivan Illich" + date: "1974" + lang: "" + documentclass: book + classoption: + - oneside + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + newtxmathoptions: + - cmintegrals + - cmbraces + toc: true + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue + titlepage: true +--- + +# La importación de una crisis Mientras mas rico el país, más de buen gusto es mostrarse preocupado por la llamada “crisis de energía”. El tema saltó a primer plano entre aquellos que _Le Monde_ y el _New York Times_ trataron inmediatamente después de que Kissinger anunció la suspensión de bombardeos en Vietnam. El nuevo problema --chispa para los grandes programas de televisión-- está en la agenda del _jet-set_ científico internacional, meollo en la reorganización de las relaciones comerciales entre rusos y norteamericanos. Ya en 1970, este mismo tema llegó a tener preeminencia en las revistas de las élites científicas; en parte porque cómodamente amalgama varias ramas “distinguidas” de la investigación reciente, ampliamente popularizadas durante la década de los sesenta: el estudio psicosociológico de los conflictos, de la ecología y de la contaminación ambiental, el de las mutaciones previsibles en la tecnología futurista. Ahora, en 1973, vemos los primeros signos de que la importación de la “crisis energética” empieza a tener éxito en América Latina. Se multiplica la reproducción de traducciones sobre el tema. En la prensa periódica, destinada a las clases escolarizadas, las vitrinas de las librerías exhiben títulos al respecto; los programas de televisión, promovidos por las fundaciones extranjeras, conectan el tema a la necesidad de limitar la población, de aumentar los niveles tecnológicos para usar la energía escasa en forma más económica y de llegar a acuerdos internacionales de naturaleza no política. Me parece de suma importancia fijar nuestra atención en la realidad que subyace en esta “crisis” y encontrar una manera que habilite a las masas populares para participar en el análisis, sin que por ello baje el nivel lógico y técnico de la discusión. El presente documento es una contribución para orientar esta discusión en uno de los sentidos posibles. Hay que desenmascarar la así llamada “crisis de energía”. Se trata de un eufemismo que encubre una contradicción, indica una frustración, consagra una ilusión. Encubre la contradicción inherente al hecho de querer alcanzar, al mismo tiempo, un estado social basado en la noción de EQUIDAD y un nivel cada vez más elevado de crecimiento industrial. Indica cuál es el grado de frustración actual, provocado por el desarrollo industrial. Finalmente, consagra la ilusión de que se puede sustituir indefinidamente la potencia de la máquina por la energía metabólica del hombre, ilusión que lleva, en este momento, a los países ricos a la parálisis y fatalmente desorienta la planificación del desarrollo en los países pobres. Al difundir el pánico de una inminente e inevitable “crisis de energía”, los ricos perjudican aún más a los pobres que al venderles los productos de su industria. Construir las propias centrales nucleares en los Andes incorpora a un país al Club de los Exploradores, mientras que la importación de coches o aviones solamente acentúa su dependencia. Al difundir en el mundo de los pobres el temor por la insuficiencia de energía para el “progreso” hacia tales metas, los pobres aceptan la explicación que presentan los ricos sobre la crisis en el progreso y se ponen al mismo tiempo un _handicap_ en la carrera del crecimiento a la cual se obligan. Optan por una pobreza modernizada, en vez de elegir, con el uso racional de las técnicas modernas, el acceso a un modo de producción que refleje madurez política y científica. En mi opinión es de la mayor importancia enfrentarse a la realidad que oculta ese llamado concepto de “crisis”. Hay que reconocer que la incorporación de algo más que un cierto quántum de energía por unidad de un producto industrial inevitablemente tiene efectos destructores, tanto en el ambiente sociopolítico como en el ambiente biofísico. -## El abuso político de la contaminación +# El abuso político de la contaminación A la presente “crisis” energética la precedió una análoga “crisis” ecológica: se abusa de ambas con fines de explotación política. Hay que entender que la segunda no encuentra su solución aun cuando se encontraran formas de producir energía abundante y limpia, es decir, sin efecto destructor sobre el medio ambiente. @@ -14,11 +33,11 @@ Los métodos que hoy se utilizan para producir energía, en su creciente mayorí En su forma más trágica y amenazante, la quimera energética se manifiesta en la llamada “Revolución verde”. Los granos milagrosos introducidos en la India hace pocos años, hacen sobrevivir y multiplicarse a los hambrientos que se multiplicaron por el crecimiento industrial. Estas nuevas simientes se cargan de energía en forma de agua de bombeo, abonos químicos e insecticidas. Su precio se paga no tanto en dólares sino más bien en trastornos sociales y en destrucción ecológica. De esta forma, los cuatro quintos menos industrializados de la especie humana, quienes llegan a depender más de la agricultura “milagrosa”, empiezan a rivalizar con la minoría privilegiada en materia de destrucción ambiental. Hace sólo 10 años se podía decir que la capacidad de un recién nacido norteamericano de envenenar el mundo con sus excrementos tecnológicos era 100 veces mayor que la de su coetáneo en Bengala. Gracias a que el bengalí depende de la agricultura “científica”, su capacidad de destruir el ambiente en forma irreversible se ha multiplicado por un factor de cinco a 10, mientras que la capacidad del norteamericano para reducir la contaminación que causa ha disminuido un poco. Los ricos, como grupo, ya van en vías de perder el primer puesto en la contaminación del planeta. Los ricos tienden a acusar a los pobres por usar poca energía en forma ineficiente y dañina y los pobres acusan a los ricos de producir más excrementos porque devoran sin digerir mucho más que ellos. Los utópicos prometen soluciones milagrosas a los dos, tales como la posibilidad de realizar pronto un decrecimiento demográfico o la desalinización de las aguas del mar por energía de fusión. Los pobres se ven obligados a fundar sus esperanzas de sobrevivir en su derecho a un ambiente reglamentado que les “ofrece” la generosidad de los ricos. La doble crisis de abastecimiento y de contaminación ya manifiesta los límites implícitos en el crecimiento industrial. Pero la contradicción decisiva de esta expansión más allá de ciertos límites reside en un nivel más hondo, en lo político. -## La ilusión fundamental +# La ilusión fundamental Creer en la posibilidad de altos niveles de energía _limpia_ como solución a todos los males, representa un error de juicio político. Es imaginar que la equidad en la participación del poder y el consumo de energía pueden crecer juntos. Víctimas de esta ilusión, los hombres industrializados no ponen el menor límite al crecimiento en el consumo de energía, y este crecimiento continúa con el único fin de proveer cada vez a más gente de más productos de una industria controlada cada vez por menos gente. Prevalece la ilusión de que una revolución política, al suprimir los errores técnicos de las industrias presentes, crearía la posibilidad de distribuir equitativamente el disfrute del bien producido, a la par que el poder de control sobre lo que se produce. Es mi tarea analizar esta ilusión. Mi tesis sostiene que no es posible alcanzar un estado social basado en la noción de equidad y simultáneamente aumentar la energía mecánica disponible, a no ser bajo la condición de que el consumo de energía por cabeza se mantenga dentro de límites. En otras palabras: sin electrificación no puede haber socialismo, pero inevitablemente esta electrificación se transforma en justificación para la demagogia cuando los vatios per cápita exceden cierta cifra. El socialismo exige para la realización de sus ideales un cierto nivel en el uso de la energía: no puede venir a pie, ni puede venir en coche, sino solamente a velocidad de bicicleta. -## Mi tesis +# Mi tesis En mi análisis del sistema escolar he señalado que en una sociedad industrial el costo del control social aumenta más rápidamente que el nivel del consumo de energía. Este control lo ejercen en primera línea los educadores y médicos, los cuerpos asistenciales y políticos, sin contar la policía, el ejército y los psiquiatras. El subsistema social destinado al control social crece a un ritmo canceroso convirtiéndose en la razón de la existencia para la sociedad misma. He demostrado que solamente imponiendo límites a la despersonalización e industrialización de los valores se puede mantener un proceso de participación política. @@ -26,7 +45,7 @@ En el presente ensayo mi argumento procederá analógicamente. Señalaré que en Los ecólogos tienen razón al afirmar que toda energía no metabólica es contaminante: es necesario ahora que los políticos reconozcan que la energía física, pasado cierto límite, se hace inevitablemente corrupta del ambiente social. Aun si se lograra producir una energía no contaminante y producirla en cantidad, el uso masivo de energía siempre tendrá sobre el cuerpo social el mismo efecto que la intoxicación por una droga físicamente inofensiva, pero psíquicamente esclavizante. Un pueblo puede elegir entre una droga sustitutiva tal como el metadone y una desintoxicación realizada a voluntad en el aislamiento; pero no puede aspirar simultáneamente a la evolución de su libertad y convivencialidad por un lado, y a una tecnología de alta energía por el otro. -## El marco latinoamericano +# El marco latinoamericano La llamada crisis de la energía es un concepto políticamente ambiguo. En la manera como se usa en el presente, sirve a los intereses imperialistas tanto en Rusia como en Estados Unidos. Sirve de explicación para limitar privilegios a quienes más directamente cooperan en el desarrollo de éstos. En América Latina la difusión del pánico serviría para integrar el continente más perfectamente como periferia de un mundo cuyo centro está donde más energía per cápita se utiliza. No hay movimiento de verdadera liberación que no reconozca la necesidad de adoptar una tecnología de bajo consumo energético. @@ -36,7 +55,7 @@ Posiblemente den el ejemplo de una economía al mismo tiempo posindustrial y soc América Latina se encuentra dentro de una tercera situación. Sus industrias están subcapitalizadas y sus subproductos, física y socialmente destructores, son menos visibles que en los países ricos, haciendo excepción particular del Distrito Federal en México y de São Paulo en Brasil. El menor número de gente es consciente de sufrir precisamente a causa del aumento de la potencia de la máquina industrial y, por tanto, menos es la gente dispuesta a tomar en serio la necesidad de limitar el desarrollo ulterior de tal potencia. Por otro lado, todos los países de América Latina ya tienen una infraestructura física que _a priori_ impide al no escolarizado, al no motorizado, al no electrificado, al no industrializado participar humanamente en el proceso de producción. Aquí, la idea de una alternativa al desarrollo de la industria pesada ya implica la renuncia a lo que se está haciendo o se cree poder hacer mañana: una renuncia al coche, a la nevera, al ascensor y, en muchos casos, hasta al cemento armado que ya están en el pueblo o en la casa del vecino. En Latinoamérica hay menos conciencia que en los países ricos de la necesidad de un modelo alternativo de tecnología y tampoco se vislumbra una renuncia al modelo de los ricos, cosas que pudieran permitirse los chinos, si así lo quisieran. -## El poderío de alto voltaje +# El poderío de alto voltaje Tanto los pobres como los ricos deberán superar la ilusión de que MÁS energía es MEJOR. Con este fin es necesario, ante todo, determinar el límite de energía más allá del cual se ejerce el efecto corruptor del poder mecánico. Este efecto corruptor puede ser controlado en dos niveles característicos. Una sociedad puede sacrificar su propia supervivencia, como comunidad política, al ídolo del poder material. Puede optar conscientemente, o por falta de iniciativa contraria, por identificar el bienestar con el más alto consumo de energía, estableciendo el sistema de planificación que lo hace posible. La maximización del sistema industrial bajo un techo energético más allá del cual cesa la viabilidad del sistema, requiere la transformación de nuevos poderes a un Leviatán tecnofascista. @@ -46,7 +65,7 @@ Hay un segundo nivel característico, y más bajo, al cual se puede limitar la e La hipótesis es evidentemente verdadera: más allá de cierto nivel de uso per cápita de energía física, el ambiente de una sociedad cesa de funcionar como nicho de su población. En esta afirmación no hay nada novedoso pero yo pretendo decir más que esto en mi hipótesis. -## Mi hipótesis +# Mi hipótesis El hombre es el ser consciente de su espacio vital y de su limitación temporal. Integra a los dos por medio de su acción, de la aplicación de su energía a sus circunstancias concretas en las cuales se encuentra. Para tal fin utiliza instrumentos de varios tipos, algunos de ellos dan mayor efecto a las energías metabólicas de las que dispone, y otros le permiten hallar fuentes energéticas que son exteriores a su propio cuerpo. @@ -56,13 +75,13 @@ Mi hipótesis es que no puede existir una sociedad que merezca el calificativo d Simultáneamente propongo se verifique esta misma hipótesis en algunos campos concretos que consumen un porcentaje importante de la energía mecánica en nuestras sociedades. Tales campos serían: la habitación, los aspectos mecanizados de la agricultura y del transporte. Yo me he decidido a formular mi argumento partiendo de un análisis de este último. -## El paradigma de la circulación +# El paradigma de la circulación Para tales fines presento a consideración el campo de la circulación de personas. Me limitaré al análisis de la circulación de la gente y de su equipaje personal, porque la circulación de bienes en cantidades superiores exigiría otro planteamiento. En la circulación distinguiré dos medios de locomoción: _el tránsito_ de las personas que usan su propia fuerza para trasladarse de un punto a otro y _el transporte_ motorizado. Incluyo en la circulación total dos grandes clases estadísticas de locomoción bien distintas: _el viaje_ , que al empezar conlleva la intención de dormir en otro lugar, por lo menos durante una noche, y _el desplazamiento_ , o trayecto de ida y vuelta, que termina durante el mismo día en su lugar de origen. El viaje y el desplazamiento pueden tener como fin el trabajo, el paseo, el mercado o la participación en actividades sociales. En el ejemplo de la circulación creo poder aclarar por qué la “crisis de energía” es un eufemismo detrás del cual se esconde la ilusión de que el uso de la energía y la equidad puedan crecer al mismo paso indefinidamente. La circulación ofrece una oportunidad para exponer la urgencia del análisis que propongo, al mismo tiempo que permite llamar la atención sobre la ceguera ante la evidencia de esta urgencia. Finalmente, me permito presentar mi argumento en forma tal que pueda entenderse y verificarse en discusiones públicas con gente de cualquier grado de instrucción formal. -## La industria del transporte +# La industria del transporte En el momento en que una sociedad se hace tributaria del transporte, no sólo para los viajes ocasionales sino por sus desplazamientos cotidianos, se pone de manifiesto la contradicción entre justicia social y energía motorizada, libertad de la persona y mecanización de la ruta. La dependencia, en relación con el motor, niega a una colectividad precisamente aquellos valores que se considerarían implícitos en el mejoramiento de la circulación. @@ -78,7 +97,7 @@ El esclavo del desplazamiento cotidiano y el viajero impenitente se ven igualmen El hombre americano típico consagra más de 1 600 horas por año a su automóvil: sentado dentro de él, en marcha o parado, trabajando para pagarlo, para pagar la gasolina, las llantas, los peajes, el seguro, las infracciones y los impuestos para las carreteras federales y los estacionamientos comunales. Le consagra cuatro horas al día en las que se sirve de él, se ocupa de él o trabaja para él. Aquí no se han tomado en cuenta todas sus actividades orientadas por el transporte: el tiempo que consume en el hospital, en el tribunal y en el taller mecánico; el tiempo pasado ante la televisión viendo publicidad automovilística, el tiempo invertido en ganar dinero para viajar en avión o en tren. Sin duda, con estas actividades hace marchar la economía, procura trabajo a sus compañeros, ingresos a los jeques de Arabia y justificación a Nixon por su guerra en Asia. Pero si nos preguntamos de qué manera estas 1600 horas, que son una estimación mínima, contribuyen a su circulación, la situación se ve diferente. Estas 1 600 horas le sirven para hacer unos 10 000 kilómetros de camino, o sea seis kilómetros en una hora. Es exactamente lo mismo que alcanzan los hombres en los países que no tienen industria del transporte. Pero, mientras el norteamericano consagra a la circulación una cuarta parte del tiempo social disponible, en las sociedades no motorizadas se destina a este fin entre 3 y 8% del tiempo social. Lo que diferencia la circulación en un país rico y en un país pobre no es una mayor eficacia, sino la obligación de consumir en dosis altas las energías condicionadas por la industria del transporte. -## El estupor inducido por la velocidad +# El estupor inducido por la velocidad Al rebasar determinado límite en el consumo de energía, la industria del transporte dicta la configuración del espacio social. Las autopistas hacen retroceder los campos fuera del alcance del campesino que quisiera caminar, los viaductos y aeropuertos cortan el acceso de un lado del barrio a otro, las ambulancias empujan las clínicas más allá de la corta distancia que se puede cubrir llevando a un niño enfermo. El coche o la moto permiten al médico y a la partera vivir lejos del ambiente en el que ejercen, y mientras más costosos los transportes, más se vuelve privilegio de ricos o de jerarcas la visita a domicilio. Cuando los camiones pesados llegan a un poblado de los Andes, lo primero que desaparece es parte del mercado local. Luego, cuando llega la ruta asfaltada y un grupo de maestros de secundaria se establece en el poblado, cada vez más gente joven se va hacia la ciudad, hasta que no queda una sola familia que no espere reunirse con alguien allá, a cientos de kilómetros. @@ -94,7 +113,7 @@ Atravesándolo a pie el hombre transforma el espacio geográfico en morada domin En sus demandas políticas el usuario no busca más caminos abiertos sino más vehículos que lo transporten; quiere más de lo mismo que ahora lo frustra, en vez de pedir garantía de que, en todo sentido, la precedencia la tenga siempre el peatón. La liberación del usuario consiste en su comprensión de la realidad: mientras exija más energía para propulsar con más aceleración a algunos individuos de la sociedad, precipita la corrupción irreversible de la equidad, del tiempo libre y de la autonomía personal. El progreso con el que sueña no es más que la destrucción mejor lograda. -## Los chupatiempo +# Los chupatiempo En toda sociedad que hace pagar, el tiempo, la equidad y la velocidad en la locomoción tienden a variar en proporción inversa una de la otra. Los ricos son aquellos que pueden moverse más, ir donde les plazca, detenerse donde deseen y obtener estos servicios a cambio de una fracción muy pequeña de su tiempo vital. Los pobres son los que usan mucho tiempo para que el sistema del transporte funcione para los ricos del país. @@ -132,7 +151,7 @@ A todos los niveles, para que la acumulación de poder pueda ser factible, tiene En los países ricos, quienes ganan mucho tienen el mejor transporte y mayor probabilidad de tener éxito en los estudios que justifican los demás privilegios. Pero no es necesario usar el salario o el título académico como pasaporte que permita la entrada a un avión. Hay factores de orden ideológico que pueden igualmente abrir o cerrar la puerta de la cabina. Si bien es cierto que la LÍNEA JUSTA de Mao, para extenderse en China, necesita actualmente de aviones a reacción, esto no puede significar sino la emergencia de un espacio/tiempo propio de los cuadros del partido y diferente al espacio/tiempo en el que viven las masas. En la China Popular la supresión de los niveles intermedios ha hecho más eficaz y más racional la concentración del poder, pero simultáneamente ha recalcado también cómo el tiempo del hombre que guía su búfalo vale mucho menos que el tiempo del hombre que trae ideas y se hace transportar en jet. La velocidad vehicular concentra la potencia energética y el poder en las posaderas de unos cuantos: es estructuralmente demagógica y elitista, independientemente de las intenciones que tenga quien se hace propulsar velozmente. Es un hecho: los caballos de fuerza no pueden sino pisotear la equidad. Además, hacen perder tiempo. -## La aceleración dimensión técnica que expropia el tiempo +# La aceleración dimensión técnica que expropia el tiempo La velocidad reduce el tiempo en un doble sentido: disminuyendo el que necesita el pasajero para cubrir 1 000 kilómetros y reduciendo el que podría emplear en otra cosa que no fuera el desplazamiento. La velocidad superior de ciertos vehículos favorece a algunas personas, pero la dependencia general de los vehículos veloces consume el tiempo de todos. Cuando la velocidad rebasa cierta barrera empieza a aumentar el tiempo total devuelto por la sociedad a la circulación. @@ -146,7 +165,7 @@ Lo que sí sabemos con seguridad es que en todas partes del mundo, en cuanto la El tiempo carcomido por la circulación; el hombre privado de su movilidad y sometido a depender de las ruedas; la arquitectura al servicio del vehículo; todo esto es consecuencia de la reorganización del mundo sujeta a la aceleración prepotente. No cambia mucho el asunto si la máquina es pública o privada. Inevitablemente con el aumento de la velocidad crece la escasez de tiempo: pasando del coche al tren, que le da el mismo servicio, el usuario trabaja dos o tres horas al día para pagar más impuestos en lugar de trabajar para pagar su Ford. Inevitablemente aumenta la programación: en vez de tener que añadir dos horas de trabajo como chofer de su propio coche al trabajo diario en la fábrica o en la oficina, ahora tiene que adaptar su día a los horarios de los diferentes medios de transporte público. Así como los vehículos ocupan el espacio y reducen los lugares donde la gente pueda parar o vivir, así igualmente ocupan más horas cada año, además imponen su ritmo al proyecto de cada día. -## El monopolio radical del transporte +# El monopolio radical del transporte Como indiqué anteriormente, para poder entender la disfunción que analizamos hay que distinguir entre la circulación, el tránsito y el transporte. Por _circulación_ designo todo desplazamiento de personas. Llamo _tránsito_ a los movimientos que se hacen con energía muscular del hombre y _transporte_ a aquellos que recurren a motores mecánicos para trasladar hombres y bultos. Sin duda, desde tiempos inmemoriales el animal ha compartido el hambre del ser humano y fue su dócil vehículo. Es cosa del pasado: el aumento de los hombres cada vez lo excluye más de un mundo superpoblado y ahora los motores mecánicos generan la forma inhumana de los movimientos. @@ -168,7 +187,7 @@ La industria de la construcción podría servirnos de tercer ejemplo de lo que e Los elementos que constituyen a una industria gran consumidora de energía en monopolio radical, se ponen de manifiesto si tratamos de realizar los ideales que hoy rigen la circulación. Imaginemos que se organiza un sistema de transportes para uso diario, que realmente sea _rápido, gratuito, igualmente accesible a todos_. En un mundo hipermoderno, dotado de un sistema semejante, todos los transportes serían pagados con fondos públicos, es decir, con fondos recaudados por medio de impuestos. La imposición, a su vez, no sería solamente mayor para quienes ganan más, sino paraquienes viven o tienen negocios más cercanos a las terminales. Además, en este sistema, quien llegara primero sería también primero en ocupar su plaza, sin prioridad reconocida ni al médico, ni a quien va de fiesta, ni al directivo. Un mundo utópico semejante bien pronto se manifestaría como una pesadilla, en la que todos serían igualmente prisioneros del transporte. Cada uno privado del uso de sus pies, incapaz de competir con los vehículos, se convertiría en agente de la proliferación ulterior de la red de transportes. La única alternativa que le quedaría se impone por sí sola: insistir en que la velocidad de los vehículos disponibles se reduzca a un nivel que permita al hombre competir con ella por sus propias fuerzas. -## El límite inasequible +# El límite inasequible Hay que preguntarse por qué la investigación insistentemente continúa orientada hacia el desarrollo de los transportes cada vez más dañinos, en vez de determinar las condiciones óptimas de la circulación. En mi opinión, hay una razón obvia. No se pueden identificar las condiciones para una circulación óptima sin decidir de antemano que la circulación en cuestión debe ser la locomoción de las personas y no de los vehículos. Ahora bien, para poder asentar las metas de un sistema de transportes en tal premisa, hay que tomar en consideración que las personas tienen una capacidad innata de moverse sin que para ello necesiten de la ayuda de políticos e ingenieros. Aunque pueda parecer extraño al hombre común, es precisamente a esta movilidad natural del ser humano a la que no dan significación formal los grandes equipos de profesionales, quienes prepararon la mayoría de los grandes estudios sobre la reorganización de la circulación necesaria durante los próximos 10 años. @@ -188,7 +207,7 @@ A esta dificultad general para politizar el asunto de las velocidades se añade Hay un tercer obstáculo a la construcción de la circulación: tal reconstrucción por iniciativa mayoritaria es potencialmente un explosivo social. Si en un solo campo mayor las masas llegaran a entender hasta qué punto han sido fantoches de una ilusión tecnológica, la misma mutación de conciencia podría fácilmente extenderse a otros campos. Si fuese posible identificar públicamente un valor natural máximo para las velocidades vehiculares, como condición para el tránsito óptimo, análogas intervenciones públicas en la tecnoestructura serían entonces mucho más fáciles. La estructura institucional total está tan integrada, tan tensa y frágil, que desde cualquier punto crítico se puede producir un derrumbe. Si el problema del tránsito se pudiera resolver por la intervención popular, y sin referencia a los expertos en el campo del transporte, entonces se podría aplicar el mismo tratamiento a las cuestiones de la educación, de la salud, del urbanismo y hasta de las Iglesias y de los partidos. Si, para todos los efectos y sin ayuda de expertos, los límites críticos de velocidad los determinaran las asambleas representativas del pueblo, entonces se cuartearían las bases mismas del sistema político. Así, la investigación que propongo es fundamentalmente política y subversiva. -## Sobre los grados del moverse +# Sobre los grados del moverse El hombre se mueve con eficacia sin ayuda de ningún implemento. Caminando hace su sendero. La locomoción de cada gramo de su propio cuerpo o de su carga, sobre cada kilómetro recorrido en 10 minutos, le consume 0.75 calorías. Comparándolo con una máquina termodinámica, el hombre es más rentable que cualquier vehículo motorizado, que consume por lo menos cuatro veces más calorías en el mismo trayecto. Además es más eficiente que todos los animales de un peso comparable. El tiburón o el perro le ganan, pero sólo en poco. Con este índice de eficiencia de menos de una caloría por gramo, históricamente organizó su sistema de circulación, prevalentemente basado en el tránsito. Exploró el mundo, creó culturas, sostuvo comercios y, por cuanto podamos saber, no gastó más que 3.5% del tiempo social en moverse fuera de su hogar o de su campamento. Sólo algunos pueblos, en raros momentos de su historia, probablemente consagraron más de este porcentaje del tiempo común en moverse o en ocuparse con sus vehículos y motores animales, por ejemplo, los mongoles en sus guerras. @@ -206,7 +225,7 @@ Además, las bicicletas cuestan poco. Con una fracción de las horas de trabajo La bicicleta es invento de la misma generación que creó el vehículo de motor, pero las dos invenciones son símbolos de adelantos hechos en direcciones opuestas por el hombre moderno. La bicicleta permite a cada uno controlar el empleo de su propia energía; el vehículo de motor inevitablemente hace de los usuarios rivales entre sí por la energía, el espacio y el tiempo. En Vietnam, un ejército hiperindustrializado no ha podido derrotar a un pueblo que se desplaza a la velocidad de la bicicleta. Esto debería hacernos meditar: tal vez la segunda forma del empleo de la técnica sea superior a la primera. Naturalmente, queda por ver si los vietnamitas del norte están dispuestos a permanecer dentro de esos límites de velocidad que son los únicos susceptibles de respetar los valores mismos que hicieron posible su victoria. Hasta el momento presente los bombarderos americanos les han privado de gasolina, de motores, de carreteras y los han obligado a emplear una técnica también moderna, mucho más eficaz, equitativa y autónoma que la que Marx hubiese podido imaginar. Queda por ver si ahora, en nombre de Marx, no se lanzan a una industrialización, cuantitativamente tan superior a lo que Marx pudo prever, que sea imposible la aplicación de los ideales que él formuló. -## Motores dominantes contra motores auxiliares +# Motores dominantes contra motores auxiliares Los hombres nacieron dotados de movilidad más o menos igual. Esta capacidad innata de movimiento aboga en favor de una libertad igual en la elección de su destino. La noción de equidad puede servir de base para defender este derecho fundamental contra toda limitación. Dentro de esta perspectiva, poco importa cuál sea la amenaza al libre ejercicio del derecho de moverse y elegir su propio destino: la prisión, la prohibición de cruzar fronteras, la reclusión dentro de un ambiente urbano que impida la movilidad innata de la persona con la sola finalidad de transformarlo en usuario. El hecho de que nuestros contemporáneos, en su mayoría, estén atados a su butaca por su cinturón de seguridad ideológica, no basta para que el derecho fundamental a la libertad de movimientos se vuelva obsoleto. La movilidad humana es el único patrón válido para medir la contribución que cualquier sistema de transporte haga a la circulación. Si por el transporte el tránsito se ve restringido, el transporte hace declinar la circulación. @@ -220,7 +239,7 @@ La coexistencia de vehículos movidos sólo a fuerza de energía metabólica hum Se puede desarrollar un sistema de transportes con características óptimas para el tráfico siempre que el transporte motorizado se mantenga limitado a velocidades subsidiarias del tránsito autónomo. El límite a la potencia, y por tanto a la velocidad de los motores, en sí mismo no protege a los más débiles contra la explotación de los ricos y poderosos. Éstos siempre podrán idear medios para vivir y trabajar en mejores localidades, viajar en gran lujo y hacerse transportar sobre los hombros de sus esclavos. Pero al fijar velocidades máximas dentro de ciertos límites es posible reducir, y hasta corregir disparidades, combinando medios políticos con recursos tecnológicos. Una revolución política puede eliminar la institución de la esclavitud; sin limitar la velocidad no puede eliminar la nueva explotación que el sistema de transporte impone. Si no hay velocidades máximas determinadas, no pueden superarse las disparidades, ni siendo propiedad del Estado los medios de transporte, ni aplicando mejores técnicas para su control. Una industria del transporte sirve para la producción del tráfico total únicamente si no ejerce un monopolio radical sobre la productividad personal que la tecnología moderna ha elevado a un nuevo orden. -## Equipo insuficiente superdesarrollo y tecnología madura +# Equipo insuficiente superdesarrollo y tecnología madura La combinación de transportes y tránsito que constituye la circulación nos indica cuál es la potencia en vatios per cápita socialmente óptima y señala la necesidad de someterla a límites elegidos políticamente. Asimismo nos ofrece un ejemplo de la convergencia de metas en el desarrollo socioeconómico y un criterio para distinguir a los países que están insuficientemente equipados de los que están destructivamente superindustrializados. @@ -250,7 +269,7 @@ La protección de la movilidad personal autónoma y sin clases contra el monopol La liberación que para los países pobres será barata, costará a los ricos, y éstos no pagarán el precio sino hasta que la aceleración de su sistema de transporte triture el tráfico hasta paralizarlo. Un análisis concreto del tráfico traiciona la verdad que subyace en _la crisis de la energía_ : el impacto sobre el ambiente social de quanta de energía industrialmente empaquetado es degradante, agotador y esclavizante. Estos efectos se hacen sentir antes que la amenaza de la contaminación del ambiente físico y de la extinción de la raza humana. El punto crucial en el que estos efectos son reversibles no es, sin embargo, cuestión de deducción sino de decisión política, posiblemente sólo donde la voz de la mayoría puede limitar el poder y la velocidad de sus gobernantes. -## Bibliografía +# Bibliografía Durante 1974 y 1975 se llevaron a cabo seminarios sobre “Las alternativas a la aceleración y la mejora del tráfico” en el Cidoc, en Cuernavaca. La lista que sigue es el resultado de los trabajos previos de este seminario. Sólo se reseñan aquellos títulos que, además de haberse mostrado útiles en pasadas sesiones de estudio, pueden ser más fácilmente localizados por aquellos que deseen proseguir la línea de investigación presentada en este ensayo. @@ -453,4 +472,5 @@ Wilson, S. S., “Bicycle Technology”, _Scientific American,_ marzo de 1973, p Yurick, Sol, “The Political Economy of Junk”, _Monthly Review,_ vol. 22, núm. 7, diciembre de 1970, pp. 22-37. -[^n01:] En 1811, en el Condado de Nottingham, en Inglaterra, bandas de artesanos que habían sido desplazados por las máquinas empezaron a irrumpir en las fábricas de telas y a destruir los telares mecánicos. Se llamaban a sí mismos _Ludds_ o “ludditas”, según el nombre de un personaje legendario, John Ludd, supuestamente oriundo de Leicester y que, alrededor de 1780, en un acto de coraje, destruyó uno de los primeros telares mecánicos.] +[^n01]: En 1811, en el Condado de Nottingham, en Inglaterra, bandas de artesanos que habían sido desplazados por las máquinas empezaron a irrumpir en las fábricas de telas y a destruir los telares mecánicos. Se llamaban a sí mismos _Ludds_ o “ludditas”, según el nombre de un personaje legendario, John Ludd, supuestamente oriundo de Leicester y que, alrededor de 1780, en un acto de coraje, destruyó uno de los primeros telares mecánicos. + diff --git a/contents/book/energy/es.notes b/contents/book/energy/es.notes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..1f71d24 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/energy/es.notes @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +* Fue redactado por vez primera en francés y publicado en Le Monde, en mayo de 1973, en tres entregas. Desarrollado y reescrito, con ayuda de Luce Giard y de Vincent Bardet, fue objeto de una primera edición en francés en 1975, bajo las Éditions du Seuil. Sobre esta trama completa y enriquecida de trabajos conducidos en el CIDOC de Cuernavaca se estableció una versión inglesa más larga y más detallada. La primera edición en español, en la que se incluye el Desempleo creador, apareció en 1974 bajo el sello de Barral Ed itores, Barcelona, España. Una nueva edición la publicó Editorial Posada en 1978 y otra más la publicó Joaquín Mortiz/Planeta en 1985. diff --git a/data/pages/en/book/energy/es.txt b/contents/book/energy/es.txt index e448072..2717bd6 100644 --- a/data/pages/en/book/energy/es.txt +++ b/contents/book/energy/es.txt @@ -1,4 +1,4 @@ -# Energía y equidad +# Energía y Equidad ## La importación de una crisis diff --git a/contents/book/energy/index b/contents/book/energy/index new file mode 100644 index 0000000..9ee0340 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/energy/index @@ -0,0 +1,5 @@ +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Énergie et équité_ +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1974 +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# diff --git a/contents/book/es.bib b/contents/book/es.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..2213997 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/es.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-awareness-es, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {}, + year = {1969}, + date = {1969}, + origdate = {1969}, + language = {es}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/book/awareness:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-08} +} diff --git a/contents/book/gender/en.bib b/contents/book/gender/en.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..60dfc7a --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/gender/en.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-gender-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Gender}, + year = {1982}, + date = {1982}, + origdate = {1982}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/book/gender:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-18} +} diff --git a/contents/book/gender/en.md b/contents/book/gender/en.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..e5aa90f --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/gender/en.md @@ -0,0 +1,20 @@ +--- + title: "Gender" + author: "Ivan Illich" + date: "1982" + lang: "" + documentclass: book + classoption: + - oneside + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + newtxmathoptions: + - cmintegrals + - cmbraces + toc: true + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue + titlepage: true +--- diff --git a/contents/book/gender/en.txt b/contents/book/gender/en.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..1a325de --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/gender/en.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +# Gender diff --git a/contents/book/gender/es.bib b/contents/book/gender/es.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..0125b57 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/gender/es.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-gender-es, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {El género vernáculo}, + year = {1982}, + date = {1982}, + origdate = {1982}, + language = {es}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/book/gender:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-18} +} diff --git a/data/pages/es/book/gender/es.md b/contents/book/gender/es.md index 9738ccb..aad2205 100644 --- a/data/pages/es/book/gender/es.md +++ b/contents/book/gender/es.md @@ -1,29 +1,23 @@ - --- -title: "El género vernáculo" -author: "Ivan Illich y Barry Sanders" -date: "1982" -lang: "es" -titlepage: true -titlepage-color: "FFFFFF" -titlepage-text-color: "000000" -titlepage-rule-color: "CCCCCC" -titlepage-rule-height: 4 -documentclass: book -classoption: -- oneside -geometry: margin=1.75in -fontsize: 12pt -fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths -newtxmathoptions: -- cmintegrals -- cmbraces -toc: true -colorlinks: true -linkcolor: RoyalBlue -urlcolor: RoyalBlue + title: "El género vernáculo" + author: "Ivan Illich" + date: "1982" + lang: "" + documentclass: book + classoption: + - oneside + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + newtxmathoptions: + - cmintegrals + - cmbraces + toc: true + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue + titlepage: true --- - # Introducción diff --git a/data/pages/es/book/gender/es.txt b/contents/book/gender/es.txt index e929471..e929471 100644 --- a/data/pages/es/book/gender/es.txt +++ b/contents/book/gender/es.txt diff --git a/contents/book/gender/index b/contents/book/gender/index new file mode 100644 index 0000000..aebd0fe --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/gender/index @@ -0,0 +1,5 @@ +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Gender_ +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1982 +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# diff --git a/contents/book/h20/en.bib b/contents/book/h20/en.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d60f02e --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/h20/en.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-h20-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {H2O and the Waters of Forgetfulness}, + year = {1985}, + date = {1985}, + origdate = {1985}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/book/h20:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-18} +} diff --git a/contents/book/h20/en.md b/contents/book/h20/en.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..42904a0 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/h20/en.md @@ -0,0 +1,20 @@ +--- + title: "H2O and the Waters of Forgetfulness" + author: "Ivan Illich" + date: "1985" + lang: "" + documentclass: book + classoption: + - oneside + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + newtxmathoptions: + - cmintegrals + - cmbraces + toc: true + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue + titlepage: true +--- diff --git a/contents/book/h20/en.txt b/contents/book/h20/en.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..cec8121 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/h20/en.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +# H2O and the Waters of Forgetfulness diff --git a/contents/book/h20/es.bib b/contents/book/h20/es.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..1ea9c8f --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/h20/es.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-h20-es, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {H20 y las Aguas del Pasado}, + year = {1985}, + date = {1985}, + origdate = {1985}, + language = {es}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/book/h20:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-18} +} diff --git a/contents/book/h20/es.md b/contents/book/h20/es.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..8b0dbdf --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/h20/es.md @@ -0,0 +1,20 @@ +--- + title: "H20 y las Aguas del Pasado" + author: "Ivan Illich" + date: "1985" + lang: "" + documentclass: book + classoption: + - oneside + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + newtxmathoptions: + - cmintegrals + - cmbraces + toc: true + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue + titlepage: true +--- diff --git a/contents/book/h20/es.txt b/contents/book/h20/es.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..c12ff0c --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/h20/es.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +# H20 y las Aguas del Pasado diff --git a/contents/book/h20/index b/contents/book/h20/index new file mode 100644 index 0000000..887dec1 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/h20/index @@ -0,0 +1,5 @@ +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _H2O and the Waters of Forgetfulness_ +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1985 +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# diff --git a/contents/book/index.en.bib b/contents/book/index.en.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..84937ce --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/index.en.bib @@ -0,0 +1,65 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-abc-en, + author = {Ivan Illich and Barrie Sanders}, + title = {ABC: The Alphabetization of the Popular Mind}, + year = {1985}, + date = {1985}, + origdate = {1985}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/book/abc:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-19} +} + +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-awareness-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Celebration of Awareness}, + year = {1969}, + date = {1969}, + origdate = {1969}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/book/awareness:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-19} +} + +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-church-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {The Church, Change and Development}, + year = {1970}, + date = {1970}, + origdate = {1970}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/book/church:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-19} +} + +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-conviviality-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Tools for Conviviality}, + year = {1973}, + date = {1973}, + origdate = {1973}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/book/conviviality:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-19} +} + +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-deschooling-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Deschooling Society}, + year = {1970}, + date = {1970}, + origdate = {1970}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/book/deschooling:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-19} +} + diff --git a/contents/book/index.en.txt b/contents/book/index.en.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d1b898e --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/index.en.txt @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ + +* [[en:book:abc/:index|1985 - ABC: The Alphabetization of the Popular Mind]] (*ABC - The Alphabetization of the Popular Mind*) +* [[en:book:awareness/:index|1969 - Celebration of Awareness]] +* [[en:book:church/:index|1970 - The Church, Change and Development]] +* [[en:book:conviviality/:index|1973 - Tools for Conviviality]] +* [[en:book:deschooling/:index|1970 - Deschooling Society]] diff --git a/contents/book/index.es.bib b/contents/book/index.es.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..aa7ad8d --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/index.es.bib @@ -0,0 +1,52 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-abc-es, + author = {Ivan Illich and Barrie Sanders}, + title = {ABC - La alfabetización de la Mente Popular}, + year = {1985}, + date = {1985}, + origdate = {1985}, + language = {es}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/book/abc:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-19} +} + +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-awareness-es, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Alternativas}, + year = {1969}, + date = {1969}, + origdate = {1969}, + language = {es}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/book/awareness:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-19} +} + +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-conviviality-es, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {La convivencialidad}, + year = {1973}, + date = {1973}, + origdate = {1973}, + language = {es}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/book/conviviality:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-19} +} + +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-deschooling-es, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {La sociedad desescolarizada}, + year = {1970}, + date = {1970}, + origdate = {1970}, + language = {es}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/book/deschooling:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-19} +} + diff --git a/contents/book/index.es.txt b/contents/book/index.es.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..3db6d59 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/index.es.txt @@ -0,0 +1,5 @@ + +* [[es:book:abc/:index|1985 - ABC - La alfabetización de la Mente Popular]] (*ABC - The Alphabetization of the Popular Mind*) +* [[es:book:awareness/:index|1969 - Alternativas]] (*Celebration of Awareness*) +* [[es:book:conviviality/:index|1973 - La convivencialidad]] (*Tools for Conviviality*) +* [[es:book:deschooling/:index|1970 - La sociedad desescolarizada]] (*Deschooling Society*) diff --git a/contents/book/index.fr.bib b/contents/book/index.fr.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..0358587 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/index.fr.bib @@ -0,0 +1,13 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-conviviality-fr, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {La Convivialité}, + year = {1973}, + date = {1973}, + origdate = {1973}, + language = {fr}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/fr/book/conviviality:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-19} +} + diff --git a/contents/book/index.fr.txt b/contents/book/index.fr.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d52dd0c --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/index.fr.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +* [[fr:book:conviviality/:index|1973 - La Convivialité]] (*Tools for Conviviality*) diff --git a/contents/book/index.txt b/contents/book/index.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..8ed9883 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/index.txt @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ + +* [[en:book:abc/:index|1985 - ABC - The Alphabetization of the Popular Mind]] +* [[en:book:awareness/:index|1969 - Celebration of Awareness]] +* [[en:book:church/:index|1970 - The Church, Change and Development]] +* [[en:book:conviviality/:index|1973 - Tools for Conviviality]] +* [[en:book:deschooling/:index|1970 - Deschooling Society]] diff --git a/contents/book/medicine/en.bib b/contents/book/medicine/en.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..2de2496 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/medicine/en.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-medicine-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Limits to Medicine - Medical Nemesis: The Expropriation of Health}, + year = {1976}, + date = {1976}, + origdate = {1976}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/book/medicine:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-18} +} diff --git a/contents/book/medicine/en.md b/contents/book/medicine/en.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..f78de71 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/medicine/en.md @@ -0,0 +1,20 @@ +--- + title: "Limits to Medicine - Medical Nemesis: The Expropriation of Health" + author: "Ivan Illich" + date: "1976" + lang: "" + documentclass: book + classoption: + - oneside + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + newtxmathoptions: + - cmintegrals + - cmbraces + toc: true + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue + titlepage: true +--- diff --git a/contents/book/medicine/en.notes b/contents/book/medicine/en.notes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..82a05d9 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/medicine/en.notes @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +* The first public version of this text was called "Medical Nemesis: The Expropriation of Health", and presented as part of the collection "Ideas in Progress" of Marion Boyards in 1975. That version differs from the final version of 1976. Illich wrote a new preface for the 1995 edition. diff --git a/contents/book/medicine/en.txt b/contents/book/medicine/en.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..41fd381 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/medicine/en.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +# Limits to Medicine - Medical Nemesis: The Expropriation of Health diff --git a/contents/book/medicine/es.bib b/contents/book/medicine/es.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d37356a --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/medicine/es.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-medicine-es, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Némesis Médica}, + year = {1976}, + date = {1976}, + origdate = {1976}, + language = {es}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/book/medicine:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-18} +} diff --git a/contents/book/medicine/es.md b/contents/book/medicine/es.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..b7ff552 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/medicine/es.md @@ -0,0 +1,20 @@ +--- + title: "Némesis Médica" + author: "Ivan Illich" + date: "1976" + lang: "" + documentclass: book + classoption: + - oneside + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + newtxmathoptions: + - cmintegrals + - cmbraces + toc: true + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue + titlepage: true +--- diff --git a/contents/book/medicine/es.txt b/contents/book/medicine/es.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..c831f1b --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/medicine/es.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +# Némesis Médica diff --git a/contents/book/medicine/index b/contents/book/medicine/index new file mode 100644 index 0000000..ccfa25e --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/medicine/index @@ -0,0 +1,5 @@ +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Limits to Medicine - Medical Nemesis: The Expropriation of Health_ +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1976 +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# diff --git a/contents/book/mirror/en.bib b/contents/book/mirror/en.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7a0939 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/mirror/en.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-mirror-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {In the Mirror of the Past - Lectures and Addresses, 1978-1990}, + year = {1992}, + date = {1992}, + origdate = {1992}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/book/mirror:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-18} +} diff --git a/contents/book/mirror/en.md b/contents/book/mirror/en.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..402bd9d --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/mirror/en.md @@ -0,0 +1,20 @@ +--- + title: "In the Mirror of the Past - Lectures and Addresses, 1978-1990" + author: "Ivan Illich" + date: "1992" + lang: "" + documentclass: book + classoption: + - oneside + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + newtxmathoptions: + - cmintegrals + - cmbraces + toc: true + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue + titlepage: true +--- diff --git a/contents/book/mirror/en.txt b/contents/book/mirror/en.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..706f1cd --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/mirror/en.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +# In the Mirror of the Past - Lectures and Addresses, 1978-1990 diff --git a/contents/book/mirror/es.bib b/contents/book/mirror/es.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..4164e6b --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/mirror/es.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-mirror-es, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {En el Espejo del Pasado - Conferencias y Discursos, 1978-1990}, + year = {1992}, + date = {1992}, + origdate = {1992}, + language = {es}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/book/mirror:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-18} +} diff --git a/contents/book/mirror/es.md b/contents/book/mirror/es.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..409e597 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/mirror/es.md @@ -0,0 +1,20 @@ +--- + title: "En el Espejo del Pasado - Conferencias y Discursos, 1978-1990" + author: "Ivan Illich" + date: "1992" + lang: "" + documentclass: book + classoption: + - oneside + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + newtxmathoptions: + - cmintegrals + - cmbraces + toc: true + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue + titlepage: true +--- diff --git a/contents/book/mirror/es.txt b/contents/book/mirror/es.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..683b8ca --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/mirror/es.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +# En el Espejo del Pasado - Conferencias y Discursos, 1978-1990 diff --git a/contents/book/mirror/index b/contents/book/mirror/index new file mode 100644 index 0000000..61bfd19 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/mirror/index @@ -0,0 +1,5 @@ +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _In the Mirror of the Past - Lectures and Addresses, 1978-1990_ +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1992 +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# diff --git a/contents/book/mirror/tags b/contents/book/mirror/tags new file mode 100644 index 0000000..b0f07e2 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/mirror/tags @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +compilation diff --git a/contents/book/needs/en.bib b/contents/book/needs/en.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..56b3d26 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/needs/en.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-needs-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Toward a History of Needs}, + year = {1977}, + date = {1977}, + origdate = {1977}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/book/needs:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-18} +} diff --git a/contents/book/needs/en.md b/contents/book/needs/en.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..0de0e38 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/needs/en.md @@ -0,0 +1,918 @@ +--- + title: "Toward a History of Needs" + author: "Ivan Illich" + date: "1977" + lang: "" + documentclass: book + classoption: + - oneside + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + newtxmathoptions: + - cmintegrals + - cmbraces + toc: true + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue + titlepage: true +--- + + + +# Introduction + +The five essays in this volume reflect a decade's thinking on the industrial mode of production. During this period, I have focused on the processes through which growing dependence on mass-produced goods and services gradually erodes the conditions necessary for a convivial life. In examining a distinct area of economic growth, each essay demonstrates a general rule: Use-values are inevitably destroyed when the industrial mode of production achieves the predominance that I have termed "radical monopoly". These pieces describe how industrial growth produces the modernization of poverty. + +Modernized poverty appears when the intensity of market dependence reaches a certain threshold. Subjectively, it is the experience of frustrating affluence which occurs in persons mutilated by their overwhelming reliance on the riches of industrial productivity. Simply, it deprives those affected by it of their freedom and power to act autonomously, to live creatively; it confines them to survival through being plugged into market relations. And precisely because this new impotence is so deeply experienced, it is with difficulty expressed. We are the witnesses of a barely perceptible transformation in ordinary language by which verbs that formerly designated satisfying actions are replaced by nouns that denote packages designed for passive consumption only: for example, "to learn" becomes "acquisition of credits". A profound change in individual and social self-images is here reflected. And the layman is not the only one who has difficulty in accurately describing what he experiences. The professional economist is unable to recognize the poverty his conventional instruments fail to uncover. + +Nevertheless, the new mutant of impoverishment continues to spread. The peculiarly modern inability to use personal endowments, communal life, and environmental resources in an autonomous way infects every aspect of life where a professionally engineered commodity has succeeded in replacing a culturally shaped use-value. The opportunity to experience personal and social satisfaction outside the market is thus destroyed. I am poor, for instance, when the use-value of my feet is lost because I live in Los Angeles or work on the thirty-fifth floor. + +This new impotence-producing poverty must not be confused with the widening gap between the comsumption of rich and poor in a world where basic needs are increasingly shaped by industrial commodities. That gap is the form traditional poverty assumes in an industrial society, and the conventional terms of class struggle appropriately reveal and reduce it. I further distinguish modernized poverty from the burdensome price exacted by the externalities which increased levels of production spew into the environment. It is clear that these kinds of pollution, stress, and taxation are unequally imposed. Correspondingly, defenses against such depredations are unequally distributed. But like the new gaps in access, such inequities in social costs are aspects of industrialized poverty for which economic indicators and objective verification can be found. Such is not true for the industrialized impotence which affects both rich and poor. Where this kind of poverty reigns, life without addictive access to commodities is rendered either impossible or criminal. Making do without consumption becomes impossible, not just for the average consumer but even for the poor. All forms of welfare, from affirmative action to environmental action, are of no help. The liberty to design and craft one's own distinctive dwelling is abolished in favor of the bureaucratic provision of standardized housing, as in the United States, Cuba, or Sweden. The organization of employment, skills, building resources, rules, and credit favor shelter as a commodity rather than as an activity. Whether the product is provided by an entrepreneur or an apparatchik, the effective result is the same: citizen impotence, our specifically modern experience of poverty. + +Wherever the shadow of economic growth touches us, we are left useless unless employed on a job or engaged in consumption; the attempt to build a house or set a bone outside the control of certified specialists appears as anarchic conceit. We lose sight of our resources, lose control over the environmental conditions which make these resources applicable, lose taste for self-reliant coping with challenges from without and anxiety from within. Take childbirth in Mexico today: delivery without professional care has become unthinkable for those women whose husbands are regularly employed and therefore have access to social services, no matter how marginal or tenuous. They move in circles where the production of babies faithfully reflects the patterns of industrial outputs. Yet their sisters in the slums of the poor or the villages of the isolated still feel quite competent to give birth on their own mats, unaware that they face a modern indictment of criminal neglect toward their infants. But as professionally engineered delivery models reach these independent women, the desire, competence, and conditions for autonomous behavior are being destroyed. + +For advanced industrial society, the modernization of poverty means that people are helpless to recognize evidence unless it has been certified by a professional, be he a television weather commentator or an educator; that organic discomfort becomes intolerably threatening unless it has been medicalized into dependence on a therapist; that neighbors and friends are lost unless vehicles bridge the separating distance (created by the vehicles in the first place). In short, most of the time we find ourselves out of touch with our world, out of sight of those for whom we work, out of tune with what we feel. + +At the invitation of André Schiffrin, my United States publisher, I have selected five essays which review and develop my arguments on these themes. With their publication, I want to close ten years of teaching and writing about the counterproductive myth-making which is latent in all present-day industrial enterprises. + +The first essay is a postscript to my book _Tools for Conviviality_ (New York, 1973). It reflects the changes that have occurred during the past decade, both in economic reality and in my own perceptions of it. It assumes a rather large increase in the non-technical, ritual, and symbolic powers of our major technological and bureaucratic systems, and a corresponding decrease in their scientific, technical, and instrumental effectiveness. In 1968, it was still quite easy to dismiss organized lay resistance to professional dominance as nothing more than a throwback to romantic, obscurantist, or elitist fantasies. The grassroots, common-sense assessment of technological systems I then outlined seemed childish or retrograde to the political leaders of citizen activism, and to the "radical" professionals who laid claim to the tutorship of the poor by means of their special knowledge. The reorganization of industrial society around professionally defined needs, problems, and solutions was still the commonly accepted value implicit in ideological, political, and juridical systems otherwise clearly and sometimes violently opposed to one another. + +Now the picture has changed. Today, a hallmark of advanced and enlightened technical competence is a self-confident community, neighborhood, or group of citizens engaged in the systematic analysis and consequent ridicule of the "needs", "problems", and "solutions" defined for them by the agents of professional establishments. In the sixties, lay opposition to legislation based upon expert opinion still sounded like anti- scientific bigotry. Today, lay confidence in public policies based upon the expert's opinion is tenuous indeed. Thousands now reach their own judgments and, at great cost, engage in citizen action without any professional tutorship; they gain the scientific information they need through personal, independent effort. Sometimes risking limb, freedom, and respectability, they bear witness to a newly matured scientific attitude. They know, for example, that the quality and amount of technical evidence sufficiently conclusive to oppose atomic power plants, the multiplication of intensive-care units, compulsory education, fetal monitoring, psychosurgery, electroshock treatment, or genetic engineering is also simple and clear enough for the layman to grasp and utilize. + +Ten years ago, compulsory schooling was still protected by powerful taboos. Today, its defenders are almost exclusively either teachers whose jobs depend upon it or Marxist ideologues who defend professional knowledge-holders in a shadow battle against the hip-bourgeoisie. Ten years ago, the myths about the effectiveness of modem medical institutions were still unquestioned. Most economics textbooks accepted the belief that adult life expectancy was increasing, that treatment for cancer postponed death, that the availability of doctors resulted in higher infant-survival rates. Since then, people have "discovered" what vital statistics have always shown: that adult life expectancy has not changed in any socially significant way over the last few generations; that it is lower in most rich countries today than in our grandparents' time, and also lower there than in many poor nations. Ten years ago, universal access to postsecondary schooling, to adult education, to preventive medicine, to highways, to a wired global village, was still a prestigious goal. Today, the great myth-making rituals organized around education, transportation, health care, and urbanization have indeed been partly demystified. They have not yet, however, been disestablished. + +The second essay is the text of a speech I delivered for the Canadian Foreign Policy Association in 1969. It is a critique of the Pearson Report, a document intended to conclude the first so-called Development Decade and open the second. Herein I called attention to the exasperating impotence that is inflicted upon the poor in those countries which have benefitted most from the importation of the public utilities in which the rich take pride. + +The last three essays focus on the kind of social and political paralysis which cripples not just the poor but the vast majority in the industrialized nations. The production of modernized poverty in the shadow of economic expansion is described principally in the areas of transportation, education, and health care. It is from these sectors that I have learned much during this decade. + +Shadow prices and increased consumption gaps are important aspects of the new poverty, but my principal interest is directed toward a different concomitant of modernization: the process by which autonomy is undermined, satisfaction dulled, experience flattened out, and needs frustrated for nearly everyone. For example, I have examined the society-wide obstacles to mutual presence which are necessary side effects of energy-intensive transportation. I have wanted to define the power limits of motors equitably used to increase people's access to one another. I recognized, of course, that high speeds inevitably impose a skewed distribution of harriedness, noise, pollution, and enjoyment of privilege. But my emphasis is other than this. My arguments are focused on the negative internalities of modernity-time-consuming acceleration, sick-making health care, stupefying education. The unequal distribution of the ersatz benefits, or the unequal imposition of their negative externalities, are corollaries to my basic argument. In these essays, I am interested in the direct and specific effects of modernized poverty, in human tolerance for such effects, and in the possibility of escaping the new misery. + +During these last years I have found it necessary to examine again and again the correlation between the nature of tools and the meaning of justice that prevails in the society that uses them. I have had to observe the decline of freedom in societies where rights are shaped by expertise. I have had to weigh the trade-offs between new tools that enhance the production of commodities and those equally modern ones that permit the generation of values in use; between rights to mass-produced commodities and the level of liberty that permits satisfying and creative personal expression; between paid employment and useful unemployment. And in each dimension of the trade-off between heteronomous management and autonomous action, I find that the language that would permit us to insist on the latter must be recovered with difficulty. I am, like those I seek as my readers, so profoundly committed to a radically equitable access to goods, rights, and jobs that I find it almost unnecessary to insist on our struggle for this side of justice. I find it much more important, and difficult, to deal with its complement: the politics of conviviality. I use this term in the technical sense I gave to it in _Tools for Conviviality_: to designate the struggle for an equitable distribution of the liberty to generate use-values and for the instrumentation of this liberty through the assignment of an absolute priority to the production of those industrial and professional commodities that confer on the least advantaged the greatest power to generate values in use. + +New, convivial politics are based on the insight that in a modern society, both wealth and jobs can be equitably shared and enjoyed in liberty only when both are limited by a political process. Excessive forms of wealth and prolonged formal employment, no matter how well distributed, destroy the social, cultural, and environmental conditions for equal productive freedom. Bits and watts --which here stand for units of information and of energy, respectively-- when packaged into any mass-produced commodity in amounts that pass a threshold, inevitably constitute impoverishing wealth. Such wealth is either too rare to be shared or it is destructive of the freedom and liberty of the weakest. With each of these five essays, I have attempted to make a contribution to the political process by which the socially critical thresholds of enrichment are recognized by citizens and translated into society-wide ceilings or limits. + + + +# Useful Unemployment and its Professional Enemies + +_This essay on trade-offs between commodities and use-values in a modern society was written in 1977 and is published here for the first time. John McKnight and Lee Hoinacki have helped me to clarify my thought. I am also indebted here to the work of William Leiss, who, in_ The Limits to Satisfaction _(Toronto, 1976), deals with the correlation of modern needs and commodities._ + +Fifty years ago, most of the words an American heard were personally spoken to him as an individual, or to somebody standing nearby. Only occasionally did words reach him as an undifferentiated member of a crowd--in the classroom or in church, at a rally or a circus. Words were mostly like handwritten, sealed letters and not like the junk that now pollutes our mails. Today, words that are directed to one person's attention have become rare. Engineered staples of images, ideas, feelings, and opinions, packaged and delivered through the media, assault our sensibilities with round-the-clock regularity. Two points now become evident: (1) what is occurring with language fits the pattern of an increasingly wide range of need-satisfaction relationships; (2) this replacement of convivial means by manipulative industrial ware is truly universal, and is relentlessly making the New York teacher, the Chinese commune member, the Bantu schoolboy, and the Brazilian sergeant alike. In this essay, a postscript to _Tools for Conviviality_, I shall do three things: (1) describe the character of a commodity/market-intensive society in which the very abundance of commodities paralyzes the autonomous creation of use-values; (2) insist on the hidden role that professions play in such a society by shaping its needs; and (3) expose some illusions and propose some strategies for breaking the professional power that perpetuates market dependence. + + +## Disabling Market Intensity + +_Crisis_ has come to mean that moment when doctors, diplomats, bankers, and assorted social engineers take over and liberties are suspended. Like patients, nations go on the critical list. _Crisis_, the Greek term that has designated "choice" or "turning point" in all modern languages, now means "driver, step on the gas". Crisis now evokes an ominous but tractable threat against which money, manpower, and management can be rallied. Intensive care for the dying, bureaucratic tutelage for the victim of discrimination, fission for the energy glutton, are typical responses. Crisis, understood in this way, is always good for executives and commissars, especially those scavengers who live on the side effects of yesterday's growth: educators who live on society's alienation, doctors who prosper on the work and leisure that have destroyed health, politicians who thrive on the distribution of welfare which, in the first instance, was financed by those assisted. Crisis understood as a call for acceleration not only puts more power under the control of the driver, while squeezing the passengers more tightly into their safety belts; it also justifies the depredation of space, time, and resources for the sake of motorized wheels, and it does so to the detriment of people who want to use their feet. + +But crisis need not have this meaning. It need not imply a headlong rush for the escalation of management. Instead, it can mean the instant of choice, that marvelous moment when people suddenly become aware of their self-imposed cages and of the possibility of a different life. And this is the crisis that, as choice, confronts both the United States and the world today. + +### A World-wide Choice + +In only a few decades, the world has become an amalgam. Human responses to everyday occurrences have been standardized. Though languages and gods still appear to be different, people daily join the stupendous majority who march to the beat of the very same megamachine. The light switch by the door has replaced the dozens of ways in which fires, candles, and lanterns were formerly kindled. In ten years, the number of switch-users in the world has tripled; flush and paper have become essential conditions for the relief of the bowels. Light that does not flow from high-voltage networks and hygiene without tissue paper spell poverty for ever more people. Expectations grow, while hopeful trust in one's own competence and the concern for others rapidly decline. + +The now soporific, now raucous intrusion of the media reaches deeply into the commune, the village, the corporation, the school. The sounds made by the editors and announcers of programmed texts daily pervert the words of a spoken language into building blocks for packaged messages. Today, one must be either isolated and cut off or a carefully guarded, affluent dropout to allow one's children to play in an environment where they listen to people rather than to stars, speakers, or instructors. All over the world, one can see the rapid encroachment of the disciplined acquiescence that characterizes the audience, the client, the customer. The standardization of human action grows apace. + +It now becomes clear that most of the world's communities are facing exactly the same critical issue: people must either remain ciphers in the conditioned crowd that surges toward greater dependence (thus necessitating savage battles for a share of the drugs to feed their habit), or they must find the courage that alone saves in a panic: the courage to stand still and look around for another way out than the obvious marked exit. But many, when told that Bolivians, Canadians, and Hungarians all face the same fundamental choice, are not simply annoyed but deeply offended. The idea appears not only foolish but shocking. They fail to detect the sameness in the new bitter degradation that underlies the hunger of the Indian in the Altiplano, the neurosis of the worker in Amsterdam, and the cynical corruption of the bureaucrat in Warsaw. + +### Toward a Culture for Staples + +Development has had the same effect in all societies: everyone has been enmeshed in a new web of dependence on commodities that flow out of the same kind of machines, factories, clinics, television studios, think tanks. To satisfy this dependence, more of the same must be produced: standardized, engineered goods, designed for the future consumer who will be trained by the engineer's agent to need what he or she is offered. These products, be they tangible goods or intangible services, constitute the industrial staple. Their imputed monetary value as a commodity is determined by state and market in varying proportions. Thus different cultures become insipid residues of traditional styles of action, washed up in one world-wide wasteland: an arid terrain devastated by the machinery needed to produce and consume. On the banks of the Seine and those of the Niger, people have unlearned how to milk because the white stuff now comes from the grocer. (Thanks to more richly endowed consumer protection, it is less poisonous in France than in Mali.) True, more babies get cow's milk, but the breasts of both rich and poor dry up. The addicted consumer is born when the baby cries for the bottle: when the organism is trained to reach for milk from the grocer and to turn away from the breast that thus defaults. Autonomous and creative human action, required to make man's universe bloom, atrophies. Roofs of shingle or thatch, tile or slate, are displaced by concrete for the few and corrugated plastic for the many. Neither jungles, swamps, nor ideological biases have prevented the poor and the socialist from rushing onto the highways of the rich, the roads leading them into the world where economists replace priests. The mint stamps out all local treasures and idols. Money devalues what it cannot measure. The crisis, then, is the same for all: the choice of more or less dependence upon industrial commodities. _More_ will mean the rapid and complete destruction of cultures which are programs for satisfying subsistence activities. _Less_ will mean the variegated flowering of use-values in modern cultures of intense activity. For both rich and poor the choice is essentially the same, although hard to imagine for those already accustomed to living inside the supermarket --a structure different only in name from a ward for idiots. + +Present-day industrial society organizes life around commodities. Our market-intensive societies measure material progress by the increase in the volume and variety of commodities produced. And taking our cue from this sector, we measure social progress by the distribution of access to these commodities. Economics has been developed as propaganda for the takeover by large-scale commodity producers. Socialism has been debased to a struggle against handicapped distribution, and welfare economics has identified the public good with opulence --the humiliating opulence of the poor in United States hospitals, jails, or asylums. + +By disregarding all trade-offs to which no price tag is attached, industrial society has created an urban landscape that is unfit for people unless they devour each day their own weight in metals and fuels, a world in which the constant need for protection against the unwanted results of more things and more commands has generated new depths of discrimination, impotence, and frustration. The establishment-orientated ecological movement so far has further strengthened this trend: it has concentrated attention on faulty industrial technology and, at best, on exploitation of industrial production by private owners. It has questioned the depletion of natural resources, the inconvenience of pollution, and net transfers of power. But even when price tags are attached that reflect the environmental impact, the disvalue of nuisance, or the cost of polarization, we still do not clearly see that the division of labor, the multiplication of commodities, and dependence on them have forcibly substituted standardized packages for almost everything people formerly did or made on their own. + +For two decades now, about fifty languages have died each year; half of those still spoken in 1950 survive only as subjects for doctoral theses. And what distinct languages do remain to witness the incomparably different ways of seeing, using, and enjoying the world now sound more and more alike. Consciousness is everywhere colonized by imported labels. Yet even those who do worry about the loss of cultural and genetic variety, or about the multiplication of long-impact isotopes, do not advert to the irreversible depletion of skills, stories, and senses of form. And this progressive substitution of industrial goods and services for useful but nonmarketable values has been the shared goal of political factions and regimes otherwise violently opposed to one another. + +In this way, ever larger pieces of our lives are so transformed that life itself comes to depend almost exclusively on the consumption of commodities sold on the world market. The United States corrupts its farmers to provide grain to a regime which increasingly stakes its legitimacy on the ability to deliver even more grain. Of course, the two regimes allocate resources by different methods: here, by the wisdom of pricing; there, by the wisdom of planners. But the political opposition between proponents of alternate methods of allocation only masks the similar ruthless disregard of personal dignity and freedom by all factions and parties. + +Energy policy is a good example of the profound identity in the world-views of the self-styled socialist and the so-called capitalist supporters of the industrial system. Possibly excluding such places as Cambodia, about which I am uninformed, no governing elite nor any socialist opposition can conceive of a desirable future that would be based on per capita energy consumption of a magnitude inferior to that which now prevails in Europe. All existing political parties stress the need for energy- intensive production--albeit with Chinese discipline--while failing to comprehend that the corresponding society will further deny people the free use of their limbs. Here sedans and there buses push bicycles off the road. All governments stress an employment-intensive force of production, but are unwilling to recognize that jobs can also destroy the use-value of free time. They all stress a more objective and complete professional definition of people's needs, but are insensitive to the consequent expropriation of life. + +In the late Middle Ages the stupefying simplicity of the heliocentric model was used as an argument to discredit the new astronomy. Its elegance was interpreted as naivete. In our days, use-value-centered theories that analyze the social costs generated by established economics are certainly not rare. Such theories are being proposed by dozens of outsiders, who often identify them with radical technology, ecology, community lifestyles, smallness, or beauty. As an excuse to avoid looking at these theories, the frequent failure of their proponents' experiments in personal living is held against them and magnified. Just as the legendary inquisitor refused to look through Galileo's telescope, so most modern economists refuse to look at an analysis that might displace the conventional center of their economic system. The new analytical systems would force us to recognize the obvious: that the generation of nonmarketable use-values must inevitably occupy the center of any culture that provides a program for satisfactory life to a majority of its members. Cultures are programs for activities, not for firms. Industrial society destroys this center by polluting it with the measured output of corporations, public or private, degrading what people do or make on their own. As a consequence, societies have been transformed into huge zero-sum games, monolithic delivery systems in which every gain for one turns into a loss or burden for another, while true satisfaction is denied to both. + +On the way, innumerable sets of infrastructures in which people coped, played, ate, made friends, and made love have been destroyed. A couple of so-called development decades have sufficed to dismantle traditional patterns of culture from Manchuria to Montenegro. Prior to these years, such patterns permitted people to satisfy most of their needs in a subsistence mode. After these years, plastic had replaced pottery, carbonated beverages replaced water, Valium replaced camomile tea, and records replaced guitars. All through history, the best measure for bad times was the percentage of food eaten that had to be purchased. In good times, most families got most of their nutrition from what they grew or acquired in a network of gift relationships. Until late in the eighteenth century, more than 99 per cent of the world's food was produced inside the horizon that the consumer could see from the church steeple or minaret. Laws that tried to control the number of chickens and pigs within the city walls suggest that, except for a few large urban areas, more than half of all food eaten was also cultivated within the city. Before World War II, less than 4 per cent of all food eaten was transported into the region from abroad, and these imports were largely confined to the eleven cities which then contained more than two million inhabitants. Today, 40 per cent of all people survive only because they have access to interregional markets. A future in which the world market of capital and goods would be severely reduced is as much taboo today as a modern world in which active people would use modern convivial tools to create an abundance of use-values that liberated them from consumption. One can see in this pattern a reflection of the belief that useful activities by which people both express and satisfy their needs can be replaced indefinitely by standardized goods or services. + +### The Modernization of Poverty + +Beyond a certain threshold, the multiplication of commodities induces impotence, the incapacity to grow food, to sing, or to build. The toil and pleasure of the human condition become a faddish privilege restricted to some of the rich. When Kennedy launched the Alliance for Progress, Acatzingo, like most Mexican villages of its size, had four groups of musicians who played for a drink and served the population of eight hundred. Today, records and radios, hooked up to loudspeakers, drown out local talent. Occasionally, in an act of nostalgia, a collection is taken up to bring a band of dropouts from the university to sing the old songs for some special holiday. On the day Venezuela legislated the right of each citizen to "housing", conceived of as a commodity, three-quarters of all families found that their self-built dwellings were thereby degraded to the status of hovels. Furthermore--and this is the rub--self-building was now prejudiced. No house could be legally started without the submission of an approved architect's plan. The useful refuse and junk of Caracas, up till then re-employed as excellent building materials, now created a problem of solid-waste disposal. The man who produces his own "housing" is looked down upon as a deviant who refuses to cooperate with the local pressure group for the delivery of mass-produced housing units. Also, innumerable regulations have appeared which brand his ingenuity as illegal or even criminal. This example illustrates how the poor are the first to suffer when a new kind of commodity castrates one of the traditional subsistence crafts. The useful unemployment of the jobless poor is sacrificed to the expansion of the labor market. "Housing" as a self-chosen activity, just like any other freedom for useful employment of time off the job, becomes the privilege of some deviant, often the idle rich. + +An addiction to paralyzing affluence, once it becomes ingrained in a culture, generates "modernized poverty". This is a form of disvalue necessarily associated with the proliferation of commodities. This rising disutility of industrial mass products has escaped the attention of economists, because it is not accessible to their measurements, and of social services, because it cannot be "operationalized". Economists have no effective means of including in their calculations the society-wide loss of a kind of satisfaction that has no market equivalent. Thus, one could today define economists as the members of a fraternity which only accepts people who, in the pursuit of their professional work, can practice a trained social blindness toward the most fundamental trade-off in contemporary systems, both East and West: the decline in the individual-personal ability to do or make which is the price of every additional degree of commodity affluence. + +The existence and nature of modernized poverty remained hidden, even in ordinary conversation, as long as it primarily affected the poor. As development, or modernization, reached the poor--those who until then had been able to survive in spite of being excluded from the market economy--they were systematically compelled to survive through buying into a purchasing system which, for them, always and necessarily meant getting the dregs of the market. Indians in Oaxaca who formerly had no access to schools are now drafted into school to "earn" certificates that measure precisely their inferiority relative to the urban population. Furthermore--and this is again the rub--without this piece of paper they can no longer enter even the building trades. Modernization of "needs" always adds new discrimination to poverty. + +Modernized poverty has now become the common experience of all except those who are so rich that they can drop out in luxury. As one facet of life after another becomes dependent on engineered supplies, few of us escape the recurrent experience of impotence. The average United States consumer is bombarded by a hundred advertisements per day and reacts to many of them--more often than not--in a negative way. Even well-heeled shoppers acquire, with each new commodity, a fresh experience of disutility. They suspect they have purchased something of doubtful value, perhaps soon to become useless or even dangerous, and something that calls for an array of even more expensive complements. Affluent shoppers organize: they usually begin with demands for quality control, and not infrequently generate consumer resistance. Across the tracks, slum neighborhoods "unplug" themselves from service and "care", from social work in South Chicago and from textbooks in Kentucky. Rich and poor are almost ready to recognize clearly a new form of frustrating wealth in the further expansion of a market-intensive culture. Also, the affluent come to sense their own plight as it is mirrored in the poor, though for the moment this intimation has not developed beyond a kind of romanticism. + +The ideology that identifies progress with affluence is not restricted to the rich countries. The same ideology degrades nonmarketable activities even in areas where, until recently, most needs were still met through a subsistence mode of life. For example, the Chinese--drawing inspiration from their own tradition--seemed willing and able to redefine technical progress, to opt for the bicycle over the jet plane. They seemed to stress local self-determination as a goal of inventive people rather than as a means for national defense. But by 1977, their propaganda was glorying in China's industrial capacity to deliver more health care, education, housing, and general welfare --at a lower cost. Merely tactical functions are provisionally assigned to the herbs in the bag of the barefoot doctor, and to labor-intensive production methods. Here, as in other areas of the world, heteronomous--that is, other-directed--production of goods, standardized for categories of anonymous consumers, fosters unrealistic and ultimately frustrating expectations. Furthermore, the process inevitably corrupts the trust of people in their own and their neighbors' ever surprising autonomous competences. China simply represents the latest example of the particular Western version of modernization through intensive market dependence seizing a traditional society as no cargo cult did even at its most irrational extreme. + +### The History of Needs + +In both traditional and modern societies, an important change has occurred in a very short period: the means for the satisfaction of needs have been radically altered. The motor has sapped the muscle; instruction has deadened self-confident curiosity. As a consequence, both needs and wants have acquired a character for which there is no historical precedent. For the first time, needs have become almost exclusively coterminous with commodities. As long as most people walked wherever they wanted to go, they felt restrained mainly when their _freedom_ was restricted. Now that they depend on transportation in order to move, they claim not a freedom but a _right_ to passenger miles. And as ever more vehicles provide ever more people with such "rights", the freedom to walk is degraded and eclipsed by the provision of these rights. For most people, wants follow suit. They cannot even imagine liberation from universal passengerhood, that is, the liberty of modern man in a modern world to move on his own. + +This situation, by now a rigid interdependence of needs and market, is legitimated through appeal to the expertise of an elite whose knowledge, by its very nature, cannot be shared. Economists of rightist as well as leftist persuasion vouch to the public that an increase in jobs depends on more energy; educators persuade the public that law, order, and productivity depend on more instruction; gynecologists claim that the quality of infantlife depends on their involvement in childbirth. Therefore, the near-universal extension of market intensity in the world's economies cannot be effectively questioned as long as the immunity of the elites that legitimate the nexus between commodity and satisfaction has not been destroyed. The point is well illustrated by a woman who told me about the birth of her third child. Having borne two children, she felt both competent and experienced. She was in the hospital and felt the child coming. She called the nurse, who, instead of helping, rushed for a sterile towel to press the baby's head back into the womb and ordered the mother to stop pushing because "Dr. Levy has not yet arrived". + +But this is the moment for public decision, for political action instead of professional management. Modern societies, rich or poor, can move in either of two opposite directions. They can produce a new bill of goods--albeit safer, less wasteful, more easily shared--and thereby further intensify their dependence on consumer staples. Or, they can take a totally new approach to the interrelationship between needs and satisfactions. In other words, societies can either retain their market-intensive; economies, changing only the design of the output, or they can reduce their dependence on commodities. The latter alternative entails the adventure of imagining and constructing new frameworks in which individuals and communities can develop a new kind of modern tool kit. This would be organized so as to permit people to shape and satisfy an expanding proportion of their needs directly and personally. + +The first direction represents a continuing identification of technical progress with the multiplication of commodities. The bureaucratic managers of egalitarian persuasion and the technocrats of welfare would converge in a call for austerity: to shift from goods, such as jets, that obviously cannot be shared, to so-called "social" equipment like buses; to distribute more equitably the decreasing hours of employment available and ruthlessly limit the typical work week to about twenty hours on the job; to draft the new resource of unemployed life-time into retraining or voluntary service on the model of Mao, Castro, or Kennedy. This new stage of industrial society, though socialist, effective, and rational, would simply usher in a new state of the culture that downgraded the satisfaction of wants into the repetitive relief of imputed needs through engineered staples. At its best, this alternative would produce goods and services in smaller quantities, distribute them more equitably, and foster less envy. The symbolic participation of people in deciding what ought to be made might be transferred from a buck in the market to a gawk in the political assembly. The environmental impact of production could be softened. Among commodities, services, especially the various forms of social control, would certainly grow much faster than the manufacture of goods. Huge sums are already being spent on the oracle industry so that government prophets can spew out "alternative" scenarios designed to shore up this first choice. Interestingly, many of them have already reached the conclusion that the cost of the social controls necessary to enforce austerity in an ecologically feasible but still industry-centered society would be intolerable. + +The second choice would ring down the curtain on absolute market dominance and foster an ethic of austerity for the sake of widespread satisfying action. If in the first alternative austerity would mean the individual's acceptance of managerial ukases for the sake of increased institutional productivity, austerity in the second alternative would mean that social virtue by which people recognize and decide limits on the maximum amount of instrumented power that anyone may claim, both for his own satisfaction and in the service of others. This convivial austerity inspires a society to protect personal use-value against disabling enrichment. Under such protection against disabling affluence many distinct cultures would arise, each modern and each emphasizing the dispersed use of modern tools. Convivial austerity so limits the use of any tool that tool ownership would lose much of its present power. If bicycles are owned here by the commune, there by the rider, nothing is changed about the essentially convivial nature of the bicycle as a tool. Such commodities would still be produced in large measure by industrial methods, but they would be seen and evaluated differently. Now, commodities are viewed mostly as staples that directly feed the needs shaped by their designers. In the second option, they would be valued either as raw materials or as tools that permitted people to generate use-values in maintaining the subsistence of their respective communities. But this choice depends, of course, on a Copernican revolution in our perception of values. At present, we see consumer goods and professional services at the center of our economic system, and specialists relate our needs exclusively to this center. In contrast, the social inversion contemplated here would assign use-values created and personally fostered by people themselves to the center. It is true that people have recently lost the confidence to shape their own desires. The world-wide discrimination against the autodidact has vitiated many people's confidence in determining their own goals and needs. But the same discrimination has also resulted in a multiplicity of growing minorities who are infuriated by this insidious dispossession. + + +## Disabling Professions + +These minorities already see that they--and all autochthonous cultural life--are threatened by megatools which systematically expropriate the environmental conditions that foster individual and group autonomy. And so they quietly determine to fight for the usefulness of their bodies, memories, and skills. Because the rapidly increasing multiplication of imputed needs generates ever new kinds of dependence and ever new categories of modernized poverty, present-day industrial societies take on the character of interdependent conglomerates of bureaucratically stigmatized majorities. Among this great mass of citizens who are crippled by transport, rendered sleepless by schedules, poisoned by hormone therapy, silenced by loudspeakers, sickened by food, a few form minorities of organized and active citizens. Now these are barely beginning to grow and coalesce for public dissidence. Subjectively, these groups are ready to end an age. But to be dispatched, an age needs a name that sticks. I propose to call the mid-twentieth century the Age of Disabling Professions. I choose this designation because it commits those who use it. It exposes the antisocial functions performed by the least challenged providers--educators, physicians, social workers, and scientists. Simultaneously, it indicts the complacency of citizens who have submitted themselves to multifaceted bondage as clients. To speak about the power of disabling professions shames their victims into recognizing the conspiracy of the lifelong student, gynecological case, or consumer, each with his or her manager. By describing the sixties as an apogee of the problem-solver, one immediately exposes both the inflated conceit of our academic elites and the greedy gullibility of their victims. + +But this focus on the makers of the social imagination and the cultural values does more than expose and denounce; by designating the last twenty-five years as the Age of Dominant Professions, one also proposes a strategy. One sees the necessity of going beyond the expert redistribution of wasteful, irrational, and paralyzing commodities, the hallmafk of Radical Professionalism, the conventional wisdom of today's good guys. The strategy demands nothing less than the unmasking of the professional ethos. The credibility of the professional expert, be he scientist, therapist, or executive, is the Achilles' heel of the industrial system. Therefore, only those citizen initiatives and radical technologies that directly challenge the insinuating dominance of disabling professions open the way to freedom for nonhierarchical, community-based competence. The waning of the current professional ethos is a necessary condition for the emergence of a new relationship between needs, contemporary tools, and personal satisfaction. The first step toward this emergence is a skeptical and nondeferential posture of the citizen toward the professional expert. Social reconstruction begins with a doubt raised among citizens. + +When I propose the analysis of professional power as the key to social reconstruction, I am usually told that it is a dangerous error to select this phenomenon as the crux for recovery from the industrial system. Does not the shape of the educational, medical, and planning establishments actually reflect the distribution of power and privilege of a capitalist elite? Is it not irresponsible to undermine the trust of the man in the street in his scientifically trained teacher, physician, or economist precisely at the moment when the poor need these trained protectors to gain access to classroom, clinic, and expert assistance? Ought not the indictment of the industrial system to expose the income of stockholders in drug firms or the perquisites of power-brokers that belong to the new elites? Why spoil the mutual dependence of clients and professional providers, especially when increasingly--as in Cuba and the United States--both tend to come from the same social class? Is it not perverse to denigrate the very people who have painfully acquired the knowledge to recognize and service our needs for welfare? In fact, should not the radically socialist professional leaders be singled out as those most apt for the ongoing societal task of defining and meeting people's "real" needs in an egalitarian society? + +The arguments implicit in these questions are frequently advanced to disrupt and discredit public analysis of the disabling effects of industrial welfare systems which focus on services. Such effects are essentially identical and clearly inevitable, no matter what the political flag under which they are imposed. They incapacitate people's autonomy through forcing them--via legal, environmental, and social changes--to become consumers of care. These rhetorical questions represent a frantic defense of privilege on the part of those elites who might lose income but would certainly gain status and power if, in a new form of market-intensive economy, dependence on their services were rendered more equitable. + +A further objection to the critique of professional power drives out the devil with Beelzebub. This objection singles out as the key target for analysis the defense conglomerates seemingly at the center of each bureaucratic-industrial society. The developed argument then posits the security forces as the motor behind the contemporary universal regimentation into market- dependent discipline. It identifies as the principal need-makers the armed bureaucracies that have come into being since, under Louis XIV, Richelieu established the first professional police: that is, the professional agencies that are now in charge of weaponry, intelligence, and propaganda. Since Hiroshima, these so-called services appear to be the determinants for research, design production, and employment. They rest upon civilian foundations, such as schooling for discipline, consumer training for the enjoyment of waste, habituation to violent speeds, medical engineering for life in a world-wide shelter, and standardized dependence on rations dispensed by benevolent quartermasters. This line of thought sees state security as the generator of a society's production patterns, and views the civilian economy as, to a large extent, either the military's spin-off or its prerequisite. + +If an argument constructed around these notions were valid, how could such a society forgo atomic power, no matter how poisonous, oppressive, or counterproductive a further energy glut might be? How could a defense-ridden state be expected to tolerate the organization of disaffected citizen groups who unplug their neighborhoods from consumption to claim the liberty to small-scale use-value-intensive production that happens in an atmosphere of satisfying and joyful austerity? Would not a militarized society soon have to move against need-deserters, brand them as traitors, and, if possible, expose them not just to scorn but to ridicule? Would not a defense-driven society have to stamp out those examples that would lead to nonviolent modernity, just at the time when public policy calls for a decentralization of commodity production reminiscent of Mao and for more rational, equitable, and professionally supervised consumption? + +This argument pays undue credit to the military as the source of violence in an industrial state. The assumption that military requirements are to blame for the aggressiveness and destructiveness of advanced industrial society must be exposed as an illusion. No doubt, if it were true that the military had somehow usurped the industrial system, if it had wrenched the various spheres of social endeavor and action away from civilian control, then the present state of militarized politics would have reached a point of no return--at least, of no potential for civilian reform. This is in fact the argument made by the brightest of Brazil's military leaders, who see the armed forces as the only legitimate tutor of peaceful industrial pursuit during the rest of this century. + +But this is simply not so. The modern industrial state is not a product of the army. Rather, its army is one of the symptoms of its total and consistent orientation. True, the present industrial mode of organization can be traced to military antecedents in Napoleonic times. True, the compulsory education of peasant boys in the 1830s, the universal health care for the industrial proletariat in the 1850s, the growing communications networks in the 1860s, as well as most forms of industrial standardization, are all strategies first introduced into modern societies as military requirements and only later understood as dignified forms of peaceful, civilian progress. But the fact that systems of health, education, and welfare needed a military rationale to be enacted into law does not mean that they were not thoroughly consistent with the basic thrust of industrial development, which, in fact, was never nonviolent, peaceful, or respectful of people. + +Today, this insight is easier to gain. First, because since Polaris it is no longer possible to distinguish between wartime and peacetime armies, and second, because since the war on poverty peace is on the warpath. Today, industrial societies are constantly and totally mobilized; they are organized for constant public emergencies; they are shot through with variegated strategies in all sectors; the battlefields of health, education, welfare, and affirmative equality are strewn with victims and covered with ruins; citizens' liberties are continually suspended for campaigns against ever newly discovered evils; each year new frontier dwellers are discovered who must be protected against or cured of some new disease, some previously unknown ignorance. The basic needs that are shaped and imputed by all professional agencies are needs for defense against evils. + +Today's professors and social scientists who seek to blame the military for the destructiveness of commodity-intensive societies are people who, in a very clumsy way, are attempting to arrest the erosion of their own legitimacy. They claim that the military pushes the industrial system into its frustrating and destructive state, thereby distracting attention from the profoundly destructive nature of a market-intensive society which drives its citizens into today's wars. Both those who seek to protect professional autonomy against citizen maturity and those who wish to portray the professional as victim of the militarized state will be answered by a choice: the direction in which free citizens wish to go to supersede the world-wide crisis. + +### The Waning of the Professional Age + +The illusions that permitted the installation of professions as arbiters of needs are now increasingly visible to common sense. Procedures in the service sector are often understood for what they are--Linus blankets, or rituals that hide from the provider-consumer caboodle the disparity and antipathy between the ideal for the sake of which the service is rendered and the reality that the service creates. Schools that promise equal enlightenment generate unequally degrading meritocracy and lifelong dependence on further tutorship; vehicles compel everyone to a flight forward. But the public has not yet clarified the choices. Projects under professional leadership could result in compulsory political creeds (with their accompanying versions of a new fascism), or the experience of citizens could dismiss our hubris as yet another historical collection of neo-Promethean but essentially ephemeral follies. Informed choice requires that we examine the specific role of the professions in determining who in this age got what from whom and why. + +To see the present clearly, let us imagine the children who will soon play in the ruins of high schools, Hiltons, and hospitals. In these professional castles turned cathedrals, built to protect us against ignorance, discomfort, pain, and death, the children of tomorrow will re-enact in their play the delusions of our Age of Professions, as from ancient castles and cathedrals we reconstruct the crusades of knights against sin and the Turk in the Age of Faith. Children in their games will mingle the Uniquack which now pollutes our language with archaisms inherited from robber barons and cowboys. I see them addressing each other as chairman and secretary rather than as chief and lord. Of course, adults will blush when they slip into managerial pidgin with terms such as policy-making, social planning, and problem-solving. + +The Age of Professions will be remembered as the time when politics withered, when voters guided by professors entrusted to technocrats the power to legislate needs, the authority to decide who needed what, and a monopoly over the means by which those needs should be met. It will be remembered as the Age of Schooling, when people for one-third of their lives were trained to accumulate needs on prescription and for the other two-thirds were clients of prestigious pushers who managed their habits. It will be remembered as the age when recreational travel meant a packaged gawk at strangers, and intimacy meant training by Masters and Johnson; when formed opinion was a replay of last night's talk-show, and voting, an endorsement to a salesman for more of the same. + +Future students will be as much confused by the supposed differences between capitalist and socialist school, health-care, prison, or transportation systems as today's students are by the claimed differences between justification by works as opposed to justification by faith in the late Reformation Christian sects. They will also discover that the professional librarians, surgeons, or supermarket designers in poor or socialist countries toward the end of each decade came to keep the same records, use the same tools, and build the same spaces that their colleagues in rich countries had pioneered at the decade's beginning. Archaeologists will periodize our life-span not by potsherds but by professional fashions, reflected in the mod-trends of United Nations publications. + +It would be pretentious to predict whether this age, when needs were shaped by professional design, will be remembered with a smile or a curse. I hope, of course, that it will be remembered as the night when father went on a binge, dissipated the family fortune, and obligated his children to start anew. Sad to say, it will much more probably be remembered as the time when a whole generation's frenzied pursuit of impoverishing wealth rendered all freedoms alienable and, after first turning politics into the organized gripes of welfare recipients, extinguished it in expert totalitarianism. + +### Professional Dominance + +Let us first face the fact that the bodies of specialists that now dominate the creation, adjudication, and satisfaction of needs are a new kind of cartel. And this must be recognized in order to outflank their developing defenses. For we already see the new biocrat hiding behind the benevolent mask of the physician of old; the pedocrat's behavioral aggression is shrugged off as the overzealous, perhaps silly care of the concerned teacher; the personnel manager equipped with a psychological arsenal presents himself in the guise of an old-time foreman. The new specialists, who are usually servicers of human needs that their specialty has defined, tend to wear the mask of love and to provide some form of care. They are more deeply entrenched than a Byzantine bureaucracy, more international than a world church, more stable than any labor union, endowed with wider competencies than any shaman, and equipped with a tighter hold over those they claim than any mafia. + +The new organized specialists must, first, be carefully distinguished from racketeers. Educators, for instance, now tell society what must be learned and write off what has been learned outside school. By this kind of monopoly, which enables tyrannical professions to prevent you from shopping elsewhere and from making your own booze, they at first seem to fit the dictionary definition of gangsters. But gangsters, for their own profit, corner a basic necessity by controlling supplies. Educators and doctors and social workers today--as did priests and lawyers formerly--gain legal power to create the need that, by law, they alone will be allowed to serve. They turn the modern state into a holding corporation of enterprises that facilitate the operation of their self-certified competencies. + +Legalized control over work has taken many different forms: soldiers of fortune refused to fight until they got the license to plunder; Lysistrata organized female chattels to enforce peace by refusing sex; doctors in Cos conspired by oath to pass trade secrets only to their offspring; guilds set the curricula, prayers, tests, pilgrimages, and hazings through which Hans Sachs had to pass before he was permitted to shoe his fellow burghers. In capitalist countries, unions attempt to control who shall work what hours for what pay. All these trade associations are attempts by specialists to determine how their kind of work shall be done and by whom. But none of these specialists are professionals in the sense that doctors, for instance, are today. Today's domineering professionals, of whom physicians provide the most striking and painful example, go further: they decide what shall be made, for whom, and how it shall be administered. They claim special, incommunicable knowledge, not just about the way things are and are to be made, but also about the reasons why their services ought to be needed. Merchants sell you the goods they stock. Guildsmen guarantee quality. Some craftspeople tailor their product to your measure or fancy. Professionals, however, tell you what you need. They claim the power to prescribe. They not only advertise what is good but ordain what is right. Neither income, long training, delicate tasks, nor social standing is the mark of the professional. Their income can be low or taxed away, their training compressed into weeks instead of years; their status can approach that of the oldest profession. Rather, what counts is the professional's authority to define a person as client, to determine that person's need, and to hand that person a prescription which defines this new social role. Unlike the hookers of old, the modern professional is not one who sells what others give for free, but rather one who decides what ought to be sold and must not be given for free. + +There is a further distinction between professional power and that of other occupations: professional power springs from a different source. A guild, a union, or a gang forces respect for its interest and rights by a strike, blackmail, or overt violence. In contrast, a profession, like a priesthood, holds power by concession from an elite whose interests it props up. As a priesthood offers the way to salvation in the train of an anointed king, so a profession interprets, protects, and supplies a special this-worldly interest to the constituency of modem rulers. Professional power is a specialized form of the privilege to prescribe what is right for others and what they therefore need. It is the source of prestige and control within the industrial state. This kind of professional power could, of course, come into existence only in societies where elite membership itself is legitimated, if not acquired, by professional status: a societywhere governing elites are attributed a unique kind of objectivity in defining the moral status of a lack. It fits like a glove the age in which even access to parliament, the house of commons, is in fact limited to those who have acquired the title of master by accumulating knowledge stock in some college. Professional autonomy and license in defining the needs of society are the logical forms that oligarchy takes in a political culture that has replaced the means test by knowledge-stock certificates issued by schools. The professions' power over the work their members do is thus distinct in both scope and origin. + +### Toward Professional Tyranny + +Professional power has also, recently, so changed in degree that two animals of entirely different colors now go by the same name. For instance, the practicing and experimenting health scientist consistently evades critical analysis by dressing up in the clothes of yesterday's family doctor. The wandering physician became the medical doctor when he left commerce in drugs to the pharmacist and kept for himself the power to prescribe them. At that moment, he acquired a new kind of authority by uniting three roles in one person: the sapiential authority to advise, instruct, and direct; the moral authority that makes its acceptance not just useful but obligatory; and the charismatic authority that allows the physician to appeal to some supreme interest of his clients that outranks not only conscience but sometimes even the _raison d'état_. This kind of doctor, of course, still exists, but within a modem medical system he is a figure out of the past. A new kind of health scientist is now much more common. He increasingly deals more with cases than with persons; he deals with the breakdown that he can perceive in the case rather than with the complaint of the individual; he protects society's interest rather than the person's. The authorities that, during the liberal age, had coalesced in the individual practitioner in his treatment of a patient are now claimed by the professional corporation in the service of the state. This entity now carves out for itself a social mission. + +Only during the last twenty-five years has medicine turned from a liberal into a dominant profession by obtaining the power to indicate what constitutes a health need for people in general. Health specialists as a corporation have acquired the authority to determine what health care must be provided to society at large. It is no longer the individual professional who imputes a "need" to the individual client, but a corporate agency that imputes a need to entire classes of people and then claims the mandate to test the complete population in order to identify all who belong to the group of potential patients. And what happens in health care is thoroughly consistent with what goes on in other domains. New pundits constantly jump on the bandwagon of the therapeutic-care provider: educators, social workers, the military, town planners, judges, policemen, and their ilk have obviously made it. They enjoy wide autonomy in creating the diagnostic tools by which they then catch their clients for treatment. Dozens of other need-creators try: international bankers "diagnose" the ills of an African country and then induce it to swallow the prescribed treatment, even though the "patient" might die; security specialists evaluate the loyalty risk in a citizen and then extinguish his private sphere; dog-catchers sell themselves to the public as pest-controllers and claim a monopoly over the lives of stray dogs. The only way to prevent the escalation of needs is a fundamental, political exposure of those illusions that legitimate dominating professions. + +Many professions are so well established that they not only exercise tutelage over the citizen-become-client but also determine the shape of his world-become-ward. The language in which he perceives himself, his perception of rights and freedoms, and his awareness of needs all derive from professional hegemony. + +The difference between craftsman, liberal professional, and the new technocrat can be clarified by comparing their typical reactions to people who neglect their respective advice. If you did not take the craftsman's advice, you were a fool. If you did not take liberal counsel, society blamed you. Now the profession or the government may be blamed when you escape from the care that your lawyer, teacher, surgeon, or shrink has decided upon for you. Under the pretense of meeting needs better and on a more equitable basis, the service professional has mutated into a crusading philanthropist. The nutritionist prescribes the "right" formula for the infant and the psychiatrist the "right" antidepressant, and the schoolmaster--now acting with the fuller power of "educator"--feels entitled to push his method between you and anything you want to learn. Each new specialty in service production thrives only when the public has accepted and the law has endorsed a new perception of what ought not to exist. Schools expanded in a moralizing crusade against illiteracy, once illiteracy had been defined as an evil. Maternity wards mushroomed to do away with home births. + +Professionals claim a monopoly over the definition of deviance and the remedies needed. For example, lawyers assert that they alone have the competence and the legal right to provide assistance in divorce. If you devise a kit for do-it-yourself divorce, you find yourself in a double bind: if you are not a lawyer, you are liable for practicing without a license; if you are a member of the bar, you can be expelled for unprofessional behavior. Professionals also claim secret knowledge about human nature and its weaknesses, knowledge they are also mandated to apply. Gravediggers, for example, did not become members of a profession by calling themselves morticians, by obtaining college credentials, by raising their incomes, or by getting rid of the odor attached to their trade by electing one of themselves president of the Lion's Club. Morticians formed a profession, a dominant and disabling one, when they acquired the muscle to have the police stop your burial if you are not embalmed and boxed by them. In any area where a human need can be imagined, these new disabling professions claim that they are the exclusive wardens of the public good. + +### Professions as a New Clergy + +The transformation of a liberal profession into a dominant one is equivalent to the legal establishment of a church. Physicians transmogrified into biocrats, teachers into gnosocrats, morticians into thanatocrats, are much closer to state-supported clergies than to trade associations. The professional as teacher of the current brand of scientific orthodoxy acts as theologian. As moral entrepreneur, he acts the role of priest: he creates the need for his mediation. As crusading helper, he acts the part of the missionary and hunts down the underprivileged. As inquisitor, he outlaws the unorthodox--he imposes his solutions on the recalcitrant who refuse to recognize that they are a problem. This multifaceted investiture with the task of relieving a specific inconvenience of man's estate turns each profession into the analogue of an established cult. The public acceptance of domineering professions is thus essentially a political event. The new profession creates a new hierarchy, new clients and outcasts, and a new strain on the budget. But also, each new establishment of professional legitimacy means that the political tasks of lawmaking, judicial review, and executive power lose more of their proper character and independence. Public affairs pass from the layperson's elected peers into the hands of a self-accrediting elite. + +When medicine recently outgrew its liberal restraints, it invaded legislation by establishing public norms. Physicians had always determined what constituted disease; dominant medicine now detemiines what diseases society shall not tolerate. Medicine has invaded the courts. Physicians had always diagnosed who was sick; dominant medicine, however, brands those who must be treated. Liberal practitioners prescribed a cure; dominant medicine has public powers of correction: it decides what shall be done with or to the sick. In a democracy, the power to make laws, execute them, and achieve public justice must derive from the citizens themselves. This citizen control over the key powers has been restricted, weakened, and sometimes abolished by the rise of churchlike professions. Government by a congress that bases its decisions on expert opinions of such professions might be government for, but never by, the people. This is not the place to investigate the intent with which political rule was thus weakened; it is sufficient to indicate the professional disqualification of lay opinion as a necessary condition for this subversion. + +Citizen liberties are grounded in the rule that excludes hearsay from testimony on which public decisions are based. What people can see for themselves and interpret is the common ground for binding rules. Opinions, beliefs, inferences, or persuasions ought not to stand when in conflict with the eyewitness --ever. Expert elites could become dominant professions only by a piecemeal erosion and final reversal of this rule. In the legislature and courts, the rule against hearsay evidence is now, _de facto_, suspended in favor of the opinions proffered by the members of these self-accredited elites. + +But let us not confuse the public use of expert factual knowledge with a profession's corporate exercise of normative judgment. When a craftsman, such as a gunmaker, was called into court as an expert to reveal to the jury the secrets of his trade, he apprenticed the jury to his craft on the spot. He demonstrated visibly from which barrel the bullet had come. Today, most experts play a different role. The dominant professional provides jury or legislature with his fellow initiate's opinion rather than with factual evidence and a skill. He calls for a suspension of the hearsay rule and inevitably undermines the rule of law. Thus, democratic power is ineluctably abridged. + +### The Hegemony of Imputed Needs + +Professions could not have become dominant and disabling unless people had been ready to experience as a lack that which the expert imputed to them as a need. Their mutual dependence as tutor and charge has become resistant to analysis because it has been obscured by corrupted language. Good old words have been made into branding irons that claim wardship for experts over home, shop, store, and the space or ether between them. Language, the most fundamental of commons, is thus polluted by twisted strands of jargon, each under the control of another profession. The disseizin of words, the depletion of ordinary language and its degradation into bureaucratic terminology, parallel in a more intimately debasing manner that particular form of environmental degradation that dispossesses people of their usefulness unless they are gainfully employed. Possible changes in design, attitudes, and laws that would retrench professional dominance cannot be proposed unless we become more sensitive to the misnomers behind which this dominance hides. + +When I learned to speak, "problems" existed only in math or chess; "solutions" were saline or legal, and "need" was mainly used as a verb. The expressions "I have a problem" or "I have a need" both sounded silly. As I grew into my teens and Hitler worked at "solutions," the "social problem" also spread. "Problem" children of ever newer shades were discovered among the poor as social workers learned to brand their prey and to standardize their "needs." Need, used as a noun, became the fodder on which professions fattened into dominance. Poverty was modernized. Management translated poverty from an experience into a measure. The poor became the "needy." + +During the second half of my life, to be "needy" became respectable. Computable and imputable needs moved up the social ladder. It ceased to be a sign of poverty to have needs. Income opened new registers of need. Spock, Comfort, and the vulgarizers of Nader trained laymen to shop for solutions to problems they learned to cook up according to professional recipes. Education qualified graduates to climb to ever more rarefied heights and implant and cultivate there ever newer strains of hybridized needs. Prescriptions increased and competences shrank. In medicine, for example, ever more pharmacologically active drugs went on prescription, and people lost their will and ability to cope with indisposition or even discomfort. In American supermarkets, where it is estimated that about 1,500 new products appear each year, less than 20 per cent survive more than one year on the shelves, the remainder having proved unsellable, faddish, risky, or unprofitable, or obsolete competitors with new models. Therefore consumers are increasingly forced to seek guidance from professional consumer protectors. + +Furthermore, the rapid turnover of products renders wants shallow and plastic. Paradoxically, then, high aggregate consumption resulting from engineered needs fosters growing consumer indifference to specific, potentially felt wants. Increasingly, needs are created by the advertising slogan and by purchases made by order from the registrar, beautician, gynecologist, and dozens of other prescribing diagnosticians. The need to be formally taught how to need, be this by advertising, prescription, or guided discussion in the collective or in the commune, appears in any culture where decisions and actions are no longer the result of personal experience in satisfaction, and the adaptive consumer cannot but substitute learned for felt needs. As people become apt pupils in learning how to need, the ability to shape wants from experienced satisfaction becomes a rare competence of the very rich or the seriously undersupplied. As needs are broken down into ever smaller component parts, each managed by an appropriate specialist, the consumer experiences difficulty in integrating the separate offerings of his various tutors into a meaningful whole that could be desired with commitment and possessed with pleasure. The income managers, life-style counselors, consciousness-raisers, academic advisers, food-fad experts, sensitivity developers, and others like them clearly perceive the new possibilities for management and move in to match packaged commodities to the splintered needs. + +Used as a noun, "need" is the individual offprint of a professional pattern; it is a plastic-foam replica of the mold in which professionals cast their staple; it is the advertised shape of the brood cells out of which consumers are produced. To be ignorant or unconvinced of one's own needs has become the unforgivable antisocial act. The good citizen is one who imputes standardized needs to himself with such conviction that he drowns out any desire for alternatives, much less for the renunciation of needs. + +When I was born, before Stalin and Hitler and Roosevelt came to power, only the rich, hypochondriacs, and members of elite unions spoke of their need for medical care when their temperatures rose. Doctors then, in response, could not do much more than grandmothers had done. In medicine the first mutation of needs came with sulfa drugs and antibiotics. As the control of infections became a simple and effective routine, drugs went more and more on prescription. Assignment of the sick-role became a medical monopoly. The person who felt ill had to go to the clinic to be labeled with a disease name and to be legitimately declared a member of the minority of the so-called sick: people excused from work, entitled to help, put under doctor's orders, and enjoined to heal in order to become useful again. Paradoxically, as pharmacological technique--tests and drugs--became so predictable and cheap that one could have dispensed with the physician, society enacted laws and police regulations to restrict the free use of those procedures that science had simplified, and placed them on the prescription list. + +The second mutation of medical needs happened when the sick ceased to be a minority. Today, few people eschew doctors' orders for any length of time. In Italy, the United States, France, or Belgium, one out of every two citizens is being watched simultaneously by several health professionals who treat, advise, or at least observe him or her. The object of such specialized care is, more often than not, a condition of teeth, womb, emotions, blood pressure, or hormone levels that the patient himself does not feel. Patients are no more in the minority. Now, the minority are those deviants who somehow escape from any and all patient-roles. This minority is made up of the poor, the peasants, the recent immigrants, and sundry others who, sometimes on their own volition, have gone medically AWOL. Just twenty years ago, it was a sign of normal health--which was assumed to be good--to get along without a doctor. The same status of nonpatient is now indicative of poverty or dissidence. Even the status of the hypochondriac has changed. For the doctor in the forties, this was the label applied to the gate-crashers in his office--the designation reserved for the imaginary sick. Now, doctors refer to the minority who flee them by the same name: hypochondriacs are the imaginary healthy. To be plugged into a professional system as a lifelong client is no longer a stigma that sets apart the disabled person from citizens at large. We now live in a society organized for deviant majorities and their keepers. To be an active client of several professionals provides you with a well-defined place within the realm of consumers for the sake of whom our society functions. Thus, the transformation of medicine from a liberal consulting profession into a dominant, disabling profession has immeasurably increased the number of the needy. + +At this critical moment, imputed needs move into a third mutation. They coalesce into what the experts call a multidisciplinary problem necessitating, therefore, a multiprofessional solution. First, the proliferation of commodities, each tending to turn into a requirement, has effectively trained the consumer to need on command. Next, the progressive fragmentation of needs into ever smaller and unconnected parts has made the client dependent on professional judgment for the blending of his needs into a meaningful whole. The auto industry provides a good example. By the end of the sixties, the advertised optional equipment needed to make a basic Ford desirable had been multiplied immensely. But contrary to the customer's expectations, this "optional" flim-flam is in fact installed on the assembly line of the Detroit factory, and the shopper in Plains is left with a choice between a few packaged samples that are shipped at random: he can either buy the convertible that he wants but with the green seats he hates, or he can humor his girlfriend with leopard-skin seats at the cost of buying an unwanted paisley hardtop. + +Finally, the client is trained to need a team approach to receive what his guardians consider "satisfactory treatment." Personal services that improve the consumer illustrate the point. Therapeutic affluence has exhausted the available lifetime of many whom service professionals diagnose as standing in need of more. The intensity of the service economy has made the time needed for the consumption of pedagogical, medical, and social treatments increasingly scarce. Time scarcity may soon turn into the major obstacle to the consumption of prescribed, and often publicly financed, services. Signs of such scarcity become evident from one's early years. Already in kindergarten, the child is subjected to management by a team made up of such specialists as the allergist, speech pathologist, pediatrician, child psychologist, social worker, physical-education instructor, and teacher. By forming such a pedocratic team, many different professionals attempt to share the time that has become the major limiting factor to the imputation of further needs. For the adult, it is not the school but the workplace where the packaging of services focuses. The personnel manager, labor educator, in-service trainer, insurance planner, consciousness-raiser find it more profitable to share the worker's time than to compete for it. A need-less citizen would be highly suspicious. People are told that they need their jobs not so much for the money as for the services they get. The commons are extinguished and replaced by a new placenta built of funnels that deliver professional services. Life is paralyzed in permanent intensive care. + + +## Enabling Distinctions + +The disabling of the citizen through professional dominance is completed through the power of illusion. Hopes of religious salvation are displaced by expectations that center on the state as supreme manager of professional services. Each of many special priesthoods claims competence to define public issues in terms of specific serviceable problems. The acceptance of this claim legitimates the docile recognition of imputed lacks on the part of the layman, whose world turns into an echo-chamber of needs. The satisfaction of self-defined preference is sacrificed to the fulfillment of educated needs. This dominance of engineered and managed needs is reflected in the skyline of the city: professional buildings look down on the crowds that shuttle between them in a continual pilgrimage to the new cathedrals of health, education, and welfare. Healthy homes are transformed into hygienic apartments where one cannot be born, cannot be sick, and cannot die decently. Not only are helpful neighbors a vanishing species, but also liberal doctors who make house calls. Workplaces fit for apprenticeship turn into opaque mazes of corridors that permit access only to functionaries equipped with "identities" in mica holders, pinned to their lapels. A world designed for service deliveries is the utopia of citizens turned into welfare recipients. + +The prevailing addiction to imputable needs on the part of the rich, and the paralyzing fascination with needs on the part of the poor, would indeed be irreversible if people actually fitted the calculus of needs. But this is not so. Beyond a certain level of intensity, medicine engenders helplessness and disease; education turns into the major generator of a disabling division of labor; fast transportation systems turn urbanized people for about one-sixth of their waking hours into passengers, and for an equal amount of time into members of the road gang that works to pay Ford, Exxon, and the highway department. The threshold at which medicine, education, and transportation turn into counterproductive tools has been reached in all the countries of the world with per capita incomes comparable at least to those prevalent in Cuba. In all countries examined, and contrary to the illusions propagated by the orthodoxies of both East and West, this specific counterproductivity bears no relation to the kind of school, vehicle, or health organization now used. It sets in when the capital intensity of the production process passes a critical threshold. + +Our major institutions have acquired the uncanny power to subvert the very purposes for which they were originally engineered and financed. Under the rule of our most prestigious professions, our institutional tools have as their principal product paradoxical counterproductivity--the systematic disabling of the citizenry. A city built around wheels becomes inappropriate for feet, and no increase of wheels can overcome the engineered immobility of such cripples. Autonomous action is paralyzed by a surfeit of commodities and treatments. But this does not represent simply a net loss of satisfactions that do not happen to fit into the industrial age. The impotence to produce use-values ultimately renders counterpurposive the very commodities meant to replace them. The car, the doctor, the school, and the manager are then commodities that have turned into destructive nuisances for the consumer, and retain net value only for the provider of services. + +Why are there no rebellions against the coalescence of late industrial society into one huge disabling service-delivery system? The chief explanation must be sought in the illusion-generating power that these same systems possess. Besides doing technical things to body and mind, professionally attended institutions function also as powerful rituals which generate credence in the things their managers promise. Besides teaching Johnny to read, schools also teach him that learning from teachers is "better" and that without compulsory schools, fewer books would be read by the poor. Besides providing locomotion, the bus just as much as the sedan reshapes the environment and puts walking out of step. Besides providing help in avoiding taxes, lawyers also convey the notion that laws solve problems. An ever-growing part of our major institutions' function is the cultivation and maintenance of three sets of illusions which turn the citizen into a client to be saved by experts. + +### Congestion versus Paralysis + +The first enslaving illusion is the idea that people are born to be consumers and that they can attain any of their goals by purchasing goods and services. This illusion is due to an educated blindness to the worth of use-values in the total economy. In none of the economic models serving as national guidelines is there a variable to account for nonmarketable use-values any more than there is a variable for nature's perennial contribution. Yet there is no economy that would not collapse immediately if use-value production contracted beyond a point; for example, if homemaking were done only for wages, or intercourse engaged in only at a fee. What people do or make but will not or cannot put up for sale is as immeasurable and as invaluable for the economy as the oxygen they breathe. + +The illusion that economic models can ignore use-values springs from the assumption that those activities which we designate by intransitive verbs can be indefinitely replaced by institutionally defined staples referred to as nouns: "education" substituted for "I learn," "health care" for "I heal," "transportation" for "I move," "television" for "I play." + +The confusion of personal and standardized values has spread throughout most domains. Under professional leadership, use-values are dissolved, rendered obsolete, and finally deprived of their distinctive nature. Love and institutional care become coterminous. Ten years of running a farm can be thrown into a pedagogical mixer and made equivalent to a high school degree. Things picked up at random and hatched in the freedom of the street are added as "educational experience" to things funneled into pupils' heads. The knowledge accountants seem unaware that the two activities, like oil and water, mix only as long as they are osterized by an educator's perception. Gangs of crusading need-creators could not continue to tax us, nor could they spend our resources on their tests, networks, and other nostrums, if we did not remain paralyzed by this kind of greedy belief. + +The usefulness of staples, or packaged commodities, is intrinsically limited by two boundaries that must not be confused. First, queues will sooner or later stop the operation of any system that produces needs faster than the corresponding commodity, and second, dependence on commodities will sooner or later so determine needs that the autonomous production of a functional analogue will be paralyzed. The usefulness of commodities is limited by _congestion_ and _paralysis_. Congestion and paralysis are both results of escalation in any sector of production, albeit results of a very different kind. Congestion, which is a measure of the degree to which staples get in their own way, explains why mass transportation by private car in Manhattan would be useless; it does not explain why people work hard to buy and insure cars that cannot move them. Even less does congestion alone explain why people become so dependent on vehicles that they are paralyzed and just cannot take to their feet. + +People become prisoners to time-consuming acceleration, stupefying education, and sick-making medicine because beyond a certain threshold of intensity, dependence on a bill of industrial and professional goods destroys human potential, and does so in a specific way. Only up to a point can commodities replace what people make or do on their own. Only within limits can exchange-values satisfactorily replace use-values. Beyond this point, further production serves the interests of the professional producer--who has imputed the need to the consumer--and leaves the consumer befuddled and giddy, albeit richer. Needs satisfied rather than merely fed must be determined to a significant degree by the pleasure that is derived from the remembrance of personal autonomous action. There are boundaries beyond which commodities cannot be multiplied without disabling their consumer for this self-affirmation in action. + +Packages alone inevitably frustrate the consumer when their delivery paralyzes him or her. The measure of well-being in a society is thus never an equation in which these two modes of production are matched; it is always a balance that results when use-values and commodities fruitfully mesh in synergy. Only up to a point can heteronomous production of a commodity enhance and complement the autonomous production of the corresponding personal purpose. Beyond this point, the synergy between the two modes of production paradoxically turns against the purpose for which both use-value and commodity were intended. Occasionally, this is not clearly seen because the mainstream ecology movement tends to obscure the point. For example, atomic-energy reactors have been widely criticized because their radiation is a threat, or because they foster technocratic controls. So far, however, only very few have dared to criticize them because they add to the energy glut. The paralysis of human action by socially destructive energy quanta has not yet been accepted as an argument for reducing the call for energy. Similarly, the inexorable limits to growth that are built into any service agency are still widely ignored. And yet it ought to be evident that the institutionalization of health care tends to make people into unhealthy marionettes, and that lifelong education fosters a culture of programmed people. Ecology will provide guidelines for a feasible form of modernity only when it is recognized that a man-made environment designed for commodities reduces personal aliveness to the point where the commodities themselves lose their value as means for personal satisfaction. Without this insight, industrial technology that was cleaner and less aggressive would be used for now-impossible levels of frustrating enrichment. + +It would be a mistake to attribute counterproductivity essentially to the negative externalities of economic growth, to exhaustion, pollution, and various forms of congestion. This leads us to confuse the congestion by which things get in their own way with the paralysis of the person who can no longer exercise his or her autonomy in an environment designed for things. The fundamental reason that market intensity leads to counterproductivity must be sought in the relationship between the monopoly of commodities and human needs. This monopoly extends further than what usually goes by the name. A commercial monopoly merely corners the market for one brand of whisky or car. An industry-wide cartel can restrict freedom further: it can corner all mass transportation in favor of internal combustion engines, as General Motors did when it purchased the Los Angeles trolleys. You can escape the first by sticking to rum and the second by purchasing a bicycle. I use the term "radical monopoly" to designate something else: the substitution of an industrial product or a professional service for a useful activity in which people engage or would like to engage. A radical monopoly paralyzes autonomous action in favor of professional deliveries. The more completely vehicles dislocate people, the more traffic managers will be needed and the more powerless people will be to walk home. This radical monopoly would accompany high-speed traffic even if motors were powered by sunshine and vehicles were spun of air. The longer each person is in the grip of education, the less time and inclination he has for browsing and exploration. At some point in every domain, the amount of goods delivered so degrades the environment for personal action that the possible synergy between use-values and commodities turns negative. Paradoxical, or specific, counterproductivity sets in. I will use this term whenever the impotence resulting from the substitution of a commodity for a value in use turns this very commodity into a disvalue in the pursuit of the satisfaction it was meant to provide. + +### Industrial versus Convivial Tools + +Man ceases to be recognizable as one of his kind when he can no longer shape his own needs by the more or less competent use of those tools his culture provides. Throughout history, most tools were labor-intensive means that could be employed to satisfy the user of the tool, and were used in domestic production. Only marginally were shovels or hammers used to produce pyramids or a surplus for gift-exchange, and even more rarely to produce things for the market. Occasions for the extraction of profits were limited. Most work was done to create use-values not destined for exchange. But technological progress has been consistently applied to develop a very different kind of tool: it has pressed the tool primarily into the production of marketable staples. At first, during the industrial revolution, the new technology reduced the worker on the job to a Charlie Chaplin in _Modern Times_. At this early stage, however, the industrial mode of production did not yet paralyze people when they were off the job. Now women or men who have come to depend almost entirely on deliveries of standardized fragments produced by tools operated by anonymous others have ceased to find the same direct satisfaction in the use of tools that stimulated the evolution of man and his cultures. Although their needs and their consumption have multiplied many times, their satisfaction in handling tools has become rare, and they have ceased to live a life for which their organism acquired its form. At best, they barely survive, even though they do so surrounded by glitter. Their life-span has become a chain of needs that have been met for the sake of ulterior striving for satisfaction. Ultimately man-the-passive-consumer loses even the ability to discriminate between living and survival. The gamble on insurance and the gleeful expectation of rations and therapies take the place of enjoyment. In such company, it becomes easy to forget that satisfaction and joy can result only as long as personal aliveness and engineered provisions are kept in balance while a goal is pursued. + +The delusion that tools in the service of market-oriented institutions can with impunity destroy the conditions for convivial and personally manageable means permits the extinction of "aliveness" by conceiving of technological progress as a kind of engineering product that licenses more professional domination. This delusion says that tools, in order to become more efficient in the pursuit of a specific purpose, inevitably become more complex and inscrutable: one thinks of cockpits and cranes. Therefore, it would seem that modern tools would require special operators who were highly trained and who alone could be securely trusted. Actually, just the opposite is usually true, and necessarily so. As techniques multiply and become more specific, their use often requires less complex judgments. They no longer require that trust on the part of the client on which the autonomy of the liberal professional and even that of the craftsman was built. However far medicine has advanced, only a tiny fraction of the total volume of demonstrably useful medical services necessitates advanced training in an intelligent person. From a social point of view, we ought to reserve the designation "technical progress" to instances in which new tools expand the capacity and the effectiveness of a wider range of people, especially when new tools permit more autonomous production of use-values. + +There is nothing inevitable about the expanding professional monopoly over new technology. The great inventions of the last hundred years, such as new metals, ball-bearings, some building materials, electronics, some tests and remedies, are capable of increasing the power of both the heteronomous and the autonomous modes of production. In fact, however, most new technology has not been incorporated into convivial equipment but into institutional packages and complexes. The professionals rather consistently have used industrial production to establish a radical monopoly by means of technology's obvious power to serve its manager. Counterproductivity due to the paralysis of use-value production is fostered by this notion of technological progress. + +There is no simple "technological imperative" which requires that ball-bearings be used in motorized vehicles or that electronics be used to control the brain. The institutions of high-speed traffic and of mental health are not the necessary result of ball-bearings or electronics. Their functions are determined by the needs they are supposed to serve--needs that are overwhelmingly imputed and reinforced by disabling professions. This is a point that the young Turks in the professions seem to overlook when they justify their institutional allegiance by presenting themselves as the publicly appointed ministers of technological progress that must be domesticated. + +The same subservience to the idea of progress conceives of engineering principally as a contribution to institutional effectiveness. Scientific research is highly financed, but only if it can be applied for military use or for further professional domination. Alloys which make bicycles both stronger and lighter are a fall-out of research designed to make jets faster and weapons deadlier. But the results of most research go solely into industrial tools, thus making already huge machines even more complex and inscrutable. Because of this bias on the part of scientists and engineers, a major trend is strengthened: needs for autonomous action are precluded, while those for the acquisition of commodities are multiplied. Convivial tools which facilitate the individual's enjoyment of use-values--without or with only minimal supervision by policemen, physicians, or inspectors--are polarized at two extremes: poor Asian workers and rich students and professors are the two kinds of people who ride bicycles. Perhaps without being conscious of their good fortune, both enjoy being free from this second illusion. + +Recently, some groups of professionals, government agencies, and international organizations have begun to explore, develop, and advocate small-scale, intermediate technology. These efforts might be interpreted as an attempt to avoid the more obvious vulgarities of a technological imperative. But most of the new technology designed for self-help in health care, education, or home building is only an alternative model of high-intensity dependence commodities. For example, experts are asked to design new medicine cabinets that allow people to follow the doctor's orders over the telephone. Women are taught to examine their breasts to provide work for the surgeon. Cubans are given paid leaves from work to erect their prefabricated houses. The enticing prestige of professional products as they become cheaper ends by making rich and poor more alike. Both Bolivians and Swedes feel equally backward, underprivileged, and exploited to the degree that they learn without the supervision of certified teachers, keep healthy with out the check-ups of a physician, and move about without a motorized crutch. + +### Liberties versus Rights + +The third disabling illusion looks to experts for limits to growth. Entire populations socialized to need on command are assumed ready to be told what they do not need. The same multinational agents that for a generation imposed an international standard of bookkeeping, deodorants, and energy consumption on rich and poor alike now sponsor the Club of Rome. Obediently, UNESCO gets into the act and trains experts in the regionalization of imputed needs. For their own imputed good, the rich are thereby programmed to pay for more costly professional dominance at home and to provide the poor with assigned needs of a cheaper and tighter brand. The brightest of the new professionals see clearly that growing scarcity pushes controls over needs ever upward. The central planning of output-optimal decentralization has become the most prestigious job of 1978. But what is not yet recognized is that this new illusory salvation by professionally decreed limits confuses liberties and rights. + +In each of the seven United Nations--defined world regions a new clergy is being trained to preach the appropriate style of austerity drafted by the new need-designers. Consciousness-raisers roam through local communities inciting people to meet the decentralized production goals that have been assigned to them. Milking the family goat was a liberty until more ruthless planning made it a duty to contribute the yield to the GNP. + +The synergy of autonomous and heteronomous production is reflected in society's balance of liberties and rights. Liberties protect use-values as rights protect the access to commodities. And just as commodities can extinguish the possibility of producing use-values and turn into impoverishing wealth, so the professional definition of rights can extinguish liberties and establish a tyranny that smothers people underneath their rights. + +The confusion is revealed with special clarity when one considers the experts on health. Health encompasses two aspects: liberties and rights. It designates the area of autonomy within which a person exercises control over his own biological states and over the conditions of his immediate environment. Simply stated, health is identical with the degree of lived freedom. Therefore, those concerned with the public good should work to guarantee the equitable distribution of health as freedom which, in turn, depends on environmental conditions that only organized political efforts can achieve. Beyond a certain level of intensity, professional health care, however equitably distributed, will smother health-as-freedom. In this fundamental sense, the care of health is a matter of well-protected liberty. + +As is evident, such a notion of health implies a principled commitment to inalienable freedoms. To understand this, one must distinguish clearly between civil liberty and civil rights. The liberty to act without restraint from government has a wider scope than the civil rights the state may enact to guarantee that people will have equal powers to obtain certain goods and services. + +Civil liberties ordinarily do not force others to act in accord with one's own wishes. I have the freedom to speak and publish my opinion, but no specific newspaper is obliged to print it, nor are fellow citizens required to read it. I am free to paint as I see beauty, but no museum has to buy my canvas. At the same time, however, the state as guarantor of liberty can and does enact laws that protect the equal rights without which its members would not enjoy their freedoms. Such rights give meaning and reality to equality, while liberties give possibility and shape to freedom. One certain way to extinguish the freedoms to speak, to learn, to heal, or to care is to delimit them by transmogrifying civil rights into civic duties. The precise character of this third illusion is to believe that the publicly sponsored pursuit of rights leads inevitably to the protection of liberties. In reality, as society gives professionals the legitimacy to define rights, citizen freedoms evaporate. + + +## Equity in Useful Unemployment + +At present, every new need that is professionally certified translates sooner or later into a right. The political pressure for the enactment of each right generates new jobs and commodities. Each new commodity degrades an activity by which people so far have been able to cope on their own; each new job takes away legitimacy from work so far done by the unemployed. The power of professions to measure what shall be good, right, and done warps the desire, willingness, and ability of the "common" man to live within his means. + +As soon as all law students currently registered at United States law schools are graduated, the number of United States lawyers will increase by about 50 per cent. Judicare will complement Medicare, as legal insurance increasingly turns into the kind of necessity that medical insurance is now. When the right of the citizen to a lawyer has been established, settling the dispute in the pub will be branded unenlightened or antisocial, as home births are now. Already the right of each citizen of Detroit to live in a home that has been professionally wired turns the auto-electrician who installs his own plugs into a lawbreaker. The loss of one liberty after another to be useful when out of a job or outside professional control is the unnamed but also the most resented experience that comes with modernized poverty. By now the most significant privilege of high social status might well be some vestige of freedom for useful unemployment that is increasingly denied to the great majority. The insistence on the right to be taken care of and supplied has almost turned into the right of industries and professions to conquer clients, to supply them with their product, and by their deliveries to obliterate the environmental conditions that make unemployed activities useful. Thus, for the time being, the struggle for an equitable distribution of the time and the power to be useful to self and others outside employment or the draft has been effectively paralyzed. Work done off the paid job is looked down upon if not ignored. Autonomous activity threatens the employment level, generates deviance, and detracts from the GNP: therefore it is only improperly called "work." Labor no longer means effort or toil but the mysterious mate wedded to productive investments in plant. Work no longer means the creation of a value perceived by the worker but mainly a job, which is a social relationship. Unemployment means sad idleness, rather than the freedom to do things that are useful for oneself or for one's neighbor. An active woman who runs a house and brings up children and takes in those of others is distinguished from a woman who _works_, no matter how useless or damaging the product of this work might be. Activity, effort, achievement, or service outside a hierarchical relationship and unmeasured by professional standards threatens a commodity-intensive society. The generation of use-values that escape effective measurement limits not only the need for more commodities but also the jobs that create them and the paychecks needed to buy them. + +What counts in a market-intensive society is not the effort to please or the pleasure that flows from that effort but the coupling of the labor force with capital. What counts is not the achievement of satisfaction that flows from action but the status of the social relationship that commands production--that is, the job, situation, post, or appointment. In the Middle Ages there was no salvation outside the Church, and theologians had a hard time explaining what God did with those pagans who were visibly virtuous or saintly. Similarly, in contemporary society effort is not productive unless it is done at the behest of a boss, and economists have a hard time dealing with the obvious usefulness of people when they are outside the corporate control of a corporation, volunteer agency, or labor camp. Work is productive, respectable, worthy of the citizen only when the work process is planned, monitored, and controlled by a professional agent, who ensures that the work meets a certified need in a standardized fashion. In an advanced industrial society it becomes almost impossible to seek, or even to imagine, unemployment as a condition for autonomous, useful work. The infrastructure of society is so arranged that only the job gives access to the tools of production, and this monopoly of commodity production over the generation of use-values turns even more stringent as the state takes over. Only with a license may you teach a child; only at a clinic may you set a broken bone. Housework, handicrafts, subsistence agriculture, radical technology, learning exchanges, and the like are degraded into activities for the idle, the unproductive, the very poor, or the very rich. A society that fosters intense dependence on commodities thus turns its unemployed into either its poor or its dependents. In 1945, for each American social security recipient there were still 35 workers on the job. In 1977, 3.2 employed workers have to support one such retiree, who is himself dependent on many more services than his retired grandfather could have imagined. + +Henceforth, the quality of a society and of its culture will depend on the status of its unemployed: will they be the most representative productive citizens, or will they be dependents? The choice or crisis again seems clear: advanced industrial society can degenerate into a holding operation harking back to the dream of the sixties: into a well-rationed distribution system that doles out decreasing commodities and jobs and trains its citizens for more standardized consumption and more powerless work. This is the attitude reflected in the policy proposals of most governments at present, from Germany to China, albeit with a fundamental difference in degree: the richer the country, the more urgent it seems to ration access to jobs and to impede useful unemployment that would threaten the volume of the labor market. The inverse, of course, is equally possible: a modem society in which frustrated workers organize to protect the freedom of people to be useful outside the activities that result in the production of commodities. But again, this social alternative depends on a new, rational, and cynical competence of the common man when faced with the professional imputation of needs. + + +## Outflanking the New Professional + +Today, professional power is clearly threatened by increasing evidence of the counterproductivity of its output. People are beginning to see that such hegemony deprives them of their right to politics. The symbolic power of experts which, while defining needs, eviscerates personal competence is now seen to be more perilous than their technical capability, which is confined to servicing the needs they create. Simultaneously, one hears the repeated call for the enactment of legislation that might lead us beyond an age dominated by the professional ethos: the demand that professional and bureaucratic licensing be replaced by the investiture of elected citizens, rather than altered by the inclusion of consumer representatives on licensing boards; the demand that prescription rules in pharmacies, school curricula, and other pretentious supermarkets be relaxed; the demand for the protection of _productive_ liberties; the demand for the right to practice without a license; the demand for public utilities that facilitate client evaluation of all practitioners who work for money. In response to these threats, the major professional establishments, each in its own way, use three fundamental strategies to shore up the erosion of their legitimacy and power. + +### The Self-critical Hooker + +The first approach is represented by the Club of Rome. Fiat, Volkswagen, and Ford pay economists, ecologists, and experts in social control to identify the products industries ought not to produce, in order to strengthen the industrial system. Also, doctors in the Club of Kos now recommend that surgery, radiation, and chemotherapy be abandoned in the treatment of most cancers, since these treatments usually prolong and intensify suffering without adding to the life-span of the treated. Lawyers and dentists promise to police as never before the competence, decency, and rates of their fellow professionals. + +A variant of this approach is seen in some individuals, or their organizations, who challenge the American Bar Association, American Medical Association, and other power brokers of the establishment. These claim to be radical because (1) they advise consumers against the interests of the majority of their peers; (2) they tutor laymen on how to behave on hospital, university, or police governing boards; and (3) they occasionally testify to legislative committees on the uselessness of procedures proposed by the professions and demanded by the public. For example, in a province of Western Canada doctors prepared a report on some two dozen medical procedures for which the legislature was considering a budget increase. All the procedures were costly, and the doctors pointed out that they were also very painful, that many were dangerous, and that none could be proved effective. For the time being the legislators refused to act on such medical advice, a failure that, provisionally, tends to reinforce the belief in the necessity of _professional_ protection against professional hubris. + +Professional self-policing is useful principally in catching the grossly incompetent--the butcher or the outright charlatan. But as has been shown again and again, it only protects the inept and cements the dependence of the public on their services. The "critical" doctor, the "radical" lawyer, or the "advocacy" architect seduces clients away from his colleagues, who are less aware than he of the vagaries of fashion. First liberal professions sold the public on the need for their services by promising to watch over the poorer laymen's schooling, ethics, or in-service training. Then dominant professions insisted on their rightful duty to guide and further disable the public by organizing into clubs that brandish the high consciousness of ecological, economic, and social constraints. Such action inhibits the further extension of the professional sector but strengthens public dependence within that sector. The idea that professionals have a _right_ to serve the public is thus of very recent origin. Their struggle to establish and legitimate this corporate right becomes one of our most oppressive social threats. + +### The Alliance of Hawkers + +The second strategy seeks to organize and coordinate professional response in a manner that purportedly is more faithful to the multifaceted character of human problems. Also, this approach seeks to utilize ideas borrowed from systems analysis and operations research in order to provide more national and all-encompassing solutions. An example of what this means in practice can be taken from Canada. Four years ago, the Canadian minister of health launched a campaign to convince the public that spending more money on physicians would not change the country's patterns of disease and death. He pointed out that premature loss of life was due overwhelmingly to three factors: accidents, mostly in motor vehicles; heart disease and lung cancer, which doctors are notoriously powerless to heal; and suicide combined with murder, phenomena that are outside medical control. The minister called for new approaches to health and for the retrenchment of medicine. The task of protecting, restoring, or consoling those made sick by the destructive life-style and environment typical of contemporary Canada was taken up by a great variety of new and old professions. Architects discovered that they had a mission to improve Canadians' health; dog control was found to be an interdepartmental problem calling for new specialists. A new corporate biocracy intensified control over the organisms of Canadians with a thoroughness the old iatrocracy could hardly have imagined. The slogan "Better spend money in order to stay healthy than on doctors when you get sick" can now be recognized as the hawking of new hookers who want the money spent on them. + +The practice of medicine in the United States illustrates a similar dynamic. There, a coordinated approach to the health of Americans has become enormously expensive without being especially effective. In 1950, the typical wage-earner transferred less than two weeks' pay per year to professional health care. In 1976, the proportion was up to around five to seven weeks' pay per year: buying a new Ford, one now pays more for worker hygiene than for the metal the car contains. Yet with all this effort and expense, the life expectancy of the _adult_ male population has not sensibly changed in the last one hundred years. It is lower than in many poor countries, and has been declining slowly but steadily for the last twenty years. + +Where disease patterns have changed for the better, it has been due principally to the adoption of a healthier life-style, especially in diet. To a small degree, inoculations and the routine administration of such simple interventions as antibiotics, contraceptives, or Carman tubes have contributed to the decline of certain diseases. But such procedures do not postulate the need for professional services. People cannot become healthier by being more firmly wedded to a medical profession, yet many "radical" doctors call for just such an increased biocracy. They seem to be unaware that a more rational "problem-solving" approach is simply another version--though perhaps a more sophisticated one--of affirmative action. + +### The Professionalization of the Client + +The third strategy to make dominant professions survive is this year's radical chic. As the prophets of the sixties drooled about development on the doorsteps of affluence, these mythmakers mouth about the self-help of professionalized clients. + +In the United States alone since 1965, about 2,700 books have appeared that teach you how to be your own patient, so that you need see the doctor only when it is worthwhile for him. Some books recommend that only after due training and examination should graduates in self-medication be empowered to buy aspirin and dispense it to their children. Others suggest that professionalized patients should receive preferential rates in hospitals and that they should benefit from lower insurance premiums. Only women with a license to practice home birth should have their children outside hospitals since such professional mothers can, if necessary, be sued for malpractice. I have seen a "radical" proposal that such a license to birth be obtained under feminist rather than medical auspices. + +The professional dream of rooting each hierarchy of needs in the grassroots goes under the banner of self-help. At present it is promoted by the new tribe of experts in self-help who have replaced the experts in development of the sixties. The universal professionalization of clients is their aim. American building experts who last fall invaded Mexico serve as an example of the new crusade. About two years ago, a Boston professor of architecture came to Mexico for a vacation. A Mexican friend of mine took him beyond the airport where, during the last twelve years, a new city had grown up. From a few huts, it had mushroomed into a community three times the size of Cambridge, Massachusetts. My friend, also an architect, wanted to show him the thousands of examples of peasant ingenuity with patterns, structures, and uses of refuse not in and therefore not derivable from textbooks. He should not have been surprised that his colleague took several hundred rolls of pictures of these brilliant amateur inventions that make the two-million-person slum work. The pictures were analyzed in Cambridge; and by the end of the year, new-baked United States specialists in community architecture were busy teaching the people of Ciudad Netzahualcoyotl their problems, needs, and solutions. + + +## The Postprofessional Ethos + +The inverse of professionally certified lack, need, and poverty is modem subsistence. The term "subsistence economy" is now generally used only to designate group survival which is marginal to market dependence and in which people make what they use by means of traditional tools and within an inherited, often unexamined, social organization. I propose to recover the term by speaking about modern subsistence. Let us call modern subsistence the style of life that prevails in a postindustrial economy in which people have succeeded in reducing their market dependence, and have done so by protecting--by political means--a social infrastructure in which techniques and tools are used primarily to generate use-values unmeasured and unmeasurable by professional need-makers. I have developed a theory of such tools elsewhere (_Tools for Conviviality_, New York, 1973) and proposed the technical term "convivial tool" for use-value-oriented engineered artifacts. I have shown that the inverse of progressive modernized poverty is politically generated convivial austerity that protects freedom and equity in the use of such tools. + +A retooling of contemporary society with convivial rather than industrial tools implies a shift of emphasis in our struggle for social justice; it implies a new kind of subordination of distributive to participatory justice. In an industrial society, individuals are trained for extreme specialization. They are rendered impotent to shape or to satisfy their own needs. They depend for commodities on the managers who sign the prescriptions for them. The right to diagnosis of need, prescription of therapy, and--in general--distribution of goods predominates in ethics, politics, and law. This emphasis on the right to imputed necessities shrinks to a fragile luxury the liberty to learn or to heal or to move on one's own. In a convivial society, the opposite would be true. The protection of equity in the exercise of personal liberties would be the predominant concern of a society based on radical technology: science and technique at the service of more effective use-value generation. Obviously, such equitably distributed liberty would be meaningless if it were not grounded in the right of equal access to raw materials, tools, and utilities. Food, fuel, fresh air, or living space can no more be equitably distributed than wrenches or jobs unless they are rationed without regard to imputed need, that is, in equal maximum amounts to young and old, cripple and president. A society dedicated to the protection of equally distributed, modern, and effective tools for the exercise of productive liberties cannot come into existence unless the commodities and resources on which the exercise of these liberties is based are equally distributed to all. + + + +# Outwitting Developed Nations + +_This is the text of a lecture addressed in the summer of 1968 to the Kuchiching meeting of the Canadian Foriegn Policy Association. I have not revised the text even where today I would use different language or a different emphasis. It is a reminder of where my thought has evolved from._ + +It is now common to demand that the rich nations convert their war machine into a program for the development of the Third World. The poorer four-fifths of humanity multiply unchecked while their per capita consumption actually declines. This population expansion and decrease in consumption threaten the industrialized nations, who may still, as a result, convert their defense budgets to the economic pacification of poor nations. And this in turn could produce irreversible despair, because the plows of the rich can do as much harm as their swords. United States trucks can do more lasting damage than United States tanks. It is easier to create mass demand for the former than for the latter. Only a minority needs heavy weapons, while a majority can become dependent on unrealistic levels of supply for such productive machines as modern trucks. Once the Third World has become a mass market for the goods, products, and processes which are designed by the rich for themselves, the discrepancy between demand for these Western artifacts and the supply will increase indefinitely. The family car cannot drive the poor into the jet age, nor can a school system provide the poor with education, nor can the family refrigerator ensure healthy food for them. + +It is evident that only one man in ten thousand in Latin America can afford a Cadillac, a heart operation, or a Ph.D. This restriction on the goals of development does not make us despair of the fate of the Third World, and the reason is simple. We have not yet come to conceive of a Cadillac as necessary for good transportation, or of a heart operation as normal health care, or of a Ph.D. as the prerequisite of an acceptable education. In fact, we recognize at once that the importation of Cadillacs should be heavily taxed in Peru, that an organ-trans- plant clinic is a scandalous plaything to justify the concentration of more doctors in Bogota, and that a betatron is beyond the teaching facilities of the University of Sao Paulo. + +Unfortunately it is not held to be universally evident that the majority of Latin Americans--not only of our generation but also of the next and the next again--cannot afford any kind of automobile, or any kind of hospitalization, or for that matter an elementary school education. We suppress our consciousness of this obvious reality because we hate to recognize the corner into which our imagination has been pushed. So persuasive is the power of the institutions we have created that they shape not only our preferences but actually our sense of possibilities. We have forgotten how to speak about modern transportation that does not rely on automobiles and airplanes. Our conception of modern health care emphasizes our ability to prolong the lives of the desperately ill. We have become unable to think of better education except in terms of more complex schools and of teachers trained for ever longer periods. Huge institutions producing costly services dominate the horizons of our inventiveness. + +We have embodied our world-view in our institutions and are now their prisoners. Factories, news media, hospitals, governments, and schools produce goods and services packaged to contain our view of the world. We--the rich--conceive of progress as the expansion of these establishments. We conceive of heightened mobility as luxury and safety packaged by General Motors or Boeing. We conceive of improving the general wellbeing as increasing the supply of doctors and hospitals, which package health along with protracted suffering. We have come to identify our need for further learning with the demand for ever longer confinement to classrooms. In other words, we have packaged education with custodial care, certification for jobs, and the right to vote, and wrapped them all together with indoctrination in the Christian, liberal, or communist virtues. + +In less than a hundred years industrial society has molded patent solutions to basic human needs and converted us to the belief that man's needs were shaped by the Creator as demands for the products we have invented. This is as true for Russia and Japan as for the North Atlantic community. The consumer is trained for obsolescence, which means continuing loyalty to the same producers who will give him the same basic packages in different quality or new wrappings. + +Industrialized societies can provide such packages for personal consumption for most of their citizens, but this is no proof that these societies are sane or economical, or that they promote life. The contrary is true. The more the citizen is trained in the consumption of packaged goods and services, the less effective he seems to become in shaping his environment. His energies and finances are consumed in procuring ever newer models of his staples, and the environment becomes a by-product of his own consumption habits. + +The design of the "package deals" of which I speak is the main cause of the high cost of satisfying basic needs. So long as every man "needs" his car, our cities must endure longer traffic jams and absurdly expensive remedies to relieve them. So long as health means maximum length of survival, our sick will get ever more extraordinary surgical interventions and the drugs required to deaden their consequent pain. So long as we want to use school to get children out of their parents' hair or to keep them off the street and out of the labor force, our young will be retained in endless schooling and will need ever increasing incentives to endure the ordeal. + +Rich nations now benevolently impose a straitjacket of traffic jams, hospital confinements, and classrooms on the poor nations, and by international agreement call this "development." The rich and schooled and old of the world try to share their dubious blessings by foisting their prepackaged solutions onto the Third World. Traffic jams develop in São Paulo while almost a million northeastern Brazilians flee the drought by walking five hundred miles. Latin American doctors get training at the Hospital for Special Surgery in New York, which they apply to only a few, while amoebic dysentery remains endemic in slums where 90 per cent of the population live. A tiny minority get advanced education in basic science in North America--not infrequently paid for by their own governments. If they return at all to Bolivia, they become second-rate teachers of pretentious subjects at La Paz or Cochabamba. The rich export outdated versions of their standard models. + +The Alliance for Progress is a good example of benevolent production for underdevelopment. Contrary to its slogans, it did succeed--as an alliance for the progress of the consuming classes, and for the domestication of the Latin American masses. The alliance has been a major step in modernizing the consumption patterns of the middle classes in South America by integrating them with the dominant culture of the North American metropolis. At the same time, the alliance has modernized the aspirations of the majority of citizens and fixed their demands on unavailable products. + +Each car that Brazil puts on the road denies fifty people good transportation by bus. Each merchandised refrigerator reduces the chance of building a community freezer. Every dollar spent in Latin America on doctors and hospitals costs a hundred lives, to adopt a phrase of Jorge de Ahumada, the brilliant Chilean economist. Had each dollar been spent on providing safe drinking water, a hundred lives could have been saved. Each dollar spent on schooling means more privileges for the few at the cost of the many; at best it increases the number of those who, before dropping out, have been taught that those who stay longer have earned the right to more power, wealth, and prestige. What such schooling does is to teach the schooled the superiority of the better schooled. + +All Latin American countries are frantically intent on expanding their school systems. No country now spends less than the equivalent of 18 per cent of tax-derived public income on education--which means schooling--and many countries spend almost double that. But even with these huge investments, no country yet succeeds in giving five full years of education to more than one-third of its population; supply and demand for schooling grow geometrically apart. And what is true about schooling is equally true about the products of most institutions in the process of modernization in the Third World. + +Continued technological refinements of products which are already established on the market frequently benefit the producer far more than the consumer. The more complex production processes tend to enable only the largest producer to replace outmoded models continually, and to focus the demand of the consumer on the marginal improvement of what he buys, no matter what the concomitant side effects: higher prices, diminished life-span, less general usefulness, higher cost of repairs. Think of the multiple uses for a simple can opener, whereas an electric one, if it works at all, opens only some kinds of cans, and costs one hundred times as much. + +This is equally true for a piece of agricultural machinery and for an academic degree. The Midwestern farmer can become convinced of his need for a four-axle vehicle which can go 70 mph on the highways, has an electric windshield wiper and upholstered seats, and can be turned in for a new one within a year or two. Most of the world's farmers do not need such speed, nor have they ever met with such comfort, nor are they interested in obsolescence. They need low-priced transport, in a world where time is not money, where manual wipers suffice, and where a piece of heavy equipment should outlast a generation. Such a mechanical donkey requires entirely different engineering and design than one produced for the United States market. This vehicle is not in production. + +Most of South America needs paramedical workers who can function for indefinite periods without the supervision of an M.D. Instead of establishing a process to train midwives and visiting healers who know how to use a very limited arsenal of medicines while working independently, Latin American universities establish every year a new school of specialized nursing or nursing administration to prepare professionals who can function only in a hospital, and pharmacists who know how to sell increasingly more dangerous drugs. + +The world is reaching an impasse where two processes converge: ever more men have fewer basic choices. The increase in population is widely publicized and creates panic. The decrease in fundamental choice causes anguish and is consistently overlooked. The population explosion overwhelms the imagination, but the progressive atrophy of social imagination is rationalized as an increase of choice between brands. The two processes converge in a dead end: the population explosion provides more consumers for everything from food to contraceptives, while our shrinking imagination can conceive of no other ways of satisfying their demands except through the packages now on sale in the admired societies. + +I will focus successively on these two factors, since, in my opinion, they form the two coordinates which together permit us to define underdevelopment. + +In most Third World countries, the population grows, and so does the middle class. Income, consumption, and the wellbeing of the middle class are all growing while the gap between this class and the mass of people widens. Even where per capita consumption is rising, the majority of men have less food now than in 1945, less actual care in sickness, less meaningful work, less protection. This is partly a consequence of polarized consumption and partly caused by the breakdown of the traditional family and culture. More people suffer from hunger, pain, and exposure in 1969 than they did at the end of World War II, not only numerically, but also as a percentage of the world population. + +These concrete consequences of underdevelopment are rampant; but underdevelopment is also a state of mind, and understanding it as a state of mind, or as a form of consciousness, is the critical problem. Underdevelopment as a state of mind occurs when mass needs are converted to the demand for new brands of packaged solutions which are forever beyond the reach of the majority. Underdevelopment in this sense is rising rapidly even in countries where the supply of classrooms, calories, cars, and clinics is also rising. The ruling groups in these countries build up services which have been designed for an affluent culture; once they have monopolized demand in this way, they can never satisfy majority needs. + +Underdevelopment as a form of consciousness is an extreme result of what we can call in the language of both Marx and Freud _Verdinglichung_, or reification. By reification I mean the hardening of the perception of real needs into the demand for mass-manufactured products. I mean the translation of thirst into the need for a Coke. This kind of reification occurs in the manipulation of primary human needs by vast bureaucratic organizations which have succeeded in dominating the imagination of potential consumers. + +Let me return to my example taken from the field of education. The intense promotion of schooling leads to so close an identification of school attendance and education that in everyday language the two terms are interchangeable. Once the imagination of an entire population has been "schooled," or indoctrinated to believe that school has a monopoly on formal education, then the illiterate can be taxed to provide free high school and university education for the children of the rich. + +Underdevelopment is the result of rising levels of aspiration achieved through the intensive marketing of "patent" products. In this sense, the dynamic underdevelopment that is now taking place is the exact opposite of what I believe education to be: namely, the awakening awareness of new levels of human potential and the use of one's creative powers to foster human life. Underdevelopment, however, implies the surrender of social consciousness to prepackaged solutions. + +The process by which the marketing of "foreign" products increases underdevelopment is frequently understood in the most superficial ways. The same man who feels indignation at the sight of a Coca-Cola plant in a Latin American slum often feels pride at the sight of a new normal school growing up alongside. He resents the evidence of a foreign "license" attached to a soft drink which he would like to see replaced by "Cola-Mex." But the same man is willing to impose schooling--at all costs--on his fellow citizens, and is unaware of the invisible license by which this institution is deeply enmeshed in the world market. + +Some years ago I watched workmen putting up a sixty-foot Coca-Cola sign on a desert plain in the Mexquital. A serious drought and famine had just swept over the Mexican highland. My host, a poor Indian in Ixmiquilpan, had just offered his visitors a tiny tequila glass of the costly black sugar-water. When I recall this scene I still feel anger; but I feel much more incensed when I remember UNESCO meetings at which well-meaning and well-paid bureaucrats seriously discussed Latin American school curricula, and when I think of the speeches of enthusiastic liberals advocating the need for more schools. + +The fraud perpetrated by the salesmen of schools is less obvious but much more fundamental than the self-satisfied salesmanship of the Coca-Cola or Ford representative, because the schoolman hooks his people on a much more demanding drug. Elementary school attendance is not a harmless luxury, but more like the coca chewing of the Andean Indian, which harnesses the worker to the boss. + +The higher the dose of schooling an individual has received, the more depressing his experience of withdrawal. The seventh-grade dropout feels his inferiority much more acutely than the dropout from the third grade. The schools of the Third World administer their opium with much more effect than the churches of other epochs. As the mind of a society is progressively schooled, step by step its individuals lose their sense that it might be possible to live without being inferior to others. As the majority shifts from the land into the city, the hereditary inferiority of the peon is replaced by the inferiority of the school dropout who is held personally responsible for his failure. Schools rationalize the divine origin of social stratification with much more rigor than churches have ever done. + +Until this day no Latin American country has declared youthful underconsumers of Coca-Cola or cars to be lawbreakers, while all Latin American countries have passed laws which define the early dropout as a citizen who has not fulfilled his legal obligations. The Brazilian government recently almost doubled the number of years during which schooling is legally compulsory and free. From now on any Brazilian dropout under the age of sixteen will be faced during his lifetime with the reproach that he did not take advantage of a legally obligatory privilege. This law was passed in a country where not even the most optimistic could foresee the day when such levels of schooling would be provided for only 25 per cent of the young. The adoption of international standards of schooling forever condemns most Latin Americans to marginality or exclusion from social life--in a word, underdevelopment. + +The translation of social goals into levels of consumption is not limited to only a few countries. Across all frontiers of culture, ideology, and geography today, nations are moving toward the establishment of their own car factories, their own medical and normal schools--and most of these are, at best, poor imitations of foreign and largely North American models. + +The Third World is in need of a profound revolution of its institutions. The revolutions of the last generation were overwhelmingly political. A new group of men with a new set of ideological justifications assumed power to administer fundamentally the same scholastic, medical, and market institutions in the interest of a new group of clients. Since the institutions have not radically changed, the new group of clients remains approximately the same size as that previously served. This appears clearly in the case of education. Per pupil costs of schooling are today comparable everywhere since the standards used to evaluate the quality of schooling tend to be internationally shared. Access to publicly financed education, considered as access to school, everywhere depends on per capita income. (Places like China and North Vietnam might be meaningful exceptions.) + +Everywhere in the Third World modern institutions are grossly unproductive, with respect to the egalitarian purposes for which they are being reproduced. But so long as the social imagination of the majority has not been destroyed by its fixation on these institutions, there is more hope of planning an institutional revolution in the Third World than among the rich. Hence the urgency of the task of developing workable alternatives to "modern" solutions. + +Underdevelopment is at the point of becoming chronic in many countries. The revolution of which I speak must begin to take place before this happens. Education again offers a good example: chronic educational underdevelopment occurs when the demand for schooling becomes so widespread that the total concentration of educational resources on the school system becomes a unanimous political demand. At this point the separation of education from schooling becomes impossible. + +The only feasible answer to ever increasing underdevelopment is a response to basic needs that is planned as a long-range goal for areas which will always have a different capital structure. It is easier to speak about alternatives to existing institutions, services, and products than to define them with precision. It is not my purpose either to paint a utopia or to engage in scripting scenarios for an alternate future. We must be satisfied with examples indicating simple directions that research should take. + +Some such examples have already been given. Buses are alternatives to a multitude of private cars. Vehicles designed for slow transportation on rough terrain are alternatives to standard trucks. Safe water is an alternative to high-priced surgery. Medical workers are an alternative to doctors and nurses. Community food storage is an alternative to expensive kitchen equipment. Other alternatives could be discussed by the dozen. Why not, for example, consider walking as a long-range alternative to locomotion by machine and explore the demands which this would impose on the city planner? And why can't the building of shelters be standardized, elements be precast, and each citizen be obliged to learn in a year of public service how to construct his own sanitary housing? + +It is harder to speak about alternatives in education, partly because schools have recently so completely pre-empted the available educational resources of good will, imagination, and money. But even here we can indicate the direction in which research must be conducted. + +At present, schooling is conceived as graded, curricular class attendance by children, for about one thousand hours yearly during an uninterrupted succession of years. On the average, Latin American countries can provide each citizen with between eight and thirty months of this service. Why not, instead, make one or two months a year obligatory for all citizens below the age of thirty? + +Money is now spent largely on children, but an adult can be taught to read in one-tenth the time and for one-tenth the cost it takes to teach a child. In the case of the adult there is an immediate return on the investment, whether the main importance of his learning is seen in his new insight, political awareness, and willingness to assume responsibility for his family's size and future, or whether the emphasis is placed on increased productivity. There is a double return in the case of the adult, because he can contribute not only to the education of his children but to that of other adults as well. In spite of these advantages, basic literacy programs have little or no support in Latin America, where schools have a first call on all public resources. Worse, these programs are actually ruthlessly suppressed in Brazil and elsewhere, where military support of the feudal or industrial oligarchy has thrown off its former benevolent disguise. + +Another possibility is harder to define, because there is as yet no example to point to. We must therefore imagine the use of public resources for education distributed in such a way as to give every citizen a minimum chance. Education will become a political concern of the majority of voters only when each individual has a precise sense of the educational resources that are owing to him--and some idea of how to sue for them. Something like a universal GI Bill of Rights could be imagined, dividing the public resources assigned to education by the number of children who are legally of school age, and making sure that a child who did not take advantage of his credit at the age of seven, eight, or nine would have the accumulated benefits at his disposal at age ten. + +What would the pitiful education credit which a Latin American republic could offer to its children provide? Almost all of the basic supply of books, pictures, blocks, games, and toys that are totally absent from the homes of the really poor, but enable a middle-class child to learn the alphabet, the colors, shapes, and other classes of objects and experiences which ensure his educational progress. The choice between these things and schools is obvious. Unfortunately, the poor, for whom alone the choice is real, never get to exercise this choice. + +Defining alternatives to the products and institutions which now pre-empt the field is difficult, not only, as I have been trying to show, because these products and institutions shape our conception of reality itself, but also because the construction of new possibilities requires a concentration of will and intelligence in a higher degree than ordinarily occurs by chance. This concentration of will and intelligence on the solution of particular problems regardless of their nature we have become accustomed over the last century to call research. + +I must make clear, however, what kind of research I am talking about. I am not talking about basic research either in physics, engineering, genetics, medicine, or learning. The work of such men as F. H. C. Crick, Jean Piaget, and Murray Gell-Mann may continue to enlarge our horizons in other fields of science. The labs and libraries and specially trained collaborators these men need cause them to congregate in the few research capitals of the world. Their research can provide the basis for new work on practically any product. + +I am not speaking here of the billions of dollars annually spent on applied research, for this money is largely spent by existing institutions on the perfection and marketing of their own products. Applied research is money spent on making planes faster and airports safer; on making medicines more specific and powerful and doctors capable of handling their deadly side effects; on packaging more learning into classrooms; on methods for administering large bureaucracies. This is the kind of research for which some kind of counterfoil must somehow be developed if we are to have any chance to come up with basic alternatives to the automobile, the hospital, and the school, and any of the many other so-called "evidently necessary implements for modern life." + +I have in mind a different, and peculiarly difficult, kind of research, which has been largely neglected up to now, for obvious reasons. I am calling for research on alternatives to the products which now dominate the market; to hospitals and the professions dedicated to keeping the sick alive; to schools and the packaging process which refuses education to those who are not of the right age, who have not gone through the right curriculum, who have not sat in a classroom a sufficient number of successive hours, who will not pay for their learning with submission to custodial care, screening, and certification or with indoctrination in the values of the dominant elite. + +This counterresearch on fundamental alternatives to current prepackaged solutions is the element most critically needed if the poor nations are to have a livable future. Such counterresearch is distinct from most of the work done in the name of "the year 2000," because most of that work seeks radical changes in social patterns through adjustments in the organization of an already advanced technology. The counterresearch of which I speak must take as one of its assumptions the continued lack of capital in the Third World. + +The difficulties of such research are obvious. The researcher must first of all doubt what is obvious to every eye. Second, he must persuade those who have the power of decision to act against their own short-run interests or bring pressure on them to do so. And finally, he must survive as an individual in a world he is attempting to change fundamentally so that his fellows among the privileged minority see him as a destroyer of the very ground on which all of us stand. He knows that if he should succeed in the interest of the poor, technologically advanced societies still might envy the "poor" who adopt this vision. + +There is a normal course for those who make development policies, whether they live in North or South America, in Russia or Israel. It is to define development and to set its goals in ways with which they are familiar, which they are accustomed to use in order to satisfy their own needs, and which permit them to work through the institutions over which they have power or control. This formula has failed, and must fail. There is not enough money in the world for development to succeed along these lines, not even in the combined arms and space budgets of the superpowers. + +An analogous course is followed by those who are trying to make political revolutions, especially in the Third World. Usually they promise to make the familiar privileges of the present elites, such as schooling and hospital care, accessible to all citizens; and they base this vain promise on the belief that a change in political regime will permit them to sufficiently enlarge the institutions that produce these privileges. The promise and appeal of the revolutionary are therefore just as threatened by the counterresearch I propose as is the market of the now dominant producers. + +In Vietnam a people on bicycles and armed with sharpened bamboo sticks have brought to a standstill the most advanced machinery for research and production ever devised. We must seek survival in a Third World in which human ingenuity can peacefully outwit machined might. The only way to reverse the disastrous trend to increasing underdevelopment, hard as it is, is to learn to laugh at accepted solutions in order to change the demands which make them necessary. Only free men can change their minds and be surprised; and while no men are completely free, some are freer than others. + + + +# In Lieu of Education + +_During the late sixties I conducted a series of seminars at the Centro Intercultural de Documentacion (CIDOC) in Cuernavaca, Mexico, that dealt with the monopoly of the industrial mode of production and with conceptual alternatives that would fit a postindustrial age. The first industrial sector that I analyzed was the school system and its presumed output, education. Seven papers written during this period were published in 1971 under the title_ Deschooling Society. _From the reactions to that book I saw that my description of the undesirable latent functions of compulsory schools (the "hidden curriculum" of schooling) was being abused not only by the promoters of so-called free schools but even more by schoolmasters who were anxious to transmogrify themselves into adult educators._ + +_The following essay was written in mid-1971. I here insist that the alternative to the dependence of a society on its schools is not the creation of new devices to_ make people learn what _experts have decided they need to know; rather, it is the creation of a radically new relationship between human beings and their environment. A society committed to high levels of shared learning and personal intercourse, free yet critical, cannot exist unless it sets pedagogically motivated constraints on its institutional and industrial growth._ + +For generations we have tried to make the world a better place by providing more and more schooling, but so far the endeavor has failed. What we have learned instead is that forcing all children to climb an open-ended education ladder cannot enhance equality but must favor the individual who starts out earlier, healthier, or better prepared; that enforced instruction deadens for most people the will for independent learning; and that knowledge treated as a commodity, delivered in packages, and accepted as private property once it is acquired must always be scarce. + +People have suddenly become aware that public education by means of compulsory schooling has lost its social, its pedagogical, and its economic legitimacy. In response, critics of the educational system are now proposing strong and unorthodox remedies that range from the voucher plan, which would enable each person to buy the education of his choice on an open market, to shifting the responsibility for education from the school to the media and to apprenticeship on the job. Some individuals foresee that the school will have to be disestablished just as the Church was disestablished all over the world during the last two centuries. Other reformers propose to replace the universal school with various new systems that would, they claim, better prepare everybody for life in modern society. These proposals for new educational institutions fall into three broad categories: the reformation of the classroom within the school system; the dispersal of free classrooms throughout society; and the transformation of all society into one huge classroom. But these three approaches--the reformed classroom, the free classroom, and the world-wide classroom--represent three stages in a proposed escalation of education in which each step threatens more subtle and more pervasive social control than the one it replaces. + +I believe that the disestablishment of the school has become inevitable and that this end of an illusion should fill us with hope. But I also believe that the end of the "age of schooling" could usher in the epoch of a global schoolhouse that would be distinguishable only in name from a global madhouse or a global prison in which education, correction, and adjustment became synonymous. I therefore believe that the breakdown of the school forces us to look beyond its imminent demise and to face fundamental alternatives in education. Either we can work for new and fearsome educational devices that teach about a world which progressively becomes more opaque and forbidding for man, or we can set the conditions for a new era in which technology would be used to make society more simple and transparent, so that all men could once again know the facts and use the tools that shape their lives. In short, we can disestablish schools or we can deschool culture. + + +## The Hidden Curriculum + +In order to see clearly the alternatives we face, we must first distinguish learning from schooling, which means separating the humanistic goal of the teacher from the impact of the invariant structure of the school. This hidden structure constitutes a course of instruction that remains forever beyond the control of the teacher or of the school board. It necessarily conveys the message that only through schooling can an individual prepare for adulthood in society, that what is not taught in school is of little value, and that what is learned outside school is not worth knowing. I call it the hidden curriculum because it constitutes the unalterable framework of the schooling system, within which all changes in the visible curriculum are made. + +The hidden curriculum is always the same regardless of school or place. It requires all children of a certain age to assemble in groups of about thirty, under the authority of a certified teacher, for some 500 or 1,000 or more hours per year. It does not matter whether the curriculum is designed to teach the principles of fascism, liberalism, Catholicism, socialism, or liberation, so long as the institution claims the authority to define which activities are legitimate "education." It does not matter whether the purpose of the school is to produce Soviet or United States citizens, mechanics, or doctors, so long as you cannot be a legitimate citizen or doctor unless you are a graduate. It makes no difference where the meetings occur--in the auto repair shop, the legislature, or the hospital--so long as they are understood as attendance. + +What is important in the hidden curriculum is that students learn that education is valuable when it is acquired in the school through a graded process of consumption; that the degree of success the individual will enjoy in society depends on the amount of learning he consumes; and that learning _about_ the world is more valuable than learning _from_ the world. The imposition of this hidden curriculum within an educational program distinguishes schooling from other forms of planned education. All the world's school systems have common characteristics as distinguished from their institutional output, and these are the result of the common hidden curriculum of all schools. + +It must be clearly understood that the hidden curriculum translates learning from an activity into a commodity for which the school monopolizes the market. The name we now give to this commodity is "education," a quantifiable and cumulative output of a professionally designed institution called school, whose value can be measured by the duration and the costliness of the application of a process (the hidden curriculum) to the student. The grammar school teacher with an M.A. commands a greater salary than one with fewer hours of academic credit, regardless of the relevance of the degree to the task of teaching. + +In all "schooled" countries knowledge is regarded as the first necessity for survival, but also as a form of currency more liquid than rubles or dollars. We have become accustomed, through Karl Marx's writings, to speak of the alienation of the worker from his work in a class society. We must now recognize the estrangement of man from his learning when it becomes the product of a service profession and he becomes the consumer. + +The more education an individual consumes, the more "knowledge stock" he acquires and the higher he rises in the hierarchy of knowledge capitalists. Education thus defines a new class structure for society within which the large consumers of knowledge--those who have acquired greater quantities of knowledge stock--can claim to be of superior value to society. They represent gilt-edged securities in a society's portfolio of human capital, and access to the more powerful or scarcer tools of production is reserved to them. + +The hidden curriculum thus both defines and measures what education is, and to what level of productivity it entitles the consumer. It serves as a rationale for the growing correlation between jobs and corresponding privilege--which translates into personal income in some societies and into direct claims to time-saving services, further education, and prestige in others. (This point is especially important in the light of the lack of correspondence between schooling and occupational competence established in studies such as Ivar Berg's _Education and Jobs: The Great Training Robbery_ [New York, 1970].) + +The endeavor to put all men through successive stages of enlightenment is rooted deeply in alchemy, the Great Art of the waning Middle Ages. John Amos Comenius (1592-1670), a Moravian bishop, self-styled pansophist, and pedagogue, is rightly considered one of the founders of modern schools. He was among the first to propose seven to twelve grades of compulsory learning. In his _Didactica magna_, he described schools as devices to "teach everybody everything" and outlined a blueprint for an assembly-line production of knowledge, which according to his ideas would make education cheaper and better and make growth into full humanity possible for all. But Comenius was not only an early efficiency expert; he was an alchemist who adopted the technical language of his craft to describe the art of rearing children. The alchemist sought to refine base elements by conducting their distilled spirits through seven successive stages of sublimation, so that for their own and all the world's benefit they might be transmuted into gold. Of course, the alchemists failed no matter how often they tried, but each time their "science" yielded new reasons for their failure, and they tried again. + +Pedagogy opened a new chapter in the history of the Ars Magna. Education became the search for an alchemic process that would bring forth a new type of man, who would fit into an environment created by scientific magic. But no matter how much each generation spent on its schools, it always turned out that the majority of people were unfit for enlightenment by this process and had to be discarded as unprepared for life in a man-made world. + +Educational reformers who accept the idea that schools have failed fall into three groups. The most respectable are certainly the great masters of alchemy who promise better schools. The most seductive are the popular magicians who promise to make every kitchen into an alchemical laboratory. The most sinister are the new masons of the universe who want to transform the entire world into one huge temple of learning. + +Notable among today's masters of alchemy are certain research directors employed or sponsored by the large foundations who believe that schools, if they could somehow be improved, could also become economically more feasible than those that are now in trouble, and simultaneously could sell a larger package of services. Those who are concerned mainly with the curriculum claim that it is outdated or irrelevant. So, the curriculum is filled with new packaged courses on African Culture, North American Imperialism, Women's Lib, Pollution, or the Consumer Society. Passive learning is wrong--it is, indeed--so students are graciously allowed to decide what and how they want to be taught. Schools are prison houses; therefore principals are authorized to approve teachouts, moving the school desks to a roped-off Harlem street. Sensitivity training becomes fashionable, so we import group therapy into the classroom. School, which was supposed to teach everybody everything, now becomes all things to all children. + +Other critics insist that schools make inefficient use of modern science. Some would administer drugs to make it easier for the instructor to change the child's behavior. Others would transform school into a stadium for educational gaming. Still others would electrify the classroom. If they are simplistic disciples of McLuhan, they replace blackboards and textbooks with multimedia happenings; if they follow Skinner, they claim to be able to modify behavior more efficiently than old-fashioned classroom practitioners. + +Most of these changes have, of course, some good effects. The experimental schools have fewer truants. Parents do have a greater feeling of participation in a decentralized district. Pupils assigned by their teacher to an apprenticeship often do turn out more competent than those who stay in the classroom. Some children do improve their knowledge of Spanish in the language lab because they prefer playing with the knobs of a tape recorder to conversing with their Puerto Rican peers. Yet all these improvements operate within predictably narrow limits, since they leave the hidden curriculum intact. + +Some reformers would like to shake loose from the hidden curriculum of public schools, but they rarely succeed. Free schools that lead to further free schools produce a mirage of freedom, even though the chain of attendance is often interrupted by long stretches of loafing. Attendance through seduction inculcates the need for educational treatment more persuasively than reluctant attendance enforced by a truant officer. Permissive teachers in a padded classroom can easily render their pupils impotent to survive once they leave. + +Learning in these schools often remains nothing more than the acquisition of socially valued skills defined, in this instance, by the consensus of a commune rather than by the decree of a school board. New presbyter is but old priest writ large. + +Free schools, to be truly free, must meet two conditions: first, they must be run in such a way as to prevent the reintroduction of the hidden curriculum of graded attendance and certified students studying at the feet of certified teachers. And more important, they must provide a framework in which all participants, staff and pupils, can free themselves from the hidden assumptions of a schooled society. The first condition is frequently stated in the aims of a free school. The second condition is only rarely recognized and is difficult to state as the goal of a free school. + + +## The Hidden Assumptions of Education + +It is useful to distinguish between the hidden curriculum, which I have described, and the occult foundations of schooling. The hidden curriculum is a ritual that can be considered the official initiation into modern society, institutionally established through the school. It is the purpose of this ritual to hide from its participants the contradictions between the myth of an egalitarian society and the class-conscious reality it certifies. Once they are recognized as such, rituals lose their power, and this is what is now beginning to happen to schooling. But there are certain fundamental assumptions about growing up--the occult foundations--which now find their expression in the ceremonial of schooling, and which could easily be reinforced by what free schools do. + +On first sight, any generalization about free schools seems rash. Especially in the United States, in Canada, and in Germany of 1971, they are the thousand flowers of a new spring. About those experimental enterprises which claim to be _educational institutions_, generalizations can be made. But first we must gain some deeper insight into the relationship between schooling and education. + +We often forget that the word "education" is of recent coinage. It was unknown before the Reformation. The education of children is first mentioned in French in a document of 1498. This was the year when Erasmus settled in Oxford, when Savonarola was burned at the stake in Florence, and when Dürer etched his _Apocalypse_, which speaks to us powerfully about the sense of doom hanging over the end of the Middle Ages. In the English language the word "education" first appeared in 1530--the year when Henry VIII divorced Catherine of Aragon and when the Lutheran Church separated from Rome at the Diet of Augsburg. In Spanish lands another century passed before the word and idea of education became known. In 1632 Lope de Vega still refers to "education" as a novelty. That year, the University of San Marcos in Lima celebrated its sixtieth anniversary. Learning centers did exist before the term "education" entered common parlance. You "read" the classics or the law; you were not educated for life. + +During the sixteenth century the universal need for "justification" was at the core of theological disputes. It rationalized politics and served as a pretext for large-scale slaughter. The Church split, and it became possible to hold widely divergent opinions of the degree to which all men were born sinful and corrupt and predestined. But by the early seventeenth century a new consensus began to arise: the idea that man was born incompetent for society and remained so unless he was provided with "education." Education came to mean the inverse of vital competence. It came to mean a process rather than the plain knowledge of the facts and the ability to use tools which shape a man's concrete life. Education came to mean an intangible commodity that had to be produced for the benefit of all, and imparted to them in the manner in which the visible Church formerly imparted invisible grace. Justification in the sight of society became the first necessity for a man born in original stupidity, analogous to original sin. + +Schooling and education are related to each other like Church and religion, or in more general terms, like ritual and myth. The ritual created and sustains the myth; it is mythopoeic, and the myth generates the curriculum through which it is perpetuated. "Education" as the designation for an all- embracing category of social justification is an idea for which we cannot find (outside Christian theology) a specific analogue in other cultures. And the production of education through the process of schooling sets schools apart from other institutions for learning that existed in other epochs. This point must be understood if we want to clarify the shortcomings of most free, unstructured, or independent schools. + +To go beyond the simple reform of the classroom, a free school must avoid incorporating the hidden curriculum of schooling which I have described above. An ideal free school tries to provide education and at the same time tries to prevent that education from being used to establish or justify a class structure, from becoming a rationale for measuring the pupil against some abstract scale, and from repressing, controlling, and cutting him down to size. But as long as the free school tries to provide "general education," it cannot move beyond the hidden assumptions of education. + +Among these assumptions is what Peter Schrag calls the "immigration syndrome," which impels us to treat all people as if they were newcomers who must go through a naturalization process. Only certified consumers of knowledge are admitted to citizenship. Men are not born equal but are made equal through gestation by Alma Mater. They must be guided away from their natural environment and pass through a social womb in which they are formed sufficiently to fit into everyday life. Free schools often perform this function better than schools of a less seductive kind. + +Free educational establishments share with less free establishments another characteristic: they depersonalize the responsibility for education. They place an institution _in loco parentis_. They perpetuate the idea that teaching, if done outside the family, ought to be done by an agency, for which the individual teacher is but an agent. In a schooled society even the family is reduced to an "agency of acculturation." Educational agencies that employ teachers to perform the corporate intent of their boards are instruments for the depersonalization of intimate relations. + +Of course, many free schools do function without accredited teachers. By doing so, they represent a serious threat to the established teachers' unions. But they do not represent a threat to the professional structure of society. A school in which the board appoints people of its own choice to carry out its educational endeavor even though they hold no professional certificate, license, or union card is not thereby challenging the legitimacy of the teaching profession any more than a madam, operating in a country which for _legal_ operation demands a police license, challenges the social _legitimacy_ of the oldest profession by running a private house. + +Most teachers who teach in free schools have no opportunity to teach in their own name. They carry out the corporate task of teaching in the name of a board, the less transparent function of teaching in the name of their pupils, or the more mystical function of teaching in the name of "society" at large. The best proof of this is that most teachers in free schools spend even more time than their professional colleagues planning with a committee how the school should educate. When they are faced with the evidence of their illusion, the length of committee meetings drives many generous teachers from public into free school and after one year beyond it. + +The rhetoric of all educational establishments states that they form men for something, for the future. But they do not release them for this task before they have developed a high level of tolerance to the ways of their elders: education _for_ life rather than _in_ everyday life. Few free schools can avoid doing precisely this. Nevertheless, they are among the most important centers from which a new life-style will radiate, not because of the effect their graduates will have, but rather because elders who choose to bring up their children without the benefit of properly ordained teachers frequently belong to a radical minority and because their preoccupation with the rearing of their children sustains them in their new style. + + +## The Hidden Hand in an Educational Market + +The most dangerous category of educational reformers are those who maintain that knowledge can be produced and sold much more effectively on an open market than on one controlled by the school. These people argue that skills can be easily acquired from skill models if the learner is truly interested in their acquisition, that individual entitlements can provide a more equal purchasing power for education. They demand a careful separation of the process by which knowledge is measured and certified. These seem to me obvious statements. But it would be a fallacy to believe that the establishment of a free market for knowledge would constitute a radical alternative in education. + +The establishment of a free market would indeed abolish what I have previously called the hidden curriculum of present schooling--its age-specific attendance in a graded curriculum. Equally, a free market would at first give the appearance of counteracting what I have called the occult foundations of a schooled society: the "immigration syndrome," the institutional monopoly of teaching, and the ritual of linear initiation. But at the same time a free market in education would provide the alchemist with innumerable hidden hands to fit each man into the multiple tight little niches a more complex technocracy can provide. + +Many decades of reliance on schooling have turned knowledge into a commodity, a marketable staple of a special kind. Knowledge is now regarded simultaneously as a first necessity and as society's most precious currency. (The transformation of knowledge into a commodity is reflected in a corresponding transformation of language. Words that formerly functioned as verbs are becoming nouns that designate possessions. Until recently "dwelling" and "learning" and "healing" designated activities. They are now usually conceived as commodities or services to be delivered. We talk about the manufacture of housing or the delivery of medical care; people are no longer regarded as fit to heal or house themselves. In such a society people come to believe that professional services are more valuable than personal care. Instead of learning how to nurse grandmother, the teen-ager learns to picket the hospital that does not admit her.) This attitude could easily survive the disestablishment of school, just as affiliation with a church remained a condition for office long after the adoption of the First Amendment. It is even more evident that batteries of tests measuring complex knowledge packages could easily survive the disestablishment of school--and along with them the compulsion to oblige everybody to acquire a minimum package of knowledge stock. The scientific measurement of each person's worth and the alchemistic dream of each person's "educability to his full humanity" would finally coincide. Under the appearance of a free market, the global village would turn into an environmental womb where pedagogic therapists controlled the complex placenta by which each human being was nourished. + +At present schools limit the teacher's competence to the classroom. They prevent him from claiming man's whole life as his domain. The demise of school would remove this restriction and give a semblance of legitimacy to the lifelong pedagogical invasion of everybody's privacy. It would open the way for a scramble for "knowledge" on a free market, which would lead us toward the paradox of a vulgar, albeit seemingly egalitarian, meritocracy. + +Schools are by no means the only or the most efficient institutions that pretend to translate information, understanding, and wisdom into behavioral traits the measurement of which is the key to prestige and power. Nor are schools the first institutions used to convert education into an entitlement. The Chinese mandarin system, for example, was for centuries a stable and effective incentive for education in the service of a relatively open class whose privilege depended on the acquisition of measurable knowledge. Promotion to a scholarly rank did not provide entitlement to any of the coveted jobs, but it did provide a ticket for a public lottery at which offices were distributed by lot among the certified mandarins. No schools, much less universities, developed in China until that country began to wage war with European powers. The testing of independently acquired measurable knowledge enabled the Chinese Empire for three thousand years, alone among nation states in having neither a true church nor a school system, to select its governing elite without establishing a large hereditary aristocracy. Access to this elite was open to the emperor's family and to those who passed tests. + +Voltaire and his contemporaries praised the Chinese system of promotion through proven learning. Civil service testing was introduced in France in 1791, only to be abolished by Napoleon. It would be fascinating to speculate what would have happened had the mandarin system been chosen to propagate the ideals of the French Revolution, instead of the school system, which inevitably supported nationalism and military discipline. As it happened, Napoleon strengthened the polytechnic, residential school. The Jesuit model of ritual, sequential promotion in a cloistered establishment prevailed over the mandarin system as the preferred method by which Western societies gave legitimacy to their elites. + +Principals became the abbots in a world-wide chain of monasteries in which everybody was busy accumulating the knowledge necessary to enter the constantly obsolescent heaven on earth. Just as the Calvinists disestablished monasteries only to turn all of Geneva into one, so we must fear that the disestablishment of school may bring forth a world-wide factory for knowledge. Unless the concept of learning or knowledge is transformed, the disestablishment of school will lead to a wedding between the mandarin system--which separates learning from certification--and a society committed to provide therapy for each man until he be ripe for the gilded age. + + +## The Contradiction of Schools as Tools of Technocratic Progress + +Education for a consumer society is equivalent to consumer training. The reform of the classroom, the dispersal of the classroom, and the diffusion of the classroom are different ways of shaping consumers of obsolescent commodities. The survival of a society in which technocracies can constantly redefine human happiness as the consumption of their latest product depends on educational institutions (from schools to ads) that translate education into social control. + +In rich countries such as the United States, Canada, or the Soviet Union, huge investments in schooling make the institutional contradictions of technocratic progress very evident. In these countries the ideological defense of unlimited progress rests on the claim that the equalizing effects of open-ended schooling can counteract the disequalizing force of constant obsolescence. The legitimacy of industrial society itself comes to depend on the credibility of schools, and it does not matter if the GOP or the Communist Party is in power. Under these circumstances the public is avid for books like Charles Silberman's report to the Carnegie Commission, published as _Crisis in the Classroom_ (New York, 1970). Such research inspires confidence because of its well-documented indictment of the present school, in the light of which the insignificant attempts to save the system by manicuring its most obvious faults can create a new wave of futile expectations. + +Neither alchemy nor magic nor masonry can solve the problem of the present crisis "in education." The deschooling of our world-view demands that we recognize the illegitimate and religious nature of the educational enterprise itself. Its hubris lies in its attempt to make man a social being as the result of his treatment in an engineered process. + +For those who subscribe to the technocratic ethos, whatever is technically possible must be made available at least to a few whether they want it or not. Neither the privation nor the frustration of the majority counts. If cobalt treatment is possible, then the city of Tegucigalpa must have one apparatus in each of its two major hospitals, at a cost that would free an important part of the population of Honduras from parasites. If supersonic speeds are possible, then some must travel at such speeds. If the flight to Mars can be conceived, then a rationale must be found to make it appear a necessity. In the technocratic ethos poverty is modernized: not only are old alternatives closed off by new monopolies, but the lack of necessities is also compounded by a growing distance between those services that are technologically feasible and those that are in fact available to the majority. + +A teacher turns "educator" when he adopts this technocratic ethos. He then acts as if education were a technological enterprise designed to make man fit into whatever environment the "progress" of science creates. He seems blind to the evidence that constant obsolescence of all commodities comes at a high price: the mounting cost of training people to know about them. He seems to forget that the rising cost of tools is purchased at a high price in education: they decrease the labor-intensiveness of the economy and make learning on the job impossible, or at best the privilege of a few. All over the world the cost of educating men for society rises faster than the productivity of the entire economy, and fewer people have a sense of intelligent participation in the commonweal. + +Further investments in school everywhere render the futility of schooling monumental. Paradoxically, the poor are the first victims of more school. The Wright Commission in Ontario had to report to its government sponsors that postsecondary education is inevitably and without remedy the disproportionate taxing of the poor for an education that will always be enjoyed mainly by the rich. + +Experience confirms these warnings. For several decades a quota system in the Soviet Union favored the admission to the university of sons of working parents over sons of university graduates. Nevertheless, the latter are overrepresented in Russian graduating classes much more than they are in those of the United States. + +In poor countries, schools rationalize the economic lag of an entire nation. The majority of citizens are excluded from the scarce modern means of production and consumption, but long to enter the economy by way of the school door. The legitimization of hierarchical distribution of privilege and power has shifted from lineage, inheritance, the favor of king or pope, and ruthlessness on the market or on the battlefield to a more subtle form of capitalism: the hierarchical but liberal institution of compulsory schooling, which permits the well-schooled to impute guilt to the lagging consumer of knowledge for holding a certificate of lower denomination. Yet this rationalization of inequality can never square with the facts, and populist regimes find it increasingly difficult to hide the conflict between rhetoric and reality. + +For ten years Castro's Cuba has devoted great energies to rapid-growth popular education, relying on available manpower, without the usual respect for professional credentials. The initial spectacular successes of this campaign, especially in diminishing illiteracy, have been cited as evidence for the claim that the slow growth rate of other Latin American school systems is due to corruption, militarism, and a capitalist market economy. Yet now the logic of hierarchical schooling is catching up with Fidel and his attempt to school-produce the New Man. Even when students spend half the year in the cane fields and fully subscribe to the egalitarian ideals of _compañero_ Fidel, the school trains every year a crop of self-conscious knowledge consumers ready to move on to new levels of consumption. Also Dr. Castro faces evidence that the school system will never turn out enough certified technical manpower. Those licensed graduates who do get the new jobs destroy by their conservatism the results obtained by noncertified cadres who muddled into their positions through on-the-job training. Teachers simply cannot be blamed for the failures of a revolutionary government that insists on the institutional capitalization of manpower through a hidden curriculum guaranteed to produce a universal bourgeoisie. + +On March 8, 1971, an act of the United States Supreme Court made it possible to begin the legal challenge of the hidden curriculum's legitimacy in that country. Expressing the unanimous opinion of the Court in the case of _Griggs et al vs. Duke Power Company_, Chief Justice Warren E. Burger stated that "diplomas and tests are useful servants, but Congress has mandated the commonsense proposition that they are not to become masters of reality." The Chief Justice was interpreting the intent of Congress in the equal-opportunities section of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, and the Court was ruling that any school degree or any test given prospective employees must "measure the man for the job" and not the "man in the abstract." The burden of proving that educational requirements are a "reasonable measure of job performance" rests with the employer. In this decision, the Court ruled only on tests and diplomas as means of racial discrimination, but the logic of the Chief Justice's argument applies to any use of an educational pedigree as a prerequisite for employment. Employers will find it difficult to show that schooling is a necessary prerequisite for any job. It is easy to show that it is necessarily antidemocratic because it inevitably discriminates. The Great Training Robbery so effectively exposed by Ivar Berg should now face repeated challenges from students, employers, and taxpayers. + + +## The Recovery of Responsibility for Teaching and Learning + +A revolution against those forms of privilege and power that are based on claims to professional knowledge must start with a transformation of consciousness about the nature of learning. This means, above all, a shift of responsibility for teaching and learning. Knowledge can be defined as a commodity only so long as it is viewed as the result of institutional enterprise or as the fulfillment of institutional objectives. When a man recovers the sense of personal responsibility for what he learns and teaches, this spell can be broken and the alienation of learning from living be overcome. + +The recovery of the power to learn or to teach means that the teacher who takes the risk of interfering in somebody else's private affairs also assumes responsibility for the results. Similarly, the student who exposes himself to the influence of a teacher must take responsibility for his own education. For such purposes educational institutions--if they are needed at all--ideally take the form of facility centers where one can get a roof of the right size over his head and access to a piano or a kiln and to records, books, or slides. Schools, television stations, theaters, and the like are designed primarily for use by professionals. Deschooling society means above all the denial of professional status to the second oldest profession, namely, teaching. The certification of teachers now constitutes an undue restriction on the right to free speech; the corporate structure and professional pretensions of journalism an undue restriction on the right to a free press. Compulsory-attendance rules interfere with free assembly. The deschooling of society is nothing less than a cultural mutation by which a people recovers the effective use of its constitutional freedoms: learning and teaching by men who know they are born free rather than treated to freedom. Most people learn most of the time when they do whatever they enjoy; most people are curious and want to give meaning to whatever they come in contact with; and most people are capable of personal, intimate intercourse with others unless they are stupefied by inhuman work or turned off by schooling. + +The fact that people in rich countries do not learn much on their own constitutes no proof to the contrary. Rather it is a consequence of life in an environment from which, paradoxically, they cannot learn much precisely because it is so highly programmed. They are constantly frustrated by the structure of contemporary society in which the facts that are the basis for making decisions have become more elusive. They live in an environment where tools that can be used for creative purposes have become luxuries, an environment where the channels of communication allow a few to talk to the many. + + +## A New Technology Rather Than A New Education + +During the Kennedy years, a peculiar image appeared: knowledge stock. It then gained wide currency in economic thought through Kenneth Boulding. This valuable social good is viewed as the cumulative accretion of the mental excrement of our brightest and best. We here succeed in imagining an anal "capital" that replaces the heaps of earth or gold of previous capitalisms. Instead of bankers and brinksmen, scientists and information storage and retrieval specialists guard it. Meanwhile, thanks to its accruement in a critical mass, it produces interest. A special kind of marketing specialist called an "educator" distributes the stock by channeling it toward those privileged enough to have access to the higher reaches of the international knowledge exchange called "school." Here, these acquire knowledge-holding certificates, which increase the possessor's social value. In some societies, this value translates principally into increased personal income, while in those where knowledge capital is considered too valuable to end up as private property, the value translates into power, rank, and privilege. Such singular treatment is rationalized by the pomp due the guardians of such stock when they put it to further use. + +Such a view also affects the manner in which we think of modern technology's development. A contemporary myth would make us believe that the sense of impotence with which most men live today is the consequence of a technology that cannot but create huge systems. But it is not technology that makes systems huge, tools immensely powerful, channels of communication one-directional. Quite the contrary. Properly controlled, technology could provide each man with the ability to understand his environment better and to shape it powerfully with his own hands, and would permit him full intercommunication to a degree never before possible. Such an alternative use of technology constitutes the central alternative in education. + +If a person is to grow up he needs, first of all, access to things, to places, and to processes, to events and to records. He needs to see, to touch, to tinker with, to grasp whatever there is in a meaningful setting. This access is now largely denied. When knowledge became a commodity, it acquired the protections of private property, and thus a principle designed to guard personal intimacy became a rationale for declaring facts off limits for people without proper credentials. In schools teachers keep knowledge to themselves unless it fits into the day's program. The media inform, but exclude those things they regard as unfit to print. Information is locked into special languages, and specialized teachers live off its retranslation. Patents are protected by corporations, secrets are guarded by bureaucracies, and the power to keep others out of private preserves--be they cockpits, law offices, junkyards, or clinics--is jealously guarded by professions, institutions, and nations. Neither the political nor the professional structure of our societies. East and West, could withstand the elimination of the power to keep entire classes of people from facts that could serve them. The access to facts that I advocate goes far beyond truth in labeling. Access must be built into reality, while all we ask of advertising is a guarantee that it does not mislead. Access to reality constitutes a fundamental alternative in education to a system that only purports to teach about it. + +Abolishing the right to corporate secrecy--even when professional opinion holds that this secrecy serves the common good--is, as shall presently appear, a much more radical political goal than the traditional demand for public ownership or control of the tools of production. The socialization of tools without the effective socialization of know-how in their use tends to put the knowledge capitalist into the position formerly held by the financier. The technocrat's only claim to power is the stock he holds in some class of scarce and secret knowledge, and the best means to protect its value is a large and capital-intensive organization that renders access to know-how formidable and forbidding. + +It does not take much time for the interested learner to acquire almost any skill that he wants to use. We tend to forget this in a society where professional teachers monopolize entrance into all fields and thereby stamp teaching by uncertified individuals as quackery. There are few mechanical skills used in industry or research that are as demanding, complex, and dangerous as driving a car, a skill that most people quickly acquire from a peer. Not all people are suited for advanced logic, yet those who are make rapid progress if they are challenged to play mathematical games at an early age. One out of twenty kids in Cuernavaca can beat me at Whiff'n'Proof after a couple of weeks training. In four months all but a small percentage of motivated adults at our CIDOC center were able to learn Spanish well enough to conduct academic business in the new language. + +A first step toward opening up access to skills would be to provide various incentives for skilled individuals to share their knowledge. Inevitably, this would run counter to the interest of guilds and professions and unions. Yet multiple apprenticeship is attractive; it provides everybody with an opportunity to learn something about almost anything. There is no reason why a person should not combine the abilities to drive a car, repair telephones and toilets, act as a midwife, and function as an architectural draftsman. Special-interest groups and their disciplined consumers would, of course, claim that the public needs the protection of a professional guarantee. But this argument is now steadily being challenged by consumer-protection associations. We have to take much more seriously the objection that economists raise to the radical socialization of skills: that "progress" will be impeded if knowledge--patents, skills, and all the rest--is democratized. Their arguments can be faced only if we demonstrate to them the growth rate of futile diseconomies generated by any existing educational system. + +Access to people willing to share their skills is no guarantee of learning. Such access is restricted not only by the monopoly of educational programs over learning and of unions over licensing but also by a technology of scarcity. The skills that count today are know-how in the use of tools that were designed to be scarce. These tools produce goods or render services that everybody wants but only a few can enjoy, and which only a limited number of people know how to use. Only a few privileged individuals out of the total number of people who have a given disease ever benefit from the results of sophisticated medical technology, and even fewer doctors develop the skill to use them. + +The same results of medical research have, however, also been employed to create a basic tool kit that permits army and navy medics, with only a few months of training, to obtain results under battlefield conditions that would have been beyond the expectations of full-fledged doctors during World War II. On an even simpler level, any peasant girl could learn how to diagnose and treat most infections if medical scientists prepared dosages and instructions specifically for a given geographic area. + +All these examples illustrate the fact that educational considerations alone suffice to demand a radical reduction of the professional structure that now impedes the relationship between the scientist and the majority of people who want access to science. If this demand were heeded, all men could learn to use yesterday's tools, rendered more effective and durable by modem science, to create tomorrow's world. + +Unfortunately, precisely the contrary trend prevails at present. I know a coastal area in South America where most people support themselves by fishing from small boats. The outboard motor is certainly the tool that has changed the lives of these coastal fishermen most dramatically. But in the area I have surveyed, half of all outboard motors that were purchased between 1945 and 1950 are still kept running by constant tinkering, while half the motors purchased in 1965 no longer run because they were not built to be repaired. Technological progress provides the majority of people with gadgets they cannot afford and deprives them of the simpler tools they need. + +Metals, plastics, and ferroconcrete used in building have greatly improved since the 1940s and ought to provide more people the opportunity to create their own homes. But while in 1948 more than 30 per cent of all one-family homes in the United States were owner-built, by the end of the 1960s the percentage of those who acted as their own contractors had dropped to less than 20 per cent. + +The lowering of the skill level through so-called economic development has become even more visible in Latin America. Here most people still build their own homes from floor to roof. Often they use mud in the form of adobe and thatchwork of unsurpassed utility in the moist, hot, and windy climate. In other places they make their dwellings out of cardboard, oil drums, and other industrial refuse. Instead of providing people with simple tools and highly standardized, durable, and easily repaired components, all governments have gone in for the mass production of low-cost buildings. It is clear that not one single country can afford to provide satisfactory modern dwelling units for the majority of its people. Yet everywhere this policy makes it progressively more difficult for the majority to acquire the knowledge and skills they need to build better houses for themselves. + + +## Self-chosen "Poverty" + +Educational considerations permit us to formulate a second fundamental characteristic that any postindustrial society must possess: a basic tool kit that by its very nature counteracts technocratic control. For educational reasons we must work toward a society in which scientific knowledge is incorporated in tools and components that can be used meaningfully in units small enough to be within the reach of all. Only such tools can socialize access to skills. Only such tools favor temporary associations among those who want to use them on specific occasions. Only such tools allow specific goals to emerge in the process of their use, as any tinkerer knows. Only the combination of guaranteed access to facts and of limited power in most tools renders it possible to envisage a subsistence economy capable of incorporating the fruits of modem science. + +The development of such a scientific subsistence economy is unquestionably to the advantage of the overwhelming majority of the people in poor countries. It is also the only alternative to progressive pollution, exploitation, and opaqueness in rich countries. But as we have seen, the dethroning of GNP cannot be achieved without simultaneously subverting GNE--Gross National Education, usually conceived as manpower capitalization. An egalitarian economy cannot exist in a society in which the right to produce is conferred by schools. + +The feasibility of a modern subsistence economy does not depend on new scientific inventions. It depends primarily on the ability of a society to agree on fundamental, self-chosen antibureaucratic and antitechnocratic restraints. + +These restraints can take many forms, but they will not work unless they touch the basic dimensions of life. (The decision of the United States Congress against development of the supersonic transport plane is one of the most encouraging steps in the right direction.) The substance of these voluntary social restraints would be very simple matters that could be fully understood and judged by any prudent man. (The issues at stake in the SST controversy provide a good example.) All such restraints would be chosen to promote stable and equal enjoyment of scientific know-how. The French say that it takes a thousand years to educate a peasant to deal with a cow. It would not take two generations to help all people in Latin America or Africa to use and repair outboard motors, simple cars, pumps, medicine kits, and ferroconcrete machines if their design did not change every few years. And since a joyful life is one of constant meaningful intercourse with others in a meaningful environment, equal enjoyment does translate into equal education. + +At present a consensus on austerity is difficult to imagine. The reason usually given for the impotence of the majority is stated in terms of political or economic class. What is not usually understood is that the new class structure of a schooled society is even more powerfully controlled by vested interests. No doubt an imperialist and capitalist organization of society provides the social structure within which a minority can have disproportionate influence over the effective opinion of the majority. But in a technocratic society the power of a minority of knowledge capitalists can prevent the formation of true public opinion through control of scientific know-how and the media of communication. Constitutional guarantees of free speech, free press, and free assembly were meant to ensure government by the people. Modern electronics, photo-offset presses, time-sharing computers, and telephones have in principle provided the hardware that could give an entirely new meaning to these freedoms. Unfortunately these things are used in modem media to increase the power of knowledge bankers to funnel their program-packages through international chains to more people, instead of being used to increase true networks that would provide equal opportunity for encounter among the members of the majority. + +Deschooling the culture and social structure requires the use of technology to make participatory politics possible. Only on the basis of a majority coalition can limits to secrecy and growing power be determined without dictatorship. We need a new environment in which growing up can be classless, or we will get a brave new world in which Big Brother educates us all. + + + +# Tantalizing Needs + +_This essay reproduces the original text of my_ Encyclopaedia Britannica _lecture at the University of Edinburgh in early 1974. In this lecture I explored, in the mirror of medicine, what options are left to a community paralyzed in the grip of its tools. By describing the obviously sickening power of the medical system, I drew attention to the paradoxically counterproductive effectiveness of our entirely commodity-centered culture. I developed the theme of this lecture through three successive versions of a book. Medical Nemesis:_ The Expropriation of Health _(London, 1974; Paris, 1975; New York, 1976). I present the Edinburgh lecture here in the hope that it will remind the readers of_ Medical Nemesis _that the author's purpose in writing on medicine was to illustrate the political and institutional inversion of present-day industrial society at large._ + +Within the last decade the medical establishment has become a major threat to health. The depression, infection, disability, and dysfunction that result from its intervention now cause more suffering than all accidents in traffic and industry. Only the organic damage done by the industrial production of food can rival the ill-health induced by doctors. In addition, medical practice sponsors sickness by the reinforcement of a morbid society which not only industrially preserves its defectives but breeds the therapist's client in a cybernetic way. Finally, the so-called health professions have an indirect sickening power, a structurally health-denying effect. They transform pain, illness, and death from a personal challenge into a technical problem and thereby expropriate the potential of people to deal with their human condition in an autonomous way. + + +## The Backlash of Progress + +This ultimate backlash of hygienic progress transcends all technical iatrogenesis; it exceeds the sum of protected malpractice, managerial negligence, and professional callousness against which judicial redress has become increasingly difficult; it is rooted deeper than the maldistribution of resources for which political remedies are still being tried; it is more global than all diseases of medical trial and error. The professional expropriation of health care is the outcome of an unchecked engineering endeavor; it results in the heteronomous maintenance of life on high levels of unhealth and is experienced as a new kind of horror which I call medical nemesis. + +During the last twenty years, the United States price index has risen by about 74 per cent, but the cost of medical care has escalated by 330 per cent. While public expenditure for health care has increased tenfold, out-of-pocket payments for health services have risen threefold and the cost of private insurance eighteenfold. The cost of community hospitals has increased 500 per cent since 1950. The bill for patient care in major hospitals has risen even faster, tripling in eight years. Administrative expenses have multipled by a factor of seven, laboratory costs by a factor of five. Building a hospital bed now costs $65,000, of which two-thirds goes toward mechanical equipment written off or made redundant within ten years or less. Yet during this same period of unprecedented inflation, life expectancy for adult American males has declined. + +The National Health Service in England has had a comparable rate of cost inflation, though it has avoided some of the more astonishing misallocations that fuel public criticism in the United States. Life expectancy in England has not yet declined, but the chronic diseases of middle-aged men have shown an increase as they did a decade earlier in the United States. In the Soviet Union, physicians and hospital days per capita have tripled over the same period. In China, after a short honeymoon with modern deprofessionalization, the medical-technological establishment has recently grown even faster. The rate at which people become dependent on physicians appears to bear no relation to their form of government. These trends do not represent declining marginal utilities. They are an example of the economics of addiction in which marginal disutilities rise with increasing investment. But, by itself, addiction is not yet nemesis. + +In the United States, central-nervous-system agents are the fastest-growing sector of the drug market, making up 31 per cent of total sales. Over the last twelve years, the rise in per capita consumption for liquor was 23 per cent, for illegal opiates, about 50 per cent, and for prescribed tranquilizers, 290 per cent. Some people have tried to explain that this pattern is due to the peculiar way United States physicians receive their lifelong in-service training: in 1970, United States drug companies spent $4,500 in advertising per doctor to reach each of the 350,000 practitioners. Surprisingly, the per capita use of tranquilizers correlates with personal income all over the world, although in many countries the cost of the "scientific education" of the doctor is not included in the price of the drug. But serious as the rising addiction to doctors and drugs might be, it is only one symptom of nemesis. + +Medicine cannot do much for illnesses associated with aging. It cannot cure cardiovascular disease, most cancers, arthritis, multiple sclerosis, or advanced cirrhosis. Some of the pain the aged suffer can sometimes be lessened. Most treatment of the old which requires professional intervention not only heightens their pain but, if it is successful, also protracts it. One is therefore surprised to discover the extent to which resources are spent on the treatment of old age. While 10 per cent of the United States population is over sixty-five, 28 per cent of healthcare expenditures are made on behalf of this minority. The old are outgrowing the remainder of the population at a rate of 3 per cent, while the per capita cost of their care is rising at a rate of 6 per cent. Gerontology takes over the GNP. This misallocation of manpower, resources, and social concern will generate unspeakable pain as demands swell and resources dry up. Yet it too is only a symptom, and nemesis transcends even ritual waste. + +Since Nixon and Brezhnev agreed on scientific cooperation in the conquest of space, cancer, and heart disease, coronary-care units have become symbols of peaceful progress and arguments for rising taxes. They require three times the equipment and five times the staff needed for normal patient care; 12 per cent of graduate nurses find jobs in such units. They also demonstrate the meaning of professionally conducted embezzlement. Large-scale studies that compare the results of patient care in these units with the home treatment of comparable patients have not yet demonstrated any advantage. The therapeutic value of heart-control stations is probably the same as that of space flights: seen on television, both provide a rain-dance for millions, who learn to trust science and cease to care for themselves. I happened to be in both Rio de Janeiro and Lima when Dr. Christiaan Barnard was touring there. In both Brazil and Peru, he was able to fill the major football stadium twice in one day with crowds who hysterically acclaimed his macabre ability to exchange human hearts. Shortly afterwards, I saw well-documented testimonies proving that the Brazilian police have become the first to use life-extension equipment in the torture chamber. Inevitably, when care or healing is transferred to organizations or machines, therapy becomes a death- centered ritual. But nemesis transcends even human sacrifice. + + +## Backfiring Remedies + +Prevention of sickness by the intervention of professional third parties has become a fad. Demand for it is growing. Pregnant women, healthy children, workers, or old people are submitted to periodic check-ups and increasingly complex diagnostic procedures. In the process, people are strengthened in their conviction that they are machines whose durability depends on social design. A review of two dozen studies shows that these diagnostic procedures have no impact on mortality and morbidity. In fact, they transform healthy people into anxious patients, and the health risks associated with these attempts at automated diagnosis outweigh any theoretical benefits. Ironically, the serious asymptomatic disorders which this kind of screening alone can discover are frequently incurable illnesses in which early treatment aggravates the patient's morbid condition. But nemesis transcends even terminal torture. + +To a point, modern medicine was concerned with therapeutic engineering--the development of strategies for surgical, chemical, or behavioral intervention in the lives of people who are or who might become sick. As it appears that these interventions do not become more effective just because they become more costly, a new level of health engineering has been pushed into the foreground. Health systems are now biased in favor of curative and preventive medicine. New health systems are proposed that are biased in favor of environmental health management. The obsession with immunity gives way to a nightmare of hygiene. As the health-delivery system continually fails to meet the demands made upon it, conditions now classified as illness might well soon be classified as criminal deviance. Imposed medical intervention might be replaced by compulsory re-education or self-criticism. The convergence of individual and environmental hygienic engineering now threatens mankind with a new epidemic in which constantly backfiring countermeasures are absorbed into the plague. This sickening synergy of the technical and nontechnical functions of medicine is what I call hygienic, medical, or tantalizing nemesis. + + +## Industrial Nemesis + +Much suffering has always been man-made: history is the record of enslavement and exploitation. It tells of war, and of the pillage, famine, and pestilence which come in its wake. War between commonwealths and classes has so far been the main planned agency of man-made misery. Thus, man is the only animal whose evolution has been conditioned by adaptation on two fronts. If he did not succumb to the elements, he had to cope with use and abuse by others of his kind. To be capable of this struggle on two frontiers, he replaced instincts by character and culture. A third frontier of possible doom has been recognized since Homer, but common mortals were considered immune to its threat. Nemesis, the Greek name for the doom which threatened from this third direction, was the fate of a few heroes who had fallen prey to envy of the gods. The common man grew up and perished in a struggle with nature and neighbor. Only the elite would challenge the limits set by nature for man. + +Prometheus was not Everyman, but a deviant. Driven by _pleonexia_, or radical greed, he transgressed the boundaries of the human condition. In _hubris_, or measureless presumption, he brought fire from heaven, and thereby brought Nemesis on himself. He was put into irons on a Caucasian rock. An eagle preyed on his liver, and heartlessly healing gods kept him alive by regrafting his liver each night. The encounter with Nemesis made the classical hero an immortal reminder of inescapable cosmic retaliation. He became a subject for epic tragedy, but certainly not a model for everyday aspiration. Now Nemesis has become endemic; it is the backlash of progress. Paradoxically, it has spread as far and as wide as the franchise, schooling, mechanical acceleration, and medical care. Everyman has fallen prey to envy of the gods. If the species is to survive, it can do so only by learning to cope on this third frontier. + +Most man-made misery is now the by-product of enterprises originally designed to protect the common man in his struggle with the inclemency of the environment and against wanton injustice inflicted by the elite. The main source of pain, disability, and death is now engineered--albeit nonintentional--harassment. The prevailing ailments, helplessness, and injustice are now the side effects of strategies for progress. Nemesis is now so prevalent that it is readily mistaken for part of the human condition. Common to all previous ethics was the idea that the range of human action was narrowly circumscribed. _Techne_ was a measured tribute to necessity and not the road to mankind's chosen action. The desperate disability of contemporary man to envisage an alternative to industrial aggression upon the human condition is an integral part of the curse from which he suffers. + +The attempt to reduce nemesis to a political or biological process frustrates any diagnosis of the current institutional crisis. Any study of the so-called limits-to-growth controversy becomes futile if it reduces nemesis to a threat which can be met on the the two traditional frontiers. Nemesis does not lose its specific character simply because it has been industrialized. The contemporary crisis of industrial society cannot be understood without distinguishing between intentionally exploitative aggression of one class against another and the inevitable doom implicit in any disproportionate attempt to transform the human condition. Our predicament cannot be understood without distinguishing between man-made violence and the destructive envy of the cosmos; between the servitude of man to man and the enslavement of man to his gods, which are, of course, his tools. Nemesis cannot be reduced to a problem within the competence of engineers or political managers. + +Schooling, transportation, the legal system, modern agriculture, and medicine serve equally well to illustrate how engendered frustration works. Beyond a certain point, the degradation of learning into the result of intentional teaching inevitably compounds a new kind of impotence of the poor majority with a new kind of class structure which discriminates against them. All forms of compulsory, planned learning have these implicit side effects, no matter how much money, good will, political growth, or pedagogic rhetoric is expended in the process; no matter if the world is filled with classrooms or if it is itself transformed into one. + +Beyond a certain level of energy, used for the acceleration of any one person in traffic, the transportation industry immobilizes and enslaves the majority of nameless passengers, and provides only questionable marginal advantages to an Olympian elite. No new fuel, technology, or public control can keep the rising mobilization of society from producing increased harriedness, paralysis, and inequity. + +Beyond a certain level of capital investment in agriculture and food processing, malnutrition must become pervasive; the green illusion racks the liver of the consumer more effectively than Zeus's eagle. No biological engineering can prevent this result. + +Beyond a certain point, the production and delivery of medical care produces more ailments than it can heal. Social security guarantees painful survival more democratically and effectively than the most pitiless gods. + +Progress has come with a vengeance which cannot be called a price. The down payment was on the label and can be stated in measurable terms. The compound installments accrue under forms of suffering that exceed the notion of "price." They have led entire societies into a debtors' prison, in which increasing torture for the majority overwhelms and cancels out any possibility of returns that might still benefit a few. + +The peasant who switches from weaving his cloth, building his home, and making his tools to the purchase of ready-made clothes, cement beams, and tractors can no longer be satisfied unless he contributes to world-wide nemesis. His neighbor who continues to try to survive on traditional cloth, shelter, and production can no longer live in a world in which industrial nemesis has come to prevail. This double bind is the issue I want to explore. Exasperating greed and blind boldness have ceased to be heroic; they have become part of the social duty of industrialized Everyman. In entering the contemporary market economy, usually by taking the road through schooling, the citizen joins the chorus summoning nemesis. But he also joins a horde of furies unleashed upon those who remain outside the system. The so-called marginal participants who do not fully enter into the market economy find themselves deprived of the traditional means of coping with nature and neighbor. + +At some point in the expansion of our major institutions, their clients begin to pay a higher price every day for their continued consumption, in spite of evidence that they will inevitably suffer more. At this point in development, the prevalent behavior of society corresponds to that traditionally recognized in addicts. Declining returns pale in comparison with increasing marginal disutilities. _Homo economicus_ turns into _Homo religiosus_. His expectations become heroic. The vengeance of economic development not only outweighs the price at which this vengeance was purchased; it also outweighs the compound tort done by nature and neighbor. Classical Nemesis was punishment for the rash abuse of a privilege. Industrialized nemesis is retribution for dutiful participation in society. + +War and hunger, pestilence and sudden death, torture and madness remain man's companions, but they are now shaped into a new _Gestalt_ by the nemesis overarching them. The greater the economic progress of any community, the greater the part played by industrial nemesis in the pain, discrimination, and death suffered by its members. Therefore, it seems that the disciplined study of the distinctive character of nemesis ought to be the key theme for research among those concerned with health care, healing, and consoling. + +Industrial nemesis is the result of policy formation and decision-making which inevitably produce counterintuitive misadventures. It is the result of a management style which remains a puzzle for the planners. As long as these misadventures are described in the language of science and economics, they remain odd surprises. The language for the study of industrial nemesis must still be forged; it must be capable of describing the contradictions inherent in the thought processes of a society which values operational verification above intuitive evidence. + + +## The Hubris of Tantalus + +Medical nemesis is but one aspect of the more general "counterintuitive misadventures" characteristic of industrial society. It is the monstrous outcome of a very specific dream of reason, namely "tantalizing" hubris. Tantalus was a famous king whom the gods invited to Olympus to share one of their meals. He purloined ambrosia, the divine potion that gave the gods unending life. For punishment, he was made immortal in Hades and condemned to suffer unending thirst and hunger. When he bows toward the river in which he stands, the water recedes, and when he reaches for the fruit above his head, the branches move out of his reach. Ethologists might say that hygienic nemesis had programmed him for compulsory counterintuitive behavior. + +Craving for ambrosia has now spread to the common mortal. Scientific and political optimism have combined to propagate the addiction. To sustain it, a priesthood of Tantalus has organized itself, offering unlimited medical improvement of human health. The members of this guild pass themselves off as disciples of healing Asklepios, while in fact they peddle ambrosia. People demand of them that life be improved, prolonged, rendered compatible with machines and capable of surviving all modes of acceleration, distortion, and stress. As a result, health has become scarce to the degree that the common man makes health dependent upon the consumption of ambrosia. + +Mankind evolved only because each of its individuals came into existence protected by various visible and invisible cocoons. Each one knew the womb from which he had come, and oriented himself by the stars under which he was born. To be human and to become humane, the individual of our species had to find his destiny in his unique struggle with nature and neighbor. He was on his own in the struggle, but the weapons and the rules and the style were given to him by the culture in which he grew up. Cultures evolved, each according to its own viability; and with culture grew people, each learning to keep alive in a common cocoon. Each culture was the sum of rules by which the individual came to terms with pain, sickness, and death, interpreted them, and practiced compassion toward others faced by the same threats. Each culture set up the myths, the rituals, the taboos, and the ethical standards needed to deal with the fragility of life. + +Cosmopolitan medical civilization denies the need for man's acceptance of these evils. Medical civilization is planned and organized to kill pain, to eliminate sickness, and to struggle against death. These are new goals, which have never before been guidelines for social life and which are antithetical to every one of the cultures that medical civilization encounters when it is dumped on the so-called poor as part and parcel of their economic progress. The health-denying effect of medical civilization is thus equally powerful in rich and in poor countries, even though the latter are often spared some of its more sinister aspects. + +### The Killing of Pain + +For an experience to be pain in the full sense, it must fit into a culture. Precisely because each culture provides a mode for suffering, culture is a particular form of health. The act of suffering is shaped by culture into a question that can be stated and shared. + +Medical civilization replaces culturally determined competence in suffering with a growing demand by each individual for the institutional management of his pain. A myriad different feelings, each expressing some kind of fortitude, are homogenized into the political pressure of anesthesia consumers. Pain becomes an item on a list of complaints. As a result, a new kind of horror emerges. Conceptually it is still pain, but the impact on our emotions of this valueless, opaque, and impersonal hurt is something quite new. + +In this way, pain has come to pose only a technical question for industrial man: What do I need to set in order to have my pain managed or killed? If the pain continues, the fault is not with the universe, God, my sins, or the devil, but with the medical system. Suffering is an expression of consumer demand for increased medical outputs. By becoming unnecessary, pain has become unbearable. Given this attitude, it now seems rational to flee pain rather than to face it, even at the cost of addiction. It also appears reasonable to eliminate pain, even at the cost of health. It seems enlightened to deny legitimacy to all nontechnical issues that pain raises, even at the cost of disarming the victims of residual pain. For a while it can be argued that the total amount of pain anesthetized in a society is greater than that of pain newly generated. But at some point, rising marginal disutilities set in. The new suffering is not only unmanageable, but it has lost its referential character. It has become meaningless, questionless torture. Only the recovery of the will and ability to suffer can restore health to pain. + +### The Elimination of Sickness + +Medical interventions have not affected total mortality rates; at best they have shifted survival from one segment of the population to another. Dramatic changes in the nature of disease afflicting Western societies during the last one hundred years are well documented. First industrialization exacerbated infections, which then subsided. Tuberculosis peaked over a fifty-to-seventy-five-year period and declined before either the tubercle bacillus had been discovered or antituberculosis programs had been initiated. It was replaced in Britain and the United States by major malnutrition syndromes--rickets and pellagra--which peaked and declined and were replaced by diseases of early childhood, which in turn gave way to duodenal ulcer in young men. When that declined, the modern epidemics took their toll: coronary heart disease, hypertension, cancer, arthritis, diabetes, and mental disorders. At least in the United States death rates from hypertensive heart disease seem to be declining. Despite intensive research, no connection can be demonstrated between these changes in disease patterns and the professional practice of medicine. + +The overwhelming majority of modern diagnostic and therapeutic interventions that demonstrably do more good than harm have two characteristics: the material resources for them are extremely cheap, and they can be packaged and designed for self-use or application by family members. The technology that is significantly health-furthering or curative in Canadian medicine costs so little that it could be made available in the entire subcontinent of India for the amount of money now squandered there on modern medicine. On the other hand, the skills needed for the application of the most generally used diagnostic and therapeutic aids are so simple that the careful observation of instructions by people who personally care would guarantee more effective and responsible use than medical practice can provide. + +Neither a decline in any of the major epidemics of killing diseases, nor major changes in the age structure of the population, nor falling and rising absenteeism at the workbench has been significantly related to sick-care or even to immunization. Medical services deserve neither credit for longevity nor blame for the threatening population pressure. Longevity owes much more to the railroad and to the synthesis of fertilizers and insecticides than it owes to new drugs and syringes. Professional practice is both ineffective and increasingly sought out. This technically unwarranted rise in medical prestige can only be explained as a magical ritual for the achievement of goals beyond technical and political reach. It can be countered only through legislation and political action that favor the deprofessionalization of health care. + +The professionalization of medicine does not imply and should not be read as implying negation of specialized healers, of competence, of mutual criticism, or of public control. It does imply a bias against mystification, against transnational dominance of one orthodox view, against disbarment of healers chosen by their patients but not certified by the guild. The deprofessionalization of medicine does not mean denial of public funds for curative purposes; it does mean a bias against the disbursement of any such funds under the prescription and control of guild members rather than under the control of the consumer. Deprofessionalization does not mean the elimination of modern medicine, nor an obstacle to the invention of a new medicine, nor necessarily a return to ancient programs, rituals, and devices. It means that no professional shall have the power to lavish on any one of his patients a package of curative resources larger than that which any other could claim on his own. Finally, the deprofessionalization of medicine does not mean disregard for the special needs that people manifest at special moments of their lives: when they are born, break a leg, marry, give birth, become crippled, or face death. It only means that people have a right to live in an environment that is hospitable to them at such high points in their experience. + +### The Struggle Against Death + +The ultimate effect of medical nemesis is the expropriation of death. In every society the image of death is the culturally conditioned anticipation of an uncertain date. This anticipation determines a series of behavioral norms during life and the structure of certain institutions. Wherever modem medical civilization has penetrated a traditional medical culture, a novel cultural ideal of death has been fostered. The new ideal spreads by means of technology and the professional ethos which corresponds to it. + +In primitive societies, death is always conceived as the intervention of an actor: an enemy, a witch, an ancestor, or a god. The Christian and the Islamic Middle Ages saw in each death the hand of God. Western death had no face until about 1420. The Western ideal of death which comes to all equally from natural causes is of quite recent origin. Only during the autumn of the Middle Ages does death appear as a skeleton with power in its own right. Only during the sixteenth century did European peoples develop the "arte and crafte to knowe ye Will to Dye." For the next three centuries peasant and noble, priest and whore prepared themselves throughout life to preside at their own death. Foul death, bitter death, became the end rather than the goal of living. The idea that natural death should come only in healthy old age appeared only in the eighteenth century as a class-specific phenomenon of the bourgeoisie. The demand that doctors struggle against death and keep valetudinarians healthy has nothing to do with their ability to provide such services; Aries has shown that the costly attempts to prolong life appeared at first only among bankers, whose power was compounded by the years they spent at a desk. + +We cannot fully understand contemporary social organization unless we see in it a multifaceted exorcism of all forms of evil death. Our major institutions constitute a gigantic defense program waged on behalf of "humanity" against all those people who can be associated with what is currently conceived of as death-dealing social injustice. Not only medical agencies but welfare, international relief, and development programs are enlisted in this struggle. Ideological bureaucracies of all colors join the crusade. Even war has been used to justify the defeat of those who are blamed for wanton tolerance of sickness and death. Producing "natural death" for all men is at the point of becoming an ultimate justification for social control. Under the influence of medical rituals contemporary death is again the rationale for a witch-hunt. + + +## The Recovery of Health + +Rising irreparable damage accompanies present industrial expansion in all sectors. In medicine these damages appear as iatrogenesis. Iatrogenesis can be direct, as when pain, sickness, and death result from medical care; or it can be indirect, as when health policies reinforce an industrial organization that generates ill-health: it can be structural when medically sponsored behavior and delusion restrict the vital autonomy of people by undermining their competence in growing up, caring, and aging; or when it nullifies the personal challenge arising from their pain, disability, and anguish. + +Most of the remedies proposed for reducing iatrogenesis are engineering interventions, therapeutically designed in their approach to the individual, the group, the institution, or the environment. These so-called remedies generate second-order iatrogenic ills by creating a new prejudice against the autonomy of the citizen. + +The most profound iatrogenic effects of the medical technostructure result from its nontechnical social functions. The sickening technical and nontechnical consequences of the institutionalization of medicine coalesce to generate a new kind of suffering: anesthetized and solitary survival in a world-wide hospital ward. + +Medical nemesis cannot be operationally verified. Much less can it be measured. The intensity with which it is experienced depends on the independence, vitality, and relatedness of each individual. As a theoretical concept, it is one component in a broad theory explaining the anomalies that plague health-care systems in our day. It is a distinct aspect of an even more general phenomenon which I have called industrial nemesis, the backlash of institutionally structured industrial hubris. This hubris consists of a disregard for the boundaries within which the human phenomenon remains viable. Current research is overwhelmingly oriented toward unattainable "breakthroughs." What I have called counterfoil research is the disciplined analysis of the levels at which such reverberations must inevitably damage man. + +The perception of enveloping nemesis leads to a social choice. Either the natural boundaries of human endeavor must be estimated, recognized, and translated into politically determined limits, or the alternative to extinction will be compulsory survival in a planned and engineered hell. + +In several nations the public is ready for a review of its health-care system. The frustrations that have become manifest in private-enterprise systems and in socialized care have come to resemble each other frighteningly. The differences between the criticisms by the Russians, French, Americans, and English have become trivial. There is a serious danger that these evaluations will be performed within the coordinates set by post-Cartesian illusions. In rich and in poor countries the demand for reform of national health care is dominated by demands for equitable access to the wares of the guild, for professional expansion and subprofessionalization, for more truth in the advertising of progress, and for lay control of the temple of Tantalus. The public discussion of the health crisis could easily be used to channel even more power, prestige, and money to biomedical engineers and designers. + +There is still time in the next few years to avoid a debate which would reinforce a frustrating system. The coming debate can be reoriented by making hygienic nemesis the central issue. The explanation of nemesis requires simultaneous assessment of both the technical and the nontechnical aspects of medicine, and must focus on it as both industry and religion. The indictment of medicine as a form of institutional hubris exposes precisely those personal illusions that make the critic dependent on health care. + +The perception and comprehension of nemesis have therefore the power of leading us to policies which could break the magic circle of complaints that now reinforce the dependence of the plaintiff on the health engineering and planning agencies that he sues. Recognition of nemesis can provide the catharsis to prepare for a nonviolent revolution in our attitudes toward evil and pain. The alternatives to a war against these ills is a search for the peace of the strong. + +Health designates a process of adaptation. It is not the result of instinct, but of autonomous and live reaction to an experienced reality. It designates the ability to adapt to changing environments, to growing up and to aging, to healing when damaged, to suffering, and to the peaceful expectation of death. Health embraces the future as well, and therefore includes anguish and the inner resources to live with it. + +Man's consciously lived fragility, individuality, and relatedness make the experience of pain, of sickness, and of death an integral part of his life. The ability to cope with this trio autonomously is fundamental to his health. To the degree that he becomes dependent on the management of his intimacy, he renounces his autonomy and his health _must_ decline. The true miracle of modern medicine is diabolical. It consists in making not only individuals but whole populations survive on inhumanly low levels of personal health. That health should decline with increasing health-service delivery is unforeseeable only by the health manager, precisely because his strategies are the result of his blindness to the inalienability of health. + +The level of public health corresponds to the degree to which the means and responsibility for coping with illness are distributed among the total population. This ability to cope can be enhanced but never replaced by medical intervention in the lives of people or the hygienic characteristics of the environment. That society which reduces professional intervention to the minimum will provide the best conditions for health. The greater the potential for autonomous adaptation to self and to others and to the environment, the less management of adaptation will be needed or tolerated. + +The recovery of a healthy attitude toward sickness is neither Luddite nor romantic nor utopian; it is a guiding ideal which will never be fully achieved, which can be achieved with modem devices as never before in history, and which must orient politics to avoid encroaching nemesis. + + + +# Energy and Equity + +> "El socialismo puede llegar sólo en bicicleta." +> +> -- _Jose Antonio Viera-Gallo. Assisant Secretary of Justice in the government of Salvador Allende + +_This text was first published in_ Le Monde _in early 1973. Over lunch in Paris the venerable editor of that daily, as he accepted my manuscript, recommended just one change. He felt that a term as little known and as technical as "energy crisis" had no place in the opening sentence of an article that he would be running on page 1. As I now reread the text, I am struck by the speed with which language and issues have shifted in less than five years. But I am equally struck by the slow yet steady pace at which the radical alternative to industrial society--namely, low-energy, convivial modernity--has gained defenders._ + +_In this essay I argue that under some circumstances, a technology incorporates the values of the society for which it was invented to such a degree that these values become dominant in every society which applies that technology. The material structure of production devices can thus irremediably incorporate class prejudice. High-energy technology, at least as applied to traffic, provides a clear example. Obviously, this thesis undermines the legitimacy of those professionals who monopolize the operation of such technologies. It is particularly irksome to those individuals within the professions who seek to serve the public by using the rhetoric of class struggle with the aim of replacing the "capitalists" who now control institutional policy by professional peers and laymen who accept professional standards. Mainly under the influence of such "radical" professionals, this thesis has, in only five years, changed from an oddity into a heresy that has provoked a barrage of abuse._ + +_The distinction proposed here, however, is not new. I oppose tools that can be applied in the generation of use-values to others that cannot be used except in the production of commodities. This distinction has recently been re-emphasized by a great variety of social critics. The insistence on the need for a balance between convivial and_ industrial _tools is, in fact, the common distinctive element in an emerging consensus among groups engaged in radical politics. A superb guide to the bibliography in this field has been published in_ Radical Technology _(London and New York, 1976), by the editors of_ Undercurrents. _I have transferred my own files on the theme to Valentina Borremans, who is now working on a librarians' guide to reference materials on use-value-oriented modern tools, scheduled for publication in 1978. (Preliminary drafts of individual chapters of this guide can be obtained by writing to Valentina Borremans, APDO 479, Cuernavaca, Mexico.) The specific argument on socially critical energy thresholds in transportation that I pursue in this essay has been elaborated and documented by two colleagues, Jean-Pierre Dupuy and Jean Robert, in their two jointly written books._ La Trahison de Topulence _(Paris, 1976) and_ Les Chronophages _(Paris, 1978)._ + + +## The Energy Crisis + +It has recently become fashionable to insist on an impending energy crisis. This euphemistic term conceals a contradiction and consecrates an illusion. It masks the contradiction implicit in the joint pursuit of equity and industrial growth. It safeguards the illusion that machine power can indefinitely take the place of manpower. To resolve this contradiction and dispel this illusion, it is urgent to clarify the reality that the language of crisis obscures: high quanta of energy degrade social relations just as inevitably as they destroy the physical milieu. + +The advocates of an energy crisis believe in and continue to propagate a peculiar vision of man. According to this notion, man is born into perpetual dependence on slaves which he must painfully learn to master. If he does not employ prisoners, then he needs machines to do most of his work. According to this doctrine, the well-being of a society can be measured by the number of years its members have gone to school and by the number of energy slaves they have thereby learned to command. This belief is common to the conflicting economic ideologies now in vogue. It is threatened by the obvious inequity, harriedness, and impotence that appear everywhere once the voracious hordes of energy slaves outnumber people by a certain proportion. The energy crisis focuses concern on the scarcity of fodder for these slaves. I prefer to ask whether free men need them. + +The energy policies adopted during the current decade will determine the range and character of social relationships a society will be able to enjoy by the year 2000. A low-energy policy allows for a wide choice of life-styles and cultures. If, on the other hand, a society opts for high energy consumption, its social relations must be dictated by technocracy and will be equally degrading whether labeled capitalist or socialist. + +At this moment, most societies--especially the poor ones--are still free to set their energy policies by any of three guidelines. Well-being can be identified with high amounts of per capita energy use, with high efficiency of energy transformation, or with the least possible use of mechanical energy by the most powerful members of society. The first approach would stress tight management of scarce and destructive fuels on behalf of industry, whereas the second would emphasize the retooling of industry in the interest of thermodynamic thrift. These first two attitudes necessarily imply huge public expenditures and increased social control; both rationalize the emergence of a computerized Leviathan, and both are at present widely discussed. + +The possibility of a third option is barely noticed. While people have begun to accept ecological limits on maximum per capita energy use as a condition for physical survival, they do not yet think about the use of minimum feasible power as the foundation of any of various social orders that would be both modern and desirable. Yet only a ceiling on energy use can lead to social relations that are characterized by high levels of equity. The one option that is at present neglected is the only choice within the reach of all nations. It is also the only strategy by which a political process can be used to set limits on the power of even the most motorized bureaucrat. Participatory democracy postulates low-energy technology. Only participatory democracy creates the conditions for rational technology. + +What is generally overlooked is that equity and energy can grow concurrently only to a point. Below a threshold of per capita wattage, motors improve the conditions for social progress. Above this threshold, energy grows at the expense of equity. Further energy affluence then means decreased distribution of control over that energy. + +The widespread belief that clean and abundant energy is the panacea for social ills is due to a political fallacy, according to which equity and energy consumption can be indefinitely correlated, at least under some ideal political conditions. Laboring under this illusion, we tend to discount any social limit on the growth of energy consumption. But if ecologists are right to assert that nonmetabolic power pollutes, it is in fact just as inevitable that, beyond a certain threshold, mechanical power corrupts. The threshold of social disintegration by high energy quanta is independent from the threshold at which energy conversion produces physical destruction. Expressed in horsepower, it is undoubtedly lower. This is the fact which must be theoretically recognized before a political issue can be made of the per capita wattage to which a society will limit its members. + +Even if nonpolluting power were feasible and abundant, the use of energy on a massive scale acts on society like a drug that is physically harmless but psychically enslaving. A community can choose between Methadone and "cold turkey"--between maintaining its addiction to alien energy and kicking it in painful cramps--but no society can have a population that is hooked on progressively larger numbers of energy slaves and whose members are also autonomously active. + +In previous discussions, I have shown that, beyond a certain level of per capita GNP, the cost of social control must rise faster than total output and become the major institutional activity within an economy. Therapy administered by educators, psychiatrists, and social workers must converge with the designs of planners, managers, and salesmen, and complement the services of security agencies, the military, and the police. I now want to indicate one reason why increased affluence requires increased control over people. I argue that beyond a certain median per capita energy level, the political system and cultural context of any society must decay. Once the critical quantum of per capita energy is surpassed, education for the abstract goals of a bureaucracy must supplant the legal guarantees of personal and concrete initiative. This quantum is the limit of social order. + +I will argue here that technocracy must prevail as soon as the ratio of mechanical power to metabolic energy oversteps a definite, identifiable threshold. The order of magnitude within which this threshold lies is largely independent of the level of technology applied, yet its very existence has slipped into the blind-spot of social imagination in both rich and medium-rich countries. Both the United States and Mexico have passed the critical divide. In both countries, further energy inputs increase inequality, inefficiency, and personal impotence. Although one country has a per capita income of $500 and the other, one of nearly $5,000, huge vested interest in an industrial infrastructure prods both of them to further escalate the use of energy. As a result, both North American and Mexican ideologues put the label of "energy crisis" on their frustration, and both countries are blinded to the fact that the threat of social breakdown is due neither to a shortage of fuel nor to the wasteful, polluting, and irrational use of available wattage, but to the attempt of industries to gorge society with energy quanta that inevitably degrade, deprive, and frustrate most people. + +A people can be just as dangerously overpowered by the wattage of its tools as by the caloric content of its foods, but it is much harder to confess to a national overindulgence in wattage than to a sickening diet. The per capita wattage that is critical for social well-being lies within an order of magnitude which is far above the horsepower known to four-fifths of humanity and far below the power commanded by any Volkswagen driver. It eludes the underconsumer and the overconsumer alike. Neither is willing to face the facts. For the primitive, the elimination of slavery and drudgery depends on the introduction of appropriate modern technology, and for the rich, the avoidance of an even more horrible degradation depends on the effective recognition of a threshold in energy consumption beyond which technical processes begin to dictate social relations. Calories are both biologically and socially healthy only as long as they stay within the narrow range that separates enough from too much. + +The so-called energy crisis is, then, a politically ambiguous issue. Public interest in the quantity of power and in the distribution of controls over the use of energy can lead in two opposite directions. On the one hand, questions can be posed that would open the way to political reconstruction by unblocking the search for a postindustrial, labor-intensive, low-energy and high-equity economy. On the other hand, hysterical concern with machine fodder can reinforce the present escalation of capital-intensive institutional growth, and carry us past the last turnoff from a hyperindustrial Armageddon. Political reconstruction presupposes the recognition of the fact that there exist _critical per capita quanta_ beyond which energy can no longer be controlled by political process. A universal social straitjacket will be the inevitable outcome of ecological restraints on _total energy use_ imposed by industrial-minded planners bent on keeping industrial production at some hypothetical maximum. + +Rich countries like the United States, Japan, or France might never reach the point of choking on their own waste, but only because their societies will have already collapsed into a sociocultural energy coma. Countries like India, Burma, and, for another short while at least, China are in the inverse position of being still muscle-powered enough to stop short of an energy stroke. They could choose, right now, to stay within those limits to which the rich will be forced back through a total loss of their freedoms. + +The choice of a minimum-energy economy compels the poor to abandon fantastical expectations and the rich to recognize their vested interest as a ghastly liability. Both must reject the fatal image of man the slaveholder currently promoted by an ideologically stimulated hunger for more energy. In countries that were made affluent by industrial development, the energy crisis serves as a pretext for raising the taxes that will be needed to substitute new, more "rational," and socially more deadly industrial processes for those that have been rendered obsolete by inefficient over expansion. For the leaders of people who are not yet dominated by the same process of industrialization, the energy crisis serves as a _historical imperative_ to centralize production, pollution, and their control in a last-ditch effort to catch up with the more highly powered. By exporting their crisis and by preaching the new gospel of puritan energy worship, the rich do even more damage to the poor than they did by selling them the products of now outdated factories. As soon as a poor country accepts the doctrine that more energy more carefully managed will always yield more goods for more people, that country locks itself into the cage of enslavement to maximum industrial outputs. Inevitably the poor lose the option for rational technology when they choose to modernize their poverty by increasing their dependence on energy. Inevitably the poor deny themselves the possibility of liberating technology and participatory politics when, together with maximum feasible energy use, they accept maximum feasible social control. + +The energy crisis cannot be overwhelmed by more energy inputs. It can only be dissolved, along with the illusion that well-being depends on the number of energy slaves a man has at his command. For this purpose, it is necessary to identify the thresholds beyond which energy corrupts, and to do so by a political process that associates the community in the search for limits. Because this kind of research runs counter to that now done by experts and for institutions, I shall continue to call it counterfoil research. It has three steps. First, the need for limits on the per capita use of energy must be theoretically recognized as a social imperative. Then, the range must be located wherein the critical magnitude might be found. Finally, each community has to identify the levels of inequity, harrying, and operant conditioning that its members are willing to accept in exchange for the satisfaction that comes of idolizing powerful devices and joining in rituals directed by the professionals who control their operation. + +The need for political research on socially optimal energy quanta can be clearly and concisely illustrated by an examination of modern traffic. The United States puts between 25 and 45 per cent of its total energy (depending upon how one calculates this) into vehicles: to make them, run them, and clear a right of way for them when they roll, when they fly, and when they park. Most of this energy is to move people who have been strapped into place. For the sole purpose of transporting people, 250 million Americans allocate more fuel than is used by 1.3 billion Chinese and Indians for all purposes. Almost all of this fuel is burned in a rain-dance of time-consuming acceleration. Poor countries spend less energy per person, but the percentage of total energy devoted to traffic in Mexico or in Peru is probably greater than in the United States, and it benefits a smaller percentage of the population. The size of this enterprise makes it both easy and significant to demonstrate the existence of socially critical energy quanta by the example of personal mobility. + +In traffic, energy used over a specific period of time (power) translates into speed. In this case, the critical quantum will appear as a speed limit. Wherever this limit has been passed, the basic pattern of social degradation by high energy quanta has emerged. Once some public utility went faster than 15 mph, equity declined and the scarcity of both time and space increased. Motorized transportation monopolized traffic and blocked self-powered transit. In every Western country, passenger mileage on all types of conveyance increased by a factor of a hundred within fifty years of building the first railroad. When the ratio of their respective power outputs passed beyond a certain value, mechanical transformers of mineral fuels excluded people from the use of their metabolic energy and forced them to become captive consumers of conveyance. This effect of speed on the autonomy of people is only marginally affected by the technological characteristics of the motorized vehicles employed or by the persons or entities who hold the legal titles to airlines, buses, railroads, or cars. High speed is the critical factor which makes transportation socially destructive. A true choice among practical policies and of desirable social relations is possible only where speed is restrained. Participatory democracy demands low-energy technology, and free people must travel the road to productive social relations at the speed of a bicycle.[^n01] + + +## The Industrialization of Traffic + +The discussion of how energy is used to move people requires a formal distinction between transport and transit as the two components of traffic. By _traffic_ I mean any movement of people from one place to another when they are outside their homes. By _transit_ I mean those movements that put human metabolic energy to use, and by _transport_, that mode of movement which relies on other sources of energy. These energy sources will henceforth be mostly motors, since animals compete fiercely with men for their food in an overpopulated world, unless they are thistle eaters like donkeys and camels. + +As soon as people become tributaries of transport, not just when they travel for several days, but also on their daily trips, the contradictions between social justice and motorized power, between effective movement and higher speed, between personal freedom and engineered routing, become poignantly clear. Enforced dependence on auto-mobile machines then denies a community of self-propelled people just those values supposedly procured by improved transportation. + +People move well on their feet. This primitive means of getting around will, on closer analysis, appear quite effective when compared with the lot of people in modern cities or on industrialized farms. It will appear particularly attractive once it has been understood that modern Americans walk, on the average, as many miles as their ancestors--most of them through tunnels, corridors, parking lots, and stores. + +People on their feet are more or less equal. People solely dependent on their feet move on the spur of the moment, at three to four miles per hour, in any direction and to any place from which they are not legally or physically barred. An improvement on this native degree of mobility by new transport technology should be expected to safeguard these values and to add some new ones, such as greater range, time economies, comfort, or more opportunities for the disabled. So far this is not what has happened. Instead, the growth of the transportation industry has everywhere had the reverse effect. From the moment its machines could put more than a certain horsepower behind any one passenger, this industry has reduced equality among men, restricted their mobility to a system of industrially defined routes, and created time scarcity of unprecedented severity. As the speed of their vehicles crosses a threshold, citizens become transportation consumers on the daily loop that brings them back to their home, a circuit which the United States Department of Commerce calls a "trip" as opposed to the "travel" for which Americans leave home equipped with a toothbrush. + +More energy fed into the transportation system means that more people move faster over a greater range in the course of every day. Everybody's daily radius expands at the expense of being able to drop in on an acquaintance or walk through the park on the way to work. Extremes of privilege are created at the cost of universal enslavement. An elite packs unlimited distance into a lifetime of pampered travel, while the majority spend a bigger slice of their existence on unwanted trips. The few mount their magic carpets to travel between distant points that their ephemeral presence renders both scarce and seductive, while the many are compelled to trip farther and faster and to spend more time preparing for and recovering from their trips. + +In the United States, four-fifths of all man-hours on the road are those of commuters and shoppers who hardly ever get into a plane, while four-fifths of the mileage flown to conventions and resorts is covered year after year by the same 1.5 per cent of the population, usually those who are either well-to-do or professionally trained to do good. The speedier the vehicle, the larger the subsidy it gets from regressive taxation. Barely 0.2 per cent of the entire United States population can engage in self-chosen air travel more than once a year, and few other countries can support a jet set which is that large. + +The captive tripper and the reckless traveler become equally dependent on transport. Neither can do without it. Occasional spurts to Acapulco or to a party congress dupe the ordinary passenger into believing that he has made it into the shrunk world of the powerfully rushed. The occasional chance to spend a few hours strapped into a high-powered seat makes him an accomplice in the distortion of human space, and prompts him to consent to the design of his country's geography around vehicles rather than around people. Man has evolved physically and culturally together with his cosmic niche. What for animals is their environment he has learned to make into his home. His self-consciousness requires as its complement a life-space and a life-time integrated by the pace at which he moves. If that relationship is determined by the velocity of vehicles rather than by the movement of people, man the architect is reduced to the status of a mere commuter. + +The model American male devotes more than 1,600 hours a year to his car. He sits in it while it goes and while it stands idling. He parks it and searches for it. He earns the money to put down on it and to meet the monthly installments. He works to pay for gasoline, tolls, insurance, taxes, and tickets. He spends four of his sixteen waking hours on the road or gathering his resources for it. And this figure does not take into account the time consumed by other activities dictated by transport: time spent in hospitals, traffic courts, and garages; time spent watching automobile commercials or attending consumer education meetings to improve the quality of the next buy. The model American puts in 1,600 hours to get 7,500 miles: less than five miles per hour. In countries deprived of a transportation industry, people manage to do the same, walking wherever they want to go, and they allocate only 3 to 8 per cent of their society's time budget to traffic instead of 28 per cent. What distinguishes the traffic in rich countries from the traffic in poor countries is not more mileage per hour of life-time for the majority, but more hours of compulsory consumption of high doses of energy, packaged and unequally distributed by the transportation industry. + + +## Speed-stunned imagination + +Past a certain threshold of energy consumption, the transportation industry dictates the configuration of social space. Motorways expand, driving wedges between neighbors and removing fields beyond the distance a farmer can walk. Ambulances take clinics beyond the few miles a sick child can be carried. The doctor will no longer come to the house, because vehicles have made the hospital into the right place to be sick. Once heavy trucks reach a village high in the Andes, part of the local market disappears. Later, when the high school arrives at the plaza along with the paved highway, more and more of the young people move to the city, until not one family is left which does not long for a reunion with someone hundreds of miles away, down on the coast. + +Equal speeds have equally distorting effects on the perception of space, time, and personal potency in rich and in poor countries, however different the surface appearances might be. Everywhere, the transportation industry shapes a new kind of man to fit the new geography and the new schedules of its making. The major difference between Guatemala and Kansas is that in Central America some provinces are still exempt from all contact with vehicles and are, therefore, still not degraded by their dependence on them. + +The product of the transportation industry is the _habitual passenger_. He has been boosted out of the world in which people still move on their own, and he has lost the sense that he stands at the center of his world. The habitual passenger is conscious of the exasperating time scarcity that results from daily recourse to the cars, trains, buses, subways,and elevators that force him to cover an average of twenty miles each day, frequently criss-crossing his path within a radius of less than five miles. He has been lifted off his feet. No matter if he goes by subway or jet plane, he feels slower and poorer than someone else and resents the shortcuts taken by the privileged few who can escape the frustrations of traffic. If he is cramped by the timetable of his commuter train, he dreams of a car. If he drives, exhausted by the rush hour, he envies the speed capitalist who drives against the traffic. If he must pay for his car out of his own pocket, he knows full well that the commanders of corporate fleets send the fuel bill to the company and write off the rented car as a business expense. The habitual passenger is caught at the wrong end of growing inequality, time scarcity, and personal impotence, but he can see no way out of this bind except to demand more of the same: more traffic by transport. He stands in wait for technical changes in the design of vehicles, roads, and schedules; or else he expects a revolution to produce mass rapid transport under public control. In neither case does he calculate the price of being hauled into a better future. He forgets that he is the one who will pay the bill, either in fares or in taxes. He overlooks the hidden costs of replacing private cars with equally rapid public transport. + +The habitual passenger cannot grasp the folly of traffic based overwhelmingly on transport. His inherited perceptions of space and time and of personal pace have been industrially deformed. He has lost the power to conceive of himself outside the passenger role. Addicted to being carried along, he has lost"" control over the physical, social, and psychic powers that reside in man's feet. The passenger has come to identify territory with the untouchable landscape through which he is rushed. He has become impotent to establish his domain, mark it with his imprint, and assert his sovereignty over it. He has lost confidence in his power to admit others into his presence and to share space consciously with them. He can no longer face the remote by himself. Left on his own, he feels immobile. + +The habitual passenger must adopt a new set of beliefs and expectations if he is to feel secure in the strange world where both liaisons and loneliness are products of conveyance. To "gather" for him means to be brought together by vehicles. He comes to believe that political power grows out of the capacity of a transportation system, and in its absence is the result of access to the television screen. He takes freedom of movement to be the same as one's claim on propulsion. He believes that the level of democratic process correlates to the power of transportation and communications systems. He has lost faith in the political power of the feet and of the tongue. As a result, what he wants is not more liberty as a citizen but better service as a client. He does not insist on his freedom to move and to speak to people but on his claim to be shipped and to be informed by media. He wants a better product rather than freedom from servitude to it. It is vital that he come to see that the acceleration he demands is self-defeating, and that it must result in a further decline of equity, leisure, and autonomy. + + +## Net transfer of Life-time + +Unchecked speed is expensive, and progressively fewer can afford it. Each increment in the velocity of a vehicle results in an increase in the cost of propulsion and track construction and--most dramatically--in the space the vehicle devours while it is on the move. Past a certain threshold of energy consumption for the fastest passenger, a world-wide class structure of speed capitalists is created. The exchange-value of time becomes dominant, and this is reflected in language: time is spent, saved, invested, wasted, and employed. As societies put price tags on time, equity and vehicular speed correlate inversely. + +High speed capitalizes a few people's time at an enormous rate but, paradoxically, it does this at a high cost in time for all. In Bombay, only a very few people own cars. They can reach a provincial capital in one morning and make the trip once a week. Two generations ago, this would have been a week-long trek once a year. They now spend more time on more trips. But these same few also disrupt, with their cars, the traffic flow of thousands of bicycles and pedicabs that move through downtown Bombay at a rate of effective locomotion that is still superior to that of downtown Paris, London, or New York. The compounded, transport-related time expenditure within a society grows much faster than the time economies made by a few people on their speedy excursions. Traffic grows indefinitely with the availability of high-speed transports. Beyond a critical threshold, the output of the industrial complex established to move people costs a society more time than it saves. The marginal utility of an increment in the speed of a small number of people has for its price the growing marginal disutility of this acceleration for the great majority. + +Beyond a critical speed, no one can save time without forcing another to lose it. The man who claims a seat in a faster vehicle insists that his time is worth more than that of the passenger in a slower one. Beyond a certain velocity, passengers become consumers of other people's time, and accelerating vehicles become the means for effecting a net transfer of life-time. The degree of transfer is measured in quanta of speed. This time-grab despoils those who are left behind, and since they are the majority, it raises ethical issues of a more general nature than the lottery that assigns kidney dialysis or organ transplants. + +Beyond a certain speed, motorized vehicles create remoteness which they alone can shrink. They create distances for all and shrink them for only a few. A new dirt road through the wilderness brings the city within view, but not within reach, of most Brazilian subsistence farmers. The new expressway expands Chicago, but it sucks those who are well-wheeled away from a downtown that decays into a ghetto. + +Contrary to what is often claimed, man's speed remained unchanged from the Age of Cyrus to the Age of Steam. News did not travel more than a hundred miles per day, no matter how the message was carried. Neither the Inca's runners nor the Venetian galley, the Persian horseman, or the mail coach on regular runs under Louis XIV broke the barrier. Soldiers, explorers, merchants, and pilgrims moved at twenty miles per day. In Valery's words, Napoleon still had to move at Caesar's slowness: _Napoléon va à la même lenteur que César_. The emperor knew that "public prosperity is measured by the income of the coaches": _On mesure la prospérité publique aux comptes des diligences_, but he could barely speed them up. Paris--Toulouse had required about 200 hours in Roman times, and the scheduled stagecoach still took 158 hours in 1740, before the opening of the new Royal Roads. Only the nineteenth century accelerated man. By 1830, the trip had been reduced to 110 hours, but at a new cost. In the same year, 4,150 stagecoaches overturned in France, causing more than a thousand deaths. Then the railroad brought a sudden change. By 1855, Napoleon III claimed to have hit 96 kilometers per hour on the train somewhere between Paris and Marseilles. Within one generation, the average distance traveled each year per Frenchman increased one hundred and thirty times, and Britain's railroad network reached its greatest expansion. Passenger trains attained their optimum cost calculated in terms of time spent for their maintenance and use. + +With further acceleration, transportation began to dominate traffic, and speed began to erect a hierarchy of destinations. By now, each set of destinations corresponds to a specific level of speed and defines a certain passenger class. Each circuit of terminal points degrades those pegged at a lower number of miles per hour. Those who must get around on their own power have been redefined as underdeveloped outsiders. Tell me how fast you go and I'll tell you who you are. If you can corner the taxes that fuel the Concorde, you are certainly at the top. + +Over the last two generations, the vehicle has become the sign of career achievement, just as the school has become the sign of starting advantage. At each new level, the concentration of power must produce its own kind of rationale. So, for example, the reason that is usually given for spending public money to make a man travel more miles in less time each year is the still greater investment that was made to keep him more years in school. His putative value as a capital-intensive production tool sets the rate at which he is being shipped. Other ideological labels besides "a good education" are just as useful for opening the cabin door to luxuries paid for by others. If the Thought of Chairman Mao must now be rushed around China by jet, this can only mean that two classes are needed to fuel what his revolution has become, one of them living in the geography of the masses and the other in the geography of the cadres. The suppression of intermediary levels of speed in the People's Republic has certainly made the concentration of power more efficient and rational, but it also underscores the new difference in value between the time of the bullock driver and the time of the jet-driven. Acceleration inevitably concentrates horsepower under the seats of a few and compounds the increasing time-lack of most commuters with the further sense that they are lagging behind. + +The need for unequal privilege in an industrial society is generally advocated by means of an argument with two sides. The hypocrisy of this argument is clearly betrayed by acceleration. Privilege is accepted as the necessary precondition for improving the lot of a growing total population, or it is advertised as the instrument for raising the standards of a deprived minority. In the long run, accelerating transportation does neither. It only creates a universal demand for motorized conveyance and puts previously unimaginable distances between the various layers of privilege. Beyond a certain point, more energy means less equity. + + +## The Ineffectiveness of Acceleration + +It should not be overlooked that top speeds for a few exact a different price than high speeds for all. Social classification by levels of speed enforces a net transfer of power: the poor work and pay to get left behind. But if the middle classes of a speed society may be tempted to ignore discrimination, they should not neglect the rising marginal disutilities of transportation and their own loss of leisure. High speeds for all mean that everybody has less time for himself as the whole society spends a growing slice of its time budget on moving people. Vehicles running over the critical speed not only tend to impose inequality, they also inevitably establish a self-serving industry that hides an inefficient system of locomotion under apparent technological sophistication. I will argue that a speed limit is not only necessary to safeguard equity; it is equally a condition for increasing the total distance traveled within a society, while simultaneously decreasing the sum total of life-time that transportation claims. + +There is little research available on the impact of vehicles on the twenty-four-hour time budget of individuals and societies.[^n02] From transportation studies, we get statistics on the cost of time per mile, on the value of time measured in dollars or in length of trips. But these statistics tell us nothing about the hidden costs of transportation: about how traffic nibbles away at lifetime, about how vehicles devour space, about the multiplication of trips made necessary by the existence of vehicles, or about the time spent directly and indirectly preparing for locomotion. Further, there is no available measure of the even more deeply buried costs of transport, such as higher rent to live in areas convenient to the flow of traffic, or the cost of protecting these areas from the noise, pollution, and danger to life and limb that vehicles create. The lack of an account of expenditures from the social time budget should not lead us to believe, however, that such an accounting is impossible, nor should it prevent our drawing conclusions from the little that we do know. + +From our limited information it appears that everywhere in the world, after some vehicle broke the speed barrier of 15 mph, time scarcity related to traffic began to grow. After industry had reached this threshold of per capita output, transport made of man a new kind of waif: a being constantly absent from a destination he cannot reach on his own but must attain within the day. By now, people work a substantial part of every day to earn the money without which they could not even get to work. The time a society spends on transportation grows in proportion to the speed of its fastest public conveyance. Japan now leads the United States in both areas. Life-time gets cluttered up with activities generated by traffic as soon as vehicles crash through the barrier that guards people from dislocation and space from distortion. + +Whether the vehicle that speeds along the public freeway is owned by the state or by an individual has little to do with the time scarcity and overprogramming that rise with every increment in speed. Buses use one-third of the fuel that cars burn to carry one man over a given distance. Commuter trains are up to ten times more efficient than cars. Both could become even more efficient and less polluting. If publicly owned and rationally managed, they could be so scheduled and routed that the privileges they now provide under private ownership and incompetent organization would be considerably cut. But as long as any system of vehicles imposes itself on the public by top speeds that are not under political control, the public is left to choose between spending more time to pay for more people to be carried from station to station, and paying less taxes so that even fewer people can travel in much less time much farther than others. The order of magnitude of the top speed that is permitted within a transportation system determines the slice of its time budget that an entire society spends on traffic. + + +## The Radical Monopoly of Industry + +A desirable ceiling on the velocity of movement cannot be usefully discussed without returning to the distinction between self-powered _transit_ and motorized _transport_, and comparing the contribution each component makes relative to the total locomotion of people, which I have called _traffic_. + +Transport stands for the capital-intensive mode of traffic, and transit indicates the labor-intensive mode. Transport is the product of an industry whose clients are passengers. It is an industrial commodity and therefore scarce by definition. Improvement of transport always takes place under conditions of scarcity that become more severe as the speed--and with it the cost--of the service increases. Conflict about insufficient transport tends to take the form of a zero-sum game where one wins only if another loses. At best, such a conflict allows for the optimum in the Prisoner's Dilemma: by cooperating with their jailer, both prisoners get off with less time in the cell. + +Transit is not the product of an industry but the independent enterprise of transients. It has use-value by definition but need not have any exchange-value. The ability to engage in transit is native to man and more or less equally distributed among healthy people of the same age. The exercise of this ability can be restricted by depriving some class of people of the right to take a straight route, or because a population lacks shoes or pavements. Conflict about unsatisfactory transit conditions tends to take, therefore, the form of a non-zero-sum game in which everyone comes out ahead--not only the people who get the right to walk through a formerly walled property, but also those who live along the road. + +Total traffic is the result of two profoundly distinct modes of production. These can reinforce each other harmoniously only as long as the autonomous outputs are protected against the encroachment of the industrial product. + +The harm done by contemporary traffic is due to the monopoly of transport. The allure of speed has deceived the passenger into accepting the promises made by an industry that produces capital-intensive traffic. He is convinced that high-speed vehicles have allowed him to progress beyond the limited autonomy he enjoyed when moving under his own power. He has allowed planned transport to predominate over the alternative of labor- intensive transit. Destruction of the physical environment is the least noxious effect of this concession. The far more bitter results are the multiplication of psychic frustration, the growing disutilities of continued production, and subjection to an inequitable transfer of power--all of which are manifestations of a distorted relationship between life-time and life-space. The passenger who agrees to live in a world monopolized by transport becomes a harassed, overburdened consumer of distances whose shape and length he can no longer control. + +Every society that imposes compulsory speed submerges transit to the profit of transport. Wherever not only privilege but also elementary necessities are denied to those who do not use high-speed conveyances, an involuntary acceleration of personal rhythms is imposed. Industry dominates traffic as soon as daily life comes to depend on motorized trips. + +This profound control of the transportation industry over natural mobility constitutes a monopoly much more pervasive than either the commercial monopoly Ford might win over the automobile market, or the political monopoly car manufacturers might wield against the development of trains and buses. Because of its hidden, entrenched, and structuring nature, I call this a _radical monopoly_. Any industry exercises this kind of deep-seated monopoly when it becomes the dominant means of satisfying needs that formerly occasioned a personal response. The compulsory consumption of a high-powered commodity (motorized transport) restricts the conditions for enjoying an abundant use-value (the innate capacity for transit). Traffic serves here as the paradigm of a general economic law: _Any industrial product that comes in per capita quanta beyond a given intensity exercises a radical monopoly over the satisfaction of a need_. Beyond some point, compulsory schooling destroys the environment for learning, medical delivery systems dry up the nontherapeutic sources of health, and transportation smothers traffic. + +Radical monopoly is first established by a rearrangement of society for the benefit of those who have access to the larger quanta; then it is enforced by compelling all to consume the minimum quantum in which the output is currently produced. Compulsory consumption will take on a different appearance in industrial branches where information dominates, such as education or medicine, than it will in those branches where quanta can be measured in British thermal units, such as housing, clothing, or transport. The industrial packaging of values will reach critical intensity at different points with different products, but for each major class of outputs, the threshold occurs within an order of magnitude that is theoretically identifiable. The fact that it is possible theoretically to determine the range of speed within which transportation develops a radical monopoly over traffic does not mean that it is possible theoretically to determine just how much of such a monopoly any given society will tolerate. The fact that it is possible to identify a level of compulsory instruction at which learning by seeing and doing declines does not enable the theorist to identify the specific pedagogical limits to the division of labor that a culture will tolerate. Only recourse to juridical and, above all, to political process can lead to the specific, though provisional, measures by which speed or compulsory education will actually be limited in a given society. The magnitude of voluntary limits is a matter of politics; the encroachment of radical monopoly can be pinpointed by social analysis. + +A branch of industry does not impose a radical monopoly on a whole society by the simple fact that it produces scarce products, or by driving competing industries off the market, but rather by virtue of its acquired ability to create and shape the need which it alone can satisfy. + +Shoes are scarce all over Latin America, and many people never wear them. They walk on the bare soles of their feet, or wear the world's widest variety of excellent sandals, supplied by a range of artisans. Their transit is in no way restricted by their lack of shoes. But in some countries of South America people are compelled to be shod ever since access to schools, jobs, and public services was denied to the barefoot. Teachers or party officials define the lack of shoes as a sign of indifference toward "progress." Without any intentional conspiracy between the promoters of national development and the shoe industry, the barefoot in these countries are now barred from any office. + +Schools, like shoes, have been scarce at all times. But it was never the small number of privileged pupils that turned the school into an obstacle for learning. Only when laws were enacted to make schools both compulsory and free did the educator assume the power to deny learning opportunities on the job to the underconsumer of educational therapies. Only when school attendance had become obligatory did it become feasible to impose on all a progressively more complex artificial environment into which the unschooled and unprogrammed do not fit. + +The potential of a radical monopoly is unmistakable in the case of traffic. Imagine what would happen if the transportation industry could somehow distribute its output more adequately; a traffic utopia of free _rapid_ transportation for all would inevitably lead to a further expansion of traffic's domain over human life. What would such a utopia look like? Traffic would be organized exclusively around public transportation systems. It would be financed by a progressive tax calculated on income and on the proximity of one's residence to the next terminal and to the job. It would be designed so that everybody could occupy any seat on a first-come, first-served basis: the doctor, the vacationer, and the president would not be assigned any priority of person. In this fool's paradise, all passengers would be equal, but they would be just as equally captive consumers of transport. Each citizen of a motorized utopia would be equally deprived of the use of his feet and equally drafted into the servitude of proliferating networks of transportation. + +Certain would-be miracle makers disguised as architects offer a specious escape from the paradox of speed. By their standards, acceleration imposes inequities, time loss, and controlled schedules only because people do not yet live in those patterns and orbits into which vehicles can best place them. These futuristic architects would house and occupy people in self-sufficient units of towers interconnected by tracks for high-speed capsules. Soleri, Doxiadis, or Fuller would solve the problem created by high-speed transport by identifying the entire human habitat with the problem. Rather than asking how the earth's surface can be preserved for people, they ask how reservations necessary for the survival of people can be established on an earth that has been reshaped for the sake of industrial outputs. + + +## The Elusive Threshold + +Paradoxically, the concept of a traffic-optimal top speed for transport seems capricious or fanatical to the confirmed passenger, whereas it looks like the flight of the bird to the donkey driver. Four or six times the speed of a man on foot constitutes a threshold too low to be deemed worthy of consideration by the habitual passenger and too high to convey the sense of a _limit_ to the three-quarters of humanity who still get around on their own power. + +All those who plan, finance, or engineer other people's housing, transportation, or education belong to the passenger class. Their claim to power is derived from the value their employers place on acceleration. Social scientists can build a computer model of traffic in Calcutta or Santiago, and engineers can design monorail webs according to abstract notions of traffic flow. Since these planners are true believers in problem-solving by industrial design, the real solution for traffic congestion is beyond their grasp. Their belief in the effectiveness of power blinds them to the disproportionately greater effectiveness of abstaining from its use. Traffic engineers have yet to combine in one simulation model the mobility of people with that of vehicles. The _transportation_ engineer cannot conceive of the possibility of renouncing speed and slowing down for the sake of permitting time-and-destination-optimal _traffic_ flow. He would never entertain the thought of programming his computer on the stipulation that no motorized vehicle within any city should ever overtake the speed of a velocipede. The development expert who looks down compassionately from his Land-Rover on the Indian peasant herding his pigs to market refuses to acknowledge the relative advantage of feet. The expert tends to forget that this man has dispensed ten others in his village from spending time on the road, whereas the engineer and every member of his family separately devote a major part of every day to transportation. For a man who believes that human mobility must be conceived in terms of indefinite progress, there can be no optimal level of traffic but only passing consensus on a given technical level of transportation. + +Most Mexicans, not to speak of Indians and Chinese, are in a position inverse to that of the confirmed passenger. The critical threshold is entirely beyond what all but a few of them know or expect. They still belong to the class of the self-powered. Some of them have a lingering memory of a motorized adventure, but most of them have no personal experience of traveling at or above the critical speed. In the two typical Mexican states of Guerrero and Chiapas, less than one per cent of the population moved even once over ten miles in less than one hour during 1970. The vehicles into which people in these areas are sometimes crowded render traffic indeed more convenient, but barely faster than the speed of a bicycle. The third-class bus does not separate the farmer from his pig, and it takes them both to market without inflicting any loss of weight, but this acquaintance with motorized "comfort" does not amount to dependence on destructive speed. + +The order of magnitude in which the critical threshold of speed can be found is too low to be taken seriously by the passenger, and too high to concern the peasant. It is so obvious it cannot be easily seen. The proposal of a limit to speed within this order of magnitude engenders stubborn opposition. It exposes the addiction of industrialized men to ever higher doses of energy, while it asks those who are still sober to abstain from something they have yet to taste. + +To propose counterfoil research is not only a scandal, it is also a threat. Simplicity threatens the expert, who supposedly understands just why the commuter train runs at 8:15 and 8:41 and why it must be better to use fuel with certain additives. That a political process could identify a _natural_ dimension, both inescapable and limited, is an idea that lies outside the passenger's world of verities. He has let respect for specialists he does not even know turn into unthinking submission. If a political resolution could be found for problems created by experts in the field of traffic, then perhaps the same remedy could be applied to problems of education, medicine, or urbanization. If the order of magnitude of traffic-optimal vehicular velocities could be determined by laymen actively participating in an ongoing political process, then the foundation on which the framework of every industrial society is built would be shattered. To propose such research is politically subversive. It calls in question the overarching consensus on the need for more transportation which now allows the proponents of public ownership to define themselves as political adversaries of the proponents of private enterprise. + + +## Degrees of Self-powered Mobility + +A century ago, the ball-bearing was invented. It reduced the coefficient of friction by a factor of a thousand. By applying a well-calibrated ball-bearing between two Neolithic millstones, a man could now grind in a day what took his ancestors a week. The ball-bearing also made possible the bicycle, allowing the wheel--probably the last of the great Neolithic inventions--finally to become useful for self-powered mobility. + +Man, unaided by any tool, gets around quite efficiently. He carries one gram of his weight over a kilometer in ten minutes by expending 0.75 calories. Man on his feet is thermodynamically more efficient than any motorized vehicle and most animals. For his weight, he performs more work in locomotion than rats or oxen, less than horses or sturgeon. At this rate of efficiency man settled the world and made its history. At this rate peasant societies spend less than 5 per cent and nomads less than 8 per cent of their respective social time budgets outside the home or the encampment. + +Man on a bicycle can go three or four times faster than the pedestrian, but uses five times less energy in the process. He carries one gram of his weight over a kilometer of flat road at an expense of only 0.15 calories. The bicycle is the perfect transducer to match man's metabolic energy to the impedance of locomotion. Equipped with this tool, man outstrips the efficiency of not only all machines but all other animals as well. + +The invention of the ball-bearing, the tangent-spoked wheel, and the pneumatic tire taken together can be compared to only three other events in the history of transportation. The invention of the wheel at the dawn of civilization took the load off man's back and put it onto the barrow. The invention and simultaneous application, during the European Middle Ages, of stirrup, shoulder harness, and horseshoe increased the thermodynamic efficiency of the horse by a factor of up to five, and changed the economy of medieval Europe: it made frequent plowing possible and thus introduced rotation agriculture; it brought more distant fields into the reach of the peasant, and thus permitted landowners to move from six-family hamlets into one-hundred family villages, where they could live around the church, the square, the jail, and--later--the school; it allowed the cultivation of northern soils and shifted the center of power into cold climates. The building of the first oceangoing vessels by the Portuguese in the fifteenth century, under the aegis of developing European capitalism, laid the solid foundations for a globe-spanning culture and market. + +The invention of the ball-bearing signaled a fourth revolution. This revolution was unlike that, supported by the stirrup, which raised the knight onto his horse, and unlike that, supported by the galleon, which enlarged the horizon of the king's captains. The ball-bearing signaled a true crisis, a true political choice. It created an option between more freedom in equity and more speed. The bearing is an equally fundamental ingredient of two new types of locomotion, respectively symbolized by the bicycle and the car. The bicycle lifted man's auto-mobility into a new order, beyond which progress is theoretically not possible. In contrast, the accelerating individual capsule enabled societies to engage in a ritual of progressively paralyzing speed. + +The monopoly of a ritual application over a potentially useful device is nothing new. Thousands of years ago, the wheel took the load off the carrier slave, but it did so only on the Eurasian land mass. In Mexico, the wheel was well known, but never applied to transport. It served exclusively for the construction of carriages for toy gods. The taboo on wheelbarrows in America before Cortés is no more puzzling than the taboo on bicycles in modern traffic. + +It is by no means necessary that the invention of the ball-bearing continue to serve the increase of energy use and thereby produce time scarcity, space consumption, and class privilege. If the new order of self-powered mobility offered by the bicycle were protected against devaluation, paralysis, and risk to the limbs of the rider, it would be possible to guarantee optimal shared mobility to all people and put an end to the imposition of maximum privilege and exploitation. It would be possible to control the patterns of urbanization if the organization of space were constrained by the power man has to move through it. + +Bicycles are not only thermodynamically efficient, they are also cheap. With his much lower salary, the Chinese acquires his durable bicycle in a fraction of the working hours an American devotes to the purchase of his obsolescent car. The cost of public utilities needed to facilitate bicycle traffic versus the price of an infrastructure tailored to high speeds is proportionately even less than the price differential of the vehicles used in the two systems. In the bicycle system, engineered roads are necessary only at certain points of dense traffic, and people who live far from the surfaced path are not thereby automatically isolated as they would be if they depended on cars or trains. The bicycle has extended man's radius without shunting him onto roads he cannot walk. Where he cannot ride his bike, he can usually push it. + +The bicycle also uses little space. Eighteen bikes can be parked in the place of one car, thirty of them can move along in the space devoured by a single automobile. It takes three lanes of a given size to move 40,000 people across a bridge in one hour by using automated trains, four to move them on buses, twelve to move them in their cars, and only two lanes for them to pedal across on bicycles. Of all these vehicles, only the bicycle really allows people to go from door to door without walking. The cyclist can reach new destinations of his choice without his tool creating new locations from which he is barred. + +Bicycles let people move with greater speed without taking up significant amounts of scarce space, energy, or time. They can spend fewer hours on each mile and still travel more miles in a year. They can get the benefit of technological breakthroughs without putting undue claims on the schedules, energy, or space of others. They become masters of their own movements without blocking those of their fellows. Their new tool creates only those demands which it can also satisfy. Every increase in motorized speed creates new demands on space and time. The use of the bicycle is self-limiting. It allows people to create a new relationship between their life-space and their life-time, between their territory and the pulse of their being, without destroying their inherited balance. The advantages of modern self-powered traffic are obvious, and ignored. That better traffic runs faster is asserted, but never proved. Before they ask people to pay for it, those who propose acceleration should try to display the evidence for their claim. + +A grisly contest between bicycles and motors is just coming to an end. In Vietnam, a hyperindustrialized army tried to conquer, but could not overcome, a people organized around bicycle speed. The lesson should be clear. High-energy armies can annihilate people--both those they defend and those against whom they are launched--but they are of very limited use to a people which defends itself. It remains to be seen if the Vietnamese will apply what they learned in war to an economy of peace, if they will be willing to protect the values that made their victory possible. The dismal likelihood is that the victors, for the sake of industrial progress and increased energy consumption, will tend to defeat themselves by destroying that structure of equity, rationality, and autonomy into which American bombers forced them by depriving them of fuels, motors, and roads. + + +## Dominant versus Subsidiary Motors + +People are born almost equally mobile. Their natural ability speaks for the personal liberty of each one to go wherever he or she wants to go. Citizens of a society founded on the notion of equity will demand the protection of this right against any abridgment. It should be irrelevant to them by what means the exercise of personal mobility is denied, whether by imprisonment, bondage to an estate, revocation of a passport, or enclosure within an environment that encroaches on a person's native ability to move in order to make him a consumer of transport. This inalienable right of free movement does not lapse just because most of our contemporaries have strapped themselves into ideological seat belts. Man's natural capacity for transit emerges as the only yardstick by which to measure the contribution transport can make to traffic: there is only so much transport that traffic can bear. It remains to be outlined how we can distinguish those forms of transport that cripple the power to move from those that enhance it. + +Transportation can abridge traffic in three ways: by breaking its flow, by creating isolated sets of destinations, and by increasing the loss of time due to traffic. I have already argued that the key to the relation between transport and traffic is the speed of vehicles. I have described how, past a certain threshold of speed, transport has gone on to obstruct traffic in these three ways. It blocks mobility by cluttering up the environment with vehicles and roads. It transforms geography into a pyramid of circuits sealed off from one another according to levels of acceleration. It expropriates life-time at the behest of speed. + +If beyond a certain threshold transport obstructs traffic, the inverse is also true: below some level of speed, motorized vehicles can complement or improve traffic by permitting people to do things they could not do on foot or on bicycle. A well-developed transportation system running at top speeds of 25 mph would have allowed Fix to chase Phileas Fogg around the world in less than half of eighty days. Motors can be used to transport the sick, the lame, the old, and the just plain lazy. Motor pulleys can lift people over hills, but they can do so peacefully only if they do not push the climber off the path. Trains can extend the range of travel, but can do so with justice only if people have not only equal transportation but equal free time to come closer to each other. The time engaged in travel must be, as much as possible, the traveler's own: only insofar as motorized transport remains limited to speeds which leave it subsidiary to autonomous transit can a traffic-optimal transportation system be developed. + +A limit on the power and therefore on the speed of motors does not by itself insure those who are weaker against exploitation by the rich and powerful, who can still devise means to live and work at better located addresses, travel with retinue in plush carriages, and reserve a special lane for doctors and members of the central committee. But at a sufficiently limited maximum speed, this is an unfairness which can be reduced or even corrected by political means: by grassroots control over taxes, routes, vehicles, and their schedules in the community. At unlimited top speed neither public ownership of the means of transportation nor technical improvements in their control can ever eliminate growing and unequal exploitation. A transportation industry is the key to optimal production of traffic, but only if it does not exercise its radical monopoly over that personal mobility which is intrinsically and primarily a value in use. + + +## Underequipment, Overdevelopmet, and Mature Technology + +The combination of transportation and transit that constitutes traffic has provided us with an example of socially optimal per capita wattage and of the need for politically chosen limits on it. But traffic can also be viewed as but one model for the convergence of world-wide development goals, and as a criterion by which to distinguish those countries that are lamely underequipped from those that are destructively overindustrialized. + +A country can be classified as underequipped if it cannot outfit each citizen with a bicycle or provide a five-speed transmission as a bonus for anyone who wants to pedal others around. It is underequipped if it cannot provide good roads for the cycle, or free motorized public transportation (though at bicycle speed!) for those who want to travel for more than a few hours in succession. No technical, economic, or ecological reason exists why such backwardness should be tolerated anywhere in 1975. It would be a scandal if the natural mobility of a people were forced to stagnate on a pre-bicycle level against its will. + +A country can be classified as overindustrialized when its social life is dominated by the transportation industry, which has come to determine its class privileges, to accentuate its time scarcity, and to tie its people more tightly to the tracks it has laid out for them. + +Beyond underequipment and overindustrialization, there is a place for the world of postindustrial effectiveness, where the industrial mode of production complements other autonomous forms of production. There is a place, in other words, for a world of technological maturity. In terms of traffic, it is the world of those who have tripled the extent of their daily horizon by lifting themselves onto their bicycles. It is just as much the world marked by a variety of subsidiary motors available for the occasions when a bicycle is not enough and when an extra push will limit neither equity nor freedom. And it is, too, the world of the long voyage: a world where every place is open to every person, at his own pleasure and speed, without haste or fear, by means of vehicles that cross distances without breaking with the earth which man walked for hundreds of thousands of years on his own two feet. + +Underequipment keeps people frustrated by inefficient labor and invites the enslavement of man by man. Overindustrialization enslaves people to the tools they worship, fattens professional hierarchs on bits and on watts, and invites the translation of unequal power into huge income differentials. It imposes the same net transfers of power on the productive relations of every society, no matter what creed the managers profess, no matter what rain-dance, what penitential ritual they conduct. Technological maturity permits a society to steer a course equally free of either enslavement. But beware--that course is not charted. Technological maturity permits a variety of political choices and cultures. The variety diminishes, of course, as a community allows industry to grow at the cost of autonomous production. Reasoning alone can offer no precise measure for the level of postindustrial effectiveness and technological maturity appropriate to a concrete society. It can only indicate in dimensional terms the range into which these technological characteristics must fit. It must be left to a historical community engaged in its own political process to decide when programming, space distortion, time scarcity, and inequality cease to be worth its while. Reasoning can identify speed as the critical factor in traffic. Reasoning combined with experimentation can identify the order of magnitude at which vehicular speed turns into a sociopolitical determinant. No genius, no expert, no club of elites can set limits to industrial outputs that will be politically feasible. The need for such limits as an alternative to disaster is the strongest argument in favor of radical technology. + +Only when the speed limits of vehicles reflect the enlightened self-interest of a political community can these limits become operative. Obviously this interest cannot even be expressed in a society where one class monopolizes not only transportation but communication, medicine, education, and weapons as well. It does not matter if this power is held by legal owners or by entrenched managers of an industry that is legally owned by the workers. This power must be reappropriated and submitted to the sound judgment of the common man. The reconquest of power starts with the recognition that expert knowledge blinds the secretive bureaucrat to the obvious way of dissolving the energy crisis, just as it blinded him to the obvious solution to the war in Vietnam. + +There are two roads from where we are to technological maturity: one is the road of liberation from affluence; the other is the road of liberation from dependence. Both roads have the same destination: the social restructuring of space that offers to each person the constantly renewed experience that the center of the world is where he stands, walks, and lives. + +Liberation from affluence begins on the traffic islands where the rich run into one another. The well-sped are tossed from one island to the next and are offered but the company of fellow passengers en route to somewhere else. This solitude of plenty would begin to break down as the traffic islands gradually expanded and people began to recover their native power to move around the place where they lived. Thus, the impoverished environment of the traffic island could embody the beginnings of social reconstruction, and the people who now call themselves rich would break with bondage to overefficient transport on the day they came to treasure the horizon of their traffic islands, now fully grown, and to dread frequent shipments from their homes. + +Liberation from dependence starts at the other end. It breaks the constraints of village and valley and leads beyond the boredom of narrow horizons and the stifling oppression of a world closed in on itself. To expand life beyond the radius of tradition without scattering it to the winds of acceleration is a goal that any poor country could achieve within a few years, but it is a goal that will be reached only by those who reject the offer of unchecked industrial development made in the name of an ideology of indefinite energy consumption. + +Liberation from the radical monopoly of the transportation industry is possible only through the institution of a political process that demystifies and disestablishes speed and limits traffic-related public expenditures of money, time, and space to the pursuit of equal mutual access. Such a process amounts to public guardianship over a means of production to keep this means from turning into a fetish for the majority and an end for the few. The political process, in turn, will never engage the support of a vast majority unless its goals are set with reference to a standard that can be publicly and operationally verified. The recognition of a socially critical threshold of the energy quantum incorporated in a commodity, such as a passenger- mile, provides such a standard. A society that tolerates the transgression of this threshold inevitably diverts its resources from the production of means that can be shared equitably and transforms them into fuel for a sacrificial flame that victimizes the majority. On the other hand, a society that limits the top speed of its vehicles in accordance with this threshold fulfills a necessary--though by no means a sufficient--condition for the political pursuit of equity. + +Liberation which comes cheap to the poor will cost the rich dear, but they will pay its price once the acceleration of their transportation systems grinds traffic to a halt. A concrete analysis of traffic betrays the truth underlying the energy crisis: the impact of industrially packaged quanta of energy on the social environment tends to be degrading, exhausting, and enslaving, and these effects come into play even before those which threaten the pollution of the physical environment and the extinction of the race. The crucial point at which these effects can be reversed is not, however, a matter of deduction, but of decision. + + +## Footnotes + +[^n01]: I speak about traffic for the purpose of illustrating the more general point of socially optimal energy use, and I restrict myself to the locomotion of persons, including their personal baggage and the fuel, materials, and equipment used for the vehicle and the road. I purposely abstain from the discussion of two other types of traffic: merchandise and messages. A parallel argument can be made for both, but this would require a different line of reasoning, and I leave it for another occasion. _Author's note:_ This note appeared in the original text. I was then preparing two studies that were to complement this text: one on the history of mail delivery, the other on crews and loads throughout history. I renounced both projects to write _Medical Nemesis_. + +[^n02]: Since publication of this text in 1973, much research has been done and published. For a critical guide to the literature see Jean-Pierre Dupuy and Jean Robert, _Les Chronophages_ (Paris, 1977). + diff --git a/contents/book/needs/en.notes b/contents/book/needs/en.notes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..523e278 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/needs/en.notes @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +* Includes "Energy And Equity" and "The Right To Useful Unemployment And Its Professional Enemies" diff --git a/contents/book/needs/en.txt b/contents/book/needs/en.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d1df651 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/needs/en.txt @@ -0,0 +1,898 @@ +# Toward a History of Needs + + + +## Introduction + +The five essays in this volume reflect a decade's thinking on the industrial mode of production. During this period, I have focused on the processes through which growing dependence on mass-produced goods and services gradually erodes the conditions necessary for a convivial life. In examining a distinct area of economic growth, each essay demonstrates a general rule: Use-values are inevitably destroyed when the industrial mode of production achieves the predominance that I have termed "radical monopoly". These pieces describe how industrial growth produces the modernization of poverty. + +Modernized poverty appears when the intensity of market dependence reaches a certain threshold. Subjectively, it is the experience of frustrating affluence which occurs in persons mutilated by their overwhelming reliance on the riches of industrial productivity. Simply, it deprives those affected by it of their freedom and power to act autonomously, to live creatively; it confines them to survival through being plugged into market relations. And precisely because this new impotence is so deeply experienced, it is with difficulty expressed. We are the witnesses of a barely perceptible transformation in ordinary language by which verbs that formerly designated satisfying actions are replaced by nouns that denote packages designed for passive consumption only: for example, "to learn" becomes "acquisition of credits". A profound change in individual and social self-images is here reflected. And the layman is not the only one who has difficulty in accurately describing what he experiences. The professional economist is unable to recognize the poverty his conventional instruments fail to uncover. + +Nevertheless, the new mutant of impoverishment continues to spread. The peculiarly modern inability to use personal endowments, communal life, and environmental resources in an autonomous way infects every aspect of life where a professionally engineered commodity has succeeded in replacing a culturally shaped use-value. The opportunity to experience personal and social satisfaction outside the market is thus destroyed. I am poor, for instance, when the use-value of my feet is lost because I live in Los Angeles or work on the thirty-fifth floor. + +This new impotence-producing poverty must not be confused with the widening gap between the comsumption of rich and poor in a world where basic needs are increasingly shaped by industrial commodities. That gap is the form traditional poverty assumes in an industrial society, and the conventional terms of class struggle appropriately reveal and reduce it. I further distinguish modernized poverty from the burdensome price exacted by the externalities which increased levels of production spew into the environment. It is clear that these kinds of pollution, stress, and taxation are unequally imposed. Correspondingly, defenses against such depredations are unequally distributed. But like the new gaps in access, such inequities in social costs are aspects of industrialized poverty for which economic indicators and objective verification can be found. Such is not true for the industrialized impotence which affects both rich and poor. Where this kind of poverty reigns, life without addictive access to commodities is rendered either impossible or criminal. Making do without consumption becomes impossible, not just for the average consumer but even for the poor. All forms of welfare, from affirmative action to environmental action, are of no help. The liberty to design and craft one's own distinctive dwelling is abolished in favor of the bureaucratic provision of standardized housing, as in the United States, Cuba, or Sweden. The organization of employment, skills, building resources, rules, and credit favor shelter as a commodity rather than as an activity. Whether the product is provided by an entrepreneur or an apparatchik, the effective result is the same: citizen impotence, our specifically modern experience of poverty. + +Wherever the shadow of economic growth touches us, we are left useless unless employed on a job or engaged in consumption; the attempt to build a house or set a bone outside the control of certified specialists appears as anarchic conceit. We lose sight of our resources, lose control over the environmental conditions which make these resources applicable, lose taste for self-reliant coping with challenges from without and anxiety from within. Take childbirth in Mexico today: delivery without professional care has become unthinkable for those women whose husbands are regularly employed and therefore have access to social services, no matter how marginal or tenuous. They move in circles where the production of babies faithfully reflects the patterns of industrial outputs. Yet their sisters in the slums of the poor or the villages of the isolated still feel quite competent to give birth on their own mats, unaware that they face a modern indictment of criminal neglect toward their infants. But as professionally engineered delivery models reach these independent women, the desire, competence, and conditions for autonomous behavior are being destroyed. + +For advanced industrial society, the modernization of poverty means that people are helpless to recognize evidence unless it has been certified by a professional, be he a television weather commentator or an educator; that organic discomfort becomes intolerably threatening unless it has been medicalized into dependence on a therapist; that neighbors and friends are lost unless vehicles bridge the separating distance (created by the vehicles in the first place). In short, most of the time we find ourselves out of touch with our world, out of sight of those for whom we work, out of tune with what we feel. + +At the invitation of André Schiffrin, my United States publisher, I have selected five essays which review and develop my arguments on these themes. With their publication, I want to close ten years of teaching and writing about the counterproductive myth-making which is latent in all present-day industrial enterprises. + +The first essay is a postscript to my book _Tools for Conviviality_ (New York, 1973). It reflects the changes that have occurred during the past decade, both in economic reality and in my own perceptions of it. It assumes a rather large increase in the non-technical, ritual, and symbolic powers of our major technological and bureaucratic systems, and a corresponding decrease in their scientific, technical, and instrumental effectiveness. In 1968, it was still quite easy to dismiss organized lay resistance to professional dominance as nothing more than a throwback to romantic, obscurantist, or elitist fantasies. The grassroots, common-sense assessment of technological systems I then outlined seemed childish or retrograde to the political leaders of citizen activism, and to the "radical" professionals who laid claim to the tutorship of the poor by means of their special knowledge. The reorganization of industrial society around professionally defined needs, problems, and solutions was still the commonly accepted value implicit in ideological, political, and juridical systems otherwise clearly and sometimes violently opposed to one another. + +Now the picture has changed. Today, a hallmark of advanced and enlightened technical competence is a self-confident community, neighborhood, or group of citizens engaged in the systematic analysis and consequent ridicule of the "needs", "problems", and "solutions" defined for them by the agents of professional establishments. In the sixties, lay opposition to legislation based upon expert opinion still sounded like anti- scientific bigotry. Today, lay confidence in public policies based upon the expert's opinion is tenuous indeed. Thousands now reach their own judgments and, at great cost, engage in citizen action without any professional tutorship; they gain the scientific information they need through personal, independent effort. Sometimes risking limb, freedom, and respectability, they bear witness to a newly matured scientific attitude. They know, for example, that the quality and amount of technical evidence sufficiently conclusive to oppose atomic power plants, the multiplication of intensive-care units, compulsory education, fetal monitoring, psychosurgery, electroshock treatment, or genetic engineering is also simple and clear enough for the layman to grasp and utilize. + +Ten years ago, compulsory schooling was still protected by powerful taboos. Today, its defenders are almost exclusively either teachers whose jobs depend upon it or Marxist ideologues who defend professional knowledge-holders in a shadow battle against the hip-bourgeoisie. Ten years ago, the myths about the effectiveness of modem medical institutions were still unquestioned. Most economics textbooks accepted the belief that adult life expectancy was increasing, that treatment for cancer postponed death, that the availability of doctors resulted in higher infant-survival rates. Since then, people have "discovered" what vital statistics have always shown: that adult life expectancy has not changed in any socially significant way over the last few generations; that it is lower in most rich countries today than in our grandparents' time, and also lower there than in many poor nations. Ten years ago, universal access to postsecondary schooling, to adult education, to preventive medicine, to highways, to a wired global village, was still a prestigious goal. Today, the great myth-making rituals organized around education, transportation, health care, and urbanization have indeed been partly demystified. They have not yet, however, been disestablished. + +The second essay is the text of a speech I delivered for the Canadian Foreign Policy Association in 1969. It is a critique of the Pearson Report, a document intended to conclude the first so-called Development Decade and open the second. Herein I called attention to the exasperating impotence that is inflicted upon the poor in those countries which have benefitted most from the importation of the public utilities in which the rich take pride. + +The last three essays focus on the kind of social and political paralysis which cripples not just the poor but the vast majority in the industrialized nations. The production of modernized poverty in the shadow of economic expansion is described principally in the areas of transportation, education, and health care. It is from these sectors that I have learned much during this decade. + +Shadow prices and increased consumption gaps are important aspects of the new poverty, but my principal interest is directed toward a different concomitant of modernization: the process by which autonomy is undermined, satisfaction dulled, experience flattened out, and needs frustrated for nearly everyone. For example, I have examined the society-wide obstacles to mutual presence which are necessary side effects of energy-intensive transportation. I have wanted to define the power limits of motors equitably used to increase people's access to one another. I recognized, of course, that high speeds inevitably impose a skewed distribution of harriedness, noise, pollution, and enjoyment of privilege. But my emphasis is other than this. My arguments are focused on the negative internalities of modernity-time-consuming acceleration, sick-making health care, stupefying education. The unequal distribution of the ersatz benefits, or the unequal imposition of their negative externalities, are corollaries to my basic argument. In these essays, I am interested in the direct and specific effects of modernized poverty, in human tolerance for such effects, and in the possibility of escaping the new misery. + +During these last years I have found it necessary to examine again and again the correlation between the nature of tools and the meaning of justice that prevails in the society that uses them. I have had to observe the decline of freedom in societies where rights are shaped by expertise. I have had to weigh the trade-offs between new tools that enhance the production of commodities and those equally modern ones that permit the generation of values in use; between rights to mass-produced commodities and the level of liberty that permits satisfying and creative personal expression; between paid employment and useful unemployment. And in each dimension of the trade-off between heteronomous management and autonomous action, I find that the language that would permit us to insist on the latter must be recovered with difficulty. I am, like those I seek as my readers, so profoundly committed to a radically equitable access to goods, rights, and jobs that I find it almost unnecessary to insist on our struggle for this side of justice. I find it much more important, and difficult, to deal with its complement: the politics of conviviality. I use this term in the technical sense I gave to it in _Tools for Conviviality_: to designate the struggle for an equitable distribution of the liberty to generate use-values and for the instrumentation of this liberty through the assignment of an absolute priority to the production of those industrial and professional commodities that confer on the least advantaged the greatest power to generate values in use. + +New, convivial politics are based on the insight that in a modern society, both wealth and jobs can be equitably shared and enjoyed in liberty only when both are limited by a political process. Excessive forms of wealth and prolonged formal employment, no matter how well distributed, destroy the social, cultural, and environmental conditions for equal productive freedom. Bits and watts --which here stand for units of information and of energy, respectively-- when packaged into any mass-produced commodity in amounts that pass a threshold, inevitably constitute impoverishing wealth. Such wealth is either too rare to be shared or it is destructive of the freedom and liberty of the weakest. With each of these five essays, I have attempted to make a contribution to the political process by which the socially critical thresholds of enrichment are recognized by citizens and translated into society-wide ceilings or limits. + + + +## Useful Unemployment and its Professional Enemies + +_This essay on trade-offs between commodities and use-values in a modern society was written in 1977 and is published here for the first time. John McKnight and Lee Hoinacki have helped me to clarify my thought. I am also indebted here to the work of William Leiss, who, in_ The Limits to Satisfaction _(Toronto, 1976), deals with the correlation of modern needs and commodities._ + +Fifty years ago, most of the words an American heard were personally spoken to him as an individual, or to somebody standing nearby. Only occasionally did words reach him as an undifferentiated member of a crowd--in the classroom or in church, at a rally or a circus. Words were mostly like handwritten, sealed letters and not like the junk that now pollutes our mails. Today, words that are directed to one person's attention have become rare. Engineered staples of images, ideas, feelings, and opinions, packaged and delivered through the media, assault our sensibilities with round-the-clock regularity. Two points now become evident: (1) what is occurring with language fits the pattern of an increasingly wide range of need-satisfaction relationships; (2) this replacement of convivial means by manipulative industrial ware is truly universal, and is relentlessly making the New York teacher, the Chinese commune member, the Bantu schoolboy, and the Brazilian sergeant alike. In this essay, a postscript to _Tools for Conviviality_, I shall do three things: (1) describe the character of a commodity/market-intensive society in which the very abundance of commodities paralyzes the autonomous creation of use-values; (2) insist on the hidden role that professions play in such a society by shaping its needs; and (3) expose some illusions and propose some strategies for breaking the professional power that perpetuates market dependence. + + +### Disabling Market Intensity + +_Crisis_ has come to mean that moment when doctors, diplomats, bankers, and assorted social engineers take over and liberties are suspended. Like patients, nations go on the critical list. _Crisis_, the Greek term that has designated "choice" or "turning point" in all modern languages, now means "driver, step on the gas". Crisis now evokes an ominous but tractable threat against which money, manpower, and management can be rallied. Intensive care for the dying, bureaucratic tutelage for the victim of discrimination, fission for the energy glutton, are typical responses. Crisis, understood in this way, is always good for executives and commissars, especially those scavengers who live on the side effects of yesterday's growth: educators who live on society's alienation, doctors who prosper on the work and leisure that have destroyed health, politicians who thrive on the distribution of welfare which, in the first instance, was financed by those assisted. Crisis understood as a call for acceleration not only puts more power under the control of the driver, while squeezing the passengers more tightly into their safety belts; it also justifies the depredation of space, time, and resources for the sake of motorized wheels, and it does so to the detriment of people who want to use their feet. + +But crisis need not have this meaning. It need not imply a headlong rush for the escalation of management. Instead, it can mean the instant of choice, that marvelous moment when people suddenly become aware of their self-imposed cages and of the possibility of a different life. And this is the crisis that, as choice, confronts both the United States and the world today. + +#### A World-wide Choice + +In only a few decades, the world has become an amalgam. Human responses to everyday occurrences have been standardized. Though languages and gods still appear to be different, people daily join the stupendous majority who march to the beat of the very same megamachine. The light switch by the door has replaced the dozens of ways in which fires, candles, and lanterns were formerly kindled. In ten years, the number of switch-users in the world has tripled; flush and paper have become essential conditions for the relief of the bowels. Light that does not flow from high-voltage networks and hygiene without tissue paper spell poverty for ever more people. Expectations grow, while hopeful trust in one's own competence and the concern for others rapidly decline. + +The now soporific, now raucous intrusion of the media reaches deeply into the commune, the village, the corporation, the school. The sounds made by the editors and announcers of programmed texts daily pervert the words of a spoken language into building blocks for packaged messages. Today, one must be either isolated and cut off or a carefully guarded, affluent dropout to allow one's children to play in an environment where they listen to people rather than to stars, speakers, or instructors. All over the world, one can see the rapid encroachment of the disciplined acquiescence that characterizes the audience, the client, the customer. The standardization of human action grows apace. + +It now becomes clear that most of the world's communities are facing exactly the same critical issue: people must either remain ciphers in the conditioned crowd that surges toward greater dependence (thus necessitating savage battles for a share of the drugs to feed their habit), or they must find the courage that alone saves in a panic: the courage to stand still and look around for another way out than the obvious marked exit. But many, when told that Bolivians, Canadians, and Hungarians all face the same fundamental choice, are not simply annoyed but deeply offended. The idea appears not only foolish but shocking. They fail to detect the sameness in the new bitter degradation that underlies the hunger of the Indian in the Altiplano, the neurosis of the worker in Amsterdam, and the cynical corruption of the bureaucrat in Warsaw. + +#### Toward a Culture for Staples + +Development has had the same effect in all societies: everyone has been enmeshed in a new web of dependence on commodities that flow out of the same kind of machines, factories, clinics, television studios, think tanks. To satisfy this dependence, more of the same must be produced: standardized, engineered goods, designed for the future consumer who will be trained by the engineer's agent to need what he or she is offered. These products, be they tangible goods or intangible services, constitute the industrial staple. Their imputed monetary value as a commodity is determined by state and market in varying proportions. Thus different cultures become insipid residues of traditional styles of action, washed up in one world-wide wasteland: an arid terrain devastated by the machinery needed to produce and consume. On the banks of the Seine and those of the Niger, people have unlearned how to milk because the white stuff now comes from the grocer. (Thanks to more richly endowed consumer protection, it is less poisonous in France than in Mali.) True, more babies get cow's milk, but the breasts of both rich and poor dry up. The addicted consumer is born when the baby cries for the bottle: when the organism is trained to reach for milk from the grocer and to turn away from the breast that thus defaults. Autonomous and creative human action, required to make man's universe bloom, atrophies. Roofs of shingle or thatch, tile or slate, are displaced by concrete for the few and corrugated plastic for the many. Neither jungles, swamps, nor ideological biases have prevented the poor and the socialist from rushing onto the highways of the rich, the roads leading them into the world where economists replace priests. The mint stamps out all local treasures and idols. Money devalues what it cannot measure. The crisis, then, is the same for all: the choice of more or less dependence upon industrial commodities. _More_ will mean the rapid and complete destruction of cultures which are programs for satisfying subsistence activities. _Less_ will mean the variegated flowering of use-values in modern cultures of intense activity. For both rich and poor the choice is essentially the same, although hard to imagine for those already accustomed to living inside the supermarket --a structure different only in name from a ward for idiots. + +Present-day industrial society organizes life around commodities. Our market-intensive societies measure material progress by the increase in the volume and variety of commodities produced. And taking our cue from this sector, we measure social progress by the distribution of access to these commodities. Economics has been developed as propaganda for the takeover by large-scale commodity producers. Socialism has been debased to a struggle against handicapped distribution, and welfare economics has identified the public good with opulence --the humiliating opulence of the poor in United States hospitals, jails, or asylums. + +By disregarding all trade-offs to which no price tag is attached, industrial society has created an urban landscape that is unfit for people unless they devour each day their own weight in metals and fuels, a world in which the constant need for protection against the unwanted results of more things and more commands has generated new depths of discrimination, impotence, and frustration. The establishment-orientated ecological movement so far has further strengthened this trend: it has concentrated attention on faulty industrial technology and, at best, on exploitation of industrial production by private owners. It has questioned the depletion of natural resources, the inconvenience of pollution, and net transfers of power. But even when price tags are attached that reflect the environmental impact, the disvalue of nuisance, or the cost of polarization, we still do not clearly see that the division of labor, the multiplication of commodities, and dependence on them have forcibly substituted standardized packages for almost everything people formerly did or made on their own. + +For two decades now, about fifty languages have died each year; half of those still spoken in 1950 survive only as subjects for doctoral theses. And what distinct languages do remain to witness the incomparably different ways of seeing, using, and enjoying the world now sound more and more alike. Consciousness is everywhere colonized by imported labels. Yet even those who do worry about the loss of cultural and genetic variety, or about the multiplication of long-impact isotopes, do not advert to the irreversible depletion of skills, stories, and senses of form. And this progressive substitution of industrial goods and services for useful but nonmarketable values has been the shared goal of political factions and regimes otherwise violently opposed to one another. + +In this way, ever larger pieces of our lives are so transformed that life itself comes to depend almost exclusively on the consumption of commodities sold on the world market. The United States corrupts its farmers to provide grain to a regime which increasingly stakes its legitimacy on the ability to deliver even more grain. Of course, the two regimes allocate resources by different methods: here, by the wisdom of pricing; there, by the wisdom of planners. But the political opposition between proponents of alternate methods of allocation only masks the similar ruthless disregard of personal dignity and freedom by all factions and parties. + +Energy policy is a good example of the profound identity in the world-views of the self-styled socialist and the so-called capitalist supporters of the industrial system. Possibly excluding such places as Cambodia, about which I am uninformed, no governing elite nor any socialist opposition can conceive of a desirable future that would be based on per capita energy consumption of a magnitude inferior to that which now prevails in Europe. All existing political parties stress the need for energy- intensive production--albeit with Chinese discipline--while failing to comprehend that the corresponding society will further deny people the free use of their limbs. Here sedans and there buses push bicycles off the road. All governments stress an employment-intensive force of production, but are unwilling to recognize that jobs can also destroy the use-value of free time. They all stress a more objective and complete professional definition of people's needs, but are insensitive to the consequent expropriation of life. + +In the late Middle Ages the stupefying simplicity of the heliocentric model was used as an argument to discredit the new astronomy. Its elegance was interpreted as naivete. In our days, use-value-centered theories that analyze the social costs generated by established economics are certainly not rare. Such theories are being proposed by dozens of outsiders, who often identify them with radical technology, ecology, community lifestyles, smallness, or beauty. As an excuse to avoid looking at these theories, the frequent failure of their proponents' experiments in personal living is held against them and magnified. Just as the legendary inquisitor refused to look through Galileo's telescope, so most modern economists refuse to look at an analysis that might displace the conventional center of their economic system. The new analytical systems would force us to recognize the obvious: that the generation of nonmarketable use-values must inevitably occupy the center of any culture that provides a program for satisfactory life to a majority of its members. Cultures are programs for activities, not for firms. Industrial society destroys this center by polluting it with the measured output of corporations, public or private, degrading what people do or make on their own. As a consequence, societies have been transformed into huge zero-sum games, monolithic delivery systems in which every gain for one turns into a loss or burden for another, while true satisfaction is denied to both. + +On the way, innumerable sets of infrastructures in which people coped, played, ate, made friends, and made love have been destroyed. A couple of so-called development decades have sufficed to dismantle traditional patterns of culture from Manchuria to Montenegro. Prior to these years, such patterns permitted people to satisfy most of their needs in a subsistence mode. After these years, plastic had replaced pottery, carbonated beverages replaced water, Valium replaced camomile tea, and records replaced guitars. All through history, the best measure for bad times was the percentage of food eaten that had to be purchased. In good times, most families got most of their nutrition from what they grew or acquired in a network of gift relationships. Until late in the eighteenth century, more than 99 per cent of the world's food was produced inside the horizon that the consumer could see from the church steeple or minaret. Laws that tried to control the number of chickens and pigs within the city walls suggest that, except for a few large urban areas, more than half of all food eaten was also cultivated within the city. Before World War II, less than 4 per cent of all food eaten was transported into the region from abroad, and these imports were largely confined to the eleven cities which then contained more than two million inhabitants. Today, 40 per cent of all people survive only because they have access to interregional markets. A future in which the world market of capital and goods would be severely reduced is as much taboo today as a modern world in which active people would use modern convivial tools to create an abundance of use-values that liberated them from consumption. One can see in this pattern a reflection of the belief that useful activities by which people both express and satisfy their needs can be replaced indefinitely by standardized goods or services. + +#### The Modernization of Poverty + +Beyond a certain threshold, the multiplication of commodities induces impotence, the incapacity to grow food, to sing, or to build. The toil and pleasure of the human condition become a faddish privilege restricted to some of the rich. When Kennedy launched the Alliance for Progress, Acatzingo, like most Mexican villages of its size, had four groups of musicians who played for a drink and served the population of eight hundred. Today, records and radios, hooked up to loudspeakers, drown out local talent. Occasionally, in an act of nostalgia, a collection is taken up to bring a band of dropouts from the university to sing the old songs for some special holiday. On the day Venezuela legislated the right of each citizen to "housing", conceived of as a commodity, three-quarters of all families found that their self-built dwellings were thereby degraded to the status of hovels. Furthermore--and this is the rub--self-building was now prejudiced. No house could be legally started without the submission of an approved architect's plan. The useful refuse and junk of Caracas, up till then re-employed as excellent building materials, now created a problem of solid-waste disposal. The man who produces his own "housing" is looked down upon as a deviant who refuses to cooperate with the local pressure group for the delivery of mass-produced housing units. Also, innumerable regulations have appeared which brand his ingenuity as illegal or even criminal. This example illustrates how the poor are the first to suffer when a new kind of commodity castrates one of the traditional subsistence crafts. The useful unemployment of the jobless poor is sacrificed to the expansion of the labor market. "Housing" as a self-chosen activity, just like any other freedom for useful employment of time off the job, becomes the privilege of some deviant, often the idle rich. + +An addiction to paralyzing affluence, once it becomes ingrained in a culture, generates "modernized poverty". This is a form of disvalue necessarily associated with the proliferation of commodities. This rising disutility of industrial mass products has escaped the attention of economists, because it is not accessible to their measurements, and of social services, because it cannot be "operationalized". Economists have no effective means of including in their calculations the society-wide loss of a kind of satisfaction that has no market equivalent. Thus, one could today define economists as the members of a fraternity which only accepts people who, in the pursuit of their professional work, can practice a trained social blindness toward the most fundamental trade-off in contemporary systems, both East and West: the decline in the individual-personal ability to do or make which is the price of every additional degree of commodity affluence. + +The existence and nature of modernized poverty remained hidden, even in ordinary conversation, as long as it primarily affected the poor. As development, or modernization, reached the poor--those who until then had been able to survive in spite of being excluded from the market economy--they were systematically compelled to survive through buying into a purchasing system which, for them, always and necessarily meant getting the dregs of the market. Indians in Oaxaca who formerly had no access to schools are now drafted into school to "earn" certificates that measure precisely their inferiority relative to the urban population. Furthermore--and this is again the rub--without this piece of paper they can no longer enter even the building trades. Modernization of "needs" always adds new discrimination to poverty. + +Modernized poverty has now become the common experience of all except those who are so rich that they can drop out in luxury. As one facet of life after another becomes dependent on engineered supplies, few of us escape the recurrent experience of impotence. The average United States consumer is bombarded by a hundred advertisements per day and reacts to many of them--more often than not--in a negative way. Even well-heeled shoppers acquire, with each new commodity, a fresh experience of disutility. They suspect they have purchased something of doubtful value, perhaps soon to become useless or even dangerous, and something that calls for an array of even more expensive complements. Affluent shoppers organize: they usually begin with demands for quality control, and not infrequently generate consumer resistance. Across the tracks, slum neighborhoods "unplug" themselves from service and "care", from social work in South Chicago and from textbooks in Kentucky. Rich and poor are almost ready to recognize clearly a new form of frustrating wealth in the further expansion of a market-intensive culture. Also, the affluent come to sense their own plight as it is mirrored in the poor, though for the moment this intimation has not developed beyond a kind of romanticism. + +The ideology that identifies progress with affluence is not restricted to the rich countries. The same ideology degrades nonmarketable activities even in areas where, until recently, most needs were still met through a subsistence mode of life. For example, the Chinese--drawing inspiration from their own tradition--seemed willing and able to redefine technical progress, to opt for the bicycle over the jet plane. They seemed to stress local self-determination as a goal of inventive people rather than as a means for national defense. But by 1977, their propaganda was glorying in China's industrial capacity to deliver more health care, education, housing, and general welfare --at a lower cost. Merely tactical functions are provisionally assigned to the herbs in the bag of the barefoot doctor, and to labor-intensive production methods. Here, as in other areas of the world, heteronomous--that is, other-directed--production of goods, standardized for categories of anonymous consumers, fosters unrealistic and ultimately frustrating expectations. Furthermore, the process inevitably corrupts the trust of people in their own and their neighbors' ever surprising autonomous competences. China simply represents the latest example of the particular Western version of modernization through intensive market dependence seizing a traditional society as no cargo cult did even at its most irrational extreme. + +#### The History of Needs + +In both traditional and modern societies, an important change has occurred in a very short period: the means for the satisfaction of needs have been radically altered. The motor has sapped the muscle; instruction has deadened self-confident curiosity. As a consequence, both needs and wants have acquired a character for which there is no historical precedent. For the first time, needs have become almost exclusively coterminous with commodities. As long as most people walked wherever they wanted to go, they felt restrained mainly when their _freedom_ was restricted. Now that they depend on transportation in order to move, they claim not a freedom but a _right_ to passenger miles. And as ever more vehicles provide ever more people with such "rights", the freedom to walk is degraded and eclipsed by the provision of these rights. For most people, wants follow suit. They cannot even imagine liberation from universal passengerhood, that is, the liberty of modern man in a modern world to move on his own. + +This situation, by now a rigid interdependence of needs and market, is legitimated through appeal to the expertise of an elite whose knowledge, by its very nature, cannot be shared. Economists of rightist as well as leftist persuasion vouch to the public that an increase in jobs depends on more energy; educators persuade the public that law, order, and productivity depend on more instruction; gynecologists claim that the quality of infantlife depends on their involvement in childbirth. Therefore, the near-universal extension of market intensity in the world's economies cannot be effectively questioned as long as the immunity of the elites that legitimate the nexus between commodity and satisfaction has not been destroyed. The point is well illustrated by a woman who told me about the birth of her third child. Having borne two children, she felt both competent and experienced. She was in the hospital and felt the child coming. She called the nurse, who, instead of helping, rushed for a sterile towel to press the baby's head back into the womb and ordered the mother to stop pushing because "Dr. Levy has not yet arrived". + +But this is the moment for public decision, for political action instead of professional management. Modern societies, rich or poor, can move in either of two opposite directions. They can produce a new bill of goods--albeit safer, less wasteful, more easily shared--and thereby further intensify their dependence on consumer staples. Or, they can take a totally new approach to the interrelationship between needs and satisfactions. In other words, societies can either retain their market-intensive; economies, changing only the design of the output, or they can reduce their dependence on commodities. The latter alternative entails the adventure of imagining and constructing new frameworks in which individuals and communities can develop a new kind of modern tool kit. This would be organized so as to permit people to shape and satisfy an expanding proportion of their needs directly and personally. + +The first direction represents a continuing identification of technical progress with the multiplication of commodities. The bureaucratic managers of egalitarian persuasion and the technocrats of welfare would converge in a call for austerity: to shift from goods, such as jets, that obviously cannot be shared, to so-called "social" equipment like buses; to distribute more equitably the decreasing hours of employment available and ruthlessly limit the typical work week to about twenty hours on the job; to draft the new resource of unemployed life-time into retraining or voluntary service on the model of Mao, Castro, or Kennedy. This new stage of industrial society, though socialist, effective, and rational, would simply usher in a new state of the culture that downgraded the satisfaction of wants into the repetitive relief of imputed needs through engineered staples. At its best, this alternative would produce goods and services in smaller quantities, distribute them more equitably, and foster less envy. The symbolic participation of people in deciding what ought to be made might be transferred from a buck in the market to a gawk in the political assembly. The environmental impact of production could be softened. Among commodities, services, especially the various forms of social control, would certainly grow much faster than the manufacture of goods. Huge sums are already being spent on the oracle industry so that government prophets can spew out "alternative" scenarios designed to shore up this first choice. Interestingly, many of them have already reached the conclusion that the cost of the social controls necessary to enforce austerity in an ecologically feasible but still industry-centered society would be intolerable. + +The second choice would ring down the curtain on absolute market dominance and foster an ethic of austerity for the sake of widespread satisfying action. If in the first alternative austerity would mean the individual's acceptance of managerial ukases for the sake of increased institutional productivity, austerity in the second alternative would mean that social virtue by which people recognize and decide limits on the maximum amount of instrumented power that anyone may claim, both for his own satisfaction and in the service of others. This convivial austerity inspires a society to protect personal use-value against disabling enrichment. Under such protection against disabling affluence many distinct cultures would arise, each modern and each emphasizing the dispersed use of modern tools. Convivial austerity so limits the use of any tool that tool ownership would lose much of its present power. If bicycles are owned here by the commune, there by the rider, nothing is changed about the essentially convivial nature of the bicycle as a tool. Such commodities would still be produced in large measure by industrial methods, but they would be seen and evaluated differently. Now, commodities are viewed mostly as staples that directly feed the needs shaped by their designers. In the second option, they would be valued either as raw materials or as tools that permitted people to generate use-values in maintaining the subsistence of their respective communities. But this choice depends, of course, on a Copernican revolution in our perception of values. At present, we see consumer goods and professional services at the center of our economic system, and specialists relate our needs exclusively to this center. In contrast, the social inversion contemplated here would assign use-values created and personally fostered by people themselves to the center. It is true that people have recently lost the confidence to shape their own desires. The world-wide discrimination against the autodidact has vitiated many people's confidence in determining their own goals and needs. But the same discrimination has also resulted in a multiplicity of growing minorities who are infuriated by this insidious dispossession. + + +### Disabling Professions + +These minorities already see that they--and all autochthonous cultural life--are threatened by megatools which systematically expropriate the environmental conditions that foster individual and group autonomy. And so they quietly determine to fight for the usefulness of their bodies, memories, and skills. Because the rapidly increasing multiplication of imputed needs generates ever new kinds of dependence and ever new categories of modernized poverty, present-day industrial societies take on the character of interdependent conglomerates of bureaucratically stigmatized majorities. Among this great mass of citizens who are crippled by transport, rendered sleepless by schedules, poisoned by hormone therapy, silenced by loudspeakers, sickened by food, a few form minorities of organized and active citizens. Now these are barely beginning to grow and coalesce for public dissidence. Subjectively, these groups are ready to end an age. But to be dispatched, an age needs a name that sticks. I propose to call the mid-twentieth century the Age of Disabling Professions. I choose this designation because it commits those who use it. It exposes the antisocial functions performed by the least challenged providers--educators, physicians, social workers, and scientists. Simultaneously, it indicts the complacency of citizens who have submitted themselves to multifaceted bondage as clients. To speak about the power of disabling professions shames their victims into recognizing the conspiracy of the lifelong student, gynecological case, or consumer, each with his or her manager. By describing the sixties as an apogee of the problem-solver, one immediately exposes both the inflated conceit of our academic elites and the greedy gullibility of their victims. + +But this focus on the makers of the social imagination and the cultural values does more than expose and denounce; by designating the last twenty-five years as the Age of Dominant Professions, one also proposes a strategy. One sees the necessity of going beyond the expert redistribution of wasteful, irrational, and paralyzing commodities, the hallmafk of Radical Professionalism, the conventional wisdom of today's good guys. The strategy demands nothing less than the unmasking of the professional ethos. The credibility of the professional expert, be he scientist, therapist, or executive, is the Achilles' heel of the industrial system. Therefore, only those citizen initiatives and radical technologies that directly challenge the insinuating dominance of disabling professions open the way to freedom for nonhierarchical, community-based competence. The waning of the current professional ethos is a necessary condition for the emergence of a new relationship between needs, contemporary tools, and personal satisfaction. The first step toward this emergence is a skeptical and nondeferential posture of the citizen toward the professional expert. Social reconstruction begins with a doubt raised among citizens. + +When I propose the analysis of professional power as the key to social reconstruction, I am usually told that it is a dangerous error to select this phenomenon as the crux for recovery from the industrial system. Does not the shape of the educational, medical, and planning establishments actually reflect the distribution of power and privilege of a capitalist elite? Is it not irresponsible to undermine the trust of the man in the street in his scientifically trained teacher, physician, or economist precisely at the moment when the poor need these trained protectors to gain access to classroom, clinic, and expert assistance? Ought not the indictment of the industrial system to expose the income of stockholders in drug firms or the perquisites of power-brokers that belong to the new elites? Why spoil the mutual dependence of clients and professional providers, especially when increasingly--as in Cuba and the United States--both tend to come from the same social class? Is it not perverse to denigrate the very people who have painfully acquired the knowledge to recognize and service our needs for welfare? In fact, should not the radically socialist professional leaders be singled out as those most apt for the ongoing societal task of defining and meeting people's "real" needs in an egalitarian society? + +The arguments implicit in these questions are frequently advanced to disrupt and discredit public analysis of the disabling effects of industrial welfare systems which focus on services. Such effects are essentially identical and clearly inevitable, no matter what the political flag under which they are imposed. They incapacitate people's autonomy through forcing them--via legal, environmental, and social changes--to become consumers of care. These rhetorical questions represent a frantic defense of privilege on the part of those elites who might lose income but would certainly gain status and power if, in a new form of market-intensive economy, dependence on their services were rendered more equitable. + +A further objection to the critique of professional power drives out the devil with Beelzebub. This objection singles out as the key target for analysis the defense conglomerates seemingly at the center of each bureaucratic-industrial society. The developed argument then posits the security forces as the motor behind the contemporary universal regimentation into market- dependent discipline. It identifies as the principal need-makers the armed bureaucracies that have come into being since, under Louis XIV, Richelieu established the first professional police: that is, the professional agencies that are now in charge of weaponry, intelligence, and propaganda. Since Hiroshima, these so-called services appear to be the determinants for research, design production, and employment. They rest upon civilian foundations, such as schooling for discipline, consumer training for the enjoyment of waste, habituation to violent speeds, medical engineering for life in a world-wide shelter, and standardized dependence on rations dispensed by benevolent quartermasters. This line of thought sees state security as the generator of a society's production patterns, and views the civilian economy as, to a large extent, either the military's spin-off or its prerequisite. + +If an argument constructed around these notions were valid, how could such a society forgo atomic power, no matter how poisonous, oppressive, or counterproductive a further energy glut might be? How could a defense-ridden state be expected to tolerate the organization of disaffected citizen groups who unplug their neighborhoods from consumption to claim the liberty to small-scale use-value-intensive production that happens in an atmosphere of satisfying and joyful austerity? Would not a militarized society soon have to move against need-deserters, brand them as traitors, and, if possible, expose them not just to scorn but to ridicule? Would not a defense-driven society have to stamp out those examples that would lead to nonviolent modernity, just at the time when public policy calls for a decentralization of commodity production reminiscent of Mao and for more rational, equitable, and professionally supervised consumption? + +This argument pays undue credit to the military as the source of violence in an industrial state. The assumption that military requirements are to blame for the aggressiveness and destructiveness of advanced industrial society must be exposed as an illusion. No doubt, if it were true that the military had somehow usurped the industrial system, if it had wrenched the various spheres of social endeavor and action away from civilian control, then the present state of militarized politics would have reached a point of no return--at least, of no potential for civilian reform. This is in fact the argument made by the brightest of Brazil's military leaders, who see the armed forces as the only legitimate tutor of peaceful industrial pursuit during the rest of this century. + +But this is simply not so. The modern industrial state is not a product of the army. Rather, its army is one of the symptoms of its total and consistent orientation. True, the present industrial mode of organization can be traced to military antecedents in Napoleonic times. True, the compulsory education of peasant boys in the 1830s, the universal health care for the industrial proletariat in the 1850s, the growing communications networks in the 1860s, as well as most forms of industrial standardization, are all strategies first introduced into modern societies as military requirements and only later understood as dignified forms of peaceful, civilian progress. But the fact that systems of health, education, and welfare needed a military rationale to be enacted into law does not mean that they were not thoroughly consistent with the basic thrust of industrial development, which, in fact, was never nonviolent, peaceful, or respectful of people. + +Today, this insight is easier to gain. First, because since Polaris it is no longer possible to distinguish between wartime and peacetime armies, and second, because since the war on poverty peace is on the warpath. Today, industrial societies are constantly and totally mobilized; they are organized for constant public emergencies; they are shot through with variegated strategies in all sectors; the battlefields of health, education, welfare, and affirmative equality are strewn with victims and covered with ruins; citizens' liberties are continually suspended for campaigns against ever newly discovered evils; each year new frontier dwellers are discovered who must be protected against or cured of some new disease, some previously unknown ignorance. The basic needs that are shaped and imputed by all professional agencies are needs for defense against evils. + +Today's professors and social scientists who seek to blame the military for the destructiveness of commodity-intensive societies are people who, in a very clumsy way, are attempting to arrest the erosion of their own legitimacy. They claim that the military pushes the industrial system into its frustrating and destructive state, thereby distracting attention from the profoundly destructive nature of a market-intensive society which drives its citizens into today's wars. Both those who seek to protect professional autonomy against citizen maturity and those who wish to portray the professional as victim of the militarized state will be answered by a choice: the direction in which free citizens wish to go to supersede the world-wide crisis. + +#### The Waning of the Professional Age + +The illusions that permitted the installation of professions as arbiters of needs are now increasingly visible to common sense. Procedures in the service sector are often understood for what they are--Linus blankets, or rituals that hide from the provider-consumer caboodle the disparity and antipathy between the ideal for the sake of which the service is rendered and the reality that the service creates. Schools that promise equal enlightenment generate unequally degrading meritocracy and lifelong dependence on further tutorship; vehicles compel everyone to a flight forward. But the public has not yet clarified the choices. Projects under professional leadership could result in compulsory political creeds (with their accompanying versions of a new fascism), or the experience of citizens could dismiss our hubris as yet another historical collection of neo-Promethean but essentially ephemeral follies. Informed choice requires that we examine the specific role of the professions in determining who in this age got what from whom and why. + +To see the present clearly, let us imagine the children who will soon play in the ruins of high schools, Hiltons, and hospitals. In these professional castles turned cathedrals, built to protect us against ignorance, discomfort, pain, and death, the children of tomorrow will re-enact in their play the delusions of our Age of Professions, as from ancient castles and cathedrals we reconstruct the crusades of knights against sin and the Turk in the Age of Faith. Children in their games will mingle the Uniquack which now pollutes our language with archaisms inherited from robber barons and cowboys. I see them addressing each other as chairman and secretary rather than as chief and lord. Of course, adults will blush when they slip into managerial pidgin with terms such as policy-making, social planning, and problem-solving. + +The Age of Professions will be remembered as the time when politics withered, when voters guided by professors entrusted to technocrats the power to legislate needs, the authority to decide who needed what, and a monopoly over the means by which those needs should be met. It will be remembered as the Age of Schooling, when people for one-third of their lives were trained to accumulate needs on prescription and for the other two-thirds were clients of prestigious pushers who managed their habits. It will be remembered as the age when recreational travel meant a packaged gawk at strangers, and intimacy meant training by Masters and Johnson; when formed opinion was a replay of last night's talk-show, and voting, an endorsement to a salesman for more of the same. + +Future students will be as much confused by the supposed differences between capitalist and socialist school, health-care, prison, or transportation systems as today's students are by the claimed differences between justification by works as opposed to justification by faith in the late Reformation Christian sects. They will also discover that the professional librarians, surgeons, or supermarket designers in poor or socialist countries toward the end of each decade came to keep the same records, use the same tools, and build the same spaces that their colleagues in rich countries had pioneered at the decade's beginning. Archaeologists will periodize our life-span not by potsherds but by professional fashions, reflected in the mod-trends of United Nations publications. + +It would be pretentious to predict whether this age, when needs were shaped by professional design, will be remembered with a smile or a curse. I hope, of course, that it will be remembered as the night when father went on a binge, dissipated the family fortune, and obligated his children to start anew. Sad to say, it will much more probably be remembered as the time when a whole generation's frenzied pursuit of impoverishing wealth rendered all freedoms alienable and, after first turning politics into the organized gripes of welfare recipients, extinguished it in expert totalitarianism. + +#### Professional Dominance + +Let us first face the fact that the bodies of specialists that now dominate the creation, adjudication, and satisfaction of needs are a new kind of cartel. And this must be recognized in order to outflank their developing defenses. For we already see the new biocrat hiding behind the benevolent mask of the physician of old; the pedocrat's behavioral aggression is shrugged off as the overzealous, perhaps silly care of the concerned teacher; the personnel manager equipped with a psychological arsenal presents himself in the guise of an old-time foreman. The new specialists, who are usually servicers of human needs that their specialty has defined, tend to wear the mask of love and to provide some form of care. They are more deeply entrenched than a Byzantine bureaucracy, more international than a world church, more stable than any labor union, endowed with wider competencies than any shaman, and equipped with a tighter hold over those they claim than any mafia. + +The new organized specialists must, first, be carefully distinguished from racketeers. Educators, for instance, now tell society what must be learned and write off what has been learned outside school. By this kind of monopoly, which enables tyrannical professions to prevent you from shopping elsewhere and from making your own booze, they at first seem to fit the dictionary definition of gangsters. But gangsters, for their own profit, corner a basic necessity by controlling supplies. Educators and doctors and social workers today--as did priests and lawyers formerly--gain legal power to create the need that, by law, they alone will be allowed to serve. They turn the modern state into a holding corporation of enterprises that facilitate the operation of their self-certified competencies. + +Legalized control over work has taken many different forms: soldiers of fortune refused to fight until they got the license to plunder; Lysistrata organized female chattels to enforce peace by refusing sex; doctors in Cos conspired by oath to pass trade secrets only to their offspring; guilds set the curricula, prayers, tests, pilgrimages, and hazings through which Hans Sachs had to pass before he was permitted to shoe his fellow burghers. In capitalist countries, unions attempt to control who shall work what hours for what pay. All these trade associations are attempts by specialists to determine how their kind of work shall be done and by whom. But none of these specialists are professionals in the sense that doctors, for instance, are today. Today's domineering professionals, of whom physicians provide the most striking and painful example, go further: they decide what shall be made, for whom, and how it shall be administered. They claim special, incommunicable knowledge, not just about the way things are and are to be made, but also about the reasons why their services ought to be needed. Merchants sell you the goods they stock. Guildsmen guarantee quality. Some craftspeople tailor their product to your measure or fancy. Professionals, however, tell you what you need. They claim the power to prescribe. They not only advertise what is good but ordain what is right. Neither income, long training, delicate tasks, nor social standing is the mark of the professional. Their income can be low or taxed away, their training compressed into weeks instead of years; their status can approach that of the oldest profession. Rather, what counts is the professional's authority to define a person as client, to determine that person's need, and to hand that person a prescription which defines this new social role. Unlike the hookers of old, the modern professional is not one who sells what others give for free, but rather one who decides what ought to be sold and must not be given for free. + +There is a further distinction between professional power and that of other occupations: professional power springs from a different source. A guild, a union, or a gang forces respect for its interest and rights by a strike, blackmail, or overt violence. In contrast, a profession, like a priesthood, holds power by concession from an elite whose interests it props up. As a priesthood offers the way to salvation in the train of an anointed king, so a profession interprets, protects, and supplies a special this-worldly interest to the constituency of modem rulers. Professional power is a specialized form of the privilege to prescribe what is right for others and what they therefore need. It is the source of prestige and control within the industrial state. This kind of professional power could, of course, come into existence only in societies where elite membership itself is legitimated, if not acquired, by professional status: a societywhere governing elites are attributed a unique kind of objectivity in defining the moral status of a lack. It fits like a glove the age in which even access to parliament, the house of commons, is in fact limited to those who have acquired the title of master by accumulating knowledge stock in some college. Professional autonomy and license in defining the needs of society are the logical forms that oligarchy takes in a political culture that has replaced the means test by knowledge-stock certificates issued by schools. The professions' power over the work their members do is thus distinct in both scope and origin. + +#### Toward Professional Tyranny + +Professional power has also, recently, so changed in degree that two animals of entirely different colors now go by the same name. For instance, the practicing and experimenting health scientist consistently evades critical analysis by dressing up in the clothes of yesterday's family doctor. The wandering physician became the medical doctor when he left commerce in drugs to the pharmacist and kept for himself the power to prescribe them. At that moment, he acquired a new kind of authority by uniting three roles in one person: the sapiential authority to advise, instruct, and direct; the moral authority that makes its acceptance not just useful but obligatory; and the charismatic authority that allows the physician to appeal to some supreme interest of his clients that outranks not only conscience but sometimes even the _raison d'état_. This kind of doctor, of course, still exists, but within a modem medical system he is a figure out of the past. A new kind of health scientist is now much more common. He increasingly deals more with cases than with persons; he deals with the breakdown that he can perceive in the case rather than with the complaint of the individual; he protects society's interest rather than the person's. The authorities that, during the liberal age, had coalesced in the individual practitioner in his treatment of a patient are now claimed by the professional corporation in the service of the state. This entity now carves out for itself a social mission. + +Only during the last twenty-five years has medicine turned from a liberal into a dominant profession by obtaining the power to indicate what constitutes a health need for people in general. Health specialists as a corporation have acquired the authority to determine what health care must be provided to society at large. It is no longer the individual professional who imputes a "need" to the individual client, but a corporate agency that imputes a need to entire classes of people and then claims the mandate to test the complete population in order to identify all who belong to the group of potential patients. And what happens in health care is thoroughly consistent with what goes on in other domains. New pundits constantly jump on the bandwagon of the therapeutic-care provider: educators, social workers, the military, town planners, judges, policemen, and their ilk have obviously made it. They enjoy wide autonomy in creating the diagnostic tools by which they then catch their clients for treatment. Dozens of other need-creators try: international bankers "diagnose" the ills of an African country and then induce it to swallow the prescribed treatment, even though the "patient" might die; security specialists evaluate the loyalty risk in a citizen and then extinguish his private sphere; dog-catchers sell themselves to the public as pest-controllers and claim a monopoly over the lives of stray dogs. The only way to prevent the escalation of needs is a fundamental, political exposure of those illusions that legitimate dominating professions. + +Many professions are so well established that they not only exercise tutelage over the citizen-become-client but also determine the shape of his world-become-ward. The language in which he perceives himself, his perception of rights and freedoms, and his awareness of needs all derive from professional hegemony. + +The difference between craftsman, liberal professional, and the new technocrat can be clarified by comparing their typical reactions to people who neglect their respective advice. If you did not take the craftsman's advice, you were a fool. If you did not take liberal counsel, society blamed you. Now the profession or the government may be blamed when you escape from the care that your lawyer, teacher, surgeon, or shrink has decided upon for you. Under the pretense of meeting needs better and on a more equitable basis, the service professional has mutated into a crusading philanthropist. The nutritionist prescribes the "right" formula for the infant and the psychiatrist the "right" antidepressant, and the schoolmaster--now acting with the fuller power of "educator"--feels entitled to push his method between you and anything you want to learn. Each new specialty in service production thrives only when the public has accepted and the law has endorsed a new perception of what ought not to exist. Schools expanded in a moralizing crusade against illiteracy, once illiteracy had been defined as an evil. Maternity wards mushroomed to do away with home births. + +Professionals claim a monopoly over the definition of deviance and the remedies needed. For example, lawyers assert that they alone have the competence and the legal right to provide assistance in divorce. If you devise a kit for do-it-yourself divorce, you find yourself in a double bind: if you are not a lawyer, you are liable for practicing without a license; if you are a member of the bar, you can be expelled for unprofessional behavior. Professionals also claim secret knowledge about human nature and its weaknesses, knowledge they are also mandated to apply. Gravediggers, for example, did not become members of a profession by calling themselves morticians, by obtaining college credentials, by raising their incomes, or by getting rid of the odor attached to their trade by electing one of themselves president of the Lion's Club. Morticians formed a profession, a dominant and disabling one, when they acquired the muscle to have the police stop your burial if you are not embalmed and boxed by them. In any area where a human need can be imagined, these new disabling professions claim that they are the exclusive wardens of the public good. + +#### Professions as a New Clergy + +The transformation of a liberal profession into a dominant one is equivalent to the legal establishment of a church. Physicians transmogrified into biocrats, teachers into gnosocrats, morticians into thanatocrats, are much closer to state-supported clergies than to trade associations. The professional as teacher of the current brand of scientific orthodoxy acts as theologian. As moral entrepreneur, he acts the role of priest: he creates the need for his mediation. As crusading helper, he acts the part of the missionary and hunts down the underprivileged. As inquisitor, he outlaws the unorthodox--he imposes his solutions on the recalcitrant who refuse to recognize that they are a problem. This multifaceted investiture with the task of relieving a specific inconvenience of man's estate turns each profession into the analogue of an established cult. The public acceptance of domineering professions is thus essentially a political event. The new profession creates a new hierarchy, new clients and outcasts, and a new strain on the budget. But also, each new establishment of professional legitimacy means that the political tasks of lawmaking, judicial review, and executive power lose more of their proper character and independence. Public affairs pass from the layperson's elected peers into the hands of a self-accrediting elite. + +When medicine recently outgrew its liberal restraints, it invaded legislation by establishing public norms. Physicians had always determined what constituted disease; dominant medicine now detemiines what diseases society shall not tolerate. Medicine has invaded the courts. Physicians had always diagnosed who was sick; dominant medicine, however, brands those who must be treated. Liberal practitioners prescribed a cure; dominant medicine has public powers of correction: it decides what shall be done with or to the sick. In a democracy, the power to make laws, execute them, and achieve public justice must derive from the citizens themselves. This citizen control over the key powers has been restricted, weakened, and sometimes abolished by the rise of churchlike professions. Government by a congress that bases its decisions on expert opinions of such professions might be government for, but never by, the people. This is not the place to investigate the intent with which political rule was thus weakened; it is sufficient to indicate the professional disqualification of lay opinion as a necessary condition for this subversion. + +Citizen liberties are grounded in the rule that excludes hearsay from testimony on which public decisions are based. What people can see for themselves and interpret is the common ground for binding rules. Opinions, beliefs, inferences, or persuasions ought not to stand when in conflict with the eyewitness --ever. Expert elites could become dominant professions only by a piecemeal erosion and final reversal of this rule. In the legislature and courts, the rule against hearsay evidence is now, _de facto_, suspended in favor of the opinions proffered by the members of these self-accredited elites. + +But let us not confuse the public use of expert factual knowledge with a profession's corporate exercise of normative judgment. When a craftsman, such as a gunmaker, was called into court as an expert to reveal to the jury the secrets of his trade, he apprenticed the jury to his craft on the spot. He demonstrated visibly from which barrel the bullet had come. Today, most experts play a different role. The dominant professional provides jury or legislature with his fellow initiate's opinion rather than with factual evidence and a skill. He calls for a suspension of the hearsay rule and inevitably undermines the rule of law. Thus, democratic power is ineluctably abridged. + +#### The Hegemony of Imputed Needs + +Professions could not have become dominant and disabling unless people had been ready to experience as a lack that which the expert imputed to them as a need. Their mutual dependence as tutor and charge has become resistant to analysis because it has been obscured by corrupted language. Good old words have been made into branding irons that claim wardship for experts over home, shop, store, and the space or ether between them. Language, the most fundamental of commons, is thus polluted by twisted strands of jargon, each under the control of another profession. The disseizin of words, the depletion of ordinary language and its degradation into bureaucratic terminology, parallel in a more intimately debasing manner that particular form of environmental degradation that dispossesses people of their usefulness unless they are gainfully employed. Possible changes in design, attitudes, and laws that would retrench professional dominance cannot be proposed unless we become more sensitive to the misnomers behind which this dominance hides. + +When I learned to speak, "problems" existed only in math or chess; "solutions" were saline or legal, and "need" was mainly used as a verb. The expressions "I have a problem" or "I have a need" both sounded silly. As I grew into my teens and Hitler worked at "solutions," the "social problem" also spread. "Problem" children of ever newer shades were discovered among the poor as social workers learned to brand their prey and to standardize their "needs." Need, used as a noun, became the fodder on which professions fattened into dominance. Poverty was modernized. Management translated poverty from an experience into a measure. The poor became the "needy." + +During the second half of my life, to be "needy" became respectable. Computable and imputable needs moved up the social ladder. It ceased to be a sign of poverty to have needs. Income opened new registers of need. Spock, Comfort, and the vulgarizers of Nader trained laymen to shop for solutions to problems they learned to cook up according to professional recipes. Education qualified graduates to climb to ever more rarefied heights and implant and cultivate there ever newer strains of hybridized needs. Prescriptions increased and competences shrank. In medicine, for example, ever more pharmacologically active drugs went on prescription, and people lost their will and ability to cope with indisposition or even discomfort. In American supermarkets, where it is estimated that about 1,500 new products appear each year, less than 20 per cent survive more than one year on the shelves, the remainder having proved unsellable, faddish, risky, or unprofitable, or obsolete competitors with new models. Therefore consumers are increasingly forced to seek guidance from professional consumer protectors. + +Furthermore, the rapid turnover of products renders wants shallow and plastic. Paradoxically, then, high aggregate consumption resulting from engineered needs fosters growing consumer indifference to specific, potentially felt wants. Increasingly, needs are created by the advertising slogan and by purchases made by order from the registrar, beautician, gynecologist, and dozens of other prescribing diagnosticians. The need to be formally taught how to need, be this by advertising, prescription, or guided discussion in the collective or in the commune, appears in any culture where decisions and actions are no longer the result of personal experience in satisfaction, and the adaptive consumer cannot but substitute learned for felt needs. As people become apt pupils in learning how to need, the ability to shape wants from experienced satisfaction becomes a rare competence of the very rich or the seriously undersupplied. As needs are broken down into ever smaller component parts, each managed by an appropriate specialist, the consumer experiences difficulty in integrating the separate offerings of his various tutors into a meaningful whole that could be desired with commitment and possessed with pleasure. The income managers, life-style counselors, consciousness-raisers, academic advisers, food-fad experts, sensitivity developers, and others like them clearly perceive the new possibilities for management and move in to match packaged commodities to the splintered needs. + +Used as a noun, "need" is the individual offprint of a professional pattern; it is a plastic-foam replica of the mold in which professionals cast their staple; it is the advertised shape of the brood cells out of which consumers are produced. To be ignorant or unconvinced of one's own needs has become the unforgivable antisocial act. The good citizen is one who imputes standardized needs to himself with such conviction that he drowns out any desire for alternatives, much less for the renunciation of needs. + +When I was born, before Stalin and Hitler and Roosevelt came to power, only the rich, hypochondriacs, and members of elite unions spoke of their need for medical care when their temperatures rose. Doctors then, in response, could not do much more than grandmothers had done. In medicine the first mutation of needs came with sulfa drugs and antibiotics. As the control of infections became a simple and effective routine, drugs went more and more on prescription. Assignment of the sick-role became a medical monopoly. The person who felt ill had to go to the clinic to be labeled with a disease name and to be legitimately declared a member of the minority of the so-called sick: people excused from work, entitled to help, put under doctor's orders, and enjoined to heal in order to become useful again. Paradoxically, as pharmacological technique--tests and drugs--became so predictable and cheap that one could have dispensed with the physician, society enacted laws and police regulations to restrict the free use of those procedures that science had simplified, and placed them on the prescription list. + +The second mutation of medical needs happened when the sick ceased to be a minority. Today, few people eschew doctors' orders for any length of time. In Italy, the United States, France, or Belgium, one out of every two citizens is being watched simultaneously by several health professionals who treat, advise, or at least observe him or her. The object of such specialized care is, more often than not, a condition of teeth, womb, emotions, blood pressure, or hormone levels that the patient himself does not feel. Patients are no more in the minority. Now, the minority are those deviants who somehow escape from any and all patient-roles. This minority is made up of the poor, the peasants, the recent immigrants, and sundry others who, sometimes on their own volition, have gone medically AWOL. Just twenty years ago, it was a sign of normal health--which was assumed to be good--to get along without a doctor. The same status of nonpatient is now indicative of poverty or dissidence. Even the status of the hypochondriac has changed. For the doctor in the forties, this was the label applied to the gate-crashers in his office--the designation reserved for the imaginary sick. Now, doctors refer to the minority who flee them by the same name: hypochondriacs are the imaginary healthy. To be plugged into a professional system as a lifelong client is no longer a stigma that sets apart the disabled person from citizens at large. We now live in a society organized for deviant majorities and their keepers. To be an active client of several professionals provides you with a well-defined place within the realm of consumers for the sake of whom our society functions. Thus, the transformation of medicine from a liberal consulting profession into a dominant, disabling profession has immeasurably increased the number of the needy. + +At this critical moment, imputed needs move into a third mutation. They coalesce into what the experts call a multidisciplinary problem necessitating, therefore, a multiprofessional solution. First, the proliferation of commodities, each tending to turn into a requirement, has effectively trained the consumer to need on command. Next, the progressive fragmentation of needs into ever smaller and unconnected parts has made the client dependent on professional judgment for the blending of his needs into a meaningful whole. The auto industry provides a good example. By the end of the sixties, the advertised optional equipment needed to make a basic Ford desirable had been multiplied immensely. But contrary to the customer's expectations, this "optional" flim-flam is in fact installed on the assembly line of the Detroit factory, and the shopper in Plains is left with a choice between a few packaged samples that are shipped at random: he can either buy the convertible that he wants but with the green seats he hates, or he can humor his girlfriend with leopard-skin seats at the cost of buying an unwanted paisley hardtop. + +Finally, the client is trained to need a team approach to receive what his guardians consider "satisfactory treatment." Personal services that improve the consumer illustrate the point. Therapeutic affluence has exhausted the available lifetime of many whom service professionals diagnose as standing in need of more. The intensity of the service economy has made the time needed for the consumption of pedagogical, medical, and social treatments increasingly scarce. Time scarcity may soon turn into the major obstacle to the consumption of prescribed, and often publicly financed, services. Signs of such scarcity become evident from one's early years. Already in kindergarten, the child is subjected to management by a team made up of such specialists as the allergist, speech pathologist, pediatrician, child psychologist, social worker, physical-education instructor, and teacher. By forming such a pedocratic team, many different professionals attempt to share the time that has become the major limiting factor to the imputation of further needs. For the adult, it is not the school but the workplace where the packaging of services focuses. The personnel manager, labor educator, in-service trainer, insurance planner, consciousness-raiser find it more profitable to share the worker's time than to compete for it. A need-less citizen would be highly suspicious. People are told that they need their jobs not so much for the money as for the services they get. The commons are extinguished and replaced by a new placenta built of funnels that deliver professional services. Life is paralyzed in permanent intensive care. + + +### Enabling Distinctions + +The disabling of the citizen through professional dominance is completed through the power of illusion. Hopes of religious salvation are displaced by expectations that center on the state as supreme manager of professional services. Each of many special priesthoods claims competence to define public issues in terms of specific serviceable problems. The acceptance of this claim legitimates the docile recognition of imputed lacks on the part of the layman, whose world turns into an echo-chamber of needs. The satisfaction of self-defined preference is sacrificed to the fulfillment of educated needs. This dominance of engineered and managed needs is reflected in the skyline of the city: professional buildings look down on the crowds that shuttle between them in a continual pilgrimage to the new cathedrals of health, education, and welfare. Healthy homes are transformed into hygienic apartments where one cannot be born, cannot be sick, and cannot die decently. Not only are helpful neighbors a vanishing species, but also liberal doctors who make house calls. Workplaces fit for apprenticeship turn into opaque mazes of corridors that permit access only to functionaries equipped with "identities" in mica holders, pinned to their lapels. A world designed for service deliveries is the utopia of citizens turned into welfare recipients. + +The prevailing addiction to imputable needs on the part of the rich, and the paralyzing fascination with needs on the part of the poor, would indeed be irreversible if people actually fitted the calculus of needs. But this is not so. Beyond a certain level of intensity, medicine engenders helplessness and disease; education turns into the major generator of a disabling division of labor; fast transportation systems turn urbanized people for about one-sixth of their waking hours into passengers, and for an equal amount of time into members of the road gang that works to pay Ford, Exxon, and the highway department. The threshold at which medicine, education, and transportation turn into counterproductive tools has been reached in all the countries of the world with per capita incomes comparable at least to those prevalent in Cuba. In all countries examined, and contrary to the illusions propagated by the orthodoxies of both East and West, this specific counterproductivity bears no relation to the kind of school, vehicle, or health organization now used. It sets in when the capital intensity of the production process passes a critical threshold. + +Our major institutions have acquired the uncanny power to subvert the very purposes for which they were originally engineered and financed. Under the rule of our most prestigious professions, our institutional tools have as their principal product paradoxical counterproductivity--the systematic disabling of the citizenry. A city built around wheels becomes inappropriate for feet, and no increase of wheels can overcome the engineered immobility of such cripples. Autonomous action is paralyzed by a surfeit of commodities and treatments. But this does not represent simply a net loss of satisfactions that do not happen to fit into the industrial age. The impotence to produce use-values ultimately renders counterpurposive the very commodities meant to replace them. The car, the doctor, the school, and the manager are then commodities that have turned into destructive nuisances for the consumer, and retain net value only for the provider of services. + +Why are there no rebellions against the coalescence of late industrial society into one huge disabling service-delivery system? The chief explanation must be sought in the illusion-generating power that these same systems possess. Besides doing technical things to body and mind, professionally attended institutions function also as powerful rituals which generate credence in the things their managers promise. Besides teaching Johnny to read, schools also teach him that learning from teachers is "better" and that without compulsory schools, fewer books would be read by the poor. Besides providing locomotion, the bus just as much as the sedan reshapes the environment and puts walking out of step. Besides providing help in avoiding taxes, lawyers also convey the notion that laws solve problems. An ever-growing part of our major institutions' function is the cultivation and maintenance of three sets of illusions which turn the citizen into a client to be saved by experts. + +#### Congestion versus Paralysis + +The first enslaving illusion is the idea that people are born to be consumers and that they can attain any of their goals by purchasing goods and services. This illusion is due to an educated blindness to the worth of use-values in the total economy. In none of the economic models serving as national guidelines is there a variable to account for nonmarketable use-values any more than there is a variable for nature's perennial contribution. Yet there is no economy that would not collapse immediately if use-value production contracted beyond a point; for example, if homemaking were done only for wages, or intercourse engaged in only at a fee. What people do or make but will not or cannot put up for sale is as immeasurable and as invaluable for the economy as the oxygen they breathe. + +The illusion that economic models can ignore use-values springs from the assumption that those activities which we designate by intransitive verbs can be indefinitely replaced by institutionally defined staples referred to as nouns: "education" substituted for "I learn," "health care" for "I heal," "transportation" for "I move," "television" for "I play." + +The confusion of personal and standardized values has spread throughout most domains. Under professional leadership, use-values are dissolved, rendered obsolete, and finally deprived of their distinctive nature. Love and institutional care become coterminous. Ten years of running a farm can be thrown into a pedagogical mixer and made equivalent to a high school degree. Things picked up at random and hatched in the freedom of the street are added as "educational experience" to things funneled into pupils' heads. The knowledge accountants seem unaware that the two activities, like oil and water, mix only as long as they are osterized by an educator's perception. Gangs of crusading need-creators could not continue to tax us, nor could they spend our resources on their tests, networks, and other nostrums, if we did not remain paralyzed by this kind of greedy belief. + +The usefulness of staples, or packaged commodities, is intrinsically limited by two boundaries that must not be confused. First, queues will sooner or later stop the operation of any system that produces needs faster than the corresponding commodity, and second, dependence on commodities will sooner or later so determine needs that the autonomous production of a functional analogue will be paralyzed. The usefulness of commodities is limited by _congestion_ and _paralysis_. Congestion and paralysis are both results of escalation in any sector of production, albeit results of a very different kind. Congestion, which is a measure of the degree to which staples get in their own way, explains why mass transportation by private car in Manhattan would be useless; it does not explain why people work hard to buy and insure cars that cannot move them. Even less does congestion alone explain why people become so dependent on vehicles that they are paralyzed and just cannot take to their feet. + +People become prisoners to time-consuming acceleration, stupefying education, and sick-making medicine because beyond a certain threshold of intensity, dependence on a bill of industrial and professional goods destroys human potential, and does so in a specific way. Only up to a point can commodities replace what people make or do on their own. Only within limits can exchange-values satisfactorily replace use-values. Beyond this point, further production serves the interests of the professional producer--who has imputed the need to the consumer--and leaves the consumer befuddled and giddy, albeit richer. Needs satisfied rather than merely fed must be determined to a significant degree by the pleasure that is derived from the remembrance of personal autonomous action. There are boundaries beyond which commodities cannot be multiplied without disabling their consumer for this self-affirmation in action. + +Packages alone inevitably frustrate the consumer when their delivery paralyzes him or her. The measure of well-being in a society is thus never an equation in which these two modes of production are matched; it is always a balance that results when use-values and commodities fruitfully mesh in synergy. Only up to a point can heteronomous production of a commodity enhance and complement the autonomous production of the corresponding personal purpose. Beyond this point, the synergy between the two modes of production paradoxically turns against the purpose for which both use-value and commodity were intended. Occasionally, this is not clearly seen because the mainstream ecology movement tends to obscure the point. For example, atomic-energy reactors have been widely criticized because their radiation is a threat, or because they foster technocratic controls. So far, however, only very few have dared to criticize them because they add to the energy glut. The paralysis of human action by socially destructive energy quanta has not yet been accepted as an argument for reducing the call for energy. Similarly, the inexorable limits to growth that are built into any service agency are still widely ignored. And yet it ought to be evident that the institutionalization of health care tends to make people into unhealthy marionettes, and that lifelong education fosters a culture of programmed people. Ecology will provide guidelines for a feasible form of modernity only when it is recognized that a man-made environment designed for commodities reduces personal aliveness to the point where the commodities themselves lose their value as means for personal satisfaction. Without this insight, industrial technology that was cleaner and less aggressive would be used for now-impossible levels of frustrating enrichment. + +It would be a mistake to attribute counterproductivity essentially to the negative externalities of economic growth, to exhaustion, pollution, and various forms of congestion. This leads us to confuse the congestion by which things get in their own way with the paralysis of the person who can no longer exercise his or her autonomy in an environment designed for things. The fundamental reason that market intensity leads to counterproductivity must be sought in the relationship between the monopoly of commodities and human needs. This monopoly extends further than what usually goes by the name. A commercial monopoly merely corners the market for one brand of whisky or car. An industry-wide cartel can restrict freedom further: it can corner all mass transportation in favor of internal combustion engines, as General Motors did when it purchased the Los Angeles trolleys. You can escape the first by sticking to rum and the second by purchasing a bicycle. I use the term "radical monopoly" to designate something else: the substitution of an industrial product or a professional service for a useful activity in which people engage or would like to engage. A radical monopoly paralyzes autonomous action in favor of professional deliveries. The more completely vehicles dislocate people, the more traffic managers will be needed and the more powerless people will be to walk home. This radical monopoly would accompany high-speed traffic even if motors were powered by sunshine and vehicles were spun of air. The longer each person is in the grip of education, the less time and inclination he has for browsing and exploration. At some point in every domain, the amount of goods delivered so degrades the environment for personal action that the possible synergy between use-values and commodities turns negative. Paradoxical, or specific, counterproductivity sets in. I will use this term whenever the impotence resulting from the substitution of a commodity for a value in use turns this very commodity into a disvalue in the pursuit of the satisfaction it was meant to provide. + +#### Industrial versus Convivial Tools + +Man ceases to be recognizable as one of his kind when he can no longer shape his own needs by the more or less competent use of those tools his culture provides. Throughout history, most tools were labor-intensive means that could be employed to satisfy the user of the tool, and were used in domestic production. Only marginally were shovels or hammers used to produce pyramids or a surplus for gift-exchange, and even more rarely to produce things for the market. Occasions for the extraction of profits were limited. Most work was done to create use-values not destined for exchange. But technological progress has been consistently applied to develop a very different kind of tool: it has pressed the tool primarily into the production of marketable staples. At first, during the industrial revolution, the new technology reduced the worker on the job to a Charlie Chaplin in _Modern Times_. At this early stage, however, the industrial mode of production did not yet paralyze people when they were off the job. Now women or men who have come to depend almost entirely on deliveries of standardized fragments produced by tools operated by anonymous others have ceased to find the same direct satisfaction in the use of tools that stimulated the evolution of man and his cultures. Although their needs and their consumption have multiplied many times, their satisfaction in handling tools has become rare, and they have ceased to live a life for which their organism acquired its form. At best, they barely survive, even though they do so surrounded by glitter. Their life-span has become a chain of needs that have been met for the sake of ulterior striving for satisfaction. Ultimately man-the-passive-consumer loses even the ability to discriminate between living and survival. The gamble on insurance and the gleeful expectation of rations and therapies take the place of enjoyment. In such company, it becomes easy to forget that satisfaction and joy can result only as long as personal aliveness and engineered provisions are kept in balance while a goal is pursued. + +The delusion that tools in the service of market-oriented institutions can with impunity destroy the conditions for convivial and personally manageable means permits the extinction of "aliveness" by conceiving of technological progress as a kind of engineering product that licenses more professional domination. This delusion says that tools, in order to become more efficient in the pursuit of a specific purpose, inevitably become more complex and inscrutable: one thinks of cockpits and cranes. Therefore, it would seem that modern tools would require special operators who were highly trained and who alone could be securely trusted. Actually, just the opposite is usually true, and necessarily so. As techniques multiply and become more specific, their use often requires less complex judgments. They no longer require that trust on the part of the client on which the autonomy of the liberal professional and even that of the craftsman was built. However far medicine has advanced, only a tiny fraction of the total volume of demonstrably useful medical services necessitates advanced training in an intelligent person. From a social point of view, we ought to reserve the designation "technical progress" to instances in which new tools expand the capacity and the effectiveness of a wider range of people, especially when new tools permit more autonomous production of use-values. + +There is nothing inevitable about the expanding professional monopoly over new technology. The great inventions of the last hundred years, such as new metals, ball-bearings, some building materials, electronics, some tests and remedies, are capable of increasing the power of both the heteronomous and the autonomous modes of production. In fact, however, most new technology has not been incorporated into convivial equipment but into institutional packages and complexes. The professionals rather consistently have used industrial production to establish a radical monopoly by means of technology's obvious power to serve its manager. Counterproductivity due to the paralysis of use-value production is fostered by this notion of technological progress. + +There is no simple "technological imperative" which requires that ball-bearings be used in motorized vehicles or that electronics be used to control the brain. The institutions of high-speed traffic and of mental health are not the necessary result of ball-bearings or electronics. Their functions are determined by the needs they are supposed to serve--needs that are overwhelmingly imputed and reinforced by disabling professions. This is a point that the young Turks in the professions seem to overlook when they justify their institutional allegiance by presenting themselves as the publicly appointed ministers of technological progress that must be domesticated. + +The same subservience to the idea of progress conceives of engineering principally as a contribution to institutional effectiveness. Scientific research is highly financed, but only if it can be applied for military use or for further professional domination. Alloys which make bicycles both stronger and lighter are a fall-out of research designed to make jets faster and weapons deadlier. But the results of most research go solely into industrial tools, thus making already huge machines even more complex and inscrutable. Because of this bias on the part of scientists and engineers, a major trend is strengthened: needs for autonomous action are precluded, while those for the acquisition of commodities are multiplied. Convivial tools which facilitate the individual's enjoyment of use-values--without or with only minimal supervision by policemen, physicians, or inspectors--are polarized at two extremes: poor Asian workers and rich students and professors are the two kinds of people who ride bicycles. Perhaps without being conscious of their good fortune, both enjoy being free from this second illusion. + +Recently, some groups of professionals, government agencies, and international organizations have begun to explore, develop, and advocate small-scale, intermediate technology. These efforts might be interpreted as an attempt to avoid the more obvious vulgarities of a technological imperative. But most of the new technology designed for self-help in health care, education, or home building is only an alternative model of high-intensity dependence commodities. For example, experts are asked to design new medicine cabinets that allow people to follow the doctor's orders over the telephone. Women are taught to examine their breasts to provide work for the surgeon. Cubans are given paid leaves from work to erect their prefabricated houses. The enticing prestige of professional products as they become cheaper ends by making rich and poor more alike. Both Bolivians and Swedes feel equally backward, underprivileged, and exploited to the degree that they learn without the supervision of certified teachers, keep healthy with out the check-ups of a physician, and move about without a motorized crutch. + +#### Liberties versus Rights + +The third disabling illusion looks to experts for limits to growth. Entire populations socialized to need on command are assumed ready to be told what they do not need. The same multinational agents that for a generation imposed an international standard of bookkeeping, deodorants, and energy consumption on rich and poor alike now sponsor the Club of Rome. Obediently, UNESCO gets into the act and trains experts in the regionalization of imputed needs. For their own imputed good, the rich are thereby programmed to pay for more costly professional dominance at home and to provide the poor with assigned needs of a cheaper and tighter brand. The brightest of the new professionals see clearly that growing scarcity pushes controls over needs ever upward. The central planning of output-optimal decentralization has become the most prestigious job of 1978. But what is not yet recognized is that this new illusory salvation by professionally decreed limits confuses liberties and rights. + +In each of the seven United Nations--defined world regions a new clergy is being trained to preach the appropriate style of austerity drafted by the new need-designers. Consciousness-raisers roam through local communities inciting people to meet the decentralized production goals that have been assigned to them. Milking the family goat was a liberty until more ruthless planning made it a duty to contribute the yield to the GNP. + +The synergy of autonomous and heteronomous production is reflected in society's balance of liberties and rights. Liberties protect use-values as rights protect the access to commodities. And just as commodities can extinguish the possibility of producing use-values and turn into impoverishing wealth, so the professional definition of rights can extinguish liberties and establish a tyranny that smothers people underneath their rights. + +The confusion is revealed with special clarity when one considers the experts on health. Health encompasses two aspects: liberties and rights. It designates the area of autonomy within which a person exercises control over his own biological states and over the conditions of his immediate environment. Simply stated, health is identical with the degree of lived freedom. Therefore, those concerned with the public good should work to guarantee the equitable distribution of health as freedom which, in turn, depends on environmental conditions that only organized political efforts can achieve. Beyond a certain level of intensity, professional health care, however equitably distributed, will smother health-as-freedom. In this fundamental sense, the care of health is a matter of well-protected liberty. + +As is evident, such a notion of health implies a principled commitment to inalienable freedoms. To understand this, one must distinguish clearly between civil liberty and civil rights. The liberty to act without restraint from government has a wider scope than the civil rights the state may enact to guarantee that people will have equal powers to obtain certain goods and services. + +Civil liberties ordinarily do not force others to act in accord with one's own wishes. I have the freedom to speak and publish my opinion, but no specific newspaper is obliged to print it, nor are fellow citizens required to read it. I am free to paint as I see beauty, but no museum has to buy my canvas. At the same time, however, the state as guarantor of liberty can and does enact laws that protect the equal rights without which its members would not enjoy their freedoms. Such rights give meaning and reality to equality, while liberties give possibility and shape to freedom. One certain way to extinguish the freedoms to speak, to learn, to heal, or to care is to delimit them by transmogrifying civil rights into civic duties. The precise character of this third illusion is to believe that the publicly sponsored pursuit of rights leads inevitably to the protection of liberties. In reality, as society gives professionals the legitimacy to define rights, citizen freedoms evaporate. + + +### Equity in Useful Unemployment + +At present, every new need that is professionally certified translates sooner or later into a right. The political pressure for the enactment of each right generates new jobs and commodities. Each new commodity degrades an activity by which people so far have been able to cope on their own; each new job takes away legitimacy from work so far done by the unemployed. The power of professions to measure what shall be good, right, and done warps the desire, willingness, and ability of the "common" man to live within his means. + +As soon as all law students currently registered at United States law schools are graduated, the number of United States lawyers will increase by about 50 per cent. Judicare will complement Medicare, as legal insurance increasingly turns into the kind of necessity that medical insurance is now. When the right of the citizen to a lawyer has been established, settling the dispute in the pub will be branded unenlightened or antisocial, as home births are now. Already the right of each citizen of Detroit to live in a home that has been professionally wired turns the auto-electrician who installs his own plugs into a lawbreaker. The loss of one liberty after another to be useful when out of a job or outside professional control is the unnamed but also the most resented experience that comes with modernized poverty. By now the most significant privilege of high social status might well be some vestige of freedom for useful unemployment that is increasingly denied to the great majority. The insistence on the right to be taken care of and supplied has almost turned into the right of industries and professions to conquer clients, to supply them with their product, and by their deliveries to obliterate the environmental conditions that make unemployed activities useful. Thus, for the time being, the struggle for an equitable distribution of the time and the power to be useful to self and others outside employment or the draft has been effectively paralyzed. Work done off the paid job is looked down upon if not ignored. Autonomous activity threatens the employment level, generates deviance, and detracts from the GNP: therefore it is only improperly called "work." Labor no longer means effort or toil but the mysterious mate wedded to productive investments in plant. Work no longer means the creation of a value perceived by the worker but mainly a job, which is a social relationship. Unemployment means sad idleness, rather than the freedom to do things that are useful for oneself or for one's neighbor. An active woman who runs a house and brings up children and takes in those of others is distinguished from a woman who _works_, no matter how useless or damaging the product of this work might be. Activity, effort, achievement, or service outside a hierarchical relationship and unmeasured by professional standards threatens a commodity-intensive society. The generation of use-values that escape effective measurement limits not only the need for more commodities but also the jobs that create them and the paychecks needed to buy them. + +What counts in a market-intensive society is not the effort to please or the pleasure that flows from that effort but the coupling of the labor force with capital. What counts is not the achievement of satisfaction that flows from action but the status of the social relationship that commands production--that is, the job, situation, post, or appointment. In the Middle Ages there was no salvation outside the Church, and theologians had a hard time explaining what God did with those pagans who were visibly virtuous or saintly. Similarly, in contemporary society effort is not productive unless it is done at the behest of a boss, and economists have a hard time dealing with the obvious usefulness of people when they are outside the corporate control of a corporation, volunteer agency, or labor camp. Work is productive, respectable, worthy of the citizen only when the work process is planned, monitored, and controlled by a professional agent, who ensures that the work meets a certified need in a standardized fashion. In an advanced industrial society it becomes almost impossible to seek, or even to imagine, unemployment as a condition for autonomous, useful work. The infrastructure of society is so arranged that only the job gives access to the tools of production, and this monopoly of commodity production over the generation of use-values turns even more stringent as the state takes over. Only with a license may you teach a child; only at a clinic may you set a broken bone. Housework, handicrafts, subsistence agriculture, radical technology, learning exchanges, and the like are degraded into activities for the idle, the unproductive, the very poor, or the very rich. A society that fosters intense dependence on commodities thus turns its unemployed into either its poor or its dependents. In 1945, for each American social security recipient there were still 35 workers on the job. In 1977, 3.2 employed workers have to support one such retiree, who is himself dependent on many more services than his retired grandfather could have imagined. + +Henceforth, the quality of a society and of its culture will depend on the status of its unemployed: will they be the most representative productive citizens, or will they be dependents? The choice or crisis again seems clear: advanced industrial society can degenerate into a holding operation harking back to the dream of the sixties: into a well-rationed distribution system that doles out decreasing commodities and jobs and trains its citizens for more standardized consumption and more powerless work. This is the attitude reflected in the policy proposals of most governments at present, from Germany to China, albeit with a fundamental difference in degree: the richer the country, the more urgent it seems to ration access to jobs and to impede useful unemployment that would threaten the volume of the labor market. The inverse, of course, is equally possible: a modem society in which frustrated workers organize to protect the freedom of people to be useful outside the activities that result in the production of commodities. But again, this social alternative depends on a new, rational, and cynical competence of the common man when faced with the professional imputation of needs. + + +### Outflanking the New Professional + +Today, professional power is clearly threatened by increasing evidence of the counterproductivity of its output. People are beginning to see that such hegemony deprives them of their right to politics. The symbolic power of experts which, while defining needs, eviscerates personal competence is now seen to be more perilous than their technical capability, which is confined to servicing the needs they create. Simultaneously, one hears the repeated call for the enactment of legislation that might lead us beyond an age dominated by the professional ethos: the demand that professional and bureaucratic licensing be replaced by the investiture of elected citizens, rather than altered by the inclusion of consumer representatives on licensing boards; the demand that prescription rules in pharmacies, school curricula, and other pretentious supermarkets be relaxed; the demand for the protection of _productive_ liberties; the demand for the right to practice without a license; the demand for public utilities that facilitate client evaluation of all practitioners who work for money. In response to these threats, the major professional establishments, each in its own way, use three fundamental strategies to shore up the erosion of their legitimacy and power. + +#### The Self-critical Hooker + +The first approach is represented by the Club of Rome. Fiat, Volkswagen, and Ford pay economists, ecologists, and experts in social control to identify the products industries ought not to produce, in order to strengthen the industrial system. Also, doctors in the Club of Kos now recommend that surgery, radiation, and chemotherapy be abandoned in the treatment of most cancers, since these treatments usually prolong and intensify suffering without adding to the life-span of the treated. Lawyers and dentists promise to police as never before the competence, decency, and rates of their fellow professionals. + +A variant of this approach is seen in some individuals, or their organizations, who challenge the American Bar Association, American Medical Association, and other power brokers of the establishment. These claim to be radical because (1) they advise consumers against the interests of the majority of their peers; (2) they tutor laymen on how to behave on hospital, university, or police governing boards; and (3) they occasionally testify to legislative committees on the uselessness of procedures proposed by the professions and demanded by the public. For example, in a province of Western Canada doctors prepared a report on some two dozen medical procedures for which the legislature was considering a budget increase. All the procedures were costly, and the doctors pointed out that they were also very painful, that many were dangerous, and that none could be proved effective. For the time being the legislators refused to act on such medical advice, a failure that, provisionally, tends to reinforce the belief in the necessity of _professional_ protection against professional hubris. + +Professional self-policing is useful principally in catching the grossly incompetent--the butcher or the outright charlatan. But as has been shown again and again, it only protects the inept and cements the dependence of the public on their services. The "critical" doctor, the "radical" lawyer, or the "advocacy" architect seduces clients away from his colleagues, who are less aware than he of the vagaries of fashion. First liberal professions sold the public on the need for their services by promising to watch over the poorer laymen's schooling, ethics, or in-service training. Then dominant professions insisted on their rightful duty to guide and further disable the public by organizing into clubs that brandish the high consciousness of ecological, economic, and social constraints. Such action inhibits the further extension of the professional sector but strengthens public dependence within that sector. The idea that professionals have a _right_ to serve the public is thus of very recent origin. Their struggle to establish and legitimate this corporate right becomes one of our most oppressive social threats. + +#### The Alliance of Hawkers + +The second strategy seeks to organize and coordinate professional response in a manner that purportedly is more faithful to the multifaceted character of human problems. Also, this approach seeks to utilize ideas borrowed from systems analysis and operations research in order to provide more national and all-encompassing solutions. An example of what this means in practice can be taken from Canada. Four years ago, the Canadian minister of health launched a campaign to convince the public that spending more money on physicians would not change the country's patterns of disease and death. He pointed out that premature loss of life was due overwhelmingly to three factors: accidents, mostly in motor vehicles; heart disease and lung cancer, which doctors are notoriously powerless to heal; and suicide combined with murder, phenomena that are outside medical control. The minister called for new approaches to health and for the retrenchment of medicine. The task of protecting, restoring, or consoling those made sick by the destructive life-style and environment typical of contemporary Canada was taken up by a great variety of new and old professions. Architects discovered that they had a mission to improve Canadians' health; dog control was found to be an interdepartmental problem calling for new specialists. A new corporate biocracy intensified control over the organisms of Canadians with a thoroughness the old iatrocracy could hardly have imagined. The slogan "Better spend money in order to stay healthy than on doctors when you get sick" can now be recognized as the hawking of new hookers who want the money spent on them. + +The practice of medicine in the United States illustrates a similar dynamic. There, a coordinated approach to the health of Americans has become enormously expensive without being especially effective. In 1950, the typical wage-earner transferred less than two weeks' pay per year to professional health care. In 1976, the proportion was up to around five to seven weeks' pay per year: buying a new Ford, one now pays more for worker hygiene than for the metal the car contains. Yet with all this effort and expense, the life expectancy of the _adult_ male population has not sensibly changed in the last one hundred years. It is lower than in many poor countries, and has been declining slowly but steadily for the last twenty years. + +Where disease patterns have changed for the better, it has been due principally to the adoption of a healthier life-style, especially in diet. To a small degree, inoculations and the routine administration of such simple interventions as antibiotics, contraceptives, or Carman tubes have contributed to the decline of certain diseases. But such procedures do not postulate the need for professional services. People cannot become healthier by being more firmly wedded to a medical profession, yet many "radical" doctors call for just such an increased biocracy. They seem to be unaware that a more rational "problem-solving" approach is simply another version--though perhaps a more sophisticated one--of affirmative action. + +#### The Professionalization of the Client + +The third strategy to make dominant professions survive is this year's radical chic. As the prophets of the sixties drooled about development on the doorsteps of affluence, these mythmakers mouth about the self-help of professionalized clients. + +In the United States alone since 1965, about 2,700 books have appeared that teach you how to be your own patient, so that you need see the doctor only when it is worthwhile for him. Some books recommend that only after due training and examination should graduates in self-medication be empowered to buy aspirin and dispense it to their children. Others suggest that professionalized patients should receive preferential rates in hospitals and that they should benefit from lower insurance premiums. Only women with a license to practice home birth should have their children outside hospitals since such professional mothers can, if necessary, be sued for malpractice. I have seen a "radical" proposal that such a license to birth be obtained under feminist rather than medical auspices. + +The professional dream of rooting each hierarchy of needs in the grassroots goes under the banner of self-help. At present it is promoted by the new tribe of experts in self-help who have replaced the experts in development of the sixties. The universal professionalization of clients is their aim. American building experts who last fall invaded Mexico serve as an example of the new crusade. About two years ago, a Boston professor of architecture came to Mexico for a vacation. A Mexican friend of mine took him beyond the airport where, during the last twelve years, a new city had grown up. From a few huts, it had mushroomed into a community three times the size of Cambridge, Massachusetts. My friend, also an architect, wanted to show him the thousands of examples of peasant ingenuity with patterns, structures, and uses of refuse not in and therefore not derivable from textbooks. He should not have been surprised that his colleague took several hundred rolls of pictures of these brilliant amateur inventions that make the two-million-person slum work. The pictures were analyzed in Cambridge; and by the end of the year, new-baked United States specialists in community architecture were busy teaching the people of Ciudad Netzahualcoyotl their problems, needs, and solutions. + + +### The Postprofessional Ethos + +The inverse of professionally certified lack, need, and poverty is modem subsistence. The term "subsistence economy" is now generally used only to designate group survival which is marginal to market dependence and in which people make what they use by means of traditional tools and within an inherited, often unexamined, social organization. I propose to recover the term by speaking about modern subsistence. Let us call modern subsistence the style of life that prevails in a postindustrial economy in which people have succeeded in reducing their market dependence, and have done so by protecting--by political means--a social infrastructure in which techniques and tools are used primarily to generate use-values unmeasured and unmeasurable by professional need-makers. I have developed a theory of such tools elsewhere (_Tools for Conviviality_, New York, 1973) and proposed the technical term "convivial tool" for use-value-oriented engineered artifacts. I have shown that the inverse of progressive modernized poverty is politically generated convivial austerity that protects freedom and equity in the use of such tools. + +A retooling of contemporary society with convivial rather than industrial tools implies a shift of emphasis in our struggle for social justice; it implies a new kind of subordination of distributive to participatory justice. In an industrial society, individuals are trained for extreme specialization. They are rendered impotent to shape or to satisfy their own needs. They depend for commodities on the managers who sign the prescriptions for them. The right to diagnosis of need, prescription of therapy, and--in general--distribution of goods predominates in ethics, politics, and law. This emphasis on the right to imputed necessities shrinks to a fragile luxury the liberty to learn or to heal or to move on one's own. In a convivial society, the opposite would be true. The protection of equity in the exercise of personal liberties would be the predominant concern of a society based on radical technology: science and technique at the service of more effective use-value generation. Obviously, such equitably distributed liberty would be meaningless if it were not grounded in the right of equal access to raw materials, tools, and utilities. Food, fuel, fresh air, or living space can no more be equitably distributed than wrenches or jobs unless they are rationed without regard to imputed need, that is, in equal maximum amounts to young and old, cripple and president. A society dedicated to the protection of equally distributed, modern, and effective tools for the exercise of productive liberties cannot come into existence unless the commodities and resources on which the exercise of these liberties is based are equally distributed to all. + + + +## Outwitting Developed Nations + +_This is the text of a lecture addressed in the summer of 1968 to the Kuchiching meeting of the Canadian Foriegn Policy Association. I have not revised the text even where today I would use different language or a different emphasis. It is a reminder of where my thought has evolved from._ + +It is now common to demand that the rich nations convert their war machine into a program for the development of the Third World. The poorer four-fifths of humanity multiply unchecked while their per capita consumption actually declines. This population expansion and decrease in consumption threaten the industrialized nations, who may still, as a result, convert their defense budgets to the economic pacification of poor nations. And this in turn could produce irreversible despair, because the plows of the rich can do as much harm as their swords. United States trucks can do more lasting damage than United States tanks. It is easier to create mass demand for the former than for the latter. Only a minority needs heavy weapons, while a majority can become dependent on unrealistic levels of supply for such productive machines as modern trucks. Once the Third World has become a mass market for the goods, products, and processes which are designed by the rich for themselves, the discrepancy between demand for these Western artifacts and the supply will increase indefinitely. The family car cannot drive the poor into the jet age, nor can a school system provide the poor with education, nor can the family refrigerator ensure healthy food for them. + +It is evident that only one man in ten thousand in Latin America can afford a Cadillac, a heart operation, or a Ph.D. This restriction on the goals of development does not make us despair of the fate of the Third World, and the reason is simple. We have not yet come to conceive of a Cadillac as necessary for good transportation, or of a heart operation as normal health care, or of a Ph.D. as the prerequisite of an acceptable education. In fact, we recognize at once that the importation of Cadillacs should be heavily taxed in Peru, that an organ-trans- plant clinic is a scandalous plaything to justify the concentration of more doctors in Bogota, and that a betatron is beyond the teaching facilities of the University of Sao Paulo. + +Unfortunately it is not held to be universally evident that the majority of Latin Americans--not only of our generation but also of the next and the next again--cannot afford any kind of automobile, or any kind of hospitalization, or for that matter an elementary school education. We suppress our consciousness of this obvious reality because we hate to recognize the corner into which our imagination has been pushed. So persuasive is the power of the institutions we have created that they shape not only our preferences but actually our sense of possibilities. We have forgotten how to speak about modern transportation that does not rely on automobiles and airplanes. Our conception of modern health care emphasizes our ability to prolong the lives of the desperately ill. We have become unable to think of better education except in terms of more complex schools and of teachers trained for ever longer periods. Huge institutions producing costly services dominate the horizons of our inventiveness. + +We have embodied our world-view in our institutions and are now their prisoners. Factories, news media, hospitals, governments, and schools produce goods and services packaged to contain our view of the world. We--the rich--conceive of progress as the expansion of these establishments. We conceive of heightened mobility as luxury and safety packaged by General Motors or Boeing. We conceive of improving the general wellbeing as increasing the supply of doctors and hospitals, which package health along with protracted suffering. We have come to identify our need for further learning with the demand for ever longer confinement to classrooms. In other words, we have packaged education with custodial care, certification for jobs, and the right to vote, and wrapped them all together with indoctrination in the Christian, liberal, or communist virtues. + +In less than a hundred years industrial society has molded patent solutions to basic human needs and converted us to the belief that man's needs were shaped by the Creator as demands for the products we have invented. This is as true for Russia and Japan as for the North Atlantic community. The consumer is trained for obsolescence, which means continuing loyalty to the same producers who will give him the same basic packages in different quality or new wrappings. + +Industrialized societies can provide such packages for personal consumption for most of their citizens, but this is no proof that these societies are sane or economical, or that they promote life. The contrary is true. The more the citizen is trained in the consumption of packaged goods and services, the less effective he seems to become in shaping his environment. His energies and finances are consumed in procuring ever newer models of his staples, and the environment becomes a by-product of his own consumption habits. + +The design of the "package deals" of which I speak is the main cause of the high cost of satisfying basic needs. So long as every man "needs" his car, our cities must endure longer traffic jams and absurdly expensive remedies to relieve them. So long as health means maximum length of survival, our sick will get ever more extraordinary surgical interventions and the drugs required to deaden their consequent pain. So long as we want to use school to get children out of their parents' hair or to keep them off the street and out of the labor force, our young will be retained in endless schooling and will need ever increasing incentives to endure the ordeal. + +Rich nations now benevolently impose a straitjacket of traffic jams, hospital confinements, and classrooms on the poor nations, and by international agreement call this "development." The rich and schooled and old of the world try to share their dubious blessings by foisting their prepackaged solutions onto the Third World. Traffic jams develop in São Paulo while almost a million northeastern Brazilians flee the drought by walking five hundred miles. Latin American doctors get training at the Hospital for Special Surgery in New York, which they apply to only a few, while amoebic dysentery remains endemic in slums where 90 per cent of the population live. A tiny minority get advanced education in basic science in North America--not infrequently paid for by their own governments. If they return at all to Bolivia, they become second-rate teachers of pretentious subjects at La Paz or Cochabamba. The rich export outdated versions of their standard models. + +The Alliance for Progress is a good example of benevolent production for underdevelopment. Contrary to its slogans, it did succeed--as an alliance for the progress of the consuming classes, and for the domestication of the Latin American masses. The alliance has been a major step in modernizing the consumption patterns of the middle classes in South America by integrating them with the dominant culture of the North American metropolis. At the same time, the alliance has modernized the aspirations of the majority of citizens and fixed their demands on unavailable products. + +Each car that Brazil puts on the road denies fifty people good transportation by bus. Each merchandised refrigerator reduces the chance of building a community freezer. Every dollar spent in Latin America on doctors and hospitals costs a hundred lives, to adopt a phrase of Jorge de Ahumada, the brilliant Chilean economist. Had each dollar been spent on providing safe drinking water, a hundred lives could have been saved. Each dollar spent on schooling means more privileges for the few at the cost of the many; at best it increases the number of those who, before dropping out, have been taught that those who stay longer have earned the right to more power, wealth, and prestige. What such schooling does is to teach the schooled the superiority of the better schooled. + +All Latin American countries are frantically intent on expanding their school systems. No country now spends less than the equivalent of 18 per cent of tax-derived public income on education--which means schooling--and many countries spend almost double that. But even with these huge investments, no country yet succeeds in giving five full years of education to more than one-third of its population; supply and demand for schooling grow geometrically apart. And what is true about schooling is equally true about the products of most institutions in the process of modernization in the Third World. + +Continued technological refinements of products which are already established on the market frequently benefit the producer far more than the consumer. The more complex production processes tend to enable only the largest producer to replace outmoded models continually, and to focus the demand of the consumer on the marginal improvement of what he buys, no matter what the concomitant side effects: higher prices, diminished life-span, less general usefulness, higher cost of repairs. Think of the multiple uses for a simple can opener, whereas an electric one, if it works at all, opens only some kinds of cans, and costs one hundred times as much. + +This is equally true for a piece of agricultural machinery and for an academic degree. The Midwestern farmer can become convinced of his need for a four-axle vehicle which can go 70 mph on the highways, has an electric windshield wiper and upholstered seats, and can be turned in for a new one within a year or two. Most of the world's farmers do not need such speed, nor have they ever met with such comfort, nor are they interested in obsolescence. They need low-priced transport, in a world where time is not money, where manual wipers suffice, and where a piece of heavy equipment should outlast a generation. Such a mechanical donkey requires entirely different engineering and design than one produced for the United States market. This vehicle is not in production. + +Most of South America needs paramedical workers who can function for indefinite periods without the supervision of an M.D. Instead of establishing a process to train midwives and visiting healers who know how to use a very limited arsenal of medicines while working independently, Latin American universities establish every year a new school of specialized nursing or nursing administration to prepare professionals who can function only in a hospital, and pharmacists who know how to sell increasingly more dangerous drugs. + +The world is reaching an impasse where two processes converge: ever more men have fewer basic choices. The increase in population is widely publicized and creates panic. The decrease in fundamental choice causes anguish and is consistently overlooked. The population explosion overwhelms the imagination, but the progressive atrophy of social imagination is rationalized as an increase of choice between brands. The two processes converge in a dead end: the population explosion provides more consumers for everything from food to contraceptives, while our shrinking imagination can conceive of no other ways of satisfying their demands except through the packages now on sale in the admired societies. + +I will focus successively on these two factors, since, in my opinion, they form the two coordinates which together permit us to define underdevelopment. + +In most Third World countries, the population grows, and so does the middle class. Income, consumption, and the wellbeing of the middle class are all growing while the gap between this class and the mass of people widens. Even where per capita consumption is rising, the majority of men have less food now than in 1945, less actual care in sickness, less meaningful work, less protection. This is partly a consequence of polarized consumption and partly caused by the breakdown of the traditional family and culture. More people suffer from hunger, pain, and exposure in 1969 than they did at the end of World War II, not only numerically, but also as a percentage of the world population. + +These concrete consequences of underdevelopment are rampant; but underdevelopment is also a state of mind, and understanding it as a state of mind, or as a form of consciousness, is the critical problem. Underdevelopment as a state of mind occurs when mass needs are converted to the demand for new brands of packaged solutions which are forever beyond the reach of the majority. Underdevelopment in this sense is rising rapidly even in countries where the supply of classrooms, calories, cars, and clinics is also rising. The ruling groups in these countries build up services which have been designed for an affluent culture; once they have monopolized demand in this way, they can never satisfy majority needs. + +Underdevelopment as a form of consciousness is an extreme result of what we can call in the language of both Marx and Freud _Verdinglichung_, or reification. By reification I mean the hardening of the perception of real needs into the demand for mass-manufactured products. I mean the translation of thirst into the need for a Coke. This kind of reification occurs in the manipulation of primary human needs by vast bureaucratic organizations which have succeeded in dominating the imagination of potential consumers. + +Let me return to my example taken from the field of education. The intense promotion of schooling leads to so close an identification of school attendance and education that in everyday language the two terms are interchangeable. Once the imagination of an entire population has been "schooled," or indoctrinated to believe that school has a monopoly on formal education, then the illiterate can be taxed to provide free high school and university education for the children of the rich. + +Underdevelopment is the result of rising levels of aspiration achieved through the intensive marketing of "patent" products. In this sense, the dynamic underdevelopment that is now taking place is the exact opposite of what I believe education to be: namely, the awakening awareness of new levels of human potential and the use of one's creative powers to foster human life. Underdevelopment, however, implies the surrender of social consciousness to prepackaged solutions. + +The process by which the marketing of "foreign" products increases underdevelopment is frequently understood in the most superficial ways. The same man who feels indignation at the sight of a Coca-Cola plant in a Latin American slum often feels pride at the sight of a new normal school growing up alongside. He resents the evidence of a foreign "license" attached to a soft drink which he would like to see replaced by "Cola-Mex." But the same man is willing to impose schooling--at all costs--on his fellow citizens, and is unaware of the invisible license by which this institution is deeply enmeshed in the world market. + +Some years ago I watched workmen putting up a sixty-foot Coca-Cola sign on a desert plain in the Mexquital. A serious drought and famine had just swept over the Mexican highland. My host, a poor Indian in Ixmiquilpan, had just offered his visitors a tiny tequila glass of the costly black sugar-water. When I recall this scene I still feel anger; but I feel much more incensed when I remember UNESCO meetings at which well-meaning and well-paid bureaucrats seriously discussed Latin American school curricula, and when I think of the speeches of enthusiastic liberals advocating the need for more schools. + +The fraud perpetrated by the salesmen of schools is less obvious but much more fundamental than the self-satisfied salesmanship of the Coca-Cola or Ford representative, because the schoolman hooks his people on a much more demanding drug. Elementary school attendance is not a harmless luxury, but more like the coca chewing of the Andean Indian, which harnesses the worker to the boss. + +The higher the dose of schooling an individual has received, the more depressing his experience of withdrawal. The seventh-grade dropout feels his inferiority much more acutely than the dropout from the third grade. The schools of the Third World administer their opium with much more effect than the churches of other epochs. As the mind of a society is progressively schooled, step by step its individuals lose their sense that it might be possible to live without being inferior to others. As the majority shifts from the land into the city, the hereditary inferiority of the peon is replaced by the inferiority of the school dropout who is held personally responsible for his failure. Schools rationalize the divine origin of social stratification with much more rigor than churches have ever done. + +Until this day no Latin American country has declared youthful underconsumers of Coca-Cola or cars to be lawbreakers, while all Latin American countries have passed laws which define the early dropout as a citizen who has not fulfilled his legal obligations. The Brazilian government recently almost doubled the number of years during which schooling is legally compulsory and free. From now on any Brazilian dropout under the age of sixteen will be faced during his lifetime with the reproach that he did not take advantage of a legally obligatory privilege. This law was passed in a country where not even the most optimistic could foresee the day when such levels of schooling would be provided for only 25 per cent of the young. The adoption of international standards of schooling forever condemns most Latin Americans to marginality or exclusion from social life--in a word, underdevelopment. + +The translation of social goals into levels of consumption is not limited to only a few countries. Across all frontiers of culture, ideology, and geography today, nations are moving toward the establishment of their own car factories, their own medical and normal schools--and most of these are, at best, poor imitations of foreign and largely North American models. + +The Third World is in need of a profound revolution of its institutions. The revolutions of the last generation were overwhelmingly political. A new group of men with a new set of ideological justifications assumed power to administer fundamentally the same scholastic, medical, and market institutions in the interest of a new group of clients. Since the institutions have not radically changed, the new group of clients remains approximately the same size as that previously served. This appears clearly in the case of education. Per pupil costs of schooling are today comparable everywhere since the standards used to evaluate the quality of schooling tend to be internationally shared. Access to publicly financed education, considered as access to school, everywhere depends on per capita income. (Places like China and North Vietnam might be meaningful exceptions.) + +Everywhere in the Third World modern institutions are grossly unproductive, with respect to the egalitarian purposes for which they are being reproduced. But so long as the social imagination of the majority has not been destroyed by its fixation on these institutions, there is more hope of planning an institutional revolution in the Third World than among the rich. Hence the urgency of the task of developing workable alternatives to "modern" solutions. + +Underdevelopment is at the point of becoming chronic in many countries. The revolution of which I speak must begin to take place before this happens. Education again offers a good example: chronic educational underdevelopment occurs when the demand for schooling becomes so widespread that the total concentration of educational resources on the school system becomes a unanimous political demand. At this point the separation of education from schooling becomes impossible. + +The only feasible answer to ever increasing underdevelopment is a response to basic needs that is planned as a long-range goal for areas which will always have a different capital structure. It is easier to speak about alternatives to existing institutions, services, and products than to define them with precision. It is not my purpose either to paint a utopia or to engage in scripting scenarios for an alternate future. We must be satisfied with examples indicating simple directions that research should take. + +Some such examples have already been given. Buses are alternatives to a multitude of private cars. Vehicles designed for slow transportation on rough terrain are alternatives to standard trucks. Safe water is an alternative to high-priced surgery. Medical workers are an alternative to doctors and nurses. Community food storage is an alternative to expensive kitchen equipment. Other alternatives could be discussed by the dozen. Why not, for example, consider walking as a long-range alternative to locomotion by machine and explore the demands which this would impose on the city planner? And why can't the building of shelters be standardized, elements be precast, and each citizen be obliged to learn in a year of public service how to construct his own sanitary housing? + +It is harder to speak about alternatives in education, partly because schools have recently so completely pre-empted the available educational resources of good will, imagination, and money. But even here we can indicate the direction in which research must be conducted. + +At present, schooling is conceived as graded, curricular class attendance by children, for about one thousand hours yearly during an uninterrupted succession of years. On the average, Latin American countries can provide each citizen with between eight and thirty months of this service. Why not, instead, make one or two months a year obligatory for all citizens below the age of thirty? + +Money is now spent largely on children, but an adult can be taught to read in one-tenth the time and for one-tenth the cost it takes to teach a child. In the case of the adult there is an immediate return on the investment, whether the main importance of his learning is seen in his new insight, political awareness, and willingness to assume responsibility for his family's size and future, or whether the emphasis is placed on increased productivity. There is a double return in the case of the adult, because he can contribute not only to the education of his children but to that of other adults as well. In spite of these advantages, basic literacy programs have little or no support in Latin America, where schools have a first call on all public resources. Worse, these programs are actually ruthlessly suppressed in Brazil and elsewhere, where military support of the feudal or industrial oligarchy has thrown off its former benevolent disguise. + +Another possibility is harder to define, because there is as yet no example to point to. We must therefore imagine the use of public resources for education distributed in such a way as to give every citizen a minimum chance. Education will become a political concern of the majority of voters only when each individual has a precise sense of the educational resources that are owing to him--and some idea of how to sue for them. Something like a universal GI Bill of Rights could be imagined, dividing the public resources assigned to education by the number of children who are legally of school age, and making sure that a child who did not take advantage of his credit at the age of seven, eight, or nine would have the accumulated benefits at his disposal at age ten. + +What would the pitiful education credit which a Latin American republic could offer to its children provide? Almost all of the basic supply of books, pictures, blocks, games, and toys that are totally absent from the homes of the really poor, but enable a middle-class child to learn the alphabet, the colors, shapes, and other classes of objects and experiences which ensure his educational progress. The choice between these things and schools is obvious. Unfortunately, the poor, for whom alone the choice is real, never get to exercise this choice. + +Defining alternatives to the products and institutions which now pre-empt the field is difficult, not only, as I have been trying to show, because these products and institutions shape our conception of reality itself, but also because the construction of new possibilities requires a concentration of will and intelligence in a higher degree than ordinarily occurs by chance. This concentration of will and intelligence on the solution of particular problems regardless of their nature we have become accustomed over the last century to call research. + +I must make clear, however, what kind of research I am talking about. I am not talking about basic research either in physics, engineering, genetics, medicine, or learning. The work of such men as F. H. C. Crick, Jean Piaget, and Murray Gell-Mann may continue to enlarge our horizons in other fields of science. The labs and libraries and specially trained collaborators these men need cause them to congregate in the few research capitals of the world. Their research can provide the basis for new work on practically any product. + +I am not speaking here of the billions of dollars annually spent on applied research, for this money is largely spent by existing institutions on the perfection and marketing of their own products. Applied research is money spent on making planes faster and airports safer; on making medicines more specific and powerful and doctors capable of handling their deadly side effects; on packaging more learning into classrooms; on methods for administering large bureaucracies. This is the kind of research for which some kind of counterfoil must somehow be developed if we are to have any chance to come up with basic alternatives to the automobile, the hospital, and the school, and any of the many other so-called "evidently necessary implements for modern life." + +I have in mind a different, and peculiarly difficult, kind of research, which has been largely neglected up to now, for obvious reasons. I am calling for research on alternatives to the products which now dominate the market; to hospitals and the professions dedicated to keeping the sick alive; to schools and the packaging process which refuses education to those who are not of the right age, who have not gone through the right curriculum, who have not sat in a classroom a sufficient number of successive hours, who will not pay for their learning with submission to custodial care, screening, and certification or with indoctrination in the values of the dominant elite. + +This counterresearch on fundamental alternatives to current prepackaged solutions is the element most critically needed if the poor nations are to have a livable future. Such counterresearch is distinct from most of the work done in the name of "the year 2000," because most of that work seeks radical changes in social patterns through adjustments in the organization of an already advanced technology. The counterresearch of which I speak must take as one of its assumptions the continued lack of capital in the Third World. + +The difficulties of such research are obvious. The researcher must first of all doubt what is obvious to every eye. Second, he must persuade those who have the power of decision to act against their own short-run interests or bring pressure on them to do so. And finally, he must survive as an individual in a world he is attempting to change fundamentally so that his fellows among the privileged minority see him as a destroyer of the very ground on which all of us stand. He knows that if he should succeed in the interest of the poor, technologically advanced societies still might envy the "poor" who adopt this vision. + +There is a normal course for those who make development policies, whether they live in North or South America, in Russia or Israel. It is to define development and to set its goals in ways with which they are familiar, which they are accustomed to use in order to satisfy their own needs, and which permit them to work through the institutions over which they have power or control. This formula has failed, and must fail. There is not enough money in the world for development to succeed along these lines, not even in the combined arms and space budgets of the superpowers. + +An analogous course is followed by those who are trying to make political revolutions, especially in the Third World. Usually they promise to make the familiar privileges of the present elites, such as schooling and hospital care, accessible to all citizens; and they base this vain promise on the belief that a change in political regime will permit them to sufficiently enlarge the institutions that produce these privileges. The promise and appeal of the revolutionary are therefore just as threatened by the counterresearch I propose as is the market of the now dominant producers. + +In Vietnam a people on bicycles and armed with sharpened bamboo sticks have brought to a standstill the most advanced machinery for research and production ever devised. We must seek survival in a Third World in which human ingenuity can peacefully outwit machined might. The only way to reverse the disastrous trend to increasing underdevelopment, hard as it is, is to learn to laugh at accepted solutions in order to change the demands which make them necessary. Only free men can change their minds and be surprised; and while no men are completely free, some are freer than others. + + + +## In Lieu of Education + +_During the late sixties I conducted a series of seminars at the Centro Intercultural de Documentacion (CIDOC) in Cuernavaca, Mexico, that dealt with the monopoly of the industrial mode of production and with conceptual alternatives that would fit a postindustrial age. The first industrial sector that I analyzed was the school system and its presumed output, education. Seven papers written during this period were published in 1971 under the title_ Deschooling Society. _From the reactions to that book I saw that my description of the undesirable latent functions of compulsory schools (the "hidden curriculum" of schooling) was being abused not only by the promoters of so-called free schools but even more by schoolmasters who were anxious to transmogrify themselves into adult educators._ + +_The following essay was written in mid-1971. I here insist that the alternative to the dependence of a society on its schools is not the creation of new devices to_ make people learn what _experts have decided they need to know; rather, it is the creation of a radically new relationship between human beings and their environment. A society committed to high levels of shared learning and personal intercourse, free yet critical, cannot exist unless it sets pedagogically motivated constraints on its institutional and industrial growth._ + +For generations we have tried to make the world a better place by providing more and more schooling, but so far the endeavor has failed. What we have learned instead is that forcing all children to climb an open-ended education ladder cannot enhance equality but must favor the individual who starts out earlier, healthier, or better prepared; that enforced instruction deadens for most people the will for independent learning; and that knowledge treated as a commodity, delivered in packages, and accepted as private property once it is acquired must always be scarce. + +People have suddenly become aware that public education by means of compulsory schooling has lost its social, its pedagogical, and its economic legitimacy. In response, critics of the educational system are now proposing strong and unorthodox remedies that range from the voucher plan, which would enable each person to buy the education of his choice on an open market, to shifting the responsibility for education from the school to the media and to apprenticeship on the job. Some individuals foresee that the school will have to be disestablished just as the Church was disestablished all over the world during the last two centuries. Other reformers propose to replace the universal school with various new systems that would, they claim, better prepare everybody for life in modern society. These proposals for new educational institutions fall into three broad categories: the reformation of the classroom within the school system; the dispersal of free classrooms throughout society; and the transformation of all society into one huge classroom. But these three approaches--the reformed classroom, the free classroom, and the world-wide classroom--represent three stages in a proposed escalation of education in which each step threatens more subtle and more pervasive social control than the one it replaces. + +I believe that the disestablishment of the school has become inevitable and that this end of an illusion should fill us with hope. But I also believe that the end of the "age of schooling" could usher in the epoch of a global schoolhouse that would be distinguishable only in name from a global madhouse or a global prison in which education, correction, and adjustment became synonymous. I therefore believe that the breakdown of the school forces us to look beyond its imminent demise and to face fundamental alternatives in education. Either we can work for new and fearsome educational devices that teach about a world which progressively becomes more opaque and forbidding for man, or we can set the conditions for a new era in which technology would be used to make society more simple and transparent, so that all men could once again know the facts and use the tools that shape their lives. In short, we can disestablish schools or we can deschool culture. + + +### The Hidden Curriculum + +In order to see clearly the alternatives we face, we must first distinguish learning from schooling, which means separating the humanistic goal of the teacher from the impact of the invariant structure of the school. This hidden structure constitutes a course of instruction that remains forever beyond the control of the teacher or of the school board. It necessarily conveys the message that only through schooling can an individual prepare for adulthood in society, that what is not taught in school is of little value, and that what is learned outside school is not worth knowing. I call it the hidden curriculum because it constitutes the unalterable framework of the schooling system, within which all changes in the visible curriculum are made. + +The hidden curriculum is always the same regardless of school or place. It requires all children of a certain age to assemble in groups of about thirty, under the authority of a certified teacher, for some 500 or 1,000 or more hours per year. It does not matter whether the curriculum is designed to teach the principles of fascism, liberalism, Catholicism, socialism, or liberation, so long as the institution claims the authority to define which activities are legitimate "education." It does not matter whether the purpose of the school is to produce Soviet or United States citizens, mechanics, or doctors, so long as you cannot be a legitimate citizen or doctor unless you are a graduate. It makes no difference where the meetings occur--in the auto repair shop, the legislature, or the hospital--so long as they are understood as attendance. + +What is important in the hidden curriculum is that students learn that education is valuable when it is acquired in the school through a graded process of consumption; that the degree of success the individual will enjoy in society depends on the amount of learning he consumes; and that learning _about_ the world is more valuable than learning _from_ the world. The imposition of this hidden curriculum within an educational program distinguishes schooling from other forms of planned education. All the world's school systems have common characteristics as distinguished from their institutional output, and these are the result of the common hidden curriculum of all schools. + +It must be clearly understood that the hidden curriculum translates learning from an activity into a commodity for which the school monopolizes the market. The name we now give to this commodity is "education," a quantifiable and cumulative output of a professionally designed institution called school, whose value can be measured by the duration and the costliness of the application of a process (the hidden curriculum) to the student. The grammar school teacher with an M.A. commands a greater salary than one with fewer hours of academic credit, regardless of the relevance of the degree to the task of teaching. + +In all "schooled" countries knowledge is regarded as the first necessity for survival, but also as a form of currency more liquid than rubles or dollars. We have become accustomed, through Karl Marx's writings, to speak of the alienation of the worker from his work in a class society. We must now recognize the estrangement of man from his learning when it becomes the product of a service profession and he becomes the consumer. + +The more education an individual consumes, the more "knowledge stock" he acquires and the higher he rises in the hierarchy of knowledge capitalists. Education thus defines a new class structure for society within which the large consumers of knowledge--those who have acquired greater quantities of knowledge stock--can claim to be of superior value to society. They represent gilt-edged securities in a society's portfolio of human capital, and access to the more powerful or scarcer tools of production is reserved to them. + +The hidden curriculum thus both defines and measures what education is, and to what level of productivity it entitles the consumer. It serves as a rationale for the growing correlation between jobs and corresponding privilege--which translates into personal income in some societies and into direct claims to time-saving services, further education, and prestige in others. (This point is especially important in the light of the lack of correspondence between schooling and occupational competence established in studies such as Ivar Berg's _Education and Jobs: The Great Training Robbery_ [New York, 1970].) + +The endeavor to put all men through successive stages of enlightenment is rooted deeply in alchemy, the Great Art of the waning Middle Ages. John Amos Comenius (1592-1670), a Moravian bishop, self-styled pansophist, and pedagogue, is rightly considered one of the founders of modern schools. He was among the first to propose seven to twelve grades of compulsory learning. In his _Didactica magna_, he described schools as devices to "teach everybody everything" and outlined a blueprint for an assembly-line production of knowledge, which according to his ideas would make education cheaper and better and make growth into full humanity possible for all. But Comenius was not only an early efficiency expert; he was an alchemist who adopted the technical language of his craft to describe the art of rearing children. The alchemist sought to refine base elements by conducting their distilled spirits through seven successive stages of sublimation, so that for their own and all the world's benefit they might be transmuted into gold. Of course, the alchemists failed no matter how often they tried, but each time their "science" yielded new reasons for their failure, and they tried again. + +Pedagogy opened a new chapter in the history of the Ars Magna. Education became the search for an alchemic process that would bring forth a new type of man, who would fit into an environment created by scientific magic. But no matter how much each generation spent on its schools, it always turned out that the majority of people were unfit for enlightenment by this process and had to be discarded as unprepared for life in a man-made world. + +Educational reformers who accept the idea that schools have failed fall into three groups. The most respectable are certainly the great masters of alchemy who promise better schools. The most seductive are the popular magicians who promise to make every kitchen into an alchemical laboratory. The most sinister are the new masons of the universe who want to transform the entire world into one huge temple of learning. + +Notable among today's masters of alchemy are certain research directors employed or sponsored by the large foundations who believe that schools, if they could somehow be improved, could also become economically more feasible than those that are now in trouble, and simultaneously could sell a larger package of services. Those who are concerned mainly with the curriculum claim that it is outdated or irrelevant. So, the curriculum is filled with new packaged courses on African Culture, North American Imperialism, Women's Lib, Pollution, or the Consumer Society. Passive learning is wrong--it is, indeed--so students are graciously allowed to decide what and how they want to be taught. Schools are prison houses; therefore principals are authorized to approve teachouts, moving the school desks to a roped-off Harlem street. Sensitivity training becomes fashionable, so we import group therapy into the classroom. School, which was supposed to teach everybody everything, now becomes all things to all children. + +Other critics insist that schools make inefficient use of modern science. Some would administer drugs to make it easier for the instructor to change the child's behavior. Others would transform school into a stadium for educational gaming. Still others would electrify the classroom. If they are simplistic disciples of McLuhan, they replace blackboards and textbooks with multimedia happenings; if they follow Skinner, they claim to be able to modify behavior more efficiently than old-fashioned classroom practitioners. + +Most of these changes have, of course, some good effects. The experimental schools have fewer truants. Parents do have a greater feeling of participation in a decentralized district. Pupils assigned by their teacher to an apprenticeship often do turn out more competent than those who stay in the classroom. Some children do improve their knowledge of Spanish in the language lab because they prefer playing with the knobs of a tape recorder to conversing with their Puerto Rican peers. Yet all these improvements operate within predictably narrow limits, since they leave the hidden curriculum intact. + +Some reformers would like to shake loose from the hidden curriculum of public schools, but they rarely succeed. Free schools that lead to further free schools produce a mirage of freedom, even though the chain of attendance is often interrupted by long stretches of loafing. Attendance through seduction inculcates the need for educational treatment more persuasively than reluctant attendance enforced by a truant officer. Permissive teachers in a padded classroom can easily render their pupils impotent to survive once they leave. + +Learning in these schools often remains nothing more than the acquisition of socially valued skills defined, in this instance, by the consensus of a commune rather than by the decree of a school board. New presbyter is but old priest writ large. + +Free schools, to be truly free, must meet two conditions: first, they must be run in such a way as to prevent the reintroduction of the hidden curriculum of graded attendance and certified students studying at the feet of certified teachers. And more important, they must provide a framework in which all participants, staff and pupils, can free themselves from the hidden assumptions of a schooled society. The first condition is frequently stated in the aims of a free school. The second condition is only rarely recognized and is difficult to state as the goal of a free school. + + +### The Hidden Assumptions of Education + +It is useful to distinguish between the hidden curriculum, which I have described, and the occult foundations of schooling. The hidden curriculum is a ritual that can be considered the official initiation into modern society, institutionally established through the school. It is the purpose of this ritual to hide from its participants the contradictions between the myth of an egalitarian society and the class-conscious reality it certifies. Once they are recognized as such, rituals lose their power, and this is what is now beginning to happen to schooling. But there are certain fundamental assumptions about growing up--the occult foundations--which now find their expression in the ceremonial of schooling, and which could easily be reinforced by what free schools do. + +On first sight, any generalization about free schools seems rash. Especially in the United States, in Canada, and in Germany of 1971, they are the thousand flowers of a new spring. About those experimental enterprises which claim to be _educational institutions_, generalizations can be made. But first we must gain some deeper insight into the relationship between schooling and education. + +We often forget that the word "education" is of recent coinage. It was unknown before the Reformation. The education of children is first mentioned in French in a document of 1498. This was the year when Erasmus settled in Oxford, when Savonarola was burned at the stake in Florence, and when Dürer etched his _Apocalypse_, which speaks to us powerfully about the sense of doom hanging over the end of the Middle Ages. In the English language the word "education" first appeared in 1530--the year when Henry VIII divorced Catherine of Aragon and when the Lutheran Church separated from Rome at the Diet of Augsburg. In Spanish lands another century passed before the word and idea of education became known. In 1632 Lope de Vega still refers to "education" as a novelty. That year, the University of San Marcos in Lima celebrated its sixtieth anniversary. Learning centers did exist before the term "education" entered common parlance. You "read" the classics or the law; you were not educated for life. + +During the sixteenth century the universal need for "justification" was at the core of theological disputes. It rationalized politics and served as a pretext for large-scale slaughter. The Church split, and it became possible to hold widely divergent opinions of the degree to which all men were born sinful and corrupt and predestined. But by the early seventeenth century a new consensus began to arise: the idea that man was born incompetent for society and remained so unless he was provided with "education." Education came to mean the inverse of vital competence. It came to mean a process rather than the plain knowledge of the facts and the ability to use tools which shape a man's concrete life. Education came to mean an intangible commodity that had to be produced for the benefit of all, and imparted to them in the manner in which the visible Church formerly imparted invisible grace. Justification in the sight of society became the first necessity for a man born in original stupidity, analogous to original sin. + +Schooling and education are related to each other like Church and religion, or in more general terms, like ritual and myth. The ritual created and sustains the myth; it is mythopoeic, and the myth generates the curriculum through which it is perpetuated. "Education" as the designation for an all- embracing category of social justification is an idea for which we cannot find (outside Christian theology) a specific analogue in other cultures. And the production of education through the process of schooling sets schools apart from other institutions for learning that existed in other epochs. This point must be understood if we want to clarify the shortcomings of most free, unstructured, or independent schools. + +To go beyond the simple reform of the classroom, a free school must avoid incorporating the hidden curriculum of schooling which I have described above. An ideal free school tries to provide education and at the same time tries to prevent that education from being used to establish or justify a class structure, from becoming a rationale for measuring the pupil against some abstract scale, and from repressing, controlling, and cutting him down to size. But as long as the free school tries to provide "general education," it cannot move beyond the hidden assumptions of education. + +Among these assumptions is what Peter Schrag calls the "immigration syndrome," which impels us to treat all people as if they were newcomers who must go through a naturalization process. Only certified consumers of knowledge are admitted to citizenship. Men are not born equal but are made equal through gestation by Alma Mater. They must be guided away from their natural environment and pass through a social womb in which they are formed sufficiently to fit into everyday life. Free schools often perform this function better than schools of a less seductive kind. + +Free educational establishments share with less free establishments another characteristic: they depersonalize the responsibility for education. They place an institution _in loco parentis_. They perpetuate the idea that teaching, if done outside the family, ought to be done by an agency, for which the individual teacher is but an agent. In a schooled society even the family is reduced to an "agency of acculturation." Educational agencies that employ teachers to perform the corporate intent of their boards are instruments for the depersonalization of intimate relations. + +Of course, many free schools do function without accredited teachers. By doing so, they represent a serious threat to the established teachers' unions. But they do not represent a threat to the professional structure of society. A school in which the board appoints people of its own choice to carry out its educational endeavor even though they hold no professional certificate, license, or union card is not thereby challenging the legitimacy of the teaching profession any more than a madam, operating in a country which for _legal_ operation demands a police license, challenges the social _legitimacy_ of the oldest profession by running a private house. + +Most teachers who teach in free schools have no opportunity to teach in their own name. They carry out the corporate task of teaching in the name of a board, the less transparent function of teaching in the name of their pupils, or the more mystical function of teaching in the name of "society" at large. The best proof of this is that most teachers in free schools spend even more time than their professional colleagues planning with a committee how the school should educate. When they are faced with the evidence of their illusion, the length of committee meetings drives many generous teachers from public into free school and after one year beyond it. + +The rhetoric of all educational establishments states that they form men for something, for the future. But they do not release them for this task before they have developed a high level of tolerance to the ways of their elders: education _for_ life rather than _in_ everyday life. Few free schools can avoid doing precisely this. Nevertheless, they are among the most important centers from which a new life-style will radiate, not because of the effect their graduates will have, but rather because elders who choose to bring up their children without the benefit of properly ordained teachers frequently belong to a radical minority and because their preoccupation with the rearing of their children sustains them in their new style. + + +### The Hidden Hand in an Educational Market + +The most dangerous category of educational reformers are those who maintain that knowledge can be produced and sold much more effectively on an open market than on one controlled by the school. These people argue that skills can be easily acquired from skill models if the learner is truly interested in their acquisition, that individual entitlements can provide a more equal purchasing power for education. They demand a careful separation of the process by which knowledge is measured and certified. These seem to me obvious statements. But it would be a fallacy to believe that the establishment of a free market for knowledge would constitute a radical alternative in education. + +The establishment of a free market would indeed abolish what I have previously called the hidden curriculum of present schooling--its age-specific attendance in a graded curriculum. Equally, a free market would at first give the appearance of counteracting what I have called the occult foundations of a schooled society: the "immigration syndrome," the institutional monopoly of teaching, and the ritual of linear initiation. But at the same time a free market in education would provide the alchemist with innumerable hidden hands to fit each man into the multiple tight little niches a more complex technocracy can provide. + +Many decades of reliance on schooling have turned knowledge into a commodity, a marketable staple of a special kind. Knowledge is now regarded simultaneously as a first necessity and as society's most precious currency. (The transformation of knowledge into a commodity is reflected in a corresponding transformation of language. Words that formerly functioned as verbs are becoming nouns that designate possessions. Until recently "dwelling" and "learning" and "healing" designated activities. They are now usually conceived as commodities or services to be delivered. We talk about the manufacture of housing or the delivery of medical care; people are no longer regarded as fit to heal or house themselves. In such a society people come to believe that professional services are more valuable than personal care. Instead of learning how to nurse grandmother, the teen-ager learns to picket the hospital that does not admit her.) This attitude could easily survive the disestablishment of school, just as affiliation with a church remained a condition for office long after the adoption of the First Amendment. It is even more evident that batteries of tests measuring complex knowledge packages could easily survive the disestablishment of school--and along with them the compulsion to oblige everybody to acquire a minimum package of knowledge stock. The scientific measurement of each person's worth and the alchemistic dream of each person's "educability to his full humanity" would finally coincide. Under the appearance of a free market, the global village would turn into an environmental womb where pedagogic therapists controlled the complex placenta by which each human being was nourished. + +At present schools limit the teacher's competence to the classroom. They prevent him from claiming man's whole life as his domain. The demise of school would remove this restriction and give a semblance of legitimacy to the lifelong pedagogical invasion of everybody's privacy. It would open the way for a scramble for "knowledge" on a free market, which would lead us toward the paradox of a vulgar, albeit seemingly egalitarian, meritocracy. + +Schools are by no means the only or the most efficient institutions that pretend to translate information, understanding, and wisdom into behavioral traits the measurement of which is the key to prestige and power. Nor are schools the first institutions used to convert education into an entitlement. The Chinese mandarin system, for example, was for centuries a stable and effective incentive for education in the service of a relatively open class whose privilege depended on the acquisition of measurable knowledge. Promotion to a scholarly rank did not provide entitlement to any of the coveted jobs, but it did provide a ticket for a public lottery at which offices were distributed by lot among the certified mandarins. No schools, much less universities, developed in China until that country began to wage war with European powers. The testing of independently acquired measurable knowledge enabled the Chinese Empire for three thousand years, alone among nation states in having neither a true church nor a school system, to select its governing elite without establishing a large hereditary aristocracy. Access to this elite was open to the emperor's family and to those who passed tests. + +Voltaire and his contemporaries praised the Chinese system of promotion through proven learning. Civil service testing was introduced in France in 1791, only to be abolished by Napoleon. It would be fascinating to speculate what would have happened had the mandarin system been chosen to propagate the ideals of the French Revolution, instead of the school system, which inevitably supported nationalism and military discipline. As it happened, Napoleon strengthened the polytechnic, residential school. The Jesuit model of ritual, sequential promotion in a cloistered establishment prevailed over the mandarin system as the preferred method by which Western societies gave legitimacy to their elites. + +Principals became the abbots in a world-wide chain of monasteries in which everybody was busy accumulating the knowledge necessary to enter the constantly obsolescent heaven on earth. Just as the Calvinists disestablished monasteries only to turn all of Geneva into one, so we must fear that the disestablishment of school may bring forth a world-wide factory for knowledge. Unless the concept of learning or knowledge is transformed, the disestablishment of school will lead to a wedding between the mandarin system--which separates learning from certification--and a society committed to provide therapy for each man until he be ripe for the gilded age. + + +### The Contradiction of Schools as Tools of Technocratic Progress + +Education for a consumer society is equivalent to consumer training. The reform of the classroom, the dispersal of the classroom, and the diffusion of the classroom are different ways of shaping consumers of obsolescent commodities. The survival of a society in which technocracies can constantly redefine human happiness as the consumption of their latest product depends on educational institutions (from schools to ads) that translate education into social control. + +In rich countries such as the United States, Canada, or the Soviet Union, huge investments in schooling make the institutional contradictions of technocratic progress very evident. In these countries the ideological defense of unlimited progress rests on the claim that the equalizing effects of open-ended schooling can counteract the disequalizing force of constant obsolescence. The legitimacy of industrial society itself comes to depend on the credibility of schools, and it does not matter if the GOP or the Communist Party is in power. Under these circumstances the public is avid for books like Charles Silberman's report to the Carnegie Commission, published as _Crisis in the Classroom_ (New York, 1970). Such research inspires confidence because of its well-documented indictment of the present school, in the light of which the insignificant attempts to save the system by manicuring its most obvious faults can create a new wave of futile expectations. + +Neither alchemy nor magic nor masonry can solve the problem of the present crisis "in education." The deschooling of our world-view demands that we recognize the illegitimate and religious nature of the educational enterprise itself. Its hubris lies in its attempt to make man a social being as the result of his treatment in an engineered process. + +For those who subscribe to the technocratic ethos, whatever is technically possible must be made available at least to a few whether they want it or not. Neither the privation nor the frustration of the majority counts. If cobalt treatment is possible, then the city of Tegucigalpa must have one apparatus in each of its two major hospitals, at a cost that would free an important part of the population of Honduras from parasites. If supersonic speeds are possible, then some must travel at such speeds. If the flight to Mars can be conceived, then a rationale must be found to make it appear a necessity. In the technocratic ethos poverty is modernized: not only are old alternatives closed off by new monopolies, but the lack of necessities is also compounded by a growing distance between those services that are technologically feasible and those that are in fact available to the majority. + +A teacher turns "educator" when he adopts this technocratic ethos. He then acts as if education were a technological enterprise designed to make man fit into whatever environment the "progress" of science creates. He seems blind to the evidence that constant obsolescence of all commodities comes at a high price: the mounting cost of training people to know about them. He seems to forget that the rising cost of tools is purchased at a high price in education: they decrease the labor-intensiveness of the economy and make learning on the job impossible, or at best the privilege of a few. All over the world the cost of educating men for society rises faster than the productivity of the entire economy, and fewer people have a sense of intelligent participation in the commonweal. + +Further investments in school everywhere render the futility of schooling monumental. Paradoxically, the poor are the first victims of more school. The Wright Commission in Ontario had to report to its government sponsors that postsecondary education is inevitably and without remedy the disproportionate taxing of the poor for an education that will always be enjoyed mainly by the rich. + +Experience confirms these warnings. For several decades a quota system in the Soviet Union favored the admission to the university of sons of working parents over sons of university graduates. Nevertheless, the latter are overrepresented in Russian graduating classes much more than they are in those of the United States. + +In poor countries, schools rationalize the economic lag of an entire nation. The majority of citizens are excluded from the scarce modern means of production and consumption, but long to enter the economy by way of the school door. The legitimization of hierarchical distribution of privilege and power has shifted from lineage, inheritance, the favor of king or pope, and ruthlessness on the market or on the battlefield to a more subtle form of capitalism: the hierarchical but liberal institution of compulsory schooling, which permits the well-schooled to impute guilt to the lagging consumer of knowledge for holding a certificate of lower denomination. Yet this rationalization of inequality can never square with the facts, and populist regimes find it increasingly difficult to hide the conflict between rhetoric and reality. + +For ten years Castro's Cuba has devoted great energies to rapid-growth popular education, relying on available manpower, without the usual respect for professional credentials. The initial spectacular successes of this campaign, especially in diminishing illiteracy, have been cited as evidence for the claim that the slow growth rate of other Latin American school systems is due to corruption, militarism, and a capitalist market economy. Yet now the logic of hierarchical schooling is catching up with Fidel and his attempt to school-produce the New Man. Even when students spend half the year in the cane fields and fully subscribe to the egalitarian ideals of _compañero_ Fidel, the school trains every year a crop of self-conscious knowledge consumers ready to move on to new levels of consumption. Also Dr. Castro faces evidence that the school system will never turn out enough certified technical manpower. Those licensed graduates who do get the new jobs destroy by their conservatism the results obtained by noncertified cadres who muddled into their positions through on-the-job training. Teachers simply cannot be blamed for the failures of a revolutionary government that insists on the institutional capitalization of manpower through a hidden curriculum guaranteed to produce a universal bourgeoisie. + +On March 8, 1971, an act of the United States Supreme Court made it possible to begin the legal challenge of the hidden curriculum's legitimacy in that country. Expressing the unanimous opinion of the Court in the case of _Griggs et al vs. Duke Power Company_, Chief Justice Warren E. Burger stated that "diplomas and tests are useful servants, but Congress has mandated the commonsense proposition that they are not to become masters of reality." The Chief Justice was interpreting the intent of Congress in the equal-opportunities section of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, and the Court was ruling that any school degree or any test given prospective employees must "measure the man for the job" and not the "man in the abstract." The burden of proving that educational requirements are a "reasonable measure of job performance" rests with the employer. In this decision, the Court ruled only on tests and diplomas as means of racial discrimination, but the logic of the Chief Justice's argument applies to any use of an educational pedigree as a prerequisite for employment. Employers will find it difficult to show that schooling is a necessary prerequisite for any job. It is easy to show that it is necessarily antidemocratic because it inevitably discriminates. The Great Training Robbery so effectively exposed by Ivar Berg should now face repeated challenges from students, employers, and taxpayers. + + +### The Recovery of Responsibility for Teaching and Learning + +A revolution against those forms of privilege and power that are based on claims to professional knowledge must start with a transformation of consciousness about the nature of learning. This means, above all, a shift of responsibility for teaching and learning. Knowledge can be defined as a commodity only so long as it is viewed as the result of institutional enterprise or as the fulfillment of institutional objectives. When a man recovers the sense of personal responsibility for what he learns and teaches, this spell can be broken and the alienation of learning from living be overcome. + +The recovery of the power to learn or to teach means that the teacher who takes the risk of interfering in somebody else's private affairs also assumes responsibility for the results. Similarly, the student who exposes himself to the influence of a teacher must take responsibility for his own education. For such purposes educational institutions--if they are needed at all--ideally take the form of facility centers where one can get a roof of the right size over his head and access to a piano or a kiln and to records, books, or slides. Schools, television stations, theaters, and the like are designed primarily for use by professionals. Deschooling society means above all the denial of professional status to the second oldest profession, namely, teaching. The certification of teachers now constitutes an undue restriction on the right to free speech; the corporate structure and professional pretensions of journalism an undue restriction on the right to a free press. Compulsory-attendance rules interfere with free assembly. The deschooling of society is nothing less than a cultural mutation by which a people recovers the effective use of its constitutional freedoms: learning and teaching by men who know they are born free rather than treated to freedom. Most people learn most of the time when they do whatever they enjoy; most people are curious and want to give meaning to whatever they come in contact with; and most people are capable of personal, intimate intercourse with others unless they are stupefied by inhuman work or turned off by schooling. + +The fact that people in rich countries do not learn much on their own constitutes no proof to the contrary. Rather it is a consequence of life in an environment from which, paradoxically, they cannot learn much precisely because it is so highly programmed. They are constantly frustrated by the structure of contemporary society in which the facts that are the basis for making decisions have become more elusive. They live in an environment where tools that can be used for creative purposes have become luxuries, an environment where the channels of communication allow a few to talk to the many. + + +### A New Technology Rather Than A New Education + +During the Kennedy years, a peculiar image appeared: knowledge stock. It then gained wide currency in economic thought through Kenneth Boulding. This valuable social good is viewed as the cumulative accretion of the mental excrement of our brightest and best. We here succeed in imagining an anal "capital" that replaces the heaps of earth or gold of previous capitalisms. Instead of bankers and brinksmen, scientists and information storage and retrieval specialists guard it. Meanwhile, thanks to its accruement in a critical mass, it produces interest. A special kind of marketing specialist called an "educator" distributes the stock by channeling it toward those privileged enough to have access to the higher reaches of the international knowledge exchange called "school." Here, these acquire knowledge-holding certificates, which increase the possessor's social value. In some societies, this value translates principally into increased personal income, while in those where knowledge capital is considered too valuable to end up as private property, the value translates into power, rank, and privilege. Such singular treatment is rationalized by the pomp due the guardians of such stock when they put it to further use. + +Such a view also affects the manner in which we think of modern technology's development. A contemporary myth would make us believe that the sense of impotence with which most men live today is the consequence of a technology that cannot but create huge systems. But it is not technology that makes systems huge, tools immensely powerful, channels of communication one-directional. Quite the contrary. Properly controlled, technology could provide each man with the ability to understand his environment better and to shape it powerfully with his own hands, and would permit him full intercommunication to a degree never before possible. Such an alternative use of technology constitutes the central alternative in education. + +If a person is to grow up he needs, first of all, access to things, to places, and to processes, to events and to records. He needs to see, to touch, to tinker with, to grasp whatever there is in a meaningful setting. This access is now largely denied. When knowledge became a commodity, it acquired the protections of private property, and thus a principle designed to guard personal intimacy became a rationale for declaring facts off limits for people without proper credentials. In schools teachers keep knowledge to themselves unless it fits into the day's program. The media inform, but exclude those things they regard as unfit to print. Information is locked into special languages, and specialized teachers live off its retranslation. Patents are protected by corporations, secrets are guarded by bureaucracies, and the power to keep others out of private preserves--be they cockpits, law offices, junkyards, or clinics--is jealously guarded by professions, institutions, and nations. Neither the political nor the professional structure of our societies. East and West, could withstand the elimination of the power to keep entire classes of people from facts that could serve them. The access to facts that I advocate goes far beyond truth in labeling. Access must be built into reality, while all we ask of advertising is a guarantee that it does not mislead. Access to reality constitutes a fundamental alternative in education to a system that only purports to teach about it. + +Abolishing the right to corporate secrecy--even when professional opinion holds that this secrecy serves the common good--is, as shall presently appear, a much more radical political goal than the traditional demand for public ownership or control of the tools of production. The socialization of tools without the effective socialization of know-how in their use tends to put the knowledge capitalist into the position formerly held by the financier. The technocrat's only claim to power is the stock he holds in some class of scarce and secret knowledge, and the best means to protect its value is a large and capital-intensive organization that renders access to know-how formidable and forbidding. + +It does not take much time for the interested learner to acquire almost any skill that he wants to use. We tend to forget this in a society where professional teachers monopolize entrance into all fields and thereby stamp teaching by uncertified individuals as quackery. There are few mechanical skills used in industry or research that are as demanding, complex, and dangerous as driving a car, a skill that most people quickly acquire from a peer. Not all people are suited for advanced logic, yet those who are make rapid progress if they are challenged to play mathematical games at an early age. One out of twenty kids in Cuernavaca can beat me at Whiff'n'Proof after a couple of weeks training. In four months all but a small percentage of motivated adults at our CIDOC center were able to learn Spanish well enough to conduct academic business in the new language. + +A first step toward opening up access to skills would be to provide various incentives for skilled individuals to share their knowledge. Inevitably, this would run counter to the interest of guilds and professions and unions. Yet multiple apprenticeship is attractive; it provides everybody with an opportunity to learn something about almost anything. There is no reason why a person should not combine the abilities to drive a car, repair telephones and toilets, act as a midwife, and function as an architectural draftsman. Special-interest groups and their disciplined consumers would, of course, claim that the public needs the protection of a professional guarantee. But this argument is now steadily being challenged by consumer-protection associations. We have to take much more seriously the objection that economists raise to the radical socialization of skills: that "progress" will be impeded if knowledge--patents, skills, and all the rest--is democratized. Their arguments can be faced only if we demonstrate to them the growth rate of futile diseconomies generated by any existing educational system. + +Access to people willing to share their skills is no guarantee of learning. Such access is restricted not only by the monopoly of educational programs over learning and of unions over licensing but also by a technology of scarcity. The skills that count today are know-how in the use of tools that were designed to be scarce. These tools produce goods or render services that everybody wants but only a few can enjoy, and which only a limited number of people know how to use. Only a few privileged individuals out of the total number of people who have a given disease ever benefit from the results of sophisticated medical technology, and even fewer doctors develop the skill to use them. + +The same results of medical research have, however, also been employed to create a basic tool kit that permits army and navy medics, with only a few months of training, to obtain results under battlefield conditions that would have been beyond the expectations of full-fledged doctors during World War II. On an even simpler level, any peasant girl could learn how to diagnose and treat most infections if medical scientists prepared dosages and instructions specifically for a given geographic area. + +All these examples illustrate the fact that educational considerations alone suffice to demand a radical reduction of the professional structure that now impedes the relationship between the scientist and the majority of people who want access to science. If this demand were heeded, all men could learn to use yesterday's tools, rendered more effective and durable by modem science, to create tomorrow's world. + +Unfortunately, precisely the contrary trend prevails at present. I know a coastal area in South America where most people support themselves by fishing from small boats. The outboard motor is certainly the tool that has changed the lives of these coastal fishermen most dramatically. But in the area I have surveyed, half of all outboard motors that were purchased between 1945 and 1950 are still kept running by constant tinkering, while half the motors purchased in 1965 no longer run because they were not built to be repaired. Technological progress provides the majority of people with gadgets they cannot afford and deprives them of the simpler tools they need. + +Metals, plastics, and ferroconcrete used in building have greatly improved since the 1940s and ought to provide more people the opportunity to create their own homes. But while in 1948 more than 30 per cent of all one-family homes in the United States were owner-built, by the end of the 1960s the percentage of those who acted as their own contractors had dropped to less than 20 per cent. + +The lowering of the skill level through so-called economic development has become even more visible in Latin America. Here most people still build their own homes from floor to roof. Often they use mud in the form of adobe and thatchwork of unsurpassed utility in the moist, hot, and windy climate. In other places they make their dwellings out of cardboard, oil drums, and other industrial refuse. Instead of providing people with simple tools and highly standardized, durable, and easily repaired components, all governments have gone in for the mass production of low-cost buildings. It is clear that not one single country can afford to provide satisfactory modern dwelling units for the majority of its people. Yet everywhere this policy makes it progressively more difficult for the majority to acquire the knowledge and skills they need to build better houses for themselves. + + +### Self-chosen "Poverty" + +Educational considerations permit us to formulate a second fundamental characteristic that any postindustrial society must possess: a basic tool kit that by its very nature counteracts technocratic control. For educational reasons we must work toward a society in which scientific knowledge is incorporated in tools and components that can be used meaningfully in units small enough to be within the reach of all. Only such tools can socialize access to skills. Only such tools favor temporary associations among those who want to use them on specific occasions. Only such tools allow specific goals to emerge in the process of their use, as any tinkerer knows. Only the combination of guaranteed access to facts and of limited power in most tools renders it possible to envisage a subsistence economy capable of incorporating the fruits of modem science. + +The development of such a scientific subsistence economy is unquestionably to the advantage of the overwhelming majority of the people in poor countries. It is also the only alternative to progressive pollution, exploitation, and opaqueness in rich countries. But as we have seen, the dethroning of GNP cannot be achieved without simultaneously subverting GNE--Gross National Education, usually conceived as manpower capitalization. An egalitarian economy cannot exist in a society in which the right to produce is conferred by schools. + +The feasibility of a modern subsistence economy does not depend on new scientific inventions. It depends primarily on the ability of a society to agree on fundamental, self-chosen antibureaucratic and antitechnocratic restraints. + +These restraints can take many forms, but they will not work unless they touch the basic dimensions of life. (The decision of the United States Congress against development of the supersonic transport plane is one of the most encouraging steps in the right direction.) The substance of these voluntary social restraints would be very simple matters that could be fully understood and judged by any prudent man. (The issues at stake in the SST controversy provide a good example.) All such restraints would be chosen to promote stable and equal enjoyment of scientific know-how. The French say that it takes a thousand years to educate a peasant to deal with a cow. It would not take two generations to help all people in Latin America or Africa to use and repair outboard motors, simple cars, pumps, medicine kits, and ferroconcrete machines if their design did not change every few years. And since a joyful life is one of constant meaningful intercourse with others in a meaningful environment, equal enjoyment does translate into equal education. + +At present a consensus on austerity is difficult to imagine. The reason usually given for the impotence of the majority is stated in terms of political or economic class. What is not usually understood is that the new class structure of a schooled society is even more powerfully controlled by vested interests. No doubt an imperialist and capitalist organization of society provides the social structure within which a minority can have disproportionate influence over the effective opinion of the majority. But in a technocratic society the power of a minority of knowledge capitalists can prevent the formation of true public opinion through control of scientific know-how and the media of communication. Constitutional guarantees of free speech, free press, and free assembly were meant to ensure government by the people. Modern electronics, photo-offset presses, time-sharing computers, and telephones have in principle provided the hardware that could give an entirely new meaning to these freedoms. Unfortunately these things are used in modem media to increase the power of knowledge bankers to funnel their program-packages through international chains to more people, instead of being used to increase true networks that would provide equal opportunity for encounter among the members of the majority. + +Deschooling the culture and social structure requires the use of technology to make participatory politics possible. Only on the basis of a majority coalition can limits to secrecy and growing power be determined without dictatorship. We need a new environment in which growing up can be classless, or we will get a brave new world in which Big Brother educates us all. + + + +## Tantalizing Needs + +_This essay reproduces the original text of my_ Encyclopaedia Britannica _lecture at the University of Edinburgh in early 1974. In this lecture I explored, in the mirror of medicine, what options are left to a community paralyzed in the grip of its tools. By describing the obviously sickening power of the medical system, I drew attention to the paradoxically counterproductive effectiveness of our entirely commodity-centered culture. I developed the theme of this lecture through three successive versions of a book. Medical Nemesis:_ The Expropriation of Health _(London, 1974; Paris, 1975; New York, 1976). I present the Edinburgh lecture here in the hope that it will remind the readers of_ Medical Nemesis _that the author's purpose in writing on medicine was to illustrate the political and institutional inversion of present-day industrial society at large._ + +Within the last decade the medical establishment has become a major threat to health. The depression, infection, disability, and dysfunction that result from its intervention now cause more suffering than all accidents in traffic and industry. Only the organic damage done by the industrial production of food can rival the ill-health induced by doctors. In addition, medical practice sponsors sickness by the reinforcement of a morbid society which not only industrially preserves its defectives but breeds the therapist's client in a cybernetic way. Finally, the so-called health professions have an indirect sickening power, a structurally health-denying effect. They transform pain, illness, and death from a personal challenge into a technical problem and thereby expropriate the potential of people to deal with their human condition in an autonomous way. + + +### The Backlash of Progress + +This ultimate backlash of hygienic progress transcends all technical iatrogenesis; it exceeds the sum of protected malpractice, managerial negligence, and professional callousness against which judicial redress has become increasingly difficult; it is rooted deeper than the maldistribution of resources for which political remedies are still being tried; it is more global than all diseases of medical trial and error. The professional expropriation of health care is the outcome of an unchecked engineering endeavor; it results in the heteronomous maintenance of life on high levels of unhealth and is experienced as a new kind of horror which I call medical nemesis. + +During the last twenty years, the United States price index has risen by about 74 per cent, but the cost of medical care has escalated by 330 per cent. While public expenditure for health care has increased tenfold, out-of-pocket payments for health services have risen threefold and the cost of private insurance eighteenfold. The cost of community hospitals has increased 500 per cent since 1950. The bill for patient care in major hospitals has risen even faster, tripling in eight years. Administrative expenses have multipled by a factor of seven, laboratory costs by a factor of five. Building a hospital bed now costs $65,000, of which two-thirds goes toward mechanical equipment written off or made redundant within ten years or less. Yet during this same period of unprecedented inflation, life expectancy for adult American males has declined. + +The National Health Service in England has had a comparable rate of cost inflation, though it has avoided some of the more astonishing misallocations that fuel public criticism in the United States. Life expectancy in England has not yet declined, but the chronic diseases of middle-aged men have shown an increase as they did a decade earlier in the United States. In the Soviet Union, physicians and hospital days per capita have tripled over the same period. In China, after a short honeymoon with modern deprofessionalization, the medical-technological establishment has recently grown even faster. The rate at which people become dependent on physicians appears to bear no relation to their form of government. These trends do not represent declining marginal utilities. They are an example of the economics of addiction in which marginal disutilities rise with increasing investment. But, by itself, addiction is not yet nemesis. + +In the United States, central-nervous-system agents are the fastest-growing sector of the drug market, making up 31 per cent of total sales. Over the last twelve years, the rise in per capita consumption for liquor was 23 per cent, for illegal opiates, about 50 per cent, and for prescribed tranquilizers, 290 per cent. Some people have tried to explain that this pattern is due to the peculiar way United States physicians receive their lifelong in-service training: in 1970, United States drug companies spent $4,500 in advertising per doctor to reach each of the 350,000 practitioners. Surprisingly, the per capita use of tranquilizers correlates with personal income all over the world, although in many countries the cost of the "scientific education" of the doctor is not included in the price of the drug. But serious as the rising addiction to doctors and drugs might be, it is only one symptom of nemesis. + +Medicine cannot do much for illnesses associated with aging. It cannot cure cardiovascular disease, most cancers, arthritis, multiple sclerosis, or advanced cirrhosis. Some of the pain the aged suffer can sometimes be lessened. Most treatment of the old which requires professional intervention not only heightens their pain but, if it is successful, also protracts it. One is therefore surprised to discover the extent to which resources are spent on the treatment of old age. While 10 per cent of the United States population is over sixty-five, 28 per cent of healthcare expenditures are made on behalf of this minority. The old are outgrowing the remainder of the population at a rate of 3 per cent, while the per capita cost of their care is rising at a rate of 6 per cent. Gerontology takes over the GNP. This misallocation of manpower, resources, and social concern will generate unspeakable pain as demands swell and resources dry up. Yet it too is only a symptom, and nemesis transcends even ritual waste. + +Since Nixon and Brezhnev agreed on scientific cooperation in the conquest of space, cancer, and heart disease, coronary-care units have become symbols of peaceful progress and arguments for rising taxes. They require three times the equipment and five times the staff needed for normal patient care; 12 per cent of graduate nurses find jobs in such units. They also demonstrate the meaning of professionally conducted embezzlement. Large-scale studies that compare the results of patient care in these units with the home treatment of comparable patients have not yet demonstrated any advantage. The therapeutic value of heart-control stations is probably the same as that of space flights: seen on television, both provide a rain-dance for millions, who learn to trust science and cease to care for themselves. I happened to be in both Rio de Janeiro and Lima when Dr. Christiaan Barnard was touring there. In both Brazil and Peru, he was able to fill the major football stadium twice in one day with crowds who hysterically acclaimed his macabre ability to exchange human hearts. Shortly afterwards, I saw well-documented testimonies proving that the Brazilian police have become the first to use life-extension equipment in the torture chamber. Inevitably, when care or healing is transferred to organizations or machines, therapy becomes a death- centered ritual. But nemesis transcends even human sacrifice. + + +### Backfiring Remedies + +Prevention of sickness by the intervention of professional third parties has become a fad. Demand for it is growing. Pregnant women, healthy children, workers, or old people are submitted to periodic check-ups and increasingly complex diagnostic procedures. In the process, people are strengthened in their conviction that they are machines whose durability depends on social design. A review of two dozen studies shows that these diagnostic procedures have no impact on mortality and morbidity. In fact, they transform healthy people into anxious patients, and the health risks associated with these attempts at automated diagnosis outweigh any theoretical benefits. Ironically, the serious asymptomatic disorders which this kind of screening alone can discover are frequently incurable illnesses in which early treatment aggravates the patient's morbid condition. But nemesis transcends even terminal torture. + +To a point, modern medicine was concerned with therapeutic engineering--the development of strategies for surgical, chemical, or behavioral intervention in the lives of people who are or who might become sick. As it appears that these interventions do not become more effective just because they become more costly, a new level of health engineering has been pushed into the foreground. Health systems are now biased in favor of curative and preventive medicine. New health systems are proposed that are biased in favor of environmental health management. The obsession with immunity gives way to a nightmare of hygiene. As the health-delivery system continually fails to meet the demands made upon it, conditions now classified as illness might well soon be classified as criminal deviance. Imposed medical intervention might be replaced by compulsory re-education or self-criticism. The convergence of individual and environmental hygienic engineering now threatens mankind with a new epidemic in which constantly backfiring countermeasures are absorbed into the plague. This sickening synergy of the technical and nontechnical functions of medicine is what I call hygienic, medical, or tantalizing nemesis. + + +### Industrial Nemesis + +Much suffering has always been man-made: history is the record of enslavement and exploitation. It tells of war, and of the pillage, famine, and pestilence which come in its wake. War between commonwealths and classes has so far been the main planned agency of man-made misery. Thus, man is the only animal whose evolution has been conditioned by adaptation on two fronts. If he did not succumb to the elements, he had to cope with use and abuse by others of his kind. To be capable of this struggle on two frontiers, he replaced instincts by character and culture. A third frontier of possible doom has been recognized since Homer, but common mortals were considered immune to its threat. Nemesis, the Greek name for the doom which threatened from this third direction, was the fate of a few heroes who had fallen prey to envy of the gods. The common man grew up and perished in a struggle with nature and neighbor. Only the elite would challenge the limits set by nature for man. + +Prometheus was not Everyman, but a deviant. Driven by _pleonexia_, or radical greed, he transgressed the boundaries of the human condition. In _hubris_, or measureless presumption, he brought fire from heaven, and thereby brought Nemesis on himself. He was put into irons on a Caucasian rock. An eagle preyed on his liver, and heartlessly healing gods kept him alive by regrafting his liver each night. The encounter with Nemesis made the classical hero an immortal reminder of inescapable cosmic retaliation. He became a subject for epic tragedy, but certainly not a model for everyday aspiration. Now Nemesis has become endemic; it is the backlash of progress. Paradoxically, it has spread as far and as wide as the franchise, schooling, mechanical acceleration, and medical care. Everyman has fallen prey to envy of the gods. If the species is to survive, it can do so only by learning to cope on this third frontier. + +Most man-made misery is now the by-product of enterprises originally designed to protect the common man in his struggle with the inclemency of the environment and against wanton injustice inflicted by the elite. The main source of pain, disability, and death is now engineered--albeit nonintentional--harassment. The prevailing ailments, helplessness, and injustice are now the side effects of strategies for progress. Nemesis is now so prevalent that it is readily mistaken for part of the human condition. Common to all previous ethics was the idea that the range of human action was narrowly circumscribed. _Techne_ was a measured tribute to necessity and not the road to mankind's chosen action. The desperate disability of contemporary man to envisage an alternative to industrial aggression upon the human condition is an integral part of the curse from which he suffers. + +The attempt to reduce nemesis to a political or biological process frustrates any diagnosis of the current institutional crisis. Any study of the so-called limits-to-growth controversy becomes futile if it reduces nemesis to a threat which can be met on the the two traditional frontiers. Nemesis does not lose its specific character simply because it has been industrialized. The contemporary crisis of industrial society cannot be understood without distinguishing between intentionally exploitative aggression of one class against another and the inevitable doom implicit in any disproportionate attempt to transform the human condition. Our predicament cannot be understood without distinguishing between man-made violence and the destructive envy of the cosmos; between the servitude of man to man and the enslavement of man to his gods, which are, of course, his tools. Nemesis cannot be reduced to a problem within the competence of engineers or political managers. + +Schooling, transportation, the legal system, modern agriculture, and medicine serve equally well to illustrate how engendered frustration works. Beyond a certain point, the degradation of learning into the result of intentional teaching inevitably compounds a new kind of impotence of the poor majority with a new kind of class structure which discriminates against them. All forms of compulsory, planned learning have these implicit side effects, no matter how much money, good will, political growth, or pedagogic rhetoric is expended in the process; no matter if the world is filled with classrooms or if it is itself transformed into one. + +Beyond a certain level of energy, used for the acceleration of any one person in traffic, the transportation industry immobilizes and enslaves the majority of nameless passengers, and provides only questionable marginal advantages to an Olympian elite. No new fuel, technology, or public control can keep the rising mobilization of society from producing increased harriedness, paralysis, and inequity. + +Beyond a certain level of capital investment in agriculture and food processing, malnutrition must become pervasive; the green illusion racks the liver of the consumer more effectively than Zeus's eagle. No biological engineering can prevent this result. + +Beyond a certain point, the production and delivery of medical care produces more ailments than it can heal. Social security guarantees painful survival more democratically and effectively than the most pitiless gods. + +Progress has come with a vengeance which cannot be called a price. The down payment was on the label and can be stated in measurable terms. The compound installments accrue under forms of suffering that exceed the notion of "price." They have led entire societies into a debtors' prison, in which increasing torture for the majority overwhelms and cancels out any possibility of returns that might still benefit a few. + +The peasant who switches from weaving his cloth, building his home, and making his tools to the purchase of ready-made clothes, cement beams, and tractors can no longer be satisfied unless he contributes to world-wide nemesis. His neighbor who continues to try to survive on traditional cloth, shelter, and production can no longer live in a world in which industrial nemesis has come to prevail. This double bind is the issue I want to explore. Exasperating greed and blind boldness have ceased to be heroic; they have become part of the social duty of industrialized Everyman. In entering the contemporary market economy, usually by taking the road through schooling, the citizen joins the chorus summoning nemesis. But he also joins a horde of furies unleashed upon those who remain outside the system. The so-called marginal participants who do not fully enter into the market economy find themselves deprived of the traditional means of coping with nature and neighbor. + +At some point in the expansion of our major institutions, their clients begin to pay a higher price every day for their continued consumption, in spite of evidence that they will inevitably suffer more. At this point in development, the prevalent behavior of society corresponds to that traditionally recognized in addicts. Declining returns pale in comparison with increasing marginal disutilities. _Homo economicus_ turns into _Homo religiosus_. His expectations become heroic. The vengeance of economic development not only outweighs the price at which this vengeance was purchased; it also outweighs the compound tort done by nature and neighbor. Classical Nemesis was punishment for the rash abuse of a privilege. Industrialized nemesis is retribution for dutiful participation in society. + +War and hunger, pestilence and sudden death, torture and madness remain man's companions, but they are now shaped into a new _Gestalt_ by the nemesis overarching them. The greater the economic progress of any community, the greater the part played by industrial nemesis in the pain, discrimination, and death suffered by its members. Therefore, it seems that the disciplined study of the distinctive character of nemesis ought to be the key theme for research among those concerned with health care, healing, and consoling. + +Industrial nemesis is the result of policy formation and decision-making which inevitably produce counterintuitive misadventures. It is the result of a management style which remains a puzzle for the planners. As long as these misadventures are described in the language of science and economics, they remain odd surprises. The language for the study of industrial nemesis must still be forged; it must be capable of describing the contradictions inherent in the thought processes of a society which values operational verification above intuitive evidence. + + +### The Hubris of Tantalus + +Medical nemesis is but one aspect of the more general "counterintuitive misadventures" characteristic of industrial society. It is the monstrous outcome of a very specific dream of reason, namely "tantalizing" hubris. Tantalus was a famous king whom the gods invited to Olympus to share one of their meals. He purloined ambrosia, the divine potion that gave the gods unending life. For punishment, he was made immortal in Hades and condemned to suffer unending thirst and hunger. When he bows toward the river in which he stands, the water recedes, and when he reaches for the fruit above his head, the branches move out of his reach. Ethologists might say that hygienic nemesis had programmed him for compulsory counterintuitive behavior. + +Craving for ambrosia has now spread to the common mortal. Scientific and political optimism have combined to propagate the addiction. To sustain it, a priesthood of Tantalus has organized itself, offering unlimited medical improvement of human health. The members of this guild pass themselves off as disciples of healing Asklepios, while in fact they peddle ambrosia. People demand of them that life be improved, prolonged, rendered compatible with machines and capable of surviving all modes of acceleration, distortion, and stress. As a result, health has become scarce to the degree that the common man makes health dependent upon the consumption of ambrosia. + +Mankind evolved only because each of its individuals came into existence protected by various visible and invisible cocoons. Each one knew the womb from which he had come, and oriented himself by the stars under which he was born. To be human and to become humane, the individual of our species had to find his destiny in his unique struggle with nature and neighbor. He was on his own in the struggle, but the weapons and the rules and the style were given to him by the culture in which he grew up. Cultures evolved, each according to its own viability; and with culture grew people, each learning to keep alive in a common cocoon. Each culture was the sum of rules by which the individual came to terms with pain, sickness, and death, interpreted them, and practiced compassion toward others faced by the same threats. Each culture set up the myths, the rituals, the taboos, and the ethical standards needed to deal with the fragility of life. + +Cosmopolitan medical civilization denies the need for man's acceptance of these evils. Medical civilization is planned and organized to kill pain, to eliminate sickness, and to struggle against death. These are new goals, which have never before been guidelines for social life and which are antithetical to every one of the cultures that medical civilization encounters when it is dumped on the so-called poor as part and parcel of their economic progress. The health-denying effect of medical civilization is thus equally powerful in rich and in poor countries, even though the latter are often spared some of its more sinister aspects. + +#### The Killing of Pain + +For an experience to be pain in the full sense, it must fit into a culture. Precisely because each culture provides a mode for suffering, culture is a particular form of health. The act of suffering is shaped by culture into a question that can be stated and shared. + +Medical civilization replaces culturally determined competence in suffering with a growing demand by each individual for the institutional management of his pain. A myriad different feelings, each expressing some kind of fortitude, are homogenized into the political pressure of anesthesia consumers. Pain becomes an item on a list of complaints. As a result, a new kind of horror emerges. Conceptually it is still pain, but the impact on our emotions of this valueless, opaque, and impersonal hurt is something quite new. + +In this way, pain has come to pose only a technical question for industrial man: What do I need to set in order to have my pain managed or killed? If the pain continues, the fault is not with the universe, God, my sins, or the devil, but with the medical system. Suffering is an expression of consumer demand for increased medical outputs. By becoming unnecessary, pain has become unbearable. Given this attitude, it now seems rational to flee pain rather than to face it, even at the cost of addiction. It also appears reasonable to eliminate pain, even at the cost of health. It seems enlightened to deny legitimacy to all nontechnical issues that pain raises, even at the cost of disarming the victims of residual pain. For a while it can be argued that the total amount of pain anesthetized in a society is greater than that of pain newly generated. But at some point, rising marginal disutilities set in. The new suffering is not only unmanageable, but it has lost its referential character. It has become meaningless, questionless torture. Only the recovery of the will and ability to suffer can restore health to pain. + +#### The Elimination of Sickness + +Medical interventions have not affected total mortality rates; at best they have shifted survival from one segment of the population to another. Dramatic changes in the nature of disease afflicting Western societies during the last one hundred years are well documented. First industrialization exacerbated infections, which then subsided. Tuberculosis peaked over a fifty-to-seventy-five-year period and declined before either the tubercle bacillus had been discovered or antituberculosis programs had been initiated. It was replaced in Britain and the United States by major malnutrition syndromes--rickets and pellagra--which peaked and declined and were replaced by diseases of early childhood, which in turn gave way to duodenal ulcer in young men. When that declined, the modern epidemics took their toll: coronary heart disease, hypertension, cancer, arthritis, diabetes, and mental disorders. At least in the United States death rates from hypertensive heart disease seem to be declining. Despite intensive research, no connection can be demonstrated between these changes in disease patterns and the professional practice of medicine. + +The overwhelming majority of modern diagnostic and therapeutic interventions that demonstrably do more good than harm have two characteristics: the material resources for them are extremely cheap, and they can be packaged and designed for self-use or application by family members. The technology that is significantly health-furthering or curative in Canadian medicine costs so little that it could be made available in the entire subcontinent of India for the amount of money now squandered there on modern medicine. On the other hand, the skills needed for the application of the most generally used diagnostic and therapeutic aids are so simple that the careful observation of instructions by people who personally care would guarantee more effective and responsible use than medical practice can provide. + +Neither a decline in any of the major epidemics of killing diseases, nor major changes in the age structure of the population, nor falling and rising absenteeism at the workbench has been significantly related to sick-care or even to immunization. Medical services deserve neither credit for longevity nor blame for the threatening population pressure. Longevity owes much more to the railroad and to the synthesis of fertilizers and insecticides than it owes to new drugs and syringes. Professional practice is both ineffective and increasingly sought out. This technically unwarranted rise in medical prestige can only be explained as a magical ritual for the achievement of goals beyond technical and political reach. It can be countered only through legislation and political action that favor the deprofessionalization of health care. + +The professionalization of medicine does not imply and should not be read as implying negation of specialized healers, of competence, of mutual criticism, or of public control. It does imply a bias against mystification, against transnational dominance of one orthodox view, against disbarment of healers chosen by their patients but not certified by the guild. The deprofessionalization of medicine does not mean denial of public funds for curative purposes; it does mean a bias against the disbursement of any such funds under the prescription and control of guild members rather than under the control of the consumer. Deprofessionalization does not mean the elimination of modern medicine, nor an obstacle to the invention of a new medicine, nor necessarily a return to ancient programs, rituals, and devices. It means that no professional shall have the power to lavish on any one of his patients a package of curative resources larger than that which any other could claim on his own. Finally, the deprofessionalization of medicine does not mean disregard for the special needs that people manifest at special moments of their lives: when they are born, break a leg, marry, give birth, become crippled, or face death. It only means that people have a right to live in an environment that is hospitable to them at such high points in their experience. + +#### The Struggle Against Death + +The ultimate effect of medical nemesis is the expropriation of death. In every society the image of death is the culturally conditioned anticipation of an uncertain date. This anticipation determines a series of behavioral norms during life and the structure of certain institutions. Wherever modem medical civilization has penetrated a traditional medical culture, a novel cultural ideal of death has been fostered. The new ideal spreads by means of technology and the professional ethos which corresponds to it. + +In primitive societies, death is always conceived as the intervention of an actor: an enemy, a witch, an ancestor, or a god. The Christian and the Islamic Middle Ages saw in each death the hand of God. Western death had no face until about 1420. The Western ideal of death which comes to all equally from natural causes is of quite recent origin. Only during the autumn of the Middle Ages does death appear as a skeleton with power in its own right. Only during the sixteenth century did European peoples develop the "arte and crafte to knowe ye Will to Dye." For the next three centuries peasant and noble, priest and whore prepared themselves throughout life to preside at their own death. Foul death, bitter death, became the end rather than the goal of living. The idea that natural death should come only in healthy old age appeared only in the eighteenth century as a class-specific phenomenon of the bourgeoisie. The demand that doctors struggle against death and keep valetudinarians healthy has nothing to do with their ability to provide such services; Aries has shown that the costly attempts to prolong life appeared at first only among bankers, whose power was compounded by the years they spent at a desk. + +We cannot fully understand contemporary social organization unless we see in it a multifaceted exorcism of all forms of evil death. Our major institutions constitute a gigantic defense program waged on behalf of "humanity" against all those people who can be associated with what is currently conceived of as death-dealing social injustice. Not only medical agencies but welfare, international relief, and development programs are enlisted in this struggle. Ideological bureaucracies of all colors join the crusade. Even war has been used to justify the defeat of those who are blamed for wanton tolerance of sickness and death. Producing "natural death" for all men is at the point of becoming an ultimate justification for social control. Under the influence of medical rituals contemporary death is again the rationale for a witch-hunt. + + +### The Recovery of Health + +Rising irreparable damage accompanies present industrial expansion in all sectors. In medicine these damages appear as iatrogenesis. Iatrogenesis can be direct, as when pain, sickness, and death result from medical care; or it can be indirect, as when health policies reinforce an industrial organization that generates ill-health: it can be structural when medically sponsored behavior and delusion restrict the vital autonomy of people by undermining their competence in growing up, caring, and aging; or when it nullifies the personal challenge arising from their pain, disability, and anguish. + +Most of the remedies proposed for reducing iatrogenesis are engineering interventions, therapeutically designed in their approach to the individual, the group, the institution, or the environment. These so-called remedies generate second-order iatrogenic ills by creating a new prejudice against the autonomy of the citizen. + +The most profound iatrogenic effects of the medical technostructure result from its nontechnical social functions. The sickening technical and nontechnical consequences of the institutionalization of medicine coalesce to generate a new kind of suffering: anesthetized and solitary survival in a world-wide hospital ward. + +Medical nemesis cannot be operationally verified. Much less can it be measured. The intensity with which it is experienced depends on the independence, vitality, and relatedness of each individual. As a theoretical concept, it is one component in a broad theory explaining the anomalies that plague health-care systems in our day. It is a distinct aspect of an even more general phenomenon which I have called industrial nemesis, the backlash of institutionally structured industrial hubris. This hubris consists of a disregard for the boundaries within which the human phenomenon remains viable. Current research is overwhelmingly oriented toward unattainable "breakthroughs." What I have called counterfoil research is the disciplined analysis of the levels at which such reverberations must inevitably damage man. + +The perception of enveloping nemesis leads to a social choice. Either the natural boundaries of human endeavor must be estimated, recognized, and translated into politically determined limits, or the alternative to extinction will be compulsory survival in a planned and engineered hell. + +In several nations the public is ready for a review of its health-care system. The frustrations that have become manifest in private-enterprise systems and in socialized care have come to resemble each other frighteningly. The differences between the criticisms by the Russians, French, Americans, and English have become trivial. There is a serious danger that these evaluations will be performed within the coordinates set by post-Cartesian illusions. In rich and in poor countries the demand for reform of national health care is dominated by demands for equitable access to the wares of the guild, for professional expansion and subprofessionalization, for more truth in the advertising of progress, and for lay control of the temple of Tantalus. The public discussion of the health crisis could easily be used to channel even more power, prestige, and money to biomedical engineers and designers. + +There is still time in the next few years to avoid a debate which would reinforce a frustrating system. The coming debate can be reoriented by making hygienic nemesis the central issue. The explanation of nemesis requires simultaneous assessment of both the technical and the nontechnical aspects of medicine, and must focus on it as both industry and religion. The indictment of medicine as a form of institutional hubris exposes precisely those personal illusions that make the critic dependent on health care. + +The perception and comprehension of nemesis have therefore the power of leading us to policies which could break the magic circle of complaints that now reinforce the dependence of the plaintiff on the health engineering and planning agencies that he sues. Recognition of nemesis can provide the catharsis to prepare for a nonviolent revolution in our attitudes toward evil and pain. The alternatives to a war against these ills is a search for the peace of the strong. + +Health designates a process of adaptation. It is not the result of instinct, but of autonomous and live reaction to an experienced reality. It designates the ability to adapt to changing environments, to growing up and to aging, to healing when damaged, to suffering, and to the peaceful expectation of death. Health embraces the future as well, and therefore includes anguish and the inner resources to live with it. + +Man's consciously lived fragility, individuality, and relatedness make the experience of pain, of sickness, and of death an integral part of his life. The ability to cope with this trio autonomously is fundamental to his health. To the degree that he becomes dependent on the management of his intimacy, he renounces his autonomy and his health _must_ decline. The true miracle of modern medicine is diabolical. It consists in making not only individuals but whole populations survive on inhumanly low levels of personal health. That health should decline with increasing health-service delivery is unforeseeable only by the health manager, precisely because his strategies are the result of his blindness to the inalienability of health. + +The level of public health corresponds to the degree to which the means and responsibility for coping with illness are distributed among the total population. This ability to cope can be enhanced but never replaced by medical intervention in the lives of people or the hygienic characteristics of the environment. That society which reduces professional intervention to the minimum will provide the best conditions for health. The greater the potential for autonomous adaptation to self and to others and to the environment, the less management of adaptation will be needed or tolerated. + +The recovery of a healthy attitude toward sickness is neither Luddite nor romantic nor utopian; it is a guiding ideal which will never be fully achieved, which can be achieved with modem devices as never before in history, and which must orient politics to avoid encroaching nemesis. + + + +## Energy and Equity + +> "El socialismo puede llegar sólo en bicicleta." +> +> -- _Jose Antonio Viera-Gallo. Assisant Secretary of Justice in the government of Salvador Allende + +_This text was first published in_ Le Monde _in early 1973. Over lunch in Paris the venerable editor of that daily, as he accepted my manuscript, recommended just one change. He felt that a term as little known and as technical as "energy crisis" had no place in the opening sentence of an article that he would be running on page 1. As I now reread the text, I am struck by the speed with which language and issues have shifted in less than five years. But I am equally struck by the slow yet steady pace at which the radical alternative to industrial society--namely, low-energy, convivial modernity--has gained defenders._ + +_In this essay I argue that under some circumstances, a technology incorporates the values of the society for which it was invented to such a degree that these values become dominant in every society which applies that technology. The material structure of production devices can thus irremediably incorporate class prejudice. High-energy technology, at least as applied to traffic, provides a clear example. Obviously, this thesis undermines the legitimacy of those professionals who monopolize the operation of such technologies. It is particularly irksome to those individuals within the professions who seek to serve the public by using the rhetoric of class struggle with the aim of replacing the "capitalists" who now control institutional policy by professional peers and laymen who accept professional standards. Mainly under the influence of such "radical" professionals, this thesis has, in only five years, changed from an oddity into a heresy that has provoked a barrage of abuse._ + +_The distinction proposed here, however, is not new. I oppose tools that can be applied in the generation of use-values to others that cannot be used except in the production of commodities. This distinction has recently been re-emphasized by a great variety of social critics. The insistence on the need for a balance between convivial and_ industrial _tools is, in fact, the common distinctive element in an emerging consensus among groups engaged in radical politics. A superb guide to the bibliography in this field has been published in_ Radical Technology _(London and New York, 1976), by the editors of_ Undercurrents. _I have transferred my own files on the theme to Valentina Borremans, who is now working on a librarians' guide to reference materials on use-value-oriented modern tools, scheduled for publication in 1978. (Preliminary drafts of individual chapters of this guide can be obtained by writing to Valentina Borremans, APDO 479, Cuernavaca, Mexico.) The specific argument on socially critical energy thresholds in transportation that I pursue in this essay has been elaborated and documented by two colleagues, Jean-Pierre Dupuy and Jean Robert, in their two jointly written books._ La Trahison de Topulence _(Paris, 1976) and_ Les Chronophages _(Paris, 1978)._ + + +### The Energy Crisis + +It has recently become fashionable to insist on an impending energy crisis. This euphemistic term conceals a contradiction and consecrates an illusion. It masks the contradiction implicit in the joint pursuit of equity and industrial growth. It safeguards the illusion that machine power can indefinitely take the place of manpower. To resolve this contradiction and dispel this illusion, it is urgent to clarify the reality that the language of crisis obscures: high quanta of energy degrade social relations just as inevitably as they destroy the physical milieu. + +The advocates of an energy crisis believe in and continue to propagate a peculiar vision of man. According to this notion, man is born into perpetual dependence on slaves which he must painfully learn to master. If he does not employ prisoners, then he needs machines to do most of his work. According to this doctrine, the well-being of a society can be measured by the number of years its members have gone to school and by the number of energy slaves they have thereby learned to command. This belief is common to the conflicting economic ideologies now in vogue. It is threatened by the obvious inequity, harriedness, and impotence that appear everywhere once the voracious hordes of energy slaves outnumber people by a certain proportion. The energy crisis focuses concern on the scarcity of fodder for these slaves. I prefer to ask whether free men need them. + +The energy policies adopted during the current decade will determine the range and character of social relationships a society will be able to enjoy by the year 2000. A low-energy policy allows for a wide choice of life-styles and cultures. If, on the other hand, a society opts for high energy consumption, its social relations must be dictated by technocracy and will be equally degrading whether labeled capitalist or socialist. + +At this moment, most societies--especially the poor ones--are still free to set their energy policies by any of three guidelines. Well-being can be identified with high amounts of per capita energy use, with high efficiency of energy transformation, or with the least possible use of mechanical energy by the most powerful members of society. The first approach would stress tight management of scarce and destructive fuels on behalf of industry, whereas the second would emphasize the retooling of industry in the interest of thermodynamic thrift. These first two attitudes necessarily imply huge public expenditures and increased social control; both rationalize the emergence of a computerized Leviathan, and both are at present widely discussed. + +The possibility of a third option is barely noticed. While people have begun to accept ecological limits on maximum per capita energy use as a condition for physical survival, they do not yet think about the use of minimum feasible power as the foundation of any of various social orders that would be both modern and desirable. Yet only a ceiling on energy use can lead to social relations that are characterized by high levels of equity. The one option that is at present neglected is the only choice within the reach of all nations. It is also the only strategy by which a political process can be used to set limits on the power of even the most motorized bureaucrat. Participatory democracy postulates low-energy technology. Only participatory democracy creates the conditions for rational technology. + +What is generally overlooked is that equity and energy can grow concurrently only to a point. Below a threshold of per capita wattage, motors improve the conditions for social progress. Above this threshold, energy grows at the expense of equity. Further energy affluence then means decreased distribution of control over that energy. + +The widespread belief that clean and abundant energy is the panacea for social ills is due to a political fallacy, according to which equity and energy consumption can be indefinitely correlated, at least under some ideal political conditions. Laboring under this illusion, we tend to discount any social limit on the growth of energy consumption. But if ecologists are right to assert that nonmetabolic power pollutes, it is in fact just as inevitable that, beyond a certain threshold, mechanical power corrupts. The threshold of social disintegration by high energy quanta is independent from the threshold at which energy conversion produces physical destruction. Expressed in horsepower, it is undoubtedly lower. This is the fact which must be theoretically recognized before a political issue can be made of the per capita wattage to which a society will limit its members. + +Even if nonpolluting power were feasible and abundant, the use of energy on a massive scale acts on society like a drug that is physically harmless but psychically enslaving. A community can choose between Methadone and "cold turkey"--between maintaining its addiction to alien energy and kicking it in painful cramps--but no society can have a population that is hooked on progressively larger numbers of energy slaves and whose members are also autonomously active. + +In previous discussions, I have shown that, beyond a certain level of per capita GNP, the cost of social control must rise faster than total output and become the major institutional activity within an economy. Therapy administered by educators, psychiatrists, and social workers must converge with the designs of planners, managers, and salesmen, and complement the services of security agencies, the military, and the police. I now want to indicate one reason why increased affluence requires increased control over people. I argue that beyond a certain median per capita energy level, the political system and cultural context of any society must decay. Once the critical quantum of per capita energy is surpassed, education for the abstract goals of a bureaucracy must supplant the legal guarantees of personal and concrete initiative. This quantum is the limit of social order. + +I will argue here that technocracy must prevail as soon as the ratio of mechanical power to metabolic energy oversteps a definite, identifiable threshold. The order of magnitude within which this threshold lies is largely independent of the level of technology applied, yet its very existence has slipped into the blind-spot of social imagination in both rich and medium-rich countries. Both the United States and Mexico have passed the critical divide. In both countries, further energy inputs increase inequality, inefficiency, and personal impotence. Although one country has a per capita income of $500 and the other, one of nearly $5,000, huge vested interest in an industrial infrastructure prods both of them to further escalate the use of energy. As a result, both North American and Mexican ideologues put the label of "energy crisis" on their frustration, and both countries are blinded to the fact that the threat of social breakdown is due neither to a shortage of fuel nor to the wasteful, polluting, and irrational use of available wattage, but to the attempt of industries to gorge society with energy quanta that inevitably degrade, deprive, and frustrate most people. + +A people can be just as dangerously overpowered by the wattage of its tools as by the caloric content of its foods, but it is much harder to confess to a national overindulgence in wattage than to a sickening diet. The per capita wattage that is critical for social well-being lies within an order of magnitude which is far above the horsepower known to four-fifths of humanity and far below the power commanded by any Volkswagen driver. It eludes the underconsumer and the overconsumer alike. Neither is willing to face the facts. For the primitive, the elimination of slavery and drudgery depends on the introduction of appropriate modern technology, and for the rich, the avoidance of an even more horrible degradation depends on the effective recognition of a threshold in energy consumption beyond which technical processes begin to dictate social relations. Calories are both biologically and socially healthy only as long as they stay within the narrow range that separates enough from too much. + +The so-called energy crisis is, then, a politically ambiguous issue. Public interest in the quantity of power and in the distribution of controls over the use of energy can lead in two opposite directions. On the one hand, questions can be posed that would open the way to political reconstruction by unblocking the search for a postindustrial, labor-intensive, low-energy and high-equity economy. On the other hand, hysterical concern with machine fodder can reinforce the present escalation of capital-intensive institutional growth, and carry us past the last turnoff from a hyperindustrial Armageddon. Political reconstruction presupposes the recognition of the fact that there exist _critical per capita quanta_ beyond which energy can no longer be controlled by political process. A universal social straitjacket will be the inevitable outcome of ecological restraints on _total energy use_ imposed by industrial-minded planners bent on keeping industrial production at some hypothetical maximum. + +Rich countries like the United States, Japan, or France might never reach the point of choking on their own waste, but only because their societies will have already collapsed into a sociocultural energy coma. Countries like India, Burma, and, for another short while at least, China are in the inverse position of being still muscle-powered enough to stop short of an energy stroke. They could choose, right now, to stay within those limits to which the rich will be forced back through a total loss of their freedoms. + +The choice of a minimum-energy economy compels the poor to abandon fantastical expectations and the rich to recognize their vested interest as a ghastly liability. Both must reject the fatal image of man the slaveholder currently promoted by an ideologically stimulated hunger for more energy. In countries that were made affluent by industrial development, the energy crisis serves as a pretext for raising the taxes that will be needed to substitute new, more "rational," and socially more deadly industrial processes for those that have been rendered obsolete by inefficient over expansion. For the leaders of people who are not yet dominated by the same process of industrialization, the energy crisis serves as a _historical imperative_ to centralize production, pollution, and their control in a last-ditch effort to catch up with the more highly powered. By exporting their crisis and by preaching the new gospel of puritan energy worship, the rich do even more damage to the poor than they did by selling them the products of now outdated factories. As soon as a poor country accepts the doctrine that more energy more carefully managed will always yield more goods for more people, that country locks itself into the cage of enslavement to maximum industrial outputs. Inevitably the poor lose the option for rational technology when they choose to modernize their poverty by increasing their dependence on energy. Inevitably the poor deny themselves the possibility of liberating technology and participatory politics when, together with maximum feasible energy use, they accept maximum feasible social control. + +The energy crisis cannot be overwhelmed by more energy inputs. It can only be dissolved, along with the illusion that well-being depends on the number of energy slaves a man has at his command. For this purpose, it is necessary to identify the thresholds beyond which energy corrupts, and to do so by a political process that associates the community in the search for limits. Because this kind of research runs counter to that now done by experts and for institutions, I shall continue to call it counterfoil research. It has three steps. First, the need for limits on the per capita use of energy must be theoretically recognized as a social imperative. Then, the range must be located wherein the critical magnitude might be found. Finally, each community has to identify the levels of inequity, harrying, and operant conditioning that its members are willing to accept in exchange for the satisfaction that comes of idolizing powerful devices and joining in rituals directed by the professionals who control their operation. + +The need for political research on socially optimal energy quanta can be clearly and concisely illustrated by an examination of modern traffic. The United States puts between 25 and 45 per cent of its total energy (depending upon how one calculates this) into vehicles: to make them, run them, and clear a right of way for them when they roll, when they fly, and when they park. Most of this energy is to move people who have been strapped into place. For the sole purpose of transporting people, 250 million Americans allocate more fuel than is used by 1.3 billion Chinese and Indians for all purposes. Almost all of this fuel is burned in a rain-dance of time-consuming acceleration. Poor countries spend less energy per person, but the percentage of total energy devoted to traffic in Mexico or in Peru is probably greater than in the United States, and it benefits a smaller percentage of the population. The size of this enterprise makes it both easy and significant to demonstrate the existence of socially critical energy quanta by the example of personal mobility. + +In traffic, energy used over a specific period of time (power) translates into speed. In this case, the critical quantum will appear as a speed limit. Wherever this limit has been passed, the basic pattern of social degradation by high energy quanta has emerged. Once some public utility went faster than 15 mph, equity declined and the scarcity of both time and space increased. Motorized transportation monopolized traffic and blocked self-powered transit. In every Western country, passenger mileage on all types of conveyance increased by a factor of a hundred within fifty years of building the first railroad. When the ratio of their respective power outputs passed beyond a certain value, mechanical transformers of mineral fuels excluded people from the use of their metabolic energy and forced them to become captive consumers of conveyance. This effect of speed on the autonomy of people is only marginally affected by the technological characteristics of the motorized vehicles employed or by the persons or entities who hold the legal titles to airlines, buses, railroads, or cars. High speed is the critical factor which makes transportation socially destructive. A true choice among practical policies and of desirable social relations is possible only where speed is restrained. Participatory democracy demands low-energy technology, and free people must travel the road to productive social relations at the speed of a bicycle.[^n01] + + +### The Industrialization of Traffic + +The discussion of how energy is used to move people requires a formal distinction between transport and transit as the two components of traffic. By _traffic_ I mean any movement of people from one place to another when they are outside their homes. By _transit_ I mean those movements that put human metabolic energy to use, and by _transport_, that mode of movement which relies on other sources of energy. These energy sources will henceforth be mostly motors, since animals compete fiercely with men for their food in an overpopulated world, unless they are thistle eaters like donkeys and camels. + +As soon as people become tributaries of transport, not just when they travel for several days, but also on their daily trips, the contradictions between social justice and motorized power, between effective movement and higher speed, between personal freedom and engineered routing, become poignantly clear. Enforced dependence on auto-mobile machines then denies a community of self-propelled people just those values supposedly procured by improved transportation. + +People move well on their feet. This primitive means of getting around will, on closer analysis, appear quite effective when compared with the lot of people in modern cities or on industrialized farms. It will appear particularly attractive once it has been understood that modern Americans walk, on the average, as many miles as their ancestors--most of them through tunnels, corridors, parking lots, and stores. + +People on their feet are more or less equal. People solely dependent on their feet move on the spur of the moment, at three to four miles per hour, in any direction and to any place from which they are not legally or physically barred. An improvement on this native degree of mobility by new transport technology should be expected to safeguard these values and to add some new ones, such as greater range, time economies, comfort, or more opportunities for the disabled. So far this is not what has happened. Instead, the growth of the transportation industry has everywhere had the reverse effect. From the moment its machines could put more than a certain horsepower behind any one passenger, this industry has reduced equality among men, restricted their mobility to a system of industrially defined routes, and created time scarcity of unprecedented severity. As the speed of their vehicles crosses a threshold, citizens become transportation consumers on the daily loop that brings them back to their home, a circuit which the United States Department of Commerce calls a "trip" as opposed to the "travel" for which Americans leave home equipped with a toothbrush. + +More energy fed into the transportation system means that more people move faster over a greater range in the course of every day. Everybody's daily radius expands at the expense of being able to drop in on an acquaintance or walk through the park on the way to work. Extremes of privilege are created at the cost of universal enslavement. An elite packs unlimited distance into a lifetime of pampered travel, while the majority spend a bigger slice of their existence on unwanted trips. The few mount their magic carpets to travel between distant points that their ephemeral presence renders both scarce and seductive, while the many are compelled to trip farther and faster and to spend more time preparing for and recovering from their trips. + +In the United States, four-fifths of all man-hours on the road are those of commuters and shoppers who hardly ever get into a plane, while four-fifths of the mileage flown to conventions and resorts is covered year after year by the same 1.5 per cent of the population, usually those who are either well-to-do or professionally trained to do good. The speedier the vehicle, the larger the subsidy it gets from regressive taxation. Barely 0.2 per cent of the entire United States population can engage in self-chosen air travel more than once a year, and few other countries can support a jet set which is that large. + +The captive tripper and the reckless traveler become equally dependent on transport. Neither can do without it. Occasional spurts to Acapulco or to a party congress dupe the ordinary passenger into believing that he has made it into the shrunk world of the powerfully rushed. The occasional chance to spend a few hours strapped into a high-powered seat makes him an accomplice in the distortion of human space, and prompts him to consent to the design of his country's geography around vehicles rather than around people. Man has evolved physically and culturally together with his cosmic niche. What for animals is their environment he has learned to make into his home. His self-consciousness requires as its complement a life-space and a life-time integrated by the pace at which he moves. If that relationship is determined by the velocity of vehicles rather than by the movement of people, man the architect is reduced to the status of a mere commuter. + +The model American male devotes more than 1,600 hours a year to his car. He sits in it while it goes and while it stands idling. He parks it and searches for it. He earns the money to put down on it and to meet the monthly installments. He works to pay for gasoline, tolls, insurance, taxes, and tickets. He spends four of his sixteen waking hours on the road or gathering his resources for it. And this figure does not take into account the time consumed by other activities dictated by transport: time spent in hospitals, traffic courts, and garages; time spent watching automobile commercials or attending consumer education meetings to improve the quality of the next buy. The model American puts in 1,600 hours to get 7,500 miles: less than five miles per hour. In countries deprived of a transportation industry, people manage to do the same, walking wherever they want to go, and they allocate only 3 to 8 per cent of their society's time budget to traffic instead of 28 per cent. What distinguishes the traffic in rich countries from the traffic in poor countries is not more mileage per hour of life-time for the majority, but more hours of compulsory consumption of high doses of energy, packaged and unequally distributed by the transportation industry. + + +### Speed-stunned imagination + +Past a certain threshold of energy consumption, the transportation industry dictates the configuration of social space. Motorways expand, driving wedges between neighbors and removing fields beyond the distance a farmer can walk. Ambulances take clinics beyond the few miles a sick child can be carried. The doctor will no longer come to the house, because vehicles have made the hospital into the right place to be sick. Once heavy trucks reach a village high in the Andes, part of the local market disappears. Later, when the high school arrives at the plaza along with the paved highway, more and more of the young people move to the city, until not one family is left which does not long for a reunion with someone hundreds of miles away, down on the coast. + +Equal speeds have equally distorting effects on the perception of space, time, and personal potency in rich and in poor countries, however different the surface appearances might be. Everywhere, the transportation industry shapes a new kind of man to fit the new geography and the new schedules of its making. The major difference between Guatemala and Kansas is that in Central America some provinces are still exempt from all contact with vehicles and are, therefore, still not degraded by their dependence on them. + +The product of the transportation industry is the _habitual passenger_. He has been boosted out of the world in which people still move on their own, and he has lost the sense that he stands at the center of his world. The habitual passenger is conscious of the exasperating time scarcity that results from daily recourse to the cars, trains, buses, subways,and elevators that force him to cover an average of twenty miles each day, frequently criss-crossing his path within a radius of less than five miles. He has been lifted off his feet. No matter if he goes by subway or jet plane, he feels slower and poorer than someone else and resents the shortcuts taken by the privileged few who can escape the frustrations of traffic. If he is cramped by the timetable of his commuter train, he dreams of a car. If he drives, exhausted by the rush hour, he envies the speed capitalist who drives against the traffic. If he must pay for his car out of his own pocket, he knows full well that the commanders of corporate fleets send the fuel bill to the company and write off the rented car as a business expense. The habitual passenger is caught at the wrong end of growing inequality, time scarcity, and personal impotence, but he can see no way out of this bind except to demand more of the same: more traffic by transport. He stands in wait for technical changes in the design of vehicles, roads, and schedules; or else he expects a revolution to produce mass rapid transport under public control. In neither case does he calculate the price of being hauled into a better future. He forgets that he is the one who will pay the bill, either in fares or in taxes. He overlooks the hidden costs of replacing private cars with equally rapid public transport. + +The habitual passenger cannot grasp the folly of traffic based overwhelmingly on transport. His inherited perceptions of space and time and of personal pace have been industrially deformed. He has lost the power to conceive of himself outside the passenger role. Addicted to being carried along, he has lost"" control over the physical, social, and psychic powers that reside in man's feet. The passenger has come to identify territory with the untouchable landscape through which he is rushed. He has become impotent to establish his domain, mark it with his imprint, and assert his sovereignty over it. He has lost confidence in his power to admit others into his presence and to share space consciously with them. He can no longer face the remote by himself. Left on his own, he feels immobile. + +The habitual passenger must adopt a new set of beliefs and expectations if he is to feel secure in the strange world where both liaisons and loneliness are products of conveyance. To "gather" for him means to be brought together by vehicles. He comes to believe that political power grows out of the capacity of a transportation system, and in its absence is the result of access to the television screen. He takes freedom of movement to be the same as one's claim on propulsion. He believes that the level of democratic process correlates to the power of transportation and communications systems. He has lost faith in the political power of the feet and of the tongue. As a result, what he wants is not more liberty as a citizen but better service as a client. He does not insist on his freedom to move and to speak to people but on his claim to be shipped and to be informed by media. He wants a better product rather than freedom from servitude to it. It is vital that he come to see that the acceleration he demands is self-defeating, and that it must result in a further decline of equity, leisure, and autonomy. + + +### Net transfer of Life-time + +Unchecked speed is expensive, and progressively fewer can afford it. Each increment in the velocity of a vehicle results in an increase in the cost of propulsion and track construction and--most dramatically--in the space the vehicle devours while it is on the move. Past a certain threshold of energy consumption for the fastest passenger, a world-wide class structure of speed capitalists is created. The exchange-value of time becomes dominant, and this is reflected in language: time is spent, saved, invested, wasted, and employed. As societies put price tags on time, equity and vehicular speed correlate inversely. + +High speed capitalizes a few people's time at an enormous rate but, paradoxically, it does this at a high cost in time for all. In Bombay, only a very few people own cars. They can reach a provincial capital in one morning and make the trip once a week. Two generations ago, this would have been a week-long trek once a year. They now spend more time on more trips. But these same few also disrupt, with their cars, the traffic flow of thousands of bicycles and pedicabs that move through downtown Bombay at a rate of effective locomotion that is still superior to that of downtown Paris, London, or New York. The compounded, transport-related time expenditure within a society grows much faster than the time economies made by a few people on their speedy excursions. Traffic grows indefinitely with the availability of high-speed transports. Beyond a critical threshold, the output of the industrial complex established to move people costs a society more time than it saves. The marginal utility of an increment in the speed of a small number of people has for its price the growing marginal disutility of this acceleration for the great majority. + +Beyond a critical speed, no one can save time without forcing another to lose it. The man who claims a seat in a faster vehicle insists that his time is worth more than that of the passenger in a slower one. Beyond a certain velocity, passengers become consumers of other people's time, and accelerating vehicles become the means for effecting a net transfer of life-time. The degree of transfer is measured in quanta of speed. This time-grab despoils those who are left behind, and since they are the majority, it raises ethical issues of a more general nature than the lottery that assigns kidney dialysis or organ transplants. + +Beyond a certain speed, motorized vehicles create remoteness which they alone can shrink. They create distances for all and shrink them for only a few. A new dirt road through the wilderness brings the city within view, but not within reach, of most Brazilian subsistence farmers. The new expressway expands Chicago, but it sucks those who are well-wheeled away from a downtown that decays into a ghetto. + +Contrary to what is often claimed, man's speed remained unchanged from the Age of Cyrus to the Age of Steam. News did not travel more than a hundred miles per day, no matter how the message was carried. Neither the Inca's runners nor the Venetian galley, the Persian horseman, or the mail coach on regular runs under Louis XIV broke the barrier. Soldiers, explorers, merchants, and pilgrims moved at twenty miles per day. In Valery's words, Napoleon still had to move at Caesar's slowness: _Napoléon va à la même lenteur que César_. The emperor knew that "public prosperity is measured by the income of the coaches": _On mesure la prospérité publique aux comptes des diligences_, but he could barely speed them up. Paris--Toulouse had required about 200 hours in Roman times, and the scheduled stagecoach still took 158 hours in 1740, before the opening of the new Royal Roads. Only the nineteenth century accelerated man. By 1830, the trip had been reduced to 110 hours, but at a new cost. In the same year, 4,150 stagecoaches overturned in France, causing more than a thousand deaths. Then the railroad brought a sudden change. By 1855, Napoleon III claimed to have hit 96 kilometers per hour on the train somewhere between Paris and Marseilles. Within one generation, the average distance traveled each year per Frenchman increased one hundred and thirty times, and Britain's railroad network reached its greatest expansion. Passenger trains attained their optimum cost calculated in terms of time spent for their maintenance and use. + +With further acceleration, transportation began to dominate traffic, and speed began to erect a hierarchy of destinations. By now, each set of destinations corresponds to a specific level of speed and defines a certain passenger class. Each circuit of terminal points degrades those pegged at a lower number of miles per hour. Those who must get around on their own power have been redefined as underdeveloped outsiders. Tell me how fast you go and I'll tell you who you are. If you can corner the taxes that fuel the Concorde, you are certainly at the top. + +Over the last two generations, the vehicle has become the sign of career achievement, just as the school has become the sign of starting advantage. At each new level, the concentration of power must produce its own kind of rationale. So, for example, the reason that is usually given for spending public money to make a man travel more miles in less time each year is the still greater investment that was made to keep him more years in school. His putative value as a capital-intensive production tool sets the rate at which he is being shipped. Other ideological labels besides "a good education" are just as useful for opening the cabin door to luxuries paid for by others. If the Thought of Chairman Mao must now be rushed around China by jet, this can only mean that two classes are needed to fuel what his revolution has become, one of them living in the geography of the masses and the other in the geography of the cadres. The suppression of intermediary levels of speed in the People's Republic has certainly made the concentration of power more efficient and rational, but it also underscores the new difference in value between the time of the bullock driver and the time of the jet-driven. Acceleration inevitably concentrates horsepower under the seats of a few and compounds the increasing time-lack of most commuters with the further sense that they are lagging behind. + +The need for unequal privilege in an industrial society is generally advocated by means of an argument with two sides. The hypocrisy of this argument is clearly betrayed by acceleration. Privilege is accepted as the necessary precondition for improving the lot of a growing total population, or it is advertised as the instrument for raising the standards of a deprived minority. In the long run, accelerating transportation does neither. It only creates a universal demand for motorized conveyance and puts previously unimaginable distances between the various layers of privilege. Beyond a certain point, more energy means less equity. + + +### The Ineffectiveness of Acceleration + +It should not be overlooked that top speeds for a few exact a different price than high speeds for all. Social classification by levels of speed enforces a net transfer of power: the poor work and pay to get left behind. But if the middle classes of a speed society may be tempted to ignore discrimination, they should not neglect the rising marginal disutilities of transportation and their own loss of leisure. High speeds for all mean that everybody has less time for himself as the whole society spends a growing slice of its time budget on moving people. Vehicles running over the critical speed not only tend to impose inequality, they also inevitably establish a self-serving industry that hides an inefficient system of locomotion under apparent technological sophistication. I will argue that a speed limit is not only necessary to safeguard equity; it is equally a condition for increasing the total distance traveled within a society, while simultaneously decreasing the sum total of life-time that transportation claims. + +There is little research available on the impact of vehicles on the twenty-four-hour time budget of individuals and societies.[^n02] From transportation studies, we get statistics on the cost of time per mile, on the value of time measured in dollars or in length of trips. But these statistics tell us nothing about the hidden costs of transportation: about how traffic nibbles away at lifetime, about how vehicles devour space, about the multiplication of trips made necessary by the existence of vehicles, or about the time spent directly and indirectly preparing for locomotion. Further, there is no available measure of the even more deeply buried costs of transport, such as higher rent to live in areas convenient to the flow of traffic, or the cost of protecting these areas from the noise, pollution, and danger to life and limb that vehicles create. The lack of an account of expenditures from the social time budget should not lead us to believe, however, that such an accounting is impossible, nor should it prevent our drawing conclusions from the little that we do know. + +From our limited information it appears that everywhere in the world, after some vehicle broke the speed barrier of 15 mph, time scarcity related to traffic began to grow. After industry had reached this threshold of per capita output, transport made of man a new kind of waif: a being constantly absent from a destination he cannot reach on his own but must attain within the day. By now, people work a substantial part of every day to earn the money without which they could not even get to work. The time a society spends on transportation grows in proportion to the speed of its fastest public conveyance. Japan now leads the United States in both areas. Life-time gets cluttered up with activities generated by traffic as soon as vehicles crash through the barrier that guards people from dislocation and space from distortion. + +Whether the vehicle that speeds along the public freeway is owned by the state or by an individual has little to do with the time scarcity and overprogramming that rise with every increment in speed. Buses use one-third of the fuel that cars burn to carry one man over a given distance. Commuter trains are up to ten times more efficient than cars. Both could become even more efficient and less polluting. If publicly owned and rationally managed, they could be so scheduled and routed that the privileges they now provide under private ownership and incompetent organization would be considerably cut. But as long as any system of vehicles imposes itself on the public by top speeds that are not under political control, the public is left to choose between spending more time to pay for more people to be carried from station to station, and paying less taxes so that even fewer people can travel in much less time much farther than others. The order of magnitude of the top speed that is permitted within a transportation system determines the slice of its time budget that an entire society spends on traffic. + + +### The Radical Monopoly of Industry + +A desirable ceiling on the velocity of movement cannot be usefully discussed without returning to the distinction between self-powered _transit_ and motorized _transport_, and comparing the contribution each component makes relative to the total locomotion of people, which I have called _traffic_. + +Transport stands for the capital-intensive mode of traffic, and transit indicates the labor-intensive mode. Transport is the product of an industry whose clients are passengers. It is an industrial commodity and therefore scarce by definition. Improvement of transport always takes place under conditions of scarcity that become more severe as the speed--and with it the cost--of the service increases. Conflict about insufficient transport tends to take the form of a zero-sum game where one wins only if another loses. At best, such a conflict allows for the optimum in the Prisoner's Dilemma: by cooperating with their jailer, both prisoners get off with less time in the cell. + +Transit is not the product of an industry but the independent enterprise of transients. It has use-value by definition but need not have any exchange-value. The ability to engage in transit is native to man and more or less equally distributed among healthy people of the same age. The exercise of this ability can be restricted by depriving some class of people of the right to take a straight route, or because a population lacks shoes or pavements. Conflict about unsatisfactory transit conditions tends to take, therefore, the form of a non-zero-sum game in which everyone comes out ahead--not only the people who get the right to walk through a formerly walled property, but also those who live along the road. + +Total traffic is the result of two profoundly distinct modes of production. These can reinforce each other harmoniously only as long as the autonomous outputs are protected against the encroachment of the industrial product. + +The harm done by contemporary traffic is due to the monopoly of transport. The allure of speed has deceived the passenger into accepting the promises made by an industry that produces capital-intensive traffic. He is convinced that high-speed vehicles have allowed him to progress beyond the limited autonomy he enjoyed when moving under his own power. He has allowed planned transport to predominate over the alternative of labor- intensive transit. Destruction of the physical environment is the least noxious effect of this concession. The far more bitter results are the multiplication of psychic frustration, the growing disutilities of continued production, and subjection to an inequitable transfer of power--all of which are manifestations of a distorted relationship between life-time and life-space. The passenger who agrees to live in a world monopolized by transport becomes a harassed, overburdened consumer of distances whose shape and length he can no longer control. + +Every society that imposes compulsory speed submerges transit to the profit of transport. Wherever not only privilege but also elementary necessities are denied to those who do not use high-speed conveyances, an involuntary acceleration of personal rhythms is imposed. Industry dominates traffic as soon as daily life comes to depend on motorized trips. + +This profound control of the transportation industry over natural mobility constitutes a monopoly much more pervasive than either the commercial monopoly Ford might win over the automobile market, or the political monopoly car manufacturers might wield against the development of trains and buses. Because of its hidden, entrenched, and structuring nature, I call this a _radical monopoly_. Any industry exercises this kind of deep-seated monopoly when it becomes the dominant means of satisfying needs that formerly occasioned a personal response. The compulsory consumption of a high-powered commodity (motorized transport) restricts the conditions for enjoying an abundant use-value (the innate capacity for transit). Traffic serves here as the paradigm of a general economic law: _Any industrial product that comes in per capita quanta beyond a given intensity exercises a radical monopoly over the satisfaction of a need_. Beyond some point, compulsory schooling destroys the environment for learning, medical delivery systems dry up the nontherapeutic sources of health, and transportation smothers traffic. + +Radical monopoly is first established by a rearrangement of society for the benefit of those who have access to the larger quanta; then it is enforced by compelling all to consume the minimum quantum in which the output is currently produced. Compulsory consumption will take on a different appearance in industrial branches where information dominates, such as education or medicine, than it will in those branches where quanta can be measured in British thermal units, such as housing, clothing, or transport. The industrial packaging of values will reach critical intensity at different points with different products, but for each major class of outputs, the threshold occurs within an order of magnitude that is theoretically identifiable. The fact that it is possible theoretically to determine the range of speed within which transportation develops a radical monopoly over traffic does not mean that it is possible theoretically to determine just how much of such a monopoly any given society will tolerate. The fact that it is possible to identify a level of compulsory instruction at which learning by seeing and doing declines does not enable the theorist to identify the specific pedagogical limits to the division of labor that a culture will tolerate. Only recourse to juridical and, above all, to political process can lead to the specific, though provisional, measures by which speed or compulsory education will actually be limited in a given society. The magnitude of voluntary limits is a matter of politics; the encroachment of radical monopoly can be pinpointed by social analysis. + +A branch of industry does not impose a radical monopoly on a whole society by the simple fact that it produces scarce products, or by driving competing industries off the market, but rather by virtue of its acquired ability to create and shape the need which it alone can satisfy. + +Shoes are scarce all over Latin America, and many people never wear them. They walk on the bare soles of their feet, or wear the world's widest variety of excellent sandals, supplied by a range of artisans. Their transit is in no way restricted by their lack of shoes. But in some countries of South America people are compelled to be shod ever since access to schools, jobs, and public services was denied to the barefoot. Teachers or party officials define the lack of shoes as a sign of indifference toward "progress." Without any intentional conspiracy between the promoters of national development and the shoe industry, the barefoot in these countries are now barred from any office. + +Schools, like shoes, have been scarce at all times. But it was never the small number of privileged pupils that turned the school into an obstacle for learning. Only when laws were enacted to make schools both compulsory and free did the educator assume the power to deny learning opportunities on the job to the underconsumer of educational therapies. Only when school attendance had become obligatory did it become feasible to impose on all a progressively more complex artificial environment into which the unschooled and unprogrammed do not fit. + +The potential of a radical monopoly is unmistakable in the case of traffic. Imagine what would happen if the transportation industry could somehow distribute its output more adequately; a traffic utopia of free _rapid_ transportation for all would inevitably lead to a further expansion of traffic's domain over human life. What would such a utopia look like? Traffic would be organized exclusively around public transportation systems. It would be financed by a progressive tax calculated on income and on the proximity of one's residence to the next terminal and to the job. It would be designed so that everybody could occupy any seat on a first-come, first-served basis: the doctor, the vacationer, and the president would not be assigned any priority of person. In this fool's paradise, all passengers would be equal, but they would be just as equally captive consumers of transport. Each citizen of a motorized utopia would be equally deprived of the use of his feet and equally drafted into the servitude of proliferating networks of transportation. + +Certain would-be miracle makers disguised as architects offer a specious escape from the paradox of speed. By their standards, acceleration imposes inequities, time loss, and controlled schedules only because people do not yet live in those patterns and orbits into which vehicles can best place them. These futuristic architects would house and occupy people in self-sufficient units of towers interconnected by tracks for high-speed capsules. Soleri, Doxiadis, or Fuller would solve the problem created by high-speed transport by identifying the entire human habitat with the problem. Rather than asking how the earth's surface can be preserved for people, they ask how reservations necessary for the survival of people can be established on an earth that has been reshaped for the sake of industrial outputs. + + +### The Elusive Threshold + +Paradoxically, the concept of a traffic-optimal top speed for transport seems capricious or fanatical to the confirmed passenger, whereas it looks like the flight of the bird to the donkey driver. Four or six times the speed of a man on foot constitutes a threshold too low to be deemed worthy of consideration by the habitual passenger and too high to convey the sense of a _limit_ to the three-quarters of humanity who still get around on their own power. + +All those who plan, finance, or engineer other people's housing, transportation, or education belong to the passenger class. Their claim to power is derived from the value their employers place on acceleration. Social scientists can build a computer model of traffic in Calcutta or Santiago, and engineers can design monorail webs according to abstract notions of traffic flow. Since these planners are true believers in problem-solving by industrial design, the real solution for traffic congestion is beyond their grasp. Their belief in the effectiveness of power blinds them to the disproportionately greater effectiveness of abstaining from its use. Traffic engineers have yet to combine in one simulation model the mobility of people with that of vehicles. The _transportation_ engineer cannot conceive of the possibility of renouncing speed and slowing down for the sake of permitting time-and-destination-optimal _traffic_ flow. He would never entertain the thought of programming his computer on the stipulation that no motorized vehicle within any city should ever overtake the speed of a velocipede. The development expert who looks down compassionately from his Land-Rover on the Indian peasant herding his pigs to market refuses to acknowledge the relative advantage of feet. The expert tends to forget that this man has dispensed ten others in his village from spending time on the road, whereas the engineer and every member of his family separately devote a major part of every day to transportation. For a man who believes that human mobility must be conceived in terms of indefinite progress, there can be no optimal level of traffic but only passing consensus on a given technical level of transportation. + +Most Mexicans, not to speak of Indians and Chinese, are in a position inverse to that of the confirmed passenger. The critical threshold is entirely beyond what all but a few of them know or expect. They still belong to the class of the self-powered. Some of them have a lingering memory of a motorized adventure, but most of them have no personal experience of traveling at or above the critical speed. In the two typical Mexican states of Guerrero and Chiapas, less than one per cent of the population moved even once over ten miles in less than one hour during 1970. The vehicles into which people in these areas are sometimes crowded render traffic indeed more convenient, but barely faster than the speed of a bicycle. The third-class bus does not separate the farmer from his pig, and it takes them both to market without inflicting any loss of weight, but this acquaintance with motorized "comfort" does not amount to dependence on destructive speed. + +The order of magnitude in which the critical threshold of speed can be found is too low to be taken seriously by the passenger, and too high to concern the peasant. It is so obvious it cannot be easily seen. The proposal of a limit to speed within this order of magnitude engenders stubborn opposition. It exposes the addiction of industrialized men to ever higher doses of energy, while it asks those who are still sober to abstain from something they have yet to taste. + +To propose counterfoil research is not only a scandal, it is also a threat. Simplicity threatens the expert, who supposedly understands just why the commuter train runs at 8:15 and 8:41 and why it must be better to use fuel with certain additives. That a political process could identify a _natural_ dimension, both inescapable and limited, is an idea that lies outside the passenger's world of verities. He has let respect for specialists he does not even know turn into unthinking submission. If a political resolution could be found for problems created by experts in the field of traffic, then perhaps the same remedy could be applied to problems of education, medicine, or urbanization. If the order of magnitude of traffic-optimal vehicular velocities could be determined by laymen actively participating in an ongoing political process, then the foundation on which the framework of every industrial society is built would be shattered. To propose such research is politically subversive. It calls in question the overarching consensus on the need for more transportation which now allows the proponents of public ownership to define themselves as political adversaries of the proponents of private enterprise. + + +### Degrees of Self-powered Mobility + +A century ago, the ball-bearing was invented. It reduced the coefficient of friction by a factor of a thousand. By applying a well-calibrated ball-bearing between two Neolithic millstones, a man could now grind in a day what took his ancestors a week. The ball-bearing also made possible the bicycle, allowing the wheel--probably the last of the great Neolithic inventions--finally to become useful for self-powered mobility. + +Man, unaided by any tool, gets around quite efficiently. He carries one gram of his weight over a kilometer in ten minutes by expending 0.75 calories. Man on his feet is thermodynamically more efficient than any motorized vehicle and most animals. For his weight, he performs more work in locomotion than rats or oxen, less than horses or sturgeon. At this rate of efficiency man settled the world and made its history. At this rate peasant societies spend less than 5 per cent and nomads less than 8 per cent of their respective social time budgets outside the home or the encampment. + +Man on a bicycle can go three or four times faster than the pedestrian, but uses five times less energy in the process. He carries one gram of his weight over a kilometer of flat road at an expense of only 0.15 calories. The bicycle is the perfect transducer to match man's metabolic energy to the impedance of locomotion. Equipped with this tool, man outstrips the efficiency of not only all machines but all other animals as well. + +The invention of the ball-bearing, the tangent-spoked wheel, and the pneumatic tire taken together can be compared to only three other events in the history of transportation. The invention of the wheel at the dawn of civilization took the load off man's back and put it onto the barrow. The invention and simultaneous application, during the European Middle Ages, of stirrup, shoulder harness, and horseshoe increased the thermodynamic efficiency of the horse by a factor of up to five, and changed the economy of medieval Europe: it made frequent plowing possible and thus introduced rotation agriculture; it brought more distant fields into the reach of the peasant, and thus permitted landowners to move from six-family hamlets into one-hundred family villages, where they could live around the church, the square, the jail, and--later--the school; it allowed the cultivation of northern soils and shifted the center of power into cold climates. The building of the first oceangoing vessels by the Portuguese in the fifteenth century, under the aegis of developing European capitalism, laid the solid foundations for a globe-spanning culture and market. + +The invention of the ball-bearing signaled a fourth revolution. This revolution was unlike that, supported by the stirrup, which raised the knight onto his horse, and unlike that, supported by the galleon, which enlarged the horizon of the king's captains. The ball-bearing signaled a true crisis, a true political choice. It created an option between more freedom in equity and more speed. The bearing is an equally fundamental ingredient of two new types of locomotion, respectively symbolized by the bicycle and the car. The bicycle lifted man's auto-mobility into a new order, beyond which progress is theoretically not possible. In contrast, the accelerating individual capsule enabled societies to engage in a ritual of progressively paralyzing speed. + +The monopoly of a ritual application over a potentially useful device is nothing new. Thousands of years ago, the wheel took the load off the carrier slave, but it did so only on the Eurasian land mass. In Mexico, the wheel was well known, but never applied to transport. It served exclusively for the construction of carriages for toy gods. The taboo on wheelbarrows in America before Cortés is no more puzzling than the taboo on bicycles in modern traffic. + +It is by no means necessary that the invention of the ball-bearing continue to serve the increase of energy use and thereby produce time scarcity, space consumption, and class privilege. If the new order of self-powered mobility offered by the bicycle were protected against devaluation, paralysis, and risk to the limbs of the rider, it would be possible to guarantee optimal shared mobility to all people and put an end to the imposition of maximum privilege and exploitation. It would be possible to control the patterns of urbanization if the organization of space were constrained by the power man has to move through it. + +Bicycles are not only thermodynamically efficient, they are also cheap. With his much lower salary, the Chinese acquires his durable bicycle in a fraction of the working hours an American devotes to the purchase of his obsolescent car. The cost of public utilities needed to facilitate bicycle traffic versus the price of an infrastructure tailored to high speeds is proportionately even less than the price differential of the vehicles used in the two systems. In the bicycle system, engineered roads are necessary only at certain points of dense traffic, and people who live far from the surfaced path are not thereby automatically isolated as they would be if they depended on cars or trains. The bicycle has extended man's radius without shunting him onto roads he cannot walk. Where he cannot ride his bike, he can usually push it. + +The bicycle also uses little space. Eighteen bikes can be parked in the place of one car, thirty of them can move along in the space devoured by a single automobile. It takes three lanes of a given size to move 40,000 people across a bridge in one hour by using automated trains, four to move them on buses, twelve to move them in their cars, and only two lanes for them to pedal across on bicycles. Of all these vehicles, only the bicycle really allows people to go from door to door without walking. The cyclist can reach new destinations of his choice without his tool creating new locations from which he is barred. + +Bicycles let people move with greater speed without taking up significant amounts of scarce space, energy, or time. They can spend fewer hours on each mile and still travel more miles in a year. They can get the benefit of technological breakthroughs without putting undue claims on the schedules, energy, or space of others. They become masters of their own movements without blocking those of their fellows. Their new tool creates only those demands which it can also satisfy. Every increase in motorized speed creates new demands on space and time. The use of the bicycle is self-limiting. It allows people to create a new relationship between their life-space and their life-time, between their territory and the pulse of their being, without destroying their inherited balance. The advantages of modern self-powered traffic are obvious, and ignored. That better traffic runs faster is asserted, but never proved. Before they ask people to pay for it, those who propose acceleration should try to display the evidence for their claim. + +A grisly contest between bicycles and motors is just coming to an end. In Vietnam, a hyperindustrialized army tried to conquer, but could not overcome, a people organized around bicycle speed. The lesson should be clear. High-energy armies can annihilate people--both those they defend and those against whom they are launched--but they are of very limited use to a people which defends itself. It remains to be seen if the Vietnamese will apply what they learned in war to an economy of peace, if they will be willing to protect the values that made their victory possible. The dismal likelihood is that the victors, for the sake of industrial progress and increased energy consumption, will tend to defeat themselves by destroying that structure of equity, rationality, and autonomy into which American bombers forced them by depriving them of fuels, motors, and roads. + + +### Dominant versus Subsidiary Motors + +People are born almost equally mobile. Their natural ability speaks for the personal liberty of each one to go wherever he or she wants to go. Citizens of a society founded on the notion of equity will demand the protection of this right against any abridgment. It should be irrelevant to them by what means the exercise of personal mobility is denied, whether by imprisonment, bondage to an estate, revocation of a passport, or enclosure within an environment that encroaches on a person's native ability to move in order to make him a consumer of transport. This inalienable right of free movement does not lapse just because most of our contemporaries have strapped themselves into ideological seat belts. Man's natural capacity for transit emerges as the only yardstick by which to measure the contribution transport can make to traffic: there is only so much transport that traffic can bear. It remains to be outlined how we can distinguish those forms of transport that cripple the power to move from those that enhance it. + +Transportation can abridge traffic in three ways: by breaking its flow, by creating isolated sets of destinations, and by increasing the loss of time due to traffic. I have already argued that the key to the relation between transport and traffic is the speed of vehicles. I have described how, past a certain threshold of speed, transport has gone on to obstruct traffic in these three ways. It blocks mobility by cluttering up the environment with vehicles and roads. It transforms geography into a pyramid of circuits sealed off from one another according to levels of acceleration. It expropriates life-time at the behest of speed. + +If beyond a certain threshold transport obstructs traffic, the inverse is also true: below some level of speed, motorized vehicles can complement or improve traffic by permitting people to do things they could not do on foot or on bicycle. A well-developed transportation system running at top speeds of 25 mph would have allowed Fix to chase Phileas Fogg around the world in less than half of eighty days. Motors can be used to transport the sick, the lame, the old, and the just plain lazy. Motor pulleys can lift people over hills, but they can do so peacefully only if they do not push the climber off the path. Trains can extend the range of travel, but can do so with justice only if people have not only equal transportation but equal free time to come closer to each other. The time engaged in travel must be, as much as possible, the traveler's own: only insofar as motorized transport remains limited to speeds which leave it subsidiary to autonomous transit can a traffic-optimal transportation system be developed. + +A limit on the power and therefore on the speed of motors does not by itself insure those who are weaker against exploitation by the rich and powerful, who can still devise means to live and work at better located addresses, travel with retinue in plush carriages, and reserve a special lane for doctors and members of the central committee. But at a sufficiently limited maximum speed, this is an unfairness which can be reduced or even corrected by political means: by grassroots control over taxes, routes, vehicles, and their schedules in the community. At unlimited top speed neither public ownership of the means of transportation nor technical improvements in their control can ever eliminate growing and unequal exploitation. A transportation industry is the key to optimal production of traffic, but only if it does not exercise its radical monopoly over that personal mobility which is intrinsically and primarily a value in use. + + +### Underequipment, Overdevelopmet, and Mature Technology + +The combination of transportation and transit that constitutes traffic has provided us with an example of socially optimal per capita wattage and of the need for politically chosen limits on it. But traffic can also be viewed as but one model for the convergence of world-wide development goals, and as a criterion by which to distinguish those countries that are lamely underequipped from those that are destructively overindustrialized. + +A country can be classified as underequipped if it cannot outfit each citizen with a bicycle or provide a five-speed transmission as a bonus for anyone who wants to pedal others around. It is underequipped if it cannot provide good roads for the cycle, or free motorized public transportation (though at bicycle speed!) for those who want to travel for more than a few hours in succession. No technical, economic, or ecological reason exists why such backwardness should be tolerated anywhere in 1975. It would be a scandal if the natural mobility of a people were forced to stagnate on a pre-bicycle level against its will. + +A country can be classified as overindustrialized when its social life is dominated by the transportation industry, which has come to determine its class privileges, to accentuate its time scarcity, and to tie its people more tightly to the tracks it has laid out for them. + +Beyond underequipment and overindustrialization, there is a place for the world of postindustrial effectiveness, where the industrial mode of production complements other autonomous forms of production. There is a place, in other words, for a world of technological maturity. In terms of traffic, it is the world of those who have tripled the extent of their daily horizon by lifting themselves onto their bicycles. It is just as much the world marked by a variety of subsidiary motors available for the occasions when a bicycle is not enough and when an extra push will limit neither equity nor freedom. And it is, too, the world of the long voyage: a world where every place is open to every person, at his own pleasure and speed, without haste or fear, by means of vehicles that cross distances without breaking with the earth which man walked for hundreds of thousands of years on his own two feet. + +Underequipment keeps people frustrated by inefficient labor and invites the enslavement of man by man. Overindustrialization enslaves people to the tools they worship, fattens professional hierarchs on bits and on watts, and invites the translation of unequal power into huge income differentials. It imposes the same net transfers of power on the productive relations of every society, no matter what creed the managers profess, no matter what rain-dance, what penitential ritual they conduct. Technological maturity permits a society to steer a course equally free of either enslavement. But beware--that course is not charted. Technological maturity permits a variety of political choices and cultures. The variety diminishes, of course, as a community allows industry to grow at the cost of autonomous production. Reasoning alone can offer no precise measure for the level of postindustrial effectiveness and technological maturity appropriate to a concrete society. It can only indicate in dimensional terms the range into which these technological characteristics must fit. It must be left to a historical community engaged in its own political process to decide when programming, space distortion, time scarcity, and inequality cease to be worth its while. Reasoning can identify speed as the critical factor in traffic. Reasoning combined with experimentation can identify the order of magnitude at which vehicular speed turns into a sociopolitical determinant. No genius, no expert, no club of elites can set limits to industrial outputs that will be politically feasible. The need for such limits as an alternative to disaster is the strongest argument in favor of radical technology. + +Only when the speed limits of vehicles reflect the enlightened self-interest of a political community can these limits become operative. Obviously this interest cannot even be expressed in a society where one class monopolizes not only transportation but communication, medicine, education, and weapons as well. It does not matter if this power is held by legal owners or by entrenched managers of an industry that is legally owned by the workers. This power must be reappropriated and submitted to the sound judgment of the common man. The reconquest of power starts with the recognition that expert knowledge blinds the secretive bureaucrat to the obvious way of dissolving the energy crisis, just as it blinded him to the obvious solution to the war in Vietnam. + +There are two roads from where we are to technological maturity: one is the road of liberation from affluence; the other is the road of liberation from dependence. Both roads have the same destination: the social restructuring of space that offers to each person the constantly renewed experience that the center of the world is where he stands, walks, and lives. + +Liberation from affluence begins on the traffic islands where the rich run into one another. The well-sped are tossed from one island to the next and are offered but the company of fellow passengers en route to somewhere else. This solitude of plenty would begin to break down as the traffic islands gradually expanded and people began to recover their native power to move around the place where they lived. Thus, the impoverished environment of the traffic island could embody the beginnings of social reconstruction, and the people who now call themselves rich would break with bondage to overefficient transport on the day they came to treasure the horizon of their traffic islands, now fully grown, and to dread frequent shipments from their homes. + +Liberation from dependence starts at the other end. It breaks the constraints of village and valley and leads beyond the boredom of narrow horizons and the stifling oppression of a world closed in on itself. To expand life beyond the radius of tradition without scattering it to the winds of acceleration is a goal that any poor country could achieve within a few years, but it is a goal that will be reached only by those who reject the offer of unchecked industrial development made in the name of an ideology of indefinite energy consumption. + +Liberation from the radical monopoly of the transportation industry is possible only through the institution of a political process that demystifies and disestablishes speed and limits traffic-related public expenditures of money, time, and space to the pursuit of equal mutual access. Such a process amounts to public guardianship over a means of production to keep this means from turning into a fetish for the majority and an end for the few. The political process, in turn, will never engage the support of a vast majority unless its goals are set with reference to a standard that can be publicly and operationally verified. The recognition of a socially critical threshold of the energy quantum incorporated in a commodity, such as a passenger- mile, provides such a standard. A society that tolerates the transgression of this threshold inevitably diverts its resources from the production of means that can be shared equitably and transforms them into fuel for a sacrificial flame that victimizes the majority. On the other hand, a society that limits the top speed of its vehicles in accordance with this threshold fulfills a necessary--though by no means a sufficient--condition for the political pursuit of equity. + +Liberation which comes cheap to the poor will cost the rich dear, but they will pay its price once the acceleration of their transportation systems grinds traffic to a halt. A concrete analysis of traffic betrays the truth underlying the energy crisis: the impact of industrially packaged quanta of energy on the social environment tends to be degrading, exhausting, and enslaving, and these effects come into play even before those which threaten the pollution of the physical environment and the extinction of the race. The crucial point at which these effects can be reversed is not, however, a matter of deduction, but of decision. + + +### Footnotes + +[^n01:] I speak about traffic for the purpose of illustrating the more general point of socially optimal energy use, and I restrict myself to the locomotion of persons, including their personal baggage and the fuel, materials, and equipment used for the vehicle and the road. I purposely abstain from the discussion of two other types of traffic: merchandise and messages. A parallel argument can be made for both, but this would require a different line of reasoning, and I leave it for another occasion. _Author's note:_ This note appeared in the original text. I was then preparing two studies that were to complement this text: one on the history of mail delivery, the other on crews and loads throughout history. I renounced both projects to write _Medical Nemesis_. ] + +[^n02:] Since publication of this text in 1973, much research has been done and published. For a critical guide to the literature see Jean-Pierre Dupuy and Jean Robert, _Les Chronophages_ (Paris, 1977). ] diff --git a/contents/book/needs/es.md b/contents/book/needs/es.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..4c5da00 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/needs/es.md @@ -0,0 +1,20 @@ +--- + title: "" + author: "Ivan Illich" + date: "1977" + lang: "" + documentclass: book + classoption: + - oneside + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + newtxmathoptions: + - cmintegrals + - cmbraces + toc: true + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue + titlepage: true +--- diff --git a/contents/book/needs/index b/contents/book/needs/index new file mode 100644 index 0000000..5c607d4 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/needs/index @@ -0,0 +1,5 @@ +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Toward a History of Needs_ +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1977 +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@#s diff --git a/contents/book/needs/tags b/contents/book/needs/tags new file mode 100644 index 0000000..b0f07e2 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/needs/tags @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +compilation diff --git a/contents/book/notes.bib b/contents/book/notes.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..721187b --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/notes.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-church-notes, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {}, + year = {1970}, + date = {1970}, + origdate = {1970}, + language = {notes}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/notes/book/church:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-08} +} diff --git a/contents/book/notes.txt b/contents/book/notes.txt new file mode 120000 index 0000000..0a04d0e --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/notes.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/book/pendinges.notes
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/contents/book/school/en.bib b/contents/book/school/en.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d9662f0 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/school/en.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-school-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {School to the Museum - Phaidros and the Consequences}, + year = {1984}, + date = {1984}, + origdate = {1984}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/book/school:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-18} +} diff --git a/contents/book/school/en.md b/contents/book/school/en.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..9aeb89c --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/school/en.md @@ -0,0 +1,20 @@ +--- + title: "School to the Museum - Phaidros and the Consequences" + author: "Ivan Illich" + date: "1984" + lang: "" + documentclass: book + classoption: + - oneside + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + newtxmathoptions: + - cmintegrals + - cmbraces + toc: true + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue + titlepage: true +--- diff --git a/contents/book/school/en.notes b/contents/book/school/en.notes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..5608bd6 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/school/en.notes @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +* Originally in German, also available now in Spanish. diff --git a/contents/book/school/en.txt b/contents/book/school/en.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..1a762ce --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/school/en.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +# School to the Museum - Phaidros and the Consequences diff --git a/contents/book/school/es.bib b/contents/book/school/es.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..e677e48 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/school/es.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-school-es, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {La Escuela al Museo}, + year = {1984}, + date = {1984}, + origdate = {1984}, + language = {es}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/book/school:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-18} +} diff --git a/contents/book/school/es.md b/contents/book/school/es.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..96efda2 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/school/es.md @@ -0,0 +1,20 @@ +--- + title: "La Escuela al Museo" + author: "Ivan Illich" + date: "1984" + lang: "" + documentclass: book + classoption: + - oneside + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + newtxmathoptions: + - cmintegrals + - cmbraces + toc: true + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue + titlepage: true +--- diff --git a/contents/book/school/es.txt b/contents/book/school/es.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..c98d6c7 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/school/es.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +# La Escuela al Museo diff --git a/contents/book/school/index b/contents/book/school/index new file mode 100644 index 0000000..583bc4b --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/school/index @@ -0,0 +1,5 @@ +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Schule ins Museum - Phaidros und die Folgen_ +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1984 +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# diff --git a/contents/book/shadow/en.bib b/contents/book/shadow/en.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..7ccfddd --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/shadow/en.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-shadow-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Shadow Work}, + year = {1981}, + date = {1981}, + origdate = {1981}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/book/shadow:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-18} +} diff --git a/contents/book/shadow/en.md b/contents/book/shadow/en.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..b7c7b53 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/shadow/en.md @@ -0,0 +1,20 @@ +--- + title: "Shadow Work" + author: "Ivan Illich" + date: "1981" + lang: "" + documentclass: book + classoption: + - oneside + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + newtxmathoptions: + - cmintegrals + - cmbraces + toc: true + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue + titlepage: true +--- diff --git a/contents/book/shadow/en.txt b/contents/book/shadow/en.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..e36b6bc --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/shadow/en.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +# Shadow Work diff --git a/contents/book/shadow/es.bib b/contents/book/shadow/es.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..998a533 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/shadow/es.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-shadow-es, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {El Trabajo Fantasma}, + year = {1981}, + date = {1981}, + origdate = {1981}, + language = {es}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/book/shadow:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-18} +} diff --git a/contents/book/shadow/es.md b/contents/book/shadow/es.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..cd6ba99 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/shadow/es.md @@ -0,0 +1,20 @@ +--- + title: "El Trabajo Fantasma" + author: "Ivan Illich" + date: "1981" + lang: "" + documentclass: book + classoption: + - oneside + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + newtxmathoptions: + - cmintegrals + - cmbraces + toc: true + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue + titlepage: true +--- diff --git a/contents/book/shadow/es.txt b/contents/book/shadow/es.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..900e26e --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/shadow/es.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +# El Trabajo Fantasma diff --git a/contents/book/shadow/index b/contents/book/shadow/index new file mode 100644 index 0000000..528a064 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/shadow/index @@ -0,0 +1,5 @@ +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Shadow Work_ +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1981 +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# diff --git a/contents/book/text.bib b/contents/book/text.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..a12adce --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/text.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-awareness-text, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {}, + year = {1969}, + date = {1969}, + origdate = {1969}, + language = {text}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/text/book/awareness:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-08} +} diff --git a/contents/book/text.txt b/contents/book/text.txt new file mode 120000 index 0000000..f4e8cb0 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/text.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/book/pendinges.txt
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/contents/book/toynbee/en.bib b/contents/book/toynbee/en.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..a6b500a --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/toynbee/en.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-toynbee-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {The Philosophical Foundations of Historiography in Arnold Joseph Toynbee's Work}, + year = {1951}, + date = {1951}, + origdate = {1951}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/book/toynbee:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-18} +} diff --git a/contents/book/toynbee/en.md b/contents/book/toynbee/en.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..55a485c --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/toynbee/en.md @@ -0,0 +1,20 @@ +--- + title: "The Philosophical Foundations of Historiography in Arnold Joseph Toynbee's Work" + author: "Ivan Illich" + date: "1951" + lang: "" + documentclass: book + classoption: + - oneside + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + newtxmathoptions: + - cmintegrals + - cmbraces + toc: true + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue + titlepage: true +--- diff --git a/contents/book/toynbee/en.notes b/contents/book/toynbee/en.notes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..4b236e5 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/toynbee/en.notes @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +* Originally published in German, an Italian version exists. diff --git a/contents/book/toynbee/en.txt b/contents/book/toynbee/en.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..7e3dac1 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/toynbee/en.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +# The Philosophical Foundations of Historiography in Arnold Joseph Toynbee's Work diff --git a/contents/book/toynbee/es.bib b/contents/book/toynbee/es.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..ea74cca --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/toynbee/es.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-toynbee-es, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Los Fundamentos Filosóficos de la Historiografía en la Obra de Arnold Joseph Toynbee}, + year = {1951}, + date = {1951}, + origdate = {1951}, + language = {es}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/book/toynbee:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-18} +} diff --git a/contents/book/toynbee/es.md b/contents/book/toynbee/es.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..b1ecc62 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/toynbee/es.md @@ -0,0 +1,20 @@ +--- + title: "Los Fundamentos Filosóficos de la Historiografía en la Obra de Arnold Joseph Toynbee" + author: "Ivan Illich" + date: "1951" + lang: "" + documentclass: book + classoption: + - oneside + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + newtxmathoptions: + - cmintegrals + - cmbraces + toc: true + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue + titlepage: true +--- diff --git a/contents/book/toynbee/es.txt b/contents/book/toynbee/es.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..4d2cd43 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/toynbee/es.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +# Los Fundamentos Filosóficos de la Historiografía en la Obra de Arnold Joseph Toynbee diff --git a/contents/book/toynbee/index b/contents/book/toynbee/index new file mode 100644 index 0000000..a77e3a1 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/toynbee/index @@ -0,0 +1,5 @@ +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Die philosophischen Grundlagen der Geschichtsschreibung bei Arnold Joseph Toynbee_ +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1951 +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# diff --git a/contents/book/unemployment/en.bib b/contents/book/unemployment/en.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..5c080b1 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/unemployment/en.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-unemployment-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {The Right to Useful Unemployment and its Professional Enemies}, + year = {1978}, + date = {1978}, + origdate = {1978}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/book/unemployment:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-18} +} diff --git a/data/pages/en/book/unemployment/en.epub b/contents/book/unemployment/en.epub Binary files differindex 481befb..481befb 100644 --- a/data/pages/en/book/unemployment/en.epub +++ b/contents/book/unemployment/en.epub diff --git a/contents/book/unemployment/en.md b/contents/book/unemployment/en.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..9342257 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/unemployment/en.md @@ -0,0 +1,294 @@ +--- + title: "The Right to Useful Unemployment and its Professional Enemies" + author: "Ivan Illich" + date: "1978" + lang: "" + documentclass: book + classoption: + - oneside + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + newtxmathoptions: + - cmintegrals + - cmbraces + toc: true + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue + titlepage: true +--- + +# Foreword + +In the last decade or so I have prepared and published a number of essays[^n01] on the industrial mode of production. During this period, I have focused on the processes through which growing dependence on mass-produced goods and services gradually erodes the conditions necessary for a convivial life. Examining distinct areas of economic growth, each essay demonstrates a general rule: use-values are inevitably destroyed when the industrial mode of production achieves the predominance that I have termed "radical monopoly". This and my previous essays describe how industrial growth produces the modernization of poverty. + +Modernized poverty appears when the intensity of market dependence reaches a certain threshold. Subjectively, it is the experience of frustrating affluence that occurs in persons mutilated by their reliance on the riches of industrial productivity. It deprives those affected by it of their freedom and power to act autonomously, to live creatively; it confines them to survival through being plugged into market relations. And precisely because this new impotence is so deeply experienced, it is with difficulty expressed. For example, we are the witnesses of a barely perceptible transformation in ordinary language: verbs which formerly expressed satisfying actions have been replaced by nouns which name packages designed for passive consumption only – "to learn" becomes "to accumulate credits". A profound change in individual and social self-images is here reflected. And the layman is not the only one who has difficulty in accurately expressing what he experiences. The professional economist is unable to recognize the poverty that his conventional instruments fail to uncover. Nevertheless, the new mutant of impoverishment continues to spread. The peculiarly modern inability to use personal endowments, community wealth, and environmental resources in an autonomous way infects every aspect of life where a professionally engineered commodity has succeeded in replacing a culturally shaped use-value. The opportunity to experience personal and social satisfaction outside the market is thus destroyed. I am poor, for example, when the use-value of my feet is lost because I live in Los Angeles or work on the thirty-fifth floor of a sky-scraper. + +This new impotence-producing poverty must not be confused with the widening gap between the consumption of rich and poor in a world where basic needs are increasingly shaped by industrial commodities. This gap is the form traditional poverty assumes in an industrial society, and the conventional terms of class struggle appropriately reveal and reduce it. I further distinguish modernized poverty from the burdensome price exacted by the externalities which increased levels of production spew into the environment. It is clear that these kinds of pollution, stress, and taxation are unequally imposed. Correspondingly, defences against such depredations are unequally distributed. But like the new gaps in access, such inequities in social costs are aspects of industrialized poverty for which economic indicators and objective verification can be found. Such is not true for the industrialized impotence that affects both rich and poor. Where this kind of poverty reigns, life without addictive access to commodities is rendered impossible or criminal – or both. Making do without consumption becomes impossible, not just for the average consumer, but even for the poor. All forms of welfare, from affirmitive action to job training, are of no help. The liberty to design and craft one’s own distinctive dwelling is abolished in favour of the bureaucratic provision of standardized housing in the United States, Cuba or Sweden. The organization of employment, skills, building resources, of rules and credit favour shelter as a commodity rather than as an activity. Whether the product is provided by an entrepreneur or an apparatchik, the effective result is the same: citizen impotence, our specifically modern experience of poverty. + +Wherever the shadow of economic growth touches us, we are left useless unless employed on a job or engaged in consumption: the attempt to build a house or set a bone outside the control of certified specialists appears as anarchic conceit. We lose sight of our resources, lose control over the environmental conditions which make these resources applicable, lose taste for self-reliant coping with challenges from without and anxiety from within. Take childbirth in Mexico today. Delivery without professional care has become unthinkable for those women whose husbands hold regular employment and, therefore, access to social services, no matter how marginal or tenuous, is denied. They move in circles where the production of babies faithfully reflects the patterns of industrial outputs. Yet their sisters who live in the slums of the poor or the villages of the isolated still feel quite competent to give birth on their own mats; they are still unaware that they face a modern indictment of criminal neglect toward their child. But as professionally engineered delivery models reach these independent women, the desire, competence, and conditions for autononmous behaviour are being destroyed. + +For advanced industrial society, the modernization of poverty means that people are helpless to recognize evidence unless it has been certified by a professional – be he a television weather commentator or an educator; organic discomfort becomes intolerably threatening unless it has been medicalized into dependence on a therapist; neighbours and friends are lost unless vehicles bridge the separating distance (created by the vehicles in the first place). In short, most of the time we find ourselves out of touch with our world, out of sight of those for whom we work, out of tune with what we feel. + +This essay is a postscript to my book, Tools for Conviviality, published in 1973. It reflects the changes which have occurred during the past decade, both in economic reality and in my own perceptions of it. It assumes a rather large increase in the non-technical, ritual, and symbolic powers of our major technological and bureaucratic systems, and a corresponding decrease in their scientific, technical, and instrumental credibility. In 1968, for example, it was still quite easy to dismiss organized lay resistance to professional dominance as nothing more than a throwback to romantic, obscurantist or élitist fantasies. The grass roots, common sense assessment of technological systems which I then outlined, seemed childish or retrograde to the political leaders of citizen activism, and to the "radical" professionals who laid claim to the tutorship of the poor by means of their special knowledge. The reorganization of late industrial society around professionally defined needs, problems, and solutions was still the commonly accepted value implicit in ideological, political, and juridical systems otherwise clearly and sometimes violently opposed to one another. + +Now the picture has changed. A hallmark of advanced and enlightened technical competence is a self-confident community, neighbourhood or group of citizens engaged in the systematic analysis and consequent ridicule of the "needs", "problems", and " solutions " defined for them by the agents of professional establishments. In the sixties, lay opposition to legislation based on expert opinion still sounded like anti-scientific bigotry. Today, lay confidence in public policies based upon the expert’s opinion is tenuous indeed. Now thousands reach their own judgments and, at great cost, engage in citzien action without any professional tutorship; through personal, independent effort, they gain the scientific information they need. Sometimes risking limb, freedom, and respectability, they bear witness to a newly mature scientific attitude. They know, for example, that the quality and amount of technical evidence sufficiently conclusive to oppose atomic power plants, the multiplication of intensive care units, compulsory education, foetal monitoring, psycho-surgery, electro-shock treatment, or genetic engineering is also simple and clear enough for the layman to grasp and utilize. + +Ten years ago, compulsory schooling was still protected by powerful taboos. Today, its defenders are almost exclusively either teachers whose jobs depend upon it or Marxist ideologues who defend professional knowledge-holders in a shadow battle against the hip-bourgeoisie. Ten years ago, the myths about the effectiveness of modern medical institutions were still unquestioned. For example, most textbooks accepted the beliefs that adult life expectancy was increasing, that treatment for cancer postponed death, that the availability of doctors produced greater infant survival rates. Since then people have "discovered" what vital statistics have always shown – adult life expectancy has not changed in any socially significant way over the last few generations, is lower in most rich countries today than in our grandparents" time, and lower than in many poor nations. Ten years ago, universal access to post-secondary schooling, to adult education, to preventative medicine, to highways, to a wired global village were still prestigious goals. Today, the great myth-making rituals organized around education, transportation, health care, urbanization have indeed been partly demystified; they have however not yet been disestablished. + +Shadow prices and increased consumption gaps are important aspects of the new poverty. But my principal interest is directed towards a different concomitant of modernization – the process through which autonomy is undermined, satisfaction is dulled, experience is flattened out, needs are frustrated for nearly everyone. For example, I have examined the society-wide obstacles to mutual presence which are necessary side effects of energy-intensive transportation. I have wanted to define the power limits of motors equitably used to increase access to one another. I recognize, of course, that high speeds inevitably impose a skewed distribution of harriedness, noise, pollution, and enjoyment of privilege. But my emphasis is other. My arguments are focused on the negative internalities of modernity – such as time-consuming acceleration, sick-making health care, stupefying education. The unequal distribution of these ersatz benefits, or the unequal imposition of their negative externalities, are corollaries to my basic argument. I am interested in the direct and specific effects of modernized poverty, in human tolerance for such effects and in the possibility of escaping the new misery. I share with others a deep desire to see greater justice. I am absolutely opposed to the unjust distribution of what can be genuinely shared with pleasure. But I have found it necessary, these last few years, to examine carefully the objects of any and every redistribution proposal. Today I see my task even more clearly than when I first started talking and writing about the counterproductive mythmaking that is latent in all late industrial enterprises. My aim has been to detect and denounce the false affluence which is always unjust because it can only frustrate. Through this kind of analysis one can begin to develop the theory which would inspire the social regeneration possible for twentieth-century man. + +During these last years I have found it necessary to examine, again and again, the correlation between the nature of tools and the meaning of justice that prevails in the society that uses them. I could not help but observe the decline of freedom in societies in which rights are shaped by expertise. I had to weigh the trade-offs between new tools that enhance the production of commodities and those equally modern ones that permit the generation of values in use; between rights to mass-produced commodities and the level of liberties that permit satisfying and creative personal expression; between paid employment and useful unemployment. And in each dimension of the trade-off between heteronomous management and autonomous action I found that the language that would permit us to insist on the latter has to be recovered with pains. I am, of course, like those whom I seek as my readers, so clearly committed to a radically equitable distribution of goods, rights and jobs that I find it almost unnecessary to insist on our struggle for this side of justice. I find it much more important and difficult to deal with its complement: the Politics of Conviviality. I use this term in the technical sense that I have given to it in Tools for Conviviality. There the term designates the struggle for an equitable distribution of the liberty to generate use-values and for the instrumentation of this liberty by the assignment of an absolute priority to the production of those industrial and professional commodities that confer on the least advantaged the greatest power to generate values in use. + +Convivial Politics are based on the insight that in a modern society both wealth and jobs can be equitably shared and enjoyed in liberty only when both are limited by a political process. Excessive forms of wealth and prolonged formal employment, no matter how well distributed, destroy the social, cultural, and environmental conditions for equal productive freedom. Bits and watts (which stand for units of information and of energy respectively) when packaged into any mass-produced commodity in amounts that pass a threshold, inevitably constitute impoverishing wealth. Such impoverishing wealth is either too rare to be shared, or it is destructive of the freedom and liberty of the weakest. With each of my essays I have attempted to make a contribution to the political process by which the socially critical thresholds of enrichment are recognized by citizens and translated into society-wide ceilings or limits. + + +## Introduction + +Fifty years ago, most of the words heard by an American were personally spoken to him as an individual, or to somebody standing nearby. Only occasionally did words reach him as the undifferentiated member of a crowd – in the classroom or church, at a rally or a circus. Words were mostly like handwritten, sealed letters, and not like the junk that now pollutes our mail. Today, words that are directed to one person’s attention have become rare. Engineered staples of images, ideas, feelings and opinions, packaged and delivered through the media, assault our sensibilities with round-the-clock regularity. Two points now become evident: 1) what is occurring with language fits the pattern of an increasingly wide range of need-satisfaction relationships; 2) this replacement of convivial means by manipulative industrial ware is truly universal, and is relentlessly making the New York teacher, the Chinese commune member, the Bantu schoolboy, and the Brazilian sergeant alike. In this postscript to my essay Tools for Conviviality I shall do three things: 1) describe the character of a commodity/market-intensive society in which the very abundance of commodities paralyzes the autonomous creation of use-values; 2) insist on the hidden role that professions play in such a society by shaping its needs; 3) expose some illusions and propose some strategies to break the professional power that perpetuates market dependence. + +## Disabling Market Intensity + +Crisis has come to mean that moment when doctors, diplomats, bankers and assorted social engineers take over and liberties are suspended. Like patients, nations go on the critical list. Crisis, the Greek term that has designated "choice" or "turning point" in all modern languages now means "driver, step on the gas". Crisis now evokes an ominous but tractable threat against which money, manpower and management can be rallied. Intensive care for the dying, bureaucratic tutelage for the victim of discrimination, fission for the energy glutton, are typical responses. Crisis, understood in this way, is always good for executives and commissars, especially those scavengers who live on the side effects of yesterday’s growth: educators who live on society’s alienation, doctors who prosper on the work and leisure that have destroyed health, politicians who thrive on the distribution of welfare which, in the first instance, was financed by those assisted. Crisis understood as a call for acceleration not only puts more power under the control of the driver, while squeezing the passengers more tightly into their safety belts; it also justifies the depredation of space, time and resources for the sake of motorized wheels and it does so to the detriment of people who want to use their feet. + +But crisis need not have this meaning. It need not imply a headlong rush for the escalation of management. Instead, it can mean the instant of choice, that marvellous moment when people suddenly become aware of their self-imposed cages, and of the possibility of a different life. And this is the crisis, that, as a choice, confronts both the United States and the world today. + +### A world-wide choice + +In only a few decades, the world has become an amalgam. Human responses to everyday occurrences have been standardized. Though languages and gods still appear to be different, people daily join the stupendous majority who march to the beat of the very same mega-machine. The light switch by the door has replaced the dozens of ways in which fires, candles and lanterns were formerly kindled. In ten years, the number of switch-users in the world has tripled: flush and paper have become essential conditions for the relief of the bowels. Light that does not flow from high-voltage networks and hygiene without tissue paper spell poverty for ever more people. Expectations grow, while hopeful trust in one’s own competence and the concern for others rapidly decline. + +The now soporific, now raucous intrusion of the media reaches deeply into the commune, the village, the corporation, the school. The sounds made by the editors and announcers of programmed texts daily pervert the words of a spoken language into the building blocks for packaged messages. Today, one must either be isolated and cut off, or a carefully guarded, affluent drop-out, to allow one’s children to play in an environment where they listen to people rather than to stars, speakers, or instructors. All over the world, one can see the rapid encroachment of the disciplined acquiescence that characterizes the audience, the client, the customer. The standardization of human action grows apace. + +It now becomes clear that most of the world’s communities are facing exactly the same critical issue: people must either remain ciphers in the conditioned crowd that surges towards greater dependence (thus necessitating savage battles for a share of the drugs to feed their habit), or they must find the courage that alone saves in a panic: to stand still and look around for another way out than the obvious marked exit. But many, when told that Bolivians, Canadians and Hungarians all face the same fundamental choice, are not simply annoyed, but deeply offended. The idea appears not only foolish but shocking. They fail to detect the sameness in the new bitter degradation that underlies the hunger of the Indian in the Altiplano, the neurosis of the worker in Amsterdam, and the cynical corruption of the bureaucrat in Warsaw. + +### Towards a culture for staples + +Development has had the same effect in all societies: everyone has been enmeshed in a new web of dependence on commodities that flow out of the same kind of machines, factories, clinics, television studios, think tanks. To satisfy this dependence, more of the same must be produced: standardized, engineered goods, designed for the future consumers who will be trained by the engineer’s agent to need what he or she is offered. These products – be they tangible goods or intangible services – constitute the industrial staple. Their imputed monetary value as a commodity is determined by state and market in varying proportions. Thus different cultures become insipid residues of traditional styles of action, washed up in one world-wide wasteland: an arid terrain devastated by the machinery needed to produce and consume. On the banks of the Seine and those of the Niger, people have unlearned how to milk, because the white stuff now comes from the grocer. (Thanks to more richly endowed consumer protection, it is less poisonous in France than in Mali.) True, more babies get cow’s milk, but the breasts of both rich and poor dry up. The addicted consumer is born when the baby cries for the bottle: when the organism is trained to reach for milk from the grocer and to turn away from the breast that thus defaults. Autonomous and creative human action, required to make man’s universe bloom, atrophies. Roofs of shingle or thatch, tile or slate, are displaced by concrete for the few and corrugated plastic for the many. Neither jungle marshes nor ideological biases have prevented the poor and the socialist from rushing onto the highways of the rich, the roads leading them into the world where economists replace priests. The mint stamps out all local treasures and idols. Money devalues what it cannot measure. The crisis, then, is the same for all: the choice of more or less dependence upon industrial commodities. More dependence means the rapid and complete destruction of cultures which determine the criteria for satisfying subsistence activities. Less means the variegated flowering of use-values in modern cultures of intense activity. Although hard to imagine for those already accustomed to living inside the supermarket, a structure different only in name from a ward for idiots, the choice is essentially the same for both rich and poor. + +Present-day industrial society organizes life around commodities. Our market-intensive societies measure material progress by the increase in the volume and variety of commodities produced. And taking our cue from this sector, we measure social progress by the distribution of access to these commodities. Economics has been developed as propaganda for the takeover by large-scale commodity producers. Socialism has been debased to a struggle against handicapped distribution, and welfare economics has identified the public good with opulence – the humiliating opulence of the poor in the schools, hospitals, jails and asylums of the United States and other western countries. + +By disregarding all trade-offs to which no price tag is attached, industrial society has created an urban landscape that is unfit for people unless they devour each day their own weight in metals and fuels, a world in which the constant need for protection against the unwanted results of more things and more commands has generated new depths of discrimination, impotence and frustration. The establishment-orientated ecological movement so far has further strengthened this trend: it has concentrated attention on faulty industrial technology, and, at best, on exploitation of industrial production by private owners. It has questioned the depletion of natural resources, the inconvenience of pollution, and net transfers of power. But even when price tags are attached to reflect the environmental impact, the disvalue of nuisance, or the cost of polarization, we still do not see clearly that the division of labour, the multiplication of commodities and dependence on them have forcibly substituted standardized packages for almost everything people formerly did or made on their own. + +For two decades now, about fifty languages have died each year; half of all those still spoken in 1950 survive only as subjects for doctoral theses. And what distinct languages do remain to witness the incomparably different ways of seeing, using, and enjoying the world, now sound more and more alike. Consciousness is colonized everywhere by imported labels. Yet, even those who do worry about the loss of cultural and genetic variety, or about the multiplication of long-impact isotopes, do not advert to the irreversible depletion of skills, stories, and senses of form. And this progressive substitution of industrial goods and services for useful but non-marketable values has been the shared goal of political factions and regimes otherwise violently opposed to one another. + +In this way, ever larger pieces of our lives are so transformed that life itself comes to depend almost exclusively on the consumption of commodities sold on the world market. The United States corrupts its farmers to provide grain to a regime which increasingly stakes its legitimacy on the ability to deliver ever more grain. Of course, the two regimes allocate resources by different methods: here, by the wisdom of pricing; there, by the wisdom of planners. But the political opposition between proponents of alternate methods of allocation only masks the similar ruthless disregard of personal dignity and freedom by all factions and parties. + +Energy policy is a good example for the profound identity in the world-views of the self-styled socialist and the so-called capitalist supporters of the industrial system. Possibly excluding such places as Cambodia, about which I am uninformed, no governing élite nor any socialist opposition can conceive of a desirable future that would be based on per capita energy consumption of a magnitude inferior to that which now prevails in Europe. All existing political parties stress the need for energy-intensive production – albeit with Chinese discipline – while failing to comprehend that the corresponding society will further deny people the free use of their limbs. Here sedans and there buses push bicycles off the road. All governments stress an employment-intensive force of production, but are unwilling to recognize that jobs can also destroy the use-value of free time. They all stress a more objective and complete professional definition of people’s needs, but are insensitive to the consequent expropriation of life. + +In the late Middle Ages the stupefying simplicity of the heliocentric model was used as an argument to discredit the new astronomy. Its elegance was interpreted as naivete. In our days, use-value centred theories that analyze the social costs generated by established economics are certainly not rare. Such theories are being proposed by dozens of outsiders, who often identify them with radical technology, ecology, community life-styles, smallness, or beauty. As an excuse to avoid looking at these theories, the frequent failure of their proponents" experiments in personal living are held against them and magnified. Just as the legendary inquisitor refused to look through Galileo’s telescope, so most modern economists refuse to look at an analysis that might displace the conventional centre of their economic system. The new analytical systems would force us to recognize the obvious: that the generation of non-marketable use-values must inevitably occupy the centre of any culture that provides a programme for satisfactory life to a majority of its members. Cultures are programmes for activities, not for firms. Industrial society destroys this centre by polluting it with the measured output of corporations, public or private, degrading what people do or make on their own. As a consequence, societies have been transformed into huge zero-sum games, monolithic delivery systems in which every gain for one turns into a loss or burden for another, while true satisfaction is denied to both. + +On the way, innumerable sets of infrastructures in which people coped, played, ate, made friends, and loved have been destroyed. A couple of so-called development decades have sufficed to dismantle traditional patterns of culture from Manchuria to Montenegro. Prior to these years, such patterns permitted people to satisfy most of their needs in a subsistence mode. After these years, plastic had replaced pottery, carbonated beverages replaced water, Valium replaced camomile tea, and records replaced guitars. All through history, the best measure for bad times was the percentage of food eaten that had to be purchased. In good times, most families got most of their nutrition from what they grew or acquired in a network of gift relationships. Until late in the eighteenth century, more than 99 per cent of the world’s food was produced inside the horizon that the consumer could see from the church steeple or minaret. Laws that tried to control the number of chickens and pigs within the city walls suggest that, except for a few large urban areas, more than half of all food eaten was also cultivated within the city. Before World War II, less than 4 per cent of all food eaten was transported into the region from abroad, and these imports were largely confined to the eleven cities which then contained more than two million inhabitants. Today, 40 per cent of all people survive only because they have access to inter-regional markets. A future in which the world market of capital and goods would be severely reduced is as much a taboo today as a modern world in which active people would use modern convivial tools to create an abundance of use-values that liberated them from consumption. One can see in this pattern a reflection of the belief that useful activities by which people both express and satisfy their needs can be replaced indefinitely by standardized goods or services. + +### The modernization of poverty + +Beyond a certain threshold, the multiplication of commodities induces impotence, the incapacity to grow food, to sing, or to build. The toil and pleasure of the human condition become a faddish privilege restricted to some of the rich. When Kennedy launched the Alliance for Progress, Acatzingo, like most Mexican villages of its size, had four groups of musicians who played for a drink and served the population of eight hundred. Today, records and radios, hooked up to loudspeakers, drown out local talent. Occasionally, in an act of nostalgia, a collection is taken up to bring a band of drop-outs from the university for some special holiday to sing the old songs. On the day Venezuela legislated the right of each citizen to "housing", conceived of as a commodity, three-quarters of all families found that their self-built dwellings were thereby degraded to the status of hovels. Furthermore – and this is the rub – self-building was now prejudiced. No house could be legally started without the submission of an approved architect’s plan. The useful refuse and junk of Caracas, up until then re-employed as excellent building materials, now created a problem of solid-waste disposal. The man who produces his own "housing" is looked down upon as a deviant who refuses to cooperate with the local pressure group for the delivery of mass-produced housing units. Also, innumerable regulations have appeared which brand his ingenuity as illegal, or even criminal. This example illustrates how the poor are the first to suffer when a new kind of commodity castrates one of the traditional subsistence crafts. The useful unemployment of the jobless poor is sacrificed to the expansion of the labour market. "Housing" as a self-chosen activity, just like any other freedom for useful unemployment of time off the job, becomes the privilege of some deviant, often the idle rich. + +An addiction to paralyzing affluence, once it becomes engrained in a culture, generates " modernized poverty". This is a form of disvalue necessarily associated with the proliferation of commodities. This rising disutility of industrial mass products has escaped the attention of economists, because it is not accessible to their measurements, and of social servicers, because it cannot be "operationalized". Economists have no effective means of including in their calculations the society-wide loss of a kind of satisfaction that has no market equivalent. Thus, one could today define economists as the members of a fraternity which only accepts people who, in the pursuit of their professional work, can practice a trained social blindness towards the most fundamental trade-off in contemporary systems, both East and West: the decline in the individual-personal ability to do or to make, which is the price of every additional degree of commodity affluence. + +The existence and nature of modernized poverty remained hidden, even in ordinary conversation, as long as it primarily affected the poor. As development, or modernization, reached the poor – those who until then had been able to survive in spite of being excluded from the market economy – they were systematically compelled to survive through buying into a purchasing system which, for them, always and necessarily meant getting the dregs of the market. Indians in Oaxaca who formerly had no access to schools are now drafted into school to "earn" certificates that measure precisely their inferiority relative to the urban population. Furthermore – and this is again the rub – without this piece of paper they can no longer enter even the building trades. Modernization of "needs" always adds new discrimination to poverty. + +Modernized poverty has now become the common experience of all except those who are so rich that they can drop out in luxury. As one facet of life after another becomes dependent on engineered supplies, few of us escape the recurrent experience of impotence. The average United States consumer is bombarded by a hundred advertisements per day, and reacts to many of them – more often than not – in a negative way. Even well-heeled shoppers acquire, with each new commodity, a fresh experience of disutility. They suspect they have purchased something of doubtful value, perhaps soon useless, or even dangerous, and something that calls for an array of even more expensive complements. Affluent shoppers organize: they usually begin with demands for quality control, and not infrequently generate consumer resistance. Across the tracks, slum neighbourhoods "unplug" themselves from service and "care", from social work in South Chicago and from textbooks in Kentucky. Rich and poor are almost ready to recognize clearly a new form of frustrating wealth in the further expansions of a market-intensive culture. Also, the affluent come to sense their own plight as it is mirrored in the poor, though for the moment this intimation has not developed beyond a kind of romanticism. + +The ideology that identifies progress with affluence is not restricted to the rich countries. The same ideology degrades non-marketable activities even in areas where, until recently, most needs were still met through a subsistence mode of life. For example, under Mao the Chinese – drawing inspiration from their own tradition – seemed willing and able to redefine technical progress and to opt for the bicycle over the jet plane. They stressed local self-determination as a goal of inventive people, rather than as a means for national defence. But by 1977, their propaganda was glorying in China’s industrial capacity to deliver more health care, education, housing, and general welfare – at a lower cost. Merely tactical functions are provisionally assigned to the herbs in the bag of the barefoot doctor and to labour-intensive production methods. Here, as in other areas of the world, heteronomous – that is, other-directed – production of goods, standardized for categories of anonymous consumers, fosters unrealistic and ultimately frustrating expectations. Furthermore, the process inevitably corrupts the trust of people in their own and their neighbours" ever-surprising autonomous competences. China simply represents the latest example of the particular western version of modernization through intensive market dependence seizing a traditional society as no cargo cult did at its most irrational extreme. + +### The history of needs + +In both traditional and modern societies, an important change has occurred in a very short period: the means for satisfaction of needs have been radically altered. The motor has sapped the muscle; instruction has deadened self-confident curiosity. As a consequence, both needs and wants have acquired a character for which there is no historical precedent. For the first time, needs have become almost exclusively coterminous with commodities. As long as most people walked wherever they wanted to go, they felt restrained mainly when their freedom was restricted. Now that they depend on transportation in order to move, they claim not a freedom but a right to passenger miles. And as ever more vehicles provide ever more people with such "rights", the freedom to walk is degraded and eclipsed by the provision of these rights. For most people, wants follow suit. They cannot even imagine liberation from universal passengerhood, that is the liberty of modern man in a modern world to move on his own. + +This situation, by now a rigid interdependence of needs and market, is legitimated through appeal to the expertise of an élite whose knowledge, by its very nature, cannot be shared. Economists of rightist as well as leftist persuasion vouch to the public that an increase in jobs depends on more energy; educators persuade the public that law, order, and productivity depend on more instruction; gynaecologists claim that the quality of infant life depends on their involvement in childbirth. Therefore, the near-universal extension of market intensity in the world’s economies cannot be effectively questioned as long as the immunity of the élites which legitimize the nexus between commodity and satisfaction has not been destroyed. The point is well illustrated by a woman who told me about the birth of her third child. Having borne two children, she felt both competent and experienced. She was in hospital and sensed the child coming. She called the nurse, who, instead of helping, rushed for a sterile towel to press the baby’s head back into the womb and ordered the mother to stop pushing because, "Dr. Levy has not yet arrived". + +But this is the moment for public decision, for political action instead of professional management. Modern societies, rich or poor, can move in either of two opposite directions: they can produce a new bill of goods — albeit safer, less wasteful, more easily shared — and thereby further intensify their dependence on consumer staples. Or, they can take a totally new approach to the inter-relationship between needs and satisfactions. In other words, societies can either retain their market-intensive economies, changing only the design of the output, or they can reduce their dependence on commodities. The latter entails the adventure of imagining and constructing new frameworks in which individuals and communities can develop a new kind of modern toolkit. This would be organized so as to permit people to shape and satisfy an expanding proportion of their needs directly and personally. + +The first direction represents a continuing identification of technical progress with the multiplication of commodities. The bureaucratic managers of egalitarian persuasion and the technocrats of welfare would converge in a call for austerity: to shift from goods, such as jets, that obviously cannot be shared, to so-called "social" equipment, like buses; to distribute more equitably the decreasing hours of employment available and ruthlessly limit the typical work week to about twenty hours on the job; to draft the new resource of unemployed life-time into retraining or voluntary service on the model of Mao, Castro, or Kennedy. This new stage of industrial society – though socialist, effective, and rational – would simply usher in a new state of the culture that downgraded the satisfaction of wants into repetitive relief of imputed needs through engineered staples. At its best, this alternative would produce goods and services in smaller quantities, distribute them more equitably, and foster less envy. The symbolic participation of people in deciding what ought to be made might be transferred from a buck in the market to a gawk in the political assembly. The environmental impact of production could be softened. Among commodities, services, especially the various forms of social control, would certainly grow much faster than the manufacture of goods. Huge sums are already being spent on the oracle industry so that government prophets can spew out "alternative" scenarios designed to shore up this first choice. Interestingly, many of them have already reached the conclusion that the cost of the social controls necessary to enforce austerity in an ecologically feasible, but still industry-centred society would be intolerable. + +The second choice would bring down the curtain on absolute market dominance, and foster an ethic of austerity for the sake of widespread satisfying action. If in the first alternative austerity would mean the individual’s acceptance of managerial ukazes for the sake of increased institutional productivity, austerity in the second alternative would mean that social virtue by which people recognize and decide limits on the maximum amount of instrumented power that anyone may claim, both for his own satisfaction and in the service of others. This convivial austerity inspires a society to protect personal use-value against disabling enrichment. Under such protection against disabling affluence many distinct cultures would arise, each modern and each emphasizing the dispersed use of modern tools. Convivial austerity so limits the use of any tool that tool ownership would lose much of its present power. If bicycles are owned here by the commune, there by the rider, nothing is changed about the essentially convivial nature of the bicycle as a tool. Such commodities would still be produced in large measure by industrial methods, but they would be seen and evaluated differently. Now, commodities are viewed mostly as staples that directly feed the needs shaped by their designers. In the second option, they would be valued either as raw materials or as tools that permitted people to generate use-values in maintaining the subsistence of their respective communities. But this choice depends, of course, on a Copernican revolution in our perception of values. At present, we see consumer goods and professional services at the centre of our economic system, and specialists relate our needs exclusively to this centre. In contrast, the social inversion contemplated here would assign use-values created and personally valued by people themselves to the centre. It is true that people have recently lost the confidence to shape their own desires. The world-wide discrimination against the autodidact has vitiated many people’s confidence in determining their own goals and needs. But the same discrimination has also resulted in a multiplicity of growing minorities who are infuriated by this insidious dispossession. + +## Disabling professions + +These minorities already see that they – and all autochthonous cultural life – are threatened by mega-tools which systematically expropriate the environmental conditions that foster individual and group autonomy. And so they quietly determine to fight for the usefulness of their bodies, memories, and skills. Because the rapidly increasing multiplication of imputed needs generates ever new kinds of dependence and ever new categories of modernized poverty, present-day industrial societies take on the character of interdependent conglomerates of bureaucratically stigmatized majorities. Among this great mass of citizens who are crippled by transport, rendered sleepless by schedules, poisoned by hormone therapy, silenced by loudspeakers, sickened by food, a few form minorities of organized and active citizens. Now these are barely beginning to grow and coalesce for public dissidence. Subjectively, these groups are ready to end an age. But to be dispatched, an age needs a name that sticks. I propose to call the mid-twentieth century the Age of Disabling Professions. I choose this designation because it commits those who use it. It exposes the anti-social functions performed by the least challenged providers: educators, physicians, social workers, and scientists. Simultaneously, it indicts the complacency of citizens who have submitted themselves to multi-faceted bondage as clients. To speak about the power of disabling professions shames their victims into recognizing the conspiracy of the life-long student, gynaecological case, or consumer, each with his or her manager. By describing the sixties as an apogee of the problem-solver, one immediately exposes both the inflated conceit of our academic élites and the greedy gullibility of their victims. + +But this focus on the makers of the social imagination and the cultural values does more than expose and denounce; by designating the last twenty-five years as the Age of Dominant Professions, one also proposes a strategy. One sees the necessity of going beyond the expert redistribution of wasteful, irrational, and paralyzing commodities, the hallmark of Radical Professionalism, the conventional wisdom of today’s good guys. The strategy demands nothing less than the unmasking of the professional ethos. The credibility of the professional expert, be he scientist, therapist, or executive, is the Achilles" heel of the industrial system. Therefore, only those citizen initiatives and radical technologies that directly challenge the insinuating dominance of disabling professions open the way to freedom for non-hierarchical, community-based competence. The waning of the current professional ethos is a necessary condition for the emergence of a new relationship between needs, contemporary tools, and personal satisfaction. The first step toward this emergence is a sceptical and non-deferential posture of the citizen towards the professional expert. Social reconstruction begins with a doubt raised among citizens. + +When I propose the analysis of professional power as the key to social reconstruction, I am usually told that it is a dangerous error to select this phenomenon as the crux for recovery from the industrial system. Is not the shape of the educational, medical, and planning establishments actually the reflection of the distribution of power and privilege of a capitalist élite? Is it not irresponsible to undermine the trust of the man in the street in his scientifically-trained teacher, physician, or economist precisely at the moment when the poor need these trained protectors to gain access to classroom, clinic, and expert? Ought not the industrial system’s indictment expose the income of stockholders in drug firms or the perquisites of power-brokers that belong to the new élites? Why spoil the mutual dependence of clients and professional providers, especially when increasingly – as in Cuba or the United States – both tend to come from the same social class? Is it not perverse to denigrate the very people who have painfully acquired the knowledge to recognize and service our needs for welfare? In fact, should not the radically socialist professional leaders be singled out as the most apt leaders in the ongoing task of society of defining and meeting people’s "real" needs in an egalitarian society? + +The arguments implicit in these questions are frequently advanced to disrupt and discredit public analysis of the disabling effects of industrial welfare systems which focus on services. Such effects are essentially identical and clearly inevitable, no matter what the political flag under which they are imposed. They incapacitate people’s autonomy through forcing them – via legal, environmental, and social changes – to become consumers of care. These rhetorical questions represent a frantic defence of privilege on the part of those élites who might lose income, but would certainly gain status and power if, in a new form of a market-intensive economy, dependence on their services were rendered more equitable. + +A further objection to the critique of professional power drives out the devil with Beelzebub. This objection singles out, as the key target for analysis, the defence conglomerates seemingly at the centre of each bureaucratic-industrial society. The developed argument then posits the security forces as the motor behind the contemporary universal regimentation into market-dependent discipline. It identifies as the principal need-makers the armed bureaucracies that have come into being since, under Louis XIV, Richelieu established the first professional police: that is, the professional agencies that are now in charge of weaponry, intelligence, and propaganda. Since Hiroshima, these so-called services appear to be the determinants for research, design production, and employment. They rest upon civilian foundations, such as schooling for discipline, consumer training for the enjoyment of waste, habituation to violent speeds, medical engineering for life in a world-wide shelter, and standardized dependence on issues dispensed by benevolent quartermasters. This line of thought sees state security as the generator of a society’s production patterns, and views the civilian economy as, to a large extent, either the military’s spin-off or its prerequisite. + +If an argument constructed around these notions were valid, how could such a society forego atomic power, no matter how poisonous, oppressive or counter-productive a further energy glut might be? How could a defence-ridden state be expected to tolerate the organization of disaffected citizen groups who unplug their neighbourhoods from consumption to claim the liberty to small-scale use-value-intensive production that happens in an atmosphere of satisfying and joyful austerity? Would not a militarized society soon have to move against need-deserters, brand them as traitors, and, if possible, expose them not just to scorn but to ridicule? Would not a defence-driven society have to stamp out those examples that would lead to non-violent modernity, just at the time when public policy calls for a decentralization of commodity production reminiscent of Mao, and for more rational, equitable, and professionally supervised consumption? + +This argument pays undue credit to the military as the source of violence in an industrial state. The assumption that military requirements are to blame for the aggressiveness and destructiveness of advanced industrial society must be exposed as an illusion. No doubt, if it were true that the military had somehow usurped the industrial system, if it had wrenched the various spheres of social endeavour and action away from civilian control, then the present state of militarized politics would have reached a point of no return; at least of no potential for civilian reform. This is in fact the argument made by the brightest of Brazil’s military leaders, who see the armed forces as the only legitimate tutor of peaceful industrial pursuit during the rest of this century. + +But this is simply not so. The modern industrial state is not a product of the army. Rather, its army is one of the symptoms of its total and consistent orientation. True, the present industrial mode of organization can be traced to military antecedents in Napoleonic times. True, the compulsory education for peasant boys in the 1830s, the universal health care for the industrial proletariat in the 1850s, the growing communications networks of the 1860s, as well as most forms of industrial standardization, are all strategies first introduced into modern societies as military requirements, and only later understood as dignified forms of peaceful, civilian progress. But the fact that systems of health, education, and welfare needed a military rationale to be enacted into law, does not mean that they were not thoroughly consistent with the basic thrust of industrial development which, in fact, was never non-violent, peaceful, or respectful of people. + +Today, this insight is easier to gain. First, because since Polaris it is no longer possible to distinguish between wartime and peacetime armies and second, because since the War on Poverty, peace is on the war-path. Today, industrial societies are constantly and totally mobilized; they are organized for constant public emergencies; they are shot through with variegated strategies in all sectors; the battlefields of health, education, welfare, and affimative equality are strewn with victims and covered with ruins; citizens" liberties are continually suspended for campaigns against ever newly discovered evils; each year new frontier-dwellers are discovered who must be protected against or cured of some new disease, some previously unknown ignorance. The basic needs that are shaped and imputed by all professional agencies are needs for defence against evils. + +Today’s professors and social scientists who seek to blame the military for the destructiveness of commodity -intensive societies are people who, in a very clumsy way, are attempting to arrest the erosion of their own legitimacy. They claim that the military pushes the industrial system into its frustrating and destructive state, thereby distracting attention from the profoundly destructive nature of a market-intensive society which drives its citizens into today’s wars. Both those who seek to protect professional autonomy against citizen maturity, and those who wish to portray the professional as victim of the militarized state, will be answered by a choice: the direction free citizens wish to go in order to supersede the world-wide crisis. + +### The waning of the professional age + +The illusions that permitted the installation of professions as arbiters of needs are now increasingly visible to common sense. Procedures in the service sector are often understood for what they are – Linus Blankets, or rituals that hide from the provider- consumer-caboodle the disparity and antipathy between the ideal for the sake of which the service is rendered, and the reality that the service creates. Schools that promise equal enlightenment generate unequally degrading meritocracy and life-long dependence on further tutorship; vehicles compel everyone to a flight forward. But the public has not yet clarified the choices. Projects under professional leadership could result in compulsory political creeds (with their accompanying versions of a new fascism), or experiences of citizens could dismiss our hubris as yet another historical collection of neo-Promethean but essentially ephemeral follies. Informed choice requires that we examine the specific role of the professions in determining who in this age got what from whom and why. + +To see the present clearly, let us imagine the children who will soon play in the ruins of high-schools, Hiltons – and hospitals. In these professional castles turned cathedrals, built to protect us against ignorance, discomfort, pain, and death, the children of tomorrow will re-enact in their play the delusions of our Age of Professions, as from ancient castles and cathedrals we reconstruct the crusades of knights against sin and the Turk in the Age of Faith. Children in their games will mingle the uniquack which now pollutes our language with archaisms inherited from robber barons and cowboys. I see them addressing each other as chairman and secretary rather than as chief and lord. Hopefully adults will blush when they slip into managerial pidgin with terms such as policy-making, social planning, and problem-solving. + +The Age of Professions will be remembered as the time when politics withered, when voters guided by professors entrusted to technocrats the power to legislate needs, the authority to decide who needs what and a monopoly over the means by which these needs shall be met. It will be remembered as the Age of Schooling, when people for one-third of their lives were trained how to accumulate needs on prescription and for the other two-thirds were clients of prestigious pushers who managed their habits. It will be remembered as the age when recreational travel meant a packaged gawk at strangers, and intimacy meant training by Masters and Johnson; when formed opinion was a replay of last night’s talk-show, and voting an endorsement to a salesman for more of the same. + +Future students will be as much confused by the supposed differences between capitalist and socialist school, health-care, prison or transportation systems as today’s students are by the claimed differences between justification by works as opposed to justification by faith in the late Reformation Christian sects. They will also discover that the professional librarians, surgeons, or supermarket designers in poor or socialist countries towards the end of each decade came to keep the same records, use the same tools, and build the same spaces that their colleagues in rich countries had pioneered at the decade’s beginning. Archeologists will periodize our life-span not by potsherds but by professional fashions, reflected in the mod-trends of United Nations publications. + +It would be pretentious to predict whether this age, when needs were shaped by professional design, will be remembered with a smile or a curse. I hope, of course, that it will be remembered as the night when father went on a binge, dissipated the family fortune, and obligated his children to start anew. Sadly, it will more probably be remembered as the time when a whole generation’s frenzied pursuit of impoverishing wealth rendered all freedoms alienable and, after first turning politics into the organized gripes of welfare recipients, extinguished it in expert totalitarianism. + +### Professional dominance + +Let us first face the fact that the bodies of specialists that now dominate the creation, adjudication, and satisfaction of needs are a new kind of cartel. And this must be recognized to outflank their developing defences. For we already see the new biocrat hiding behind the benevolent mask of the physician of old; the paedocrat’s behavioural aggression is shrugged off as perhaps silly, overzealous care of the concerned teacher; the personnel manager equipped with a psychological arsenal presents himself in the guise of an old-time foreman. The new specialists, who are usually servicers of human needs that their speciality has defined, tend to wear the mask of and to provide some form of care. They are more deeply entrenched than a Byzantine bureaucracy, more international than a world church, more stable than any labour union, endowed with wider competencies than any shaman, and equipped with a tighter hold over those they claim than any mafia. + +The new organized specialists must, first, be carefully distinguished from racketeers. Educators, for instance, now tell society what must be learned and can write off as useless what has been learned outside of school. By this kind of monopoly, which enables tyrannical professions to prevent you from shopping elsewhere and from making your own booze, they at first seem to fit the dictionary definition of gangsters. But gangsters, for their own profit, corner a basic necessity by controlling supplies. Educators and doctors and social workers today – as priests and lawyers formerly – gain legal power to create the need that, by law, they alone will be allowed to serve. They turn the modern state into a holding corporation of enterprises that facilitate the operation of their self-certified competencies. + +Legalized control over work has taken many different forms: soldiers of fortune refused to fight until they got the licence to plunder; Lysistrata organized female chattels to enforce peace by refusing sex; doctors in Kos conspired by oath to pass trade secrets only to their offspring; guilds set the curricula, prayers, tests, pilgrimages and hazings through which Hans Sachs had to pass before he was permitted to shoe his fellow burghers. In capitalist countries, unions attempt to control who shall work what hours for what pay. All these trade associations are attempts by specialists to determine how their kind of work shall be done, and by whom. But none of these specialists are professionals in the sense that doctors, for instance, are today. Today’s domineering professionals, of whom physicians provide the most striking and painful example, go further: they decide what shall be made, for whom, and how it shall be administered. They claim special, incommunicable knowledge, not just about the way things are and are to be made, but also about the reasons why their services ought to be needed. Merchants sell you the goods they stock. Guildsmen guarantee quality. Some craftspeople tailor their product to your measure or fancy. Professionals however, tell you what you need. They claim the power to prescribe. They not only advertise what is good, but ordain what is right. Neither income, long training, delicate tasks, nor social standing is the mark of the professional. Their income can be low or taxed away, their training compressed into weeks instead of years; their status can approach that of the oldest profession. Rather, what counts is the professional’s authority to define a person as client, to determine that person’s need, and to hand that person a prescription which defines this new social role. Unlike the hookers of old, the modern professional is not one who sells what others give for free, but rather one who decides what ought to be sold and must not be given for free. + +There is a further distinction between professional power and that of other occupations: professional power springs from a different source. A guild, a union, or a gang forces respect for its interest and rights by a strike, blackmail, or overt violence. In contrast, a profession, like a priesthood, holds power by concession from an élite whose interests it props up. As a priesthood offers the way to salvation in the train of an anointed king, so a profession interprets, protects, and supplies a special this-worldly interest to the constituency of modern rulers. Professional power is a specialized form of the privilege to prescribe what is right for others and what they therefore need. It is the source of prestige and control within the industrial state. This kind of professional power could, of course, come into existence only in societies where élite membership itself is legitimated, if not acquired, by professional status: a society where governing élites are attributed a unique kind of objectivity in defining the moral status of a lack. It fits like a glove the age in which even access to parliament, the house of commons, is overwhelmingly limited to those who have acquired the title of master by accumulating knowledge stock in some college. Professional autonomy and licence, in defining the needs of society are the logical forms that oligarchy takes in a political culture that has replaced the means-test by knowledge-stock certificates issued by schools. The professions" power over the work their members do is thus distinct in both scope and origin. + +### Towards professional tyranny + +Professional power has also, recently, so changed in degree that two animals of entirely different colours now go by the same name. For instance, the practicing and experimenting health scientist consistently evades critical analysis by dressing up in the clothes of yesterday’s family doctor. The wandering physician became the medical doctor when he left commerce in drugs to the pharmacist and kept for himself the power to prescribe them. At that moment, he acquired a new kind of authority by uniting three roles in one person: the sapiential authority to advise, instruct, and direct; the moral authority that makes its acceptance not just useful but obligatory; and the charismatic authority that allows the physician to appeal to some supreme interest of his clients that not only outranks conscience but sometimes even the raison d’état. This kind of doctor, of course, still exists, but within a modern medical system he is a figure out of the past. A new kind of health scientist is now much more common. He increasingly deals more with cases than with persons; he deals with the breakdowns that he can perceive in the case, rather than with the complaint of the individual; he protects society’s interest rather than the person’s. The authorities that, during the liberal age, had coalesced in the individual practitioner in his treatment of a patient are now claimed by the professional corporation in the service of the state. This entity now carves out for itself a social mission. + +Only during the last twenty-five years has medicine turned from a liberal into a dominant profession by obtaining the power to indicate what constitutes a health need for people in general. Health specialists as a corporation have acquired the authority to determine what health care must be provided to society at large. It is no longer the individual professional who imputes a "need" to the individual client, but a corporate agency that imputes a need to entire classes of people, and then claims the mandate to test the complete population in order to identify all who belong to the group of potential patients. And what happens in health care is thoroughly consistent with other domains. New pundits jump on the bandwagon of the therapeutic care-provider: educators, social workers, the military, town-planners, judges, policemen, and their ilk have obviously made it. They enjoy wide autonomy in creating the diagnostic tools by which they then catch their clients for treatment. Dozens of other need-creators try: international bankers "diagnose" the ills of an African country and then induce it to swallow the prescribed treatment, even though the "patient" might die; security specialists evaluate the loyalty risk in a citizen and then extinguish his private sphere; dog-catchers sell themselves to the public as pest controllers, and claim a monopoly over the lives of stray dogs. The only way to prevent the escalation of needs is a fundamental, political exposure of those illusions that legitimize dominating professions. + +Many professions are so well established that they not only exercise tutelage over the citizen-become-client, but also determine the shape of his world- become-ward. The language in which he perceives himself, his perception of rights and freedoms, and his awareness of needs all derive from professional hegemony. + +The difference between craftsman, liberal professional, and the new technocrat can be clarified by comparing the typical reaction of people who neglect their respective advice. If you did not take the craftsman’s advice, you were a fool. If you did not take liberal counsel, society blamed you. Now the profession or the government may be blamed when you escape from the care that your lawyer, teacher, surgeon, or shrink has decided upon for you. Under the pretense of meeting needs better and on a more equitable basis, the service-professional has mutated into a crusading philanthropist. The nutritionist prescribes the "right" formula for the infant, and the psychiatrist the "right" anti-depressant, and the schoolmaster – now acting with the fuller power of "educator" – feels entitled to push his method between you and anything you want to learn. Each new speciality in service production thrives only when the public has accepted and the law has endorsed a new perception of what ought not to exist. Schools expanded in a moralizing crusade against illiteracy, once illiteracy had been defined as an evil. Maternity wards mushroomed to do away with home births. + +Professionals claim a monopoly over the definition of deviance and the remedies needed. For example, lawyers assert that they alone have the competence and the legal right to provide assistance in divorce. If you devise a kit for do-it-yourself divorce, you find yourself in a double bind: if you are not a lawyer, you are liable of practice without a license; if you are a member of the bar, you can be expelled for unprofessional behaviour. Professionals also claim secret knowledge about human nature and its weaknesses, knowledge they are also mandated to apply. Gravediggers, for example, did not become members of a profession by calling themselves morticians, by obtaining college credentials, by raising their incomes, or by getting rid of the odour attached to their trade by electing one of themselves president of the Lion’s Club. Morticians formed a profession, a dominant and disabling one, when they acquired the muscle to have the police stop your burial if you are not embalmed and boxed by them. In any area where a human need can be imagined, these new disabling professions claim that they are the exclusive experts of the public good. + +### Professions as a new clergy + +The transformation of a liberal profession into a dominant one is equivalent to the legal establishment of a church. Physicians transmogrified into biocrats, teachers into gnosocrats, morticians into thanatocrats, are much closer to state-supported clergies than to trade associations. The professional as teacher of the current brand of scientific orthodoxy acts as theologian. As moral entrepreneur, he acts the role of priest: he creates the need for his mediation. As crusading helper, he acts the part of the missionary and hunts down the underprivileged. As inquisitor, he outlaws the unorthodox – he imposes his solutions on the recalcitrants who refuse to recognize that they are a problem. This multi-faceted investiture with the task of relieving a specific inconvenience of man’s estate turns each profession into the analogue of an established cult. The public acceptance of domineering professions is thus essentially a political event. The new profession creates a new hierarchy, new clients and outcasts, and a new strain on the budget. But, also, each new establishment of professional legitimacy means that the political tasks of lawmaking, judicial review, and executive power lose more of their proper character and independence. Public affairs pass from the layperson’s elected peers into the hands of a self-accrediting élite. + +When medicine recently outgrew its liberal restraints, it invaded legislation by establishing public norms. Physicians had always determined what constitutes disease; dominant medicine now determines what diseases society shall not tolerate. Medicine has invaded the courts. Physicians had always diagnosed who is sick; dominant medicine, however, brands those who must be treated. Liberal practitioners prescribed a cure: dominant medicine has public powers of correction; it decides what shall be done with or to the sick. In a democracy, the power to make laws, execute them, and achieve public justice must derive from the citizens themselves. This citizen control over the key powers has been restricted, weakened, and sometimes abolished by the rise of church-like professions. Government by a congress that bases its decisions on expert opinions of such professions might be government for, but never by, the people. This is not the place to investigate the intent with which political rule has thus been weakened ; it is sufficient to indicate the professional disqualification of lay opinion as a necessary condition for this subversion. + +Citizen liberties are grounded in the rule that excludes hearsay from testimony on which public decisions are based. What people can see for themselves and interpret is the common ground for binding rules. Opinions, beliefs, inferences, or persuasions ought not to stand when in conflict with the eyewitness – ever. Expert élites could become dominant professions only by a piecemeal erosion and final reversal of this rule. In the legislature and courts, the rule against hearsay evidence is now, de facto, suspended in favour of the opinions profferred by the members of these self-accredited élites. + +But let us not confuse the public use of expert factual knowledge with a profession’s corporate exercise of normative judgment. When a craftsman, such as a gunmaker, was called into court as an expert to reveal to the jury the secrets of his trade, he apprenticed the jury to his craft on the spot. He demonstrated visibly from which barrel the bullet had come. Today, most experts play a different role. The dominant professional provides jury or legislature with his fellow-initiate’s opinion, rather than with factual evidence and a skill. He calls for a suspension of the hearsay rule and inevitably undermines the rule of law. Thus, democratic power is ineluctably abridged. + +### The hegemony of imputed needs + +Professions could not have become dominant and disabling unless people were ready to experience as a lack that which the expert imputed to them as a need. Their mutual dependence as tutor and charge has become resistant to analysis because it has been obscured by corrupted language. Good old words have been made into branding irons that claim wardship for experts over home, shop, store, and the space or ether between them. Language, the most fundamental of commons, is thus polluted by twisted strands of jargon, each under the control of another profession. The disseizin of words, the depletion of ordinary language and its degradation into bureaucratic terminology, parallel in a more intimately debasing manner that particular form of environmental degradation that dispossesses people of their usefulness unless they are gainfully employed. Possible changes in design, attitudes, and laws that would retrench professional dominance cannot be proposed unless we become more sensitive to the misnomers behind which this dominance hides. + +When I learned to speak, "problems" existed only in mathematics or chess; "solutions" were saline or legal, and "need" was mainly used as a verb. The expressions, "I have a problem", or, "I have a need", both sounded silly. As I grew into my teens and Hitler worked at solutions, the "social problem" also spread. "Problem" children of ever newer shades were discovered among the poor as social workers learned to brand their prey and to standardize their "needs". "Need", used as a noun, became the fodder on which professions fattened into dominance. Poverty was modernized. Management translated poverty from an experience into a measure. The poor became the needy. + +During the second half of my life, to be "needy" became respectable. Computable and imputable needs moved up the social ladder. It ceased to be a sign of poverty to have needs. Income opened new registers of need. Spock, Comfort, and the vulgarizers of Nader trained laymen to shop for solutions to problems they learned to cook up according to professional recipes. Education qualified graduates to climb ever more rarefied heights and implant and cultivate there ever newer strains of hybridized needs. Prescriptions increased and competences shrank. For example, in medicine, ever more pharmacologically active drugs went on prescription, and people lost their will and ability to cope with indisposition or even with discomfort. In American supermarkets, where it is estimated that about 1500 new products appear each year, less than 20 per cent survive more than one year on the shelves, the remainder, having proved unsellable, fadish, risky, unprofitable, or obsolete competitors to new models. Therefore, consumers are forced to seek guidance from professional consumer protectors. + +Furthermore, the rapid turnover of products renders wants shallow and plastic. Paradoxically, then, high aggregate consumption resulting from engineered needs fosters growing consumer indifference to specific, potentially felt wants. Increasingly, needs are created by the advertising slogan and by purchases made by order from registrar, beautician, gynaecologist, and dozens of other prescribing diagnosticians. The need to be formally taught how to need, be this by advertising, prescription, or guided discussion in the collective or in the commune, appears in any culture where decisions and actions are no longer the result of personal experience in satisfaction, and the adaptive consumer cannot but substitute learned for felt needs. As people become apt pupils in learning how to need, the ability to shape wants from experienced satisfaction becomes a rare competence of the very rich or the seriously under-supplied. As needs are broken down into ever smaller component parts, each managed by an appropriate specialist, the consumer experiences difficulty in integrating the separate offerings of his various tutors into a meaningful whole that could be desired with commitment and possessed with pleasure. The income managers, life-style counsellors, consciousness raisers, academic advisers, food-fad experts, sensitivity developers, and others like them clearly perceive the new possibilities for management and move in to match packaged commodities to the splintered needs. + +Used as a noun, "need" is the individual offspring of a professional pattern; it is a plastic-foam replica of the mould in which professionals cast their staple; it is the advertised shape of the brood cells out of which consumers are produced. To be ignorant or unconvinced of one’s own needs has become the unforgivable anti-social act. The good citizen is one who imputes standardized needs to himself with such conviction that he drowns out any desire for alternatives, much less the renunciation of need. + +When I was born, before Stalin and Hitler and Roosevelt came to power, only the rich, hypochondriacs, and members of élite unions spoke of their need for medical care when their temperatures rose. Doctors then, in response, could not do much more than grandmothers had done. In medicine the first mutation of needs came with sulfa drugs and antibiotics. As the control of infections became a simple and effective routine, drugs went more and more on prescription. Assignment of the sick-role became a medical monopoly. The person who felt ill had to go to the clinic to be labelled with a disease-name and be legitimately declared a member of the minority of the so-called sick: people were excused from work, entitled to help, put under doctor’s orders, and were enjoined to heal in order to become useful again. Paradoxically, as pharmacological technique – tests and drugs – became so predictable and cheap that one could have dispensed with the physician, society enacted laws and police regulations to restrict the free use of those procedures that science had simplified, and placed them on the prescription list. + +The second mutation of medical needs happened when the sick ceased to be a minority. Today, few people eschew doctors" orders for any length of time. In Italy, the United States, France, or Belgium, one out of every two citizens is being watched simultaneously by several health professionals who treat, advise, or at least observe him or her. The object of such specialized care is, more often than not, a condition of teeth, womb, emotions, blood pressure, or hormone levels that the patient himself does not feel. Patients are no more in the minority. Now, the minority are those deviants who somehow escape from any and all patient-roles. This minority is made up of the poor, the peasants, the recent immigrants, and sundry others who, sometimes of their own volition, have gone medically AWOL. Just twenty years ago, it was a sign of normal health – which was assumed to be good – to get along without a doctor. The same status of non-patient is now indicative of poverty or dissidence. Even the status of the hypochondriac has changed. For the doctor in the forties, this was the label applied to the gate-crashers in his office – the designation reserved for the imaginary sick. Now, doctors refer to the minority who flee them by the same name: hypochondriacs are the imaginary healthy. To be plugged into a professional system as a life-long client is no longer a stigma that sets apart the disabled person from citizens at large. We now live in a society organized for deviant majorities and their keepers. To be an active client of several professionals provides you with a well-defined place within the realm of consumers for the sake of whom our society functions. Thus, the transformation of medicine from a liberal consulting profession into a dominant, disabling profession has immeasurably increased the number of the needy. + +At this critical moment, imputed needs move into a third mutation. They coalesce into what the experts call a multi-disciplinary problem necessitating, therefore, a multi-professional solution. First, the proliferation of commodities, each tending to turn into a requirement, has effectively trained the consumer to need on command. Next, the progressive fragmentation of needs into even smaller and unconnected parts made the client dependent on professional judgment for the blending of his needs into a meaningful whole. The auto industry provides a good example. By the end of the sixties, the advertised optional equipment needed to make a basic Ford desirable had been multiplied immensely. But contrary to the customer’s expectations, this "optional" flim-flam is in fact installed on the assembly line of the Detroit factory, and the shopper in Plains is left with a choice between a few packaged samples that are shipped at random: he can either buy the convertible that he wants but with the green seats he hates, or he can humour his girlfriend with leopardskin seats – at the cost of buying an unwanted paisley hard top. + +Finally, the client is trained to need a team approach to receive what his guardians consider "satisfactory treatment". Personal services that improve the consumer illustrate the point. Therapeutic affluence has exhausted the available life-time of many whom service professionals diagnose as standing in need of more. The intensity of the service economy has made the time needed for the consumption of pedagogical, medical and social treatments increasingly scarce. Time scarcity may soon turn into the major obstacle for the consumption of prescribed, and often publicly financed, services. Signs of such scarcity become evident from one’s early years. Already in kindergarten, the child is subjected to management by a team made up of such specialists as the allergist, speech pathologist, paediatrician, child psychologist, social worker, physical education instructor and teacher. By forming such a paedocratic team, many different professionals attempt to share the time that has become the major limiting factor to the imputation of further needs. For the adult, it is not the school but the work-place where the packaging of services focuses. The personnel manager, labour educator, in-service trainer, insurance planner, consciousness raiser find it more profitable to share the worker’s time than compete for it. A need-less citizen would be highly suspicious. People are told that they need their jobs, not so much for the money as for the services they get. The commons are extinguished and replaced by a new placenta built of funnels that deliver professional services. Life is paralyzed in permanent intensive care. + +## Enabling distinctions + +The disabling of the citizen through professional dominance is completed through the power of illusion. Hopes of religious salvation are displaced by expectations that centre on the state as supreme manager of professional services. Each of many special priesthoods claims competence to define public issues in terms of specific serviceable problems. The acceptance of this claim legitimates the docile recognition of imputed lacks on the part of the layman, whose world turns into an echo-chamber of engineered and managed needs. This dominance, the satisfaction of self-defined preference, is sacrificed to the fulfilment of educated needs and is reflected in the skyline of the city. Professional buildings look down on the crowds that shuttle between them in a continual pilgrimage to the new cathedrals of health, education, and welfare. Healthy homes are transformed into hygienic apartments where one cannot be born, cannot be sick, and cannot die decently. Not only are helpful neighbours a vanishing species, but also liberal doctors who make house calls. Work places fit for apprenticeship turn into opaque mazes of corridors that permit access only to functionaries equipped with "identities" in mica holders pinned to their lapels. A world designed for service deliveries is the utopia of citizens turned into welfare recipients. + +The prevailing addiction to imputable needs on the part of the rich, and the paralyzing fascination with needs on the part of the poor, would indeed be irreversible if people actually fitted the calculus of needs. But this is not so. Beyond a certain level of intensity, medicine engenders helplessness and disease ; education turns into the major generator of a disabling division of labour; fast transportation systems turn urbanized people for about one-sixth of their waking hours into passengers, and for an equal amount of time into members of the road gang that works to pay Ford, Esso, and the highway department. The threshold at which medicine, education, and transportation turn into counterproductive tools has been reached in all the countries of the world with per capita incomes comparable at least to those prevalent in Cuba. In all countries examined, and contrary to the illusions propagated by the orthodoxies of both East and West, this specific counter-productivity bears no relation to the kind of school, vehicle, or health organization now used. It sets in when the capital-intensity of the production process passes a critical threshold. + +Our major institutions have acquired the uncanny power to subvert the very purposes for which they were originally engineered and financed. Under the rule of our most prestigious professions, our institutional tools have as their principal product paradoxical counterproductivity – the systematic disabling of the citizenry. A city built around wheels becomes inappropriate for feet, and no increase of wheels can overcome the engineered immobility of such cripples. Autonomous action is paralyzed by a surfeit of commodities and treatments. But this does not represent simply a net loss of satisfactions that do not happen to fit into the industrial age. The impotence to produce use-values ultimately renders counterpurposive the very commodities meant to replace them. The car, the doctor, the school, and the manager are then commodities that have turned into destructive nuisances for the consumer, and retain net value only for the provider of services. + +Why are there no rebellions against the coalescence of late industrial society into one huge disabling service delivery system? The chief explanation must be sought in the illusion-generating power that these same systems possess. Besides doing technical things to body and mind, professionally attended institutions function also as powerful rituals which generate credence in the things their managers promise. Besides teaching Johnny to read, schools also teach him that learning from teachers is "better", and that, without compulsory schools, fewer books would be read by the poor. Besides providing locomotion, the bus, just as much as the sedan, reshapes the environment and puts walking out of step. Besides providing help in avoiding taxes, lawyers also convey the notion that laws solve problems. An ever growing part of our major institutions" functions is the cultivation and maintenance of three sets of illusions which turn the citizen into a client to be saved by experts. + +### Congestion versus paralysis + +The first enslaving illusion is the idea that people are born to be consumers and that they can attain any of their goals by purchasing goods and services. This illusion is due to an educated blindness to the worth of use-values in the total economy. In none of the economic models serving as national guidelines is there a variable to account for non-marketable use-values any more than there is a variable for nature’s perennial contribution. Yet there is no economy that would not collapse immediately if use-value production contracted beyond a point; for example, if homemaking were done only for wages, or intercourse engaged in only at a fee. What people do or make but will not or cannot put up for sale is as immeasurable and as invaluable for the economy as the oxygen they breathe. + +The illusion that economic models can ignore use-values springs from the assumption that those activities which we designate by intransitive verbs can be indefinitely replaced by institutionally defined staples referred to as nouns: "education" substituted for "I learn’; "health care" for "I heal’; transportation for "I move’; "television" for "I play". + +The confusion of personal and standardized values has spread throughout most domains. Under professional leadership, use-values are dissolved, rendered obsolete, and finally deprived of their distinctive nature. Love and institutional care become coterminous. Ten years of running a farm can be thrown into a pedagogical mixer and made equivalent to a high school degree. Things picked up at random and hatched in the freedom of the street are added as "educational experience" to things funneled into pupils" heads. The knowledge accountants seem unaware that the two activities, like oil and water, mix only as long as they are osterized by an educator’s perception. Gangs of crusading need-catchers could not continue to tax us, nor could they spend our resources on their tests, networks, and other nostrums if we did not remain paralyzed by this kind of greedy belief. + +The usefulness of staples, or packaged commodities, is intrinsically limited by two boundaries that must not be confused. First, queues will sooner or later stop the operation of any system that produces needs faster than the corresponding commodity and, second, dependence on commodities will sooner or later so determine needs that the autonomous production of a functional analogue will be paralyzed. The usefulness of commodities is limited by congestion and paralysis. Congestion and paralysis are both results of escalation in any sector of production, albeit results of a very different kind. Congestion, which is a measure of the degree to which staples get in their own way, explains why mass transportation by private car in Manhattan would be useless; it does not explain why people work hard to buy and insure cars that cannot move them. Even less does congestion alone explain why people become so dependent on vehicles that they are paralyzed and just cannot take to their feet. + +People become prisoners to time-consuming acceleration, stupefying education and sick-making medicine because beyond a certain threshold of intensity, dependence on a bill of industrial and professional goods destroys human potential, and does so in a specific way. Only up to a point can commodities replace what people make or do on their own. Only within limits can exchange-values satisfactorily replace use-values. Beyond this point, further production serves the interests of the professional producer – who has imputed the need to the consumer – and leaves the consumer befuddled and giddy, albeit richer. Needs satisfied rather than merely fed must be determined to a significant degree by the pleasure that is derived from the remembrance of personal autonomous action. There are boundaries beyond which commodities cannot be multiplied without disabling their consumer for this self-affirmation in action. + +Packages alone inevitably frustrate the consumer when their delivery paralyzes him or her. The measure of well-being in a society is thus never an equation in which these two modes of production are matched; it is always a balance that results when use-values and commodities fruitfully mesh in synergy. Only up to a point can heteronomous production of a commodity enhance and complement the autonomous production of the corresponding personal purpose. Beyond this point, the synergy between the two modes of production paradoxically turns against the purpose for which both use-value and commodity were intended. Occasionally, this is not clearly seen because the mainstream ecology movement tends to obscure the point. For example, atomic energy reactors have been widely criticized because their radiation is a threat, or because they foster technocratic controls. So far, however, only very few have dared to criticize them because they add to the energy glut. The paralysis of human action by socially destructive energy quanta has not yet been accepted as an argument for reducing the call for energy. Similarly, the inexorable limits to growth that are built into any service agency are still widely ignored. And yet it ought to be evident that the institutionalization of health care tends to make people into unhealthy marionettes, and that life long education fosters a culture of programmed people. Ecology will provide guidelines for a feasible form of modernity only when it is recognized that a man-made environment designed for commodities reduces personal aliveness to the point where the commodities themselves lose their value as means for personal satisfaction. Without this insight, industrial technology that was cleaner and less aggressive would be used for now-impossible levels of frustrating enrichment. + +It would be a mistake to attribute counterproductivity essentially to the negative externalities of economic growth, to exhaustion, pollution and various forms of congestion. This mistake would lead to confusing the congestion by which things get into his way, with the paralysis of the person who can no more exercise his autonomy in an environment designed for things. + +The fundamental reason why market intensity leads to counterproductivity must be sought in the relationship between the monopoly of commodities and human needs. This monopoly extends beyond its usual meaning. A commercial monopoly merely corners the market for one brand of whisky or car. An industry-wide cartel can restrict freedom further: it can corner all mass transportation in favour of internal combustion engines, as General Motors did when it purchased the Los Angeles trolleys. You can escape the first by sticking to rum and the second by purchasing a bicycle. I use the term "radical monopoly " to designate something else: the substitution of an industrial product or a professional service for a useful activity in which people engage or would like to engage. A radical monopoly paralyzes autonomous action in favour of professional deliveries. The more completely vehicles dislocate people, the more traffic managers will be needed and the more powerless people will be to walk home. This radical monopoly would accompany high-speed traffic even if motors were powered by sunshine and vehicles were spun of air. The longer each person is in the grip of education, the less time and inclination he has for browsing and exploration. At some point in every domain, the amount of goods delivered so degrades the environment for personal action that the possible synergy between use-values and commodities turns negative. Paradoxical, or specific, counterproductivity sets in. I will use this term whenever the impotence resulting from the substitution of a commodity for a value in use turns this commodity into a dis-value in the pursuit of the satisfaction it was meant to provide. + +### Industrial versus convivial tools + +Man ceases to be recognizable as one of his kind when he can no longer shape his own needs by the more or less competent use of those tools that his culture provides. Throughout history, most tools were labour-intensive means that could be used to satisfy the user of the tool, and were used in domestic production. Only marginally were shovels or hammers used to produce pyramids or a surplus for gift-exchange, and even more rarely to produce things for the market. Occasions for the extraction of profits were limited. Most work was done to create use-values not destined for exchange. But technological progress has been consistently applied to develop a very different kind of tool: it has pressed the tool primarily into the production of marketable staples. At first, during the industrial revolution, the new technology reduced the worker on the job to a Charlie Chaplin of Modern Times. At this early stage, however, the industrial mode of production did not yet paralyze people when they were off the job. Now women or men, who have come to depend almost entirely on deliveries of standardized fragments produced by tools operated by anonymous others, have ceased to find the same direct satisfaction in the use of tools that stimulated the evolution of man and his cultures. Although their needs and their consumption have multiplied many times, their satisfaction in handling tools has become rare, and they have ceased to live a life for which the organism acquired its form. At best, they barely survive, even though they do so surrounded by glitter. Their life-span has become a chain of needs that have been met for the sake of ulterior striving for satisfaction. Ultimately man-the-passive-consumer loses even the ability to discriminate between living and survival. The gamble on insurance and the gleeful expectation of rations and therapies take the place of enjoyment. In such company, it becomes easy to forget that satisfaction and joy can result only as long as personal aliveness and engineered provisions are kept in balance while a goal is pursued. + +The delusion that tools in the service of market-orientated institutions can with impunity destroy the conditions for convivial and personally manageable means permits the extinction of "aliveness" by conceiving of technological progress as a kind of engineering product that licences more professional domination. This delusion says that tools, in order to become more efficient in the pursuit of a specific purpose, inevitably become more complex and inscrutable: one thinks of cockpits and cranes. Therefore, it seems that modern tools necessarily require special operators who are highly trained and who alone can be securely trusted. Actually, just the opposite is usually true, and ought to be so. As techniques multiply and become more specific, their use often requires less complex judgments. They no longer require that trust on the part of the client on which the autonomy of the liberal professional, and even that of the craftsman, was built. However far medicine has advanced, only a tiny fraction of the total volume of demonstrably useful medical services requires advanced training in an intelligent person. From a social point of view, we ought to reserve the designation "technical progress" to instances in which new tools expand the capacity and the effectiveness of a wider range of people, especially when new tools permit more autonomous production of use-values. + +There is nothing inevitable about the expanding professional monopoly over new technology. The great inventions of the last hundred years, such as new metals, ball-bearings, some building materials, electronics, some tests and remedies, are capable of increasing the power of both the heteronomous and the autonomous modes of production. In fact, however, most new technology has not been incorporated into convivial equipment, but into institutional packages and complexes. The professionals rather consistently have used industrial production to establish a radical monopoly by means of technology’s obvious power to serve its manager. Counterproductivity due to the paralysis of use-value production is fostered by this notion of technological progress. + +There is no simple "technological imperative" which requires that ball-bearings be used in motorized vehicles or that electronics be used to control the brain. The institutions of high-speed traffic and of mental health are not the necessary result of ball-bearings or electronics. Their functions are determined by the needs they are supposed to serve – needs that are overwhelmingly imputed and reinforced by disabling professions. This is a point that the young Turks in the professions seem to overlook when they justify their institutional allegiance by presenting themselves as the publicly appointed ministers of technological progress that must be domesticated. + +The same subservience to the idea of progress conceives of engineering principally as a contribution to institutional effectiveness. Scientific research is highly financed, but only if it can be applied for military use or for further professional domination. Alloys which make bicycles both stronger and lighter are a fall-out of research designed to make jets faster and weapons deadlier. But the results of most research go solely into industrial tools, thus making already huge machines even more complex and inscrutable. Because of this bias on the part of scientists and engineers, a major trend is strengthened: needs for autonomous action are precluded, while those for the acquisition of commodities are multiplied. Convivial tools which facilitate the individual’s enjoyment of use-values – without or with only minimal supervision by policemen, physicians, or inspectors – are polarized at two extremes: poor Asian workers and rich students and professors are the two kinds of people who ride bicycles. Perhaps without being conscious of their good fortune, both enjoy being free from this second illusion. + +Recently, some groups of professionals, government agencies, and international organizations have begun to explore, develop, and advocate small-scale, intermediate technology. These efforts might be interpreted as an attempt to avoid the more obvious vulgarities of a technological imperative. But most of the new technology designed for self-help in health care, education, or home building is only an alternative model of high-intensity dependence commodities. For example, experts are asked to design new medicine cabinets that allow people to follow the doctor’s orders over the telephone. Women are taught to determine themselves how ripe their breasts are for useless amputation by the surgeon. Cubans are given paid leaves from work to erect their pre-fabricated houses. The enticing prestige of professional products as they become cheaper ends by making rich and poor more alike. Both Bolivians and Swedes feel equally backward, underprivileged, and exploited to the degree that they learn without the supervision of certified teachers, keep healthy without the check-ups of a physician, and move about without a motorized crutch. + +### Liberties versus rights + +The third disabling illusion looks to experts for limits to growth. Entire populations socialized to need on command are assumed ready to be told what they do not need. The same multinational agents that for a generation imposed an international standard of bookkeeping, deodorants, and energy consumption on rich and poor alike now sponsor the Club of Rome. Obediently, UNESCO gets into the act and trains experts in the regionalization of imputed needs. For their own imputed good, the rich are thereby programmed to pay for more costly professional dominance at home and to provide the poor with assigned needs of a cheaper and tighter brand. The brightest of the new professionals see clearly that growing scarcity pushes controls over needs ever upward. The central planning of output-optimal decentralization has become the most prestigious job of the late seventies. But what is not yet recognized is that this new illusory salvation by professionally decreed limits confuses liberties and rights. + +In each of the seven United Nations-defined world regions a new clergy is being trained to preach the appropriate style of austerity drafted by the new need-designers. Consciousness raisers roam through local communities inciting people to meet the decentralized production goals that have been assigned to them. Milking the family goat was a liberty until more ruthless planning made it a duty to contribute the yield to the GNP. + +The synergy of autonomous and heteronomous production is reflected in society’s balance of liberties and rights. Liberties protect use-values as rights protect the access to commodities. And just as commodities can extinguish the possibility of producing use-values and turn into impoverishing wealth, so the professional definition of rights can extinguish liberties and establish a tyranny that smothers people underneath their rights. + +The confusion is revealed with special clarity when one considers the experts on health. Health encompasses two aspects: liberties and rights. It designates the area of autonomy within which a person exercises control over his own biological states and over the conditions of his immediate environment. Simply stated, health is identical with the degree of lived freedom. Therefore, those concerned with the public good should work to guarantee the equitable distribution of health as freedom which, in turn, depends on environmental conditions that only organized political efforts can achieve. Beyond a certain level of intensity, professional health care, however equitably distributed, will smother health-as-freedom. In this fundamental sense, the care of health is a matter of well-protected liberty. + +As is evident, such a notion of health implies a principled commitment to inalienable freedoms. To understand this, one must distinguish clearly between civil liberty and civil rights. The liberty to act without restraint from government has a wider scope than the civil rights the state may enact to guarantee that people will have equal powers to obtain certain goods and services. + +Civil liberties ordinarily do not force others to act in accord with one’s own wishes. I have the freedom to speak and publish my opinion, but no specific newspaper is obliged to print it, nor are fellow citizens required to read it. I am free to paint as I see beauty, but no museum has to buy my canvas. At the same time, however, the state as guarantor of liberty can and does enact laws that protect the equal rights without which its members would not enjoy their freedoms. Such rights give meaning and reality to equality, while liberties give possibility and shape to freedom. One certain way to extinguish the freedoms to speak, to learn, to heal, or to care is to delimit them by transmogrifying civil rights into civic duties. The precise character of this third illusion is to believe that the publicly sponsored pursuit of rights leads inevitably to the protection of liberties. In reality, as society gives professionals the legitimacy to define rights, citizen freedoms evaporate. + +## Equity in useful unemployment + +At present, every new need that is professionally certified translates sooner or later into a right. The political pressure for the enactment of each right generates new jobs and commodities. Each new commodity degrades an activity by which people so far have been able to cope on their own; each new job takes away legitimacy from work so far done by the unemployed. The power of professions to measure what shall be good, right, and done warps the desire, willingness, and ability of the "common" man to live within his measure + +As soon as all law students currently registered at United States law schools are graduated, the number of United States lawyers will increase by about 50 per cent. Judicare will complement Medicare, as legal insurance increasingly turns into the kind of necessity that medical insurance is now. When the right of the citizen to a lawyer has been established, settling the dispute in the pub will be branded unenlightened or anti-social, as home births are now. Already the right of each citizen of Detroit to live in a home that has been professionally wired turns the auto-electrician who installs his own plugs into a lawbreaker. The loss of one liberty after another to be useful when out of a job or outside professional control is the unnamed, but also the most resented experience that comes with modernized poverty. By now the most significant privilege of high social status might well be some vestige of freedom for useful unemployment that is increasingly denied to the great majority. The insistence on the right to be taken care of and supplied has almost turned into the right of industries and professions to conquer clients, to supply them with their product, and by their deliveries to obliterate the environmental conditions that make unemployed activities useful. Thus, for the time being, the struggle for an equitable distribution of the time and the power to be useful to self and others outside employment or the draft has been effectively paralyzed. Work done off the paid job is looked down upon if not ignored. Autonomous activity threatens the employment level, generates deviance, and detracts from the GNP: therefore it is only improperly called "work". Labour no longer means effort or toil but the mysterious mate wedded to productive investments in plant. Work no longer means the creation of a value perceived by the worker but mainly a job, which is a social relationship. Unemployment means sad idleness, rather than the freedom to do things that are useful for oneself or for one’s neighbour. An active woman who runs a house and brings up children and takes in those of others is distinguished from a woman who "works", no matter how useless or damaging the product of this work might be. Activity, effort, achievement, or service outside a hierarchical relationship and unmeasured by professional standards, threatens a commodity-intensive society. The generation of use-values that escape effective measurement limits not only the need for more commodities but also the jobs that create them and the paycheques needed to buy them. + +What counts in a market-intensive society is not the effort to please or the pleasure that flows from that effort but the coupling of the labour force with capital. What counts is not the achievement of satisfaction that flows from action but the status of the social relationship that commands production – that is, the job, situation, post, or appointment. In the Middle Ages there was no salvation outside the Church, and the theologians had a hard time explaining what God did with those pagans who were visibly virtuous or saintly. Similarly, in contemporary society effort is not productive unless it is done at the behest of a boss, and economists have a hard time dealing with the obvious usefulness of people when they are outside the corporate control of a corporation, volunteer agency, or labour camp. Work is productive, respectable, worthy of the citizen only when the work process is planned, monitored, and controlled by a professional agent, who insures that the work meets a certified need in a standardized fashion. In an advanced industrial society it becomes almost impossible to seek, even to imagine, unemployment as a condition for autonomous, useful work. The infrastructure of society is so arranged that only the job gives access to the tools of production, and this monopoly of commodity production over the generation of use-values turns even more stringent as the state takes over. Only with a license may you teach a child; only at a clinic may you set a broken bone. Housework, handicrafts, subsistence agriculture, radical technology, learning exchanges, and the like are degraded into activities for the idle, the unproductive, the very poor, or the very rich. A society that fosters intense dependence on commodities thus turns its unemployed into either its poor or its dependents. In 1945, for each American Social Security recipient there were still 35 workers on the job. In 1977, 3.2 employed workers have to support one such retiree, who is himself dependent on many more services than his retired grandfather could have imagined. + +Henceforth the quality of a society and of its culture will depend on the status of its unemployed: will they be the most representative productive citizens, or will they be dependants? The choice or crisis again seems clear: advanced industrial society can degenerate into a holding operation harking back to the dream of the sixties; into a well-rationed distribution system that doles out decreasing commodities and jobs and trains its citizens for more standardized consumption and more powerless work. This is the attitude reflected in the policy proposals of most governments at present, from Germany to China, albeit a fundamental difference in degree: the richer the country, the more urgent it seems to ration access to jobs and to impede useful unemployment that would threaten the volume of the labour market. The inverse, of course, is equally possible: a modern society in which frustrated workers organize to protect the freedom of people to be useful outside the activities that result in the production of commodities. But again, this social alternative depends on a new, rational, and cynical competence of the common man when faced with the professional imputation of needs. + +## Outflanking the new professional + +Today, professional power is clearly threatened by increasing evidence of the counterproductivity of its output. People are beginning to see that such hegemony deprives them of their right to politics. The symbolic power of experts which, while defining needs, eviscerates personal competence is now seen to be more perilous than their technical capability, which is confined to servicing the needs they create. Simultaneously, one hears the repeated call for the enactment of legislation that might lead us beyond an age dominated by the professional ethos: the demand that professional and bureaucratic licensing be replaced by the investiture of elected citizens, rather than altered by the inclusion of consumer representatives on licensing boards; the demand that prescription rules in pharmacies, curricula, and other pretentious supermarkets be relaxed; the demand for the protection of productive liberties; the demand for the right to practice without a license; the demand for public utilities that facilitate client evaluation of all practitioners who work for money. In response to these threats, the major professional establishments, each in its own way, use three fundamental strategies to shore up the erosion of their legitimacy and power. + +### The self-critical hooker + +The first approach is represented by the Club of Rome. Fiat, Volkswagen, and Ford pay economists, ecologists, and experts in social control to identify the products industries ought not to produce, in order to strengthen the industrial system. Also, doctors in the Club of Kos now recommend that surgery, radiation, and chemotherapy be abandoned in the treatment of most cancers, since these treatments usually prolong and intensify suffering without adding to the life of the treated. Lawyers and dentists promise to police, as never before, the competence, decency, and rates of their fellow professionals. + +A variant of this approach is seen in some individuals or their organizations, who challenge the American Bar Association, British Medical Association, and other power brokers of the establishment. These claim to be radical because, 1) they advise consumers against the interests of the majority of their peers; 2) they tutor laymen on how to behave on hospital, university, or police governing boards; and 3) they occasionally testify to legislative committees on the uselessness of procedures proposed by the professions and demanded by the public. For example, in a province of Western Canada doctors prepared a report on some two dozen medical procedures for which the legislature was considering a budget increase. All the procedures were costly, and the doctors pointed out that they were also very painful, and many were dangerous, and that none could be proven effective. For the time being the legislators refused to act on such medical advice, a failure that, provisionally, tends to reinforce the belief in the necessity of professional protection against professional hubris. + +Professional self-policing is useful principally in catching the grossly incompetent – the butcher or the outright charlatan. But as has been shown again and again, it only protects the inept and cements the dependence of the public on their services. The "critical" doctor, the "radical" lawyer, or the "advocacy" architect seduces clients away from his colleagues, who are less aware than he of the vagaries of fashion. First liberal professions sell the public on the need for their services by promising to watch over the poorer layman’s schooling, ethics or inservice training. Then dominant professions insist on their rightful duty to guide and further disable the public by organizing into clubs that brandish the high consciousness of ecological, economic, and social constraints. Such action inhibits the further extension of the professional sector but strengthens public dependence within that sector. The idea that professionals have a right to serve the public is thus of very recent origin. Their struggle to establish and legitimate this corporate right becomes one of our most oppressive social threats. + +### The alliance of hawkers + +The second strategy seeks to organize and coordinate professional response in a manner that purportedly is more faithful to the multifaceted character of human problems. Also, this approach seeks to utilize ideas borrowed from systems analysis and operations research in order to provide more national and all-encompassing solutions. An example of what this means in practice can be taken from Canada. Some years ago, the Minister of Health launched a campaign to convince the public that spending more money on physicians would not change the country’s patterns of disease and death. He pointed out that premature loss of life-time was due overwhelmingly to three factors: accidents, mostly in motor vehicles; heart disease and lung cancer, which doctors are notoriously powerless to heal; and suicide combined with murder, phenomena that are outside medical control. The minister called for new approaches to health and for the retrenchment of medicine. The task of protecting, restoring, or consoling those made sick by the destructive life-style and environment typical of contemporary Canada was taken up by a great variety of new and old professions. Architects discovered that they had a mission to improve Canadians" health; dog-control was found to be an inter- departmental problem calling for new specialists. A new corporate biocracy intensified control over the organisms of Canadians with a thoroughness the old iatrocracy could hardly have imagined. The slogan "better spend money in order to stay healthy than on doctors when you get sick" can now be recognized as the hawking of new hookers who want the money spent on them. + +The practice of medicine in the United States illustrates a similar dynamic. There, a coordinated approach to the health of Americans has become enormously expensive without being especially effective. In 1950, the typical wage-earner transferred less than two weeks pay per year to professional health care. In 1976, the proportion was up to around five to seven weeks pay per year: buying a new Ford, one now pays more for worker hygiene than for the metal the car contains. Yet with all this effort and expense, the life expectancy of the adult male population has not sensibly changed in the last one hundred years. It is lower than in many poor countries, and has been declining slowly but steadily for the last twenty years. + +Where disease patterns have changed for the better, it has been due principally to the adoption of a healthier life-style, especially in diet. To a small degree, inoculations and the routine administration of such simple interventions as antibiotics, contraceptives, or Carman tubes have contributed to the decline of certain diseases. But such procedures do not postulate the need for professional services. People cannot become healthier by being more firmly wedded to a medical profession, yet many "radical" doctors call for just such an increased biocracy. They seem to be unaware that a more rational " problem-solving " approach is simply another version, though perhaps more sophisticated, of affirmative action. + +### The professionalization of the client + +The third strategy to make dominant professions survive is this year’s radical chic. As the prophets of the sixties drooled about development on the door-steps of affluence these myth makers mouth about the self-help of professionalized clients. + +In the United States alone since 1965, about 2700 books have appeared that teach you how to be your own patient, so that you need see the doctor only when it is worthwhile for him. Some books recommend that only after due training and examination should graduates in self-medication be empowered to buy aspirin and dispense it to their children. Others suggest that professionalized patients should receive preferential rates in hospitals and that they should benefit from lower insurance premiums. Only women with a license to practice home birth should have their children outside hospitals since such professional mothers can, if necessary, be sued for malpractice. I have seen a "radical" proposal that such a license to birth be obtained under feminist rather than medical auspices. + +The professional dream of rooting each hierarchy of needs in the grassroots goes under the banner of self-help. At present it is promoted by the new tribe of experts in self-help who have replaced the experts in development of the sixties. The universal professionalization of clients is their aim. American building experts who last autumn invaded Mexico serve as an example of the new Crusade. About two years ago a Boston professor of architecture came to Mexico for a vacation. A Mexican friend of mine took him beyond the airport where, during the last twelve years, a new city had grown up. From a few huts, it had mushroomed into a community three times the size of Cambridge, Massachusetts. My friend, also an architect, wanted to show him the thousands of examples of peasant ingenuity with patterns, structures, and uses of refuse not in and therefore not derivable from textbooks. He should not have been surprised that his colleague took several hundred rolls of pictures of these brilliant amateur inventions that make the two-million-person slum work. The pictures were analyzed in Cambridge; and by the end of the year, new-baked United States specialists in community architecture were busy teaching the people of Ciudad Netzahualcoyotl their problems, needs, and solutions. + +## The post-professional ethos + +The inverse of professionally certified lack, need, and poverty is modern subsistence. The term "subsistence economy" is now generally used only to designate group survival which is marginal to market- dependence and in which people make what they use by means of traditional tools and within an inherited, often unexamined, social organization. I propose to recover the term by speaking about modern subsistence. Let us call modern subsistence the style of life that prevails in a post-industrial economy in which people have succeeded in reducing their market dependence, and have done so by protecting – by political means – a social infrastructure in which techniques and tools are used primarily to generate use-values that are unmeasured and unmeasurable by professional need-makers. I have developed a theory of such tools elsewhere ( Tools for Conviviality, Calder & Boyars, 1973), proposed the technical term "convivial tool" for use-value-orientated engineered artefacts. I have shown that the inverse of progressive modernized poverty is politically generated convivial austerity that protects freedom and equity in the use of such tools. + +A retooling of contemporary society with convivial rather than industrial tools implies a shift of emphasis in our struggle for social justice; it implies a new kind of subordination of distributive to participatory justice. In an industrial society, individuals are trained for extreme specialization. They are rendered impotent to shape or to satisfy their own needs. They depend on commodities and on the managers who sign the prescriptions for them. The right to diagnosis of need, prescription of therapy, and – in general – distribution of goods predominates in ethics, politics, and law. This emphasis on the right to imputed necessities shrinks the liberty to learn or to heal or to move on one’s own to fragile luxuries. In a convivial society, the opposite would be true. The protection of equity in the exercise of personal liberties would be the predominant concern of a society based on radical technology: science and technique at the service of a more effective use-value generation. Obviously, such equitably distributed liberty would be meaningless if it were not grounded in the right of equal access to raw materials, tools, and utilities. Food, fuel, fresh air, or living space can no more be equitably distributed than wrenches or jobs unless they are rationed without regard to imputed need, that is, in equal maximum amounts to young and old, cripple and president. A society dedicated to the protection of equally distributed, modern and effective tools for the exercise of productive liberties cannot come into existence unless the commodities and resources on which the exercise of these liberties is based are equally distributed to all. + +[^n01]:"Deschooling Society" (1971); "Tools for Conviviality" (1973); "Energy & Equity" (1974); "Medical Nemesis – The Expropriation of Health" (1976); "Disabling Professions" (1977) + diff --git a/data/pages/en/book/unemployment/en.pdf b/contents/book/unemployment/en.pdf Binary files differindex bdce430..bdce430 100644 --- a/data/pages/en/book/unemployment/en.pdf +++ b/contents/book/unemployment/en.pdf diff --git a/data/pages/en/book/unemployment/en.txt b/contents/book/unemployment/en.txt index 41ba134..4006cb3 100644 --- a/data/pages/en/book/unemployment/en.txt +++ b/contents/book/unemployment/en.txt @@ -1,4 +1,4 @@ -# The Right To Useful Unemployment And Its Professional Enemies +# The Right to Useful Unemployment and its Professional Enemies ## Foreword diff --git a/contents/book/unemployment/es.bib b/contents/book/unemployment/es.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..0491f22 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/unemployment/es.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-unemployment-es, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Desempleo Creador: la decadencia de la sociedad profesional}, + year = {1978}, + date = {1978}, + origdate = {1978}, + language = {es}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/book/unemployment:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-18} +} diff --git a/contents/book/unemployment/es.md b/contents/book/unemployment/es.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..9bcc945 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/unemployment/es.md @@ -0,0 +1,275 @@ +--- + title: "Desempleo Creador: la decadencia de la sociedad profesional" + author: "Ivan Illich" + date: "1978" + lang: "" + documentclass: book + classoption: + - oneside + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + newtxmathoptions: + - cmintegrals + - cmbraces + toc: true + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue + titlepage: true +--- + +Cincuenta años atrás, nueve de cada 10 palabras que oía un hombre civilizado le eran dichas como a un individuo. Sólo una de 10 le llegaba como miembro indiferenciado de una multitud —en el salón de clases, en la iglesia, en mítines o espectáculos—. Las palabras eran entonces como cartas selladas, escritas a mano, bien diferentes de la chatarra que contamina hoy nuestro correo. Actualmente son escasas las palabras que intentan llamar la atención de una persona. Con regularidad de reloj asaltan nuestra sensibilidad imágenes, ideas, sentimientos y opiniones empaquetados y entregados a través de los medios de comunicación, como artículos estandarizados. Dos cosas se han hecho evidentes: _1)_ lo que ocurre con el idioma se ha vuelto paradigmático para una amplia gama de relaciones entre necesidad y satisfacción; _2)_ estos fenómenos son ya universales e igualan al maestro de Nueva York, al miembro de la comuna china, al escolar de Bantú y al sargento brasileño. En este apéndice a mi ensayo sobre la convivencialidad pretendo hacer tres cosas: _a)_ describir el carácter de una sociedad de mercado-de-bienes intensivo, en la que la multiplicidad, especialización y volumen de las mercancías destruye el ambiente propicio para la creación de valores de uso; _b)_ insistir en el papel oculto que juegan las profesiones en una sociedad de este tipo al moldear sus necesidades; _c)_ proponer algunas estrategias para romper el poder profesional que perpetúa esta dependencia del mercado. + +# La intensidad inhabilitante del mercado + +Actualmente se llama crisis al momento en el que médicos, diplomáticos, banqueros y toda clase de ingenieros sociales asumen los controles y se suspenden las libertades. Lo mismo que los pacientes, las naciones conocen las crisis. Esto se debe a que la crisis, de haber sido una posibilidad de enmendar rumbos, ahora sólo significa el ir y venir de un lado a otro. Remite, en la actualidad, a una amenaza ominosa pero controlable contra la cual puede unirse el dinero, la fuerza laboral y la administración. Un ejemplo típico de este tipo de respuesta podría ser el de una ciudad de 13 000 000 de habitantes, a 2 500 metros sobre el nivel del mar, en la que, ante las cifras alarmantes de escasez y las dificultades en el suministro de agua a la mayoría de sus habitantes que solamente tienen acceso a menos de cinco litros, se declara una crisis que habrá de dar más trabajo a los ingenieros en vez de racionar el consumo de 5% de la gente que utiliza la mitad del agua en sus tinas y albercas. La crisis entendida de esta manera resulta siempre conveniente para los ejecutivos y comisarios, especialmente para los buitres que viven de los efectos secundarios, no deseados, del crecimiento anterior: para los educadores que viven de la alienación de la sociedad, para los doctores que prosperan a base del trabajo y del ocio que han destruido la salud, para los políticos que triunfan gracias a la distribución de un bienestar que, en primera instancia, se les quitó a los mismos que reciben la asistencia. + +El término crisis, sin embargo, no debe significar necesariamente esto. No debiera implicar una carrera desatinada en una escalada por la administración. Puede significar el instante de la elección, ese momento maravilloso en que la gente se hace consciente de su propia prisión autoimpuesta y de la posibilidad de una vida diferente. _Ésta_ es la crisis que enfrentan hoy simultáneamente Estados Unidos y el mundo. + +## Una elección mundial + +En unas cuantas décadas el mundo se ha uniformado. Las respuestas humanas a los sucesos de todos los días se han vuelto estándar. Aunque todavía los idiomas y los dioses parecen diferentes, la gente se une todos los días a la estupenda mayoría que marcha al compás del mismo tambor. El interruptor de la luz, junto a la puerta, ha reemplazado a las múltiples formas en que los fuegos, las velas y los faroles se encendían antiguamente. El número de quienes encienden interruptores de luz se ha triplicado en el mundo en 10 años; el flujo del agua y el papel se han convertido en condiciones esenciales para aliviar los intestinos. La luz que no proviene de las redes de alto voltaje y la higiene que excluye el papel tisú han funcionado como medidores de la pobreza de miles de personas. La intrusión, soporífera a veces, opaca otras, de los medios masivos de comunicación, penetra muy adentro en el barrio, el pueblo, la sociedad, la escuela. Los ruidos leídos por el locutor y los anunciantes de textos programados, pervierten diariamente las palabras de un lenguaje hablado al que convierten en bloques de construcción para mensajes en paquete. Para tener actualmente la posibilidad de que nuestros hijos jueguen en un ambiente en el que una de cada 10 palabras que oyen les sean dirigidas personalmente, deben estar aislados o apartados temporalmente, o bien, deben ser marginados opulentos a los que se protege cuidadosamente. En cualquier parte del mundo se puede notar un rápido enquistamiento de la aceptación disciplinada que caracteriza al auditorio, al cliente, al comprador. La estandarización de la acción humana se va extendiendo. + +Se hace evidente ahora que el problema crítico que enfrenta la mayor parte de las naciones del mundo es exactamente el mismo: o la gente se convertirá en cifras de una multitud condicionada que avanza hacia una dependencia cada vez mayor —y necesitará, por lo tanto, de batallas salvajes para obtener un mínimo de las drogas que alimenten su hábito— o bien encontrará el valor, que es lo único que puede salvar el pánico: mantenerse sereno y buscar alrededor otro escape que no sea el obvio ya marcado como salida. Sin embargo, muchas de las personas a quienes se les dice que los bolivianos, los canadienses, los húngaros enfrentan todos la misma elección fundamental, no sólo se sienten molestos, sino que se ofenden profundamente. La idea les parece no solamente loca sino chocante. No logran detectar la similitud en esta nueva degradación amarga que va permeando el hambre del indio del Altiplano, la neurosis del trabajador de Amsterdam y la cínica corrupción del burócrata de Varsovia. + +## Hacia una cultura de productos estandarizados + +El desarrollo ha tenido los mismos efectos en todas las sociedades: se han visto atrapadas en una nueva trama de dependencia de mercancías que fluyen del mismo tipo de máquinas, fábricas, clínicas, estudios de televisión, _think tanks_. Para satisfacer esta dependencia se tiene que seguir produciendo siempre más de lo mismo: bienes y servicios estandarizados por ingenieros y destinados a los consumidores, quienes, a su vez, son estandarizados por los educadores y promotores para que crean necesitar lo que se les ofrece. + +Ya sean tangibles o intangibles, son éstos los productos estandarizados del mundo industrial; asumen valor monetario como mercancías y se determinan tanto por la acción del Estado como por el mercado, aunque el nivel de participación de uno y otro varíe en los diferentes regímenes. Las distintas culturas llegan a ser así residuos insípidos de un estilo de acción tradicional, perdidas en un páramo mundial; un terreno árido, desbastado por la maquinaria necesaria para producir y consumir. En las riberas del Sena y en las del Níger, la gente olvidó cómo ordeñar, porque el líquido blanco les llega envasado. Gracias a una mayor protección al consumidor, en Francia la leche es menos tóxica que en Malí. Es verdad que ahora hay mayor cantidad de criaturas que beben leche de vaca, pero los senos de las mujeres, ricas y pobres, se secan por igual. El adicto nace con el primer grito del niño que tiene hambre, cuando su organismo aprehende la leche artificial, abandonando el seno materno que, de este modo, se atrofia. Todas aquellas acciones humanas, autónomas y creativas, necesarias para el florecimiento del universo del hombre, terminan atrofiándose. Los techos de barro o de paja, de caña o de teja, se han ido reemplazando por techos de concreto para unos pocos y de plástico ondulado para la mayor parte. Ni los obstáculos de la selva ni los matices ideológicos han librado a los pobres y a los socialistas de apresurarse en construir carreteras para los ricos, esas vías que los conducen al mundo donde los economistas han tomado el lugar de los sacerdotes. El cuño de las monedas se traga todos los tesoros locales y los ídolos. El dinero devalúa lo que no puede medir. La crisis, pues, es la misma para todos: la opción entre una mayor o una menor dependencia de bienes de consumo industrial. Una dependencia mayor significa la destrucción rápida y total de las culturas como programas de actividades de subsistencia que produzcan satisfacción; una dependencia menor significa el variado florecimiento de valores de uso en culturas de intensa actividad. La elección es esencialmente la misma para ricos y pobres, aunque imaginarlo siquiera sería extremadamente difícil para quienes ya están acostumbrados a vivir en un supermercado, diferente, pero sólo en nombre, de las instituciones para idiotas. + +En las sociedades del industrialismo tardío, toda la vida se organiza en función de las mercancías. Nuestras sociedades de mercado intensivo miden su progreso material de acuerdo con el aumento en el volumen y en la variedad de las mercancías producidas; y, siguiendo esta misma línea, medimos el progreso social de acuerdo con la distribución del acceso a estos bienes y servicios. La economía política se ha convertido en la gran propagandista del servicio de la dominación de los que producen en gran escala. El socialismo se ha degradado al convertirse en una lucha contra la distribución no igualitaria y la economía del bienestar ha identificado el bien público con la distribución de la opulencia y, en su sentido más estricto, con la humillante opulencia del pobre: un día de degradación organizada en un hospital público, cárcel o laboratorio educativo en Estados Unidos, alimentaría a una familia de la India durante un mes. + +Al despreciar todos los costos a los que la Economía clásica fijó precios, la sociedad industrial creó un ambiente dentro del cual la gente no puede vivir sin devorar cada día el equivalente de su propio peso en metales, carburantes y materiales de construcción. Creó un mundo en el que la constante necesidad de protegerse contra los resultados negativos del crecimiento ha cavado nuevos abismos de discriminación, de impotencia y de frustración. Nunca olvidaré la afirmación del yanqui frente a un chileno: “Seremos siempre nosotros los que, en un mundo envenenado, tendremos los filtros de aire de mayor potencia”. Hasta ahora, los movimientos ecológicos al servicio del poder sólo han servido para dar más consistencia a esta orientación, al concentrar la atención pública sobre la irresponsabilidad técnica de quienes irrigan zonas habitacionales con subproductos venenosos o mutágenos y, en el mejor de los casos, han desenmascarado los intereses privados que aumentan la dependencia del individuo de necesidades creadas. Pero aún ahora, después de que se han fijado precios y costos para reflejar el impacto sobre el medio ambiente (el desvalor debido a los perjuicios o el costo de la polarización), no hemos sido capaces de percibir con claridad que este proceso sustituyó, por artículos empacados y producidos en serie, todo lo que la gente hacía o creaba por sí misma. + +Desde hace algunos años, cada semana muere una u otra forma de expresión. Las que permanecen se uniforman cada vez más. Sin embargo, aun quienes se preocupan por la pérdida de variedades genéticas por la multiplicación de isótopos radiactivos, no advierten el agotamiento irreversible de las habilidades artesanales, de los cuentos y de los sentidos de la forma. Esta situación gradual de valores útiles pero no mercantilizables por bienes industriales y por servicios, ha sido la meta compartida de facciones políticas y de regímenes que, de otro modo, se opondrían violentamente. + +Por este camino, trozos cada vez más largos de nuestras vidas se transforman de tal manera que la vida pasa a depender casi exclusivamente del consumo de mercancías. Esto es lo que deberíamos llamar aumento de la intensidad de mercado en las culturas modernas. Desde luego, los diferentes regímenes asignan sus recursos de manera distinta: aquí decide la “sabiduría de la mano escondida” del mercado, allá, la del ideólogo y el planificador. Pero la oposición política entre estos propositores de métodos alternativos para la asignación de los recursos, disfraza solamente el mismo desprecio burdo que tienen todas las facciones y partidos por la libertad y la dignidad personal. La política sobre energéticos en los distintos países nos da un buen ejemplo para estudiar la profunda identidad que existe entre los diferentes promotores del sistema industrial, llámense socialistas o liberales. Si excluimos sitios como Nueva Camboya, sobre la que me falta información, no existe élite en el gobierno ni oposición organizada que conciba un futuro deseable fundado en un instrumental social cuyo consumo de energía per cápita fuera inferior en varios órdenes de magnitud a los niveles que prevalecen hoy en Europa. Todas las corrientes políticas insisten en un presunto imperativo técnico que hace inevitable que el modo de producción moderno sea intensivo también en el uso de la energía. Hasta ahora no existe ningún partido que reconozca que un modo de producción de esta especie castra inevitablemente la capacidad creadora de los individuos y grupos primarios. Todos los partidos insisten en mantener niveles de empleo altos en la fuerza de producción y parecen incapaces de reconocer que los empleos tienden a destruir el valor de uso del tiempo libre. Insisten en que las necesidades de los individuos se definan, en la forma más objetiva y total, por especialistas certificados públicamente para tal competencia, y parecen insensibles a la consecuente expropiación de la vida misma. + +A fines de la Edad Media se usó la asombrosa simplicidad del modelo heliocéntrico como un argumento para desacreditar a la nueva Astronomía. Su elegancia se interpretó como ingenuidad. En nuestros días, no son escasas las teorías centradas en el valor de uso, capaces de analizar el costo social generado por la economía establecida. Estas teorías han sido propuestas por muchos _outsiders_ de la economía que ubican sus perspectivas en una nueva escala de valores: la belleza, la sencillez, la ecología, la vida en comunidad. Como una forma recurrente de soslayar estas teorías, la economía moderna y sus practicantes se han dedicado a falsear y magnificar los fracasos que, con frecuencia, han sufrido estos _outsiders_ al experimentar con nuevos estilos de vida personal, y rehúsan mirar siquiera estas teorías —del mismo modo que el inquisidor legendario rehusó mirar a través del telescopio de Galileo—, ya que sus análisis podrían conducir al desplazamiento del centro convencional del sistema económico vigente. Estos distintos instrumentos analíticos podrían conducirlos a poner los valores de uso no mercantilizables en el centro de una cultura deseable donde solamente se asigne un valor a aquellos bienes mercantiles que fomenten una extensión más amplia de esos mismos valores de uso. Pero lo que sigue contando no es lo que la gente hace o crea, sino el producto de las corporaciones públicas o privadas. Todos colaboran por igual en el esfuerzo por transformar nuestras futuras sociedades en un enorme juego de suma cero, en el que cada ganancia y cada gozo de una persona se transforman inevitablemente en pérdida para las otras. + +En esta carrera quedaron destrozados innumerables conjuntos de infraestructuras con las que la gente enfrentaba la vida, en las que jugaba, comía, tejía lazos de amistad y hacía el amor. Unas cuantas de las llamadas “décadas de desarrollo” bastaron para desmantelar más de dos tercios de los moldes culturales del mundo. Antes de estas décadas, aquellos moldes permitían que la gente satisfaciera la mayor parte de sus necesidades de acuerdo con un modo de subsistencia. Después de ellas, el plástico reemplazo a la cerámica, las bebidas gaseosas reemplazaron a la limonada, el Valium tomó el lugar del té de camomila, y los discos, el de la guitarra. A lo largo de toda la historia, la mejor medida de los tiempos malos ha sido el porcentaje de alimentos que se debían comprar. En tiempos buenos, la mayor parte de las familias conseguían casi todos sus alimentos de lo que ellos cultivaban o adquirían en un marco de relaciones gratuitas. + +Hasta fines del siglo XVIII, el alimento que se producía más allá del horizonte abarcable por la vista del consumidor, que miraba desde un campanario o minarete, era menos de 1% en todo el mundo. Las leyes encami-nadas a controlar el número de aves de corral y de puercos dentro de los muros de la ciudad sugieren que, a excepción de unas cuantas zonas urbanas más extensas, casi la mitad de los alimentos se cultivaban igualmente dentro de la villa. Antes de la segunda Guerra Mundial, los alimentos traídos desde afuera a una región determinada constituían menos de 4% del total que se consumía; además, estas importaciones estaban destinadas, en gran medida, a las 11 ciudades que tenían más de dos millones de habitantes. Actualmente, 40% de la gente sobrevive gracias a que tiene acceso a los mercados interregionales. Concebir hoy día un mundo en el que se redujera radicalmente el mercado mundial en capitales y bienes, representa un tabú por lo menos tan absoluto como concebir un mundo en el que gente autónoma utilizara herramientas convivenciales para liberarse de la necesidad de consumir y para crear valores de uso en abundancia. En este tabú se refleja la creencia de que las actividades útiles por medio de las cuales la gente se expresa y satisface sus necesidades pueden sustituirse indefinidamente por bienes y servicios. + +## La pobreza modernizada + +Pasado cierto umbral, la multiplicación de mercancías induce a la impotencia, a la incapacidad de cultivar alimentos, de cantar o de construir. El afán y el placer, condiciones humanas, llegan a convertirse en privilegio de algunos ricos caprichosos. En Acatzingo, en la época en que Kennedy lanzó la Alianza para el Progreso, como en la mayoría de los pueblitos mexicanos de su tamaño, existían cuatro bandas de músicos que tocaban a cambio de un trago y servían a una población de 800 personas. Actualmente, los discos y las radios conectadas a altoparlantes anegan todo talento local. Sólo ocasionalmente, en un acto de nostalgia, se reúne dinero para traer una banda de marginados de la universidad para cantar las viejas canciones en alguna fiesta especial. El día en que la legislación venezolana instituyó para cada ciudadano un derecho “habitacional” concebido como mercancía, tres cuartas partes de las familias hallaron que las casitas levantadas con sus propias manos quedaban rebajadas a nivel de cobertizos. Además, y esto era lo más importante, existía ya un prejuicio contra la autoconstrucción. No se podía iniciar legalmente la construcción de una casa sin antes presentar el plano diseñado por un arquitecto diplomado. Los desechos y sobrantes de la ciudad de Caracas, útiles hasta entonces como excelentes materiales de construcción, creaban ahora el problema de deshacerse de desperdicios sólidos. Al hombre que intentaba levantar su propia “morada” se le miraba como un desviado que rehusaba cooperar con los grupos de presión locales para la entrega de unidades habitacionales fabricadas en serie. Además, se promulgaron innumerables reglamentos que tildaron su ingenuidad de ilegal y hasta de delictiva. Este ejemplo ilustra el hecho de que son los pobres los primeros en padecer cuando una nueva mercancía castra uno de los tradicionales oficios de subsistencia. El desempleo útil de los cesantes se sacrifica a la expansión del mercado de trabajo. La construcción de la casa como actividad elegida por uno mismo se convierte en el privilegio de algunos ricos ociosos y extravagantes. + +Una vez que se ha incrustado en una cultura la adicción a la opulencia paralizante, genera “pobreza modernizada”. Esta forma de desvalor, que se asocia necesariamente a la multiplicación de productos industriales, escapa a la atención de los economistas porque no puede aprehenderse con sus mediciones, y a la de los servicios sociales porque sus métodos no son operativos para estos casos. Los economistas no disponen de medios efectivos para incluir en sus cálculos lo que pierde la sociedad en relación con cierto goce que no tiene su equivalente en el mercado. Así, se podría actualmente definir a los economistas como los miembros de una cofradía que sólo acepta a aquellas personas que, en el ejercicio de su labor profesional, saben practicar una adiestrada ceguera hacia la consecuencia social más fundamental del crecimiento económico: más allá de cierto umbral, cada grado que se añade en cuanto a la opulencia en mercancías trae como consecuencia un descenso en la habilidad personal para hacer y crear. + +Mientras la pobreza modernizada afectó solamente a los pobres, su existencia y su naturaleza permanecieron ocultas, aun en las conversaciones más corrientes. En la medida en que el desarrollo, o la modernización, llegó a los pobres que hasta entonces habían logrado sobrevivir, a pesar de su exclusión de muchos sectores de la economía de mercado, éstos se vieron implacablemente constreñidos a sobrevivir adquiriendo mercancías en un sistema de compras, lo que para ellos significa, siempre y necesariamente, obtener las escorias del mercado. A los indios de Oaxaca, que anteriormente no tenían acceso a las escuelas, los recluta ahora el sistema educativo para que “ganen” unos certificados que miden precisamente su inferioridad en relación con la población urbana. Además, y he aquí el sarcasmo, sin ese pedazo de papel no pueden siquiera ingresar en los oficios de la construcción. Este proceso —la modernización de renovados aspectos de la pobreza de los pobres— sigue ocultándose, culpando a las víctimas por su apreciación indiferente ante el acceso a los privilegios del progreso. Mientras tanto la alianza _non sancta_ entre los productores de mercancías y sus asistentes profesionales sigue cohesionándose sin cuestionamiento. + +Un resultado de lo que decimos de fuerte significación social es que ahora la pobreza modernizada se convierte en la experiencia común de todos, a excepción de aquellos que son tan ricos que pueden retirarse a su Arcadia. A medida que las facetas de la vida, unas después de otras, se hacen dependientes de los abastecimientos estandarizados, muy pocos nos libramos de esa experiencia recurrente de pobreza modernizada. En Estados Unidos, el consumidor promedio escucha casi 100 avisos publicitarios diariamente, pero sólo una docena de ellos lo hacen reaccionar y, en la mayoría de los casos, en forma negativa. Aun los compradores bien provistos de dinero, junto con la mercancía novedosa, adquieren una nueva experiencia de desutilidad. Sienten que adquirieron algo de dudoso valor, tal vez inútil a corto plazo o aun dañino, algo que exige también de complementos todavía más costosos. A veces, las actividades de los organismos de protección al consumidor vuelven consciente este proceso porque, si bien empiezan por exigir controles de calidad, pueden conducir a una resistencia radical por parte del consumidor. Hay muchos que se hallan casi dispuestos a reconocer abiertamente la existencia de una nueva forma de riqueza: la riqueza _frustradora_ , producida por la expansión cada vez mayor de una cultura de mercado intensivo. Además, los opulentos llegan a presentir el reflejo de su propia condición en el espejo de los pobres. Sin embargo, esta intuición generalmente no se desarrolla más allá de una especie de romanticismo. + +La ideología que identifica el progreso con la opulencia no se restringe, desde luego, a los países ricos. Esa misma ideología degrada las actividades no mercantilizables aun en zonas donde, hasta hace poco, casi todas las necesidades se satisfacían a través de un modo de vida de subsistencia. Los chinos, por ejemplo, inspirándose en su propia tradición, parecían estar dispuestos y ser capaces de redefinir el progreso técnico. Se veían listos para optar por la bicicleta en lugar del jet. Parecía que daban importancia a su propio poder de decisión local como una meta de un pueblo inventivo más que como un medio para la defensa nacional. Pero, en 1977, su propaganda glorifica la capacidad industrial china para dar, a bajo costo, mayor asistencia médica, educación, habitación y bienestar general. Provisionalmente, se asignan funciones meramente tácticas a las hierbas que se encuentran en las bolsas de los médicos descalzos o a los métodos de labor intensiva en la producción. En este caso, como en otros, la producción heterónoma de bienes —es decir, dirigida por otros—, estandarizada para distintas categorías de consumidores anónimos, fomenta las expectativas irreales y, en último término, frustradoras. Además, este proceso corrompe inevitablemente la confianza de la gente en esa siempre sorprendente competencia autónoma que encuentra dentro de sí misma y en su vecino. China representa simplemente el último ejemplo de la particular versión occidental de la modernización por medio de la dependencia de un mercado intensivo, que se apodera de una sociedad tradicional en la misma forma en que algunos cultos irracionales surgieron en comunidades aisladas como resultado de una invasión de esos extraños seres que se mataban en la segunda Guerra Mundial. + +## La metamorfosis de las necesidades + +Sin embargo, tanto en las sociedades tradicionales como en las modernas ha ocurrido un cambio importante en un periodo muy corto: se han modificado radicalmente los medios socialmente deseables para satisfacer las necesidades. El motor atrofió al músculo, la instrucción escolar mortificó la curiosidad, el médico se hizo necesario para todo hombre en pleno vigor. Como consecuencia de esto las necesidades y los deseos adquirieron un carácter que no tiene precedentes históricos. Por vez primera, las necesidades se volvieron casi exclusivamente colimitantes con las mercancías. La libertad para moverse se degradó en el esfuerzo hecho para producir, distribuir y consumir el derecho al transporte. La búsqueda insistente para crear un ámbito de libertad se eclipsó ante el derecho a consumir. Mientras la gente llegaba donde podía llegar por medio de sus propios pies, no requería para su movilidad sino de la libertad de movimiento; ahora que el hombre se percibe como un ente que debe transportarse, los hombres se distinguen unos de otros por la amplitud y calidad de sus derechos al uso de kilómetro-pasajero. El mundo no es ya ancho y ajeno sino una sucesión de lugares de estacionamientos. Para la mayoría de las personas, los deseos de adquirir siguen a las nuevas necesidades y no pueden imaginar siquiera que un hombre moderno pueda aspirar a liberarse de vivir en esta dependencia de ser transportado. Esta situación que se presenta hoy como una interdependencia rígida entre necesidades y mercado, se legitima por medio de un llamado al peritaje de una élite cuyo conocimiento, debido a su misma naturaleza, no puede compartirse. Los economistas de todo tipo informan al público que el número de empleos depende de los vatios en circulación. Los educadores convencen al público de que la productividad depende del nivel de instrucción. Los ginecólogos insisten en que la calidad de la vida infantil y materna depende de su intromisión en ella. Por lo tanto, no podremos cuestionar efectivamente la extensión casi universal de las culturas de mercado intensivo de mercancías mientras no se haya destruido la impunidad de las élites que legitiman el vínculo entre mercancía y necesidad. Este punto queda muy bien ilustrado en el relato que me hizo una mujer acerca del nacimiento de su tercer hijo. Ya para entonces se sentía con experiencia acerca del parto. Se encontraba en el hospital y sintió que el niño iba a nacer. Llamó a la enfermera quien, en vez de ayudarla, corrió en busca de una toalla esterilizada para empujar la cabeza del niño hacia atrás, de vuelta al útero. La enfermera ordenó a la madre que dejara de pujar porque “el doctor Levy aún no ha venido”. + +Ha llegado el momento de tomar una decisión pública. Las sociedades modernas, sean ricas o pobres, pueden tomar dos direcciones opuestas. Pueden producir una nueva lista de bienes —más seguros, con menos desperdicios y más fáciles de compartir— y, por ende, intensificar aún más la dependencia de productos estandarizados. O pueden abordar el problema de relación entre necesidades y satisfacción en una forma completamente nueva. En otras palabras, las sociedades pueden mantener sus economías de un mercado intensivo cambiando solamente el diseño de lo producido, o pueden reducir su dependencia de la mercancía. Esta última solución encierra la aventura de imaginar y construir nuevas infraestructuras en las que individuos y grupos primarios puedan desarrollar un conjunto de herramientas convivenciales. Estarían organizadas de manera que permitieran a la gente formar y satisfacer, directa y personalmente, una creciente proporción de sus necesidades. + +La primera opción mencionada representa una continua identificación del progreso técnico con la multiplicación de mercancías. Los administradores burocráticos del _ethos_ igualitario y los tecnócratas del bienestar, coincidirían en un llamado a la austeridad: reemplazar los bienes que —como los jets— no pueden obviamente compartirse, por un equipamiento llamado “social” —como los autobuses—; distribuir más equitativamente las decrecientes horas de empleo de que se dispone y limitar la tradicional semana laboral a 20 horas; diseñar el nuevo tiempo de vida de ocio para ocuparlo en reentrenamientos o servicios voluntarios, a la manera de Mao, Castro o Kennedy. Este nuevo estadio de sociedad industrial —si bien socialista, efectiva y racional— nos introduciría simplemente en un nuevo estado de la cultura que degrada la satisfacción de los deseos al convertirlos en un alivio repetitivo de necesidades imputadas por medio de artículos estandarizados. En el mejor de los casos, esta alternativa produciría bienes y servicios de tal forma que su distribución fuera más equitativa. La participación simbólica de la gente en las decisiones sobre lo que se debiera hacer podría transferirse, de la vociferación en el mercado al voto en la asamblea política. Se podría suavizar el impacto ambiental de la producción. Entre las mercancías, crecerían ciertamente mucho más rápidamente los servicios que la manufactura de bienes. Enormes sumas de dinero se invierten ya en la _industria oracular_ a fin de que los profetas de la administración puedan fabricar escenarios “alternativos” diseñados para apuntalar esta primera opción. Es interesante notar que estos oráculos convergen en un punto: en que sería insoportable el costo social necesario para producir desde arriba la austeridad indispensable en una sociedad ecológicamente factible, pero que aún continúa centrada en la industria. + +La segunda opción haría caer el telón sobre la dominación absoluta del mercado y fomentaría un _ethos_ de austeridad en beneficio de una variedad de acciones _satisfactorias._ Si bien en la primera alternativa _austeridad_ quiere decir la aceptación de los ukases administrativos en beneficio de la creciente productividad institucional, en la segunda, _austeridad_ querría significar esa virtud social por la cual la gente reconoce y decide los límites máximos de poder articulado que pueda exigir cualquier persona, a fin de conseguir su propia satisfacción y siempre en servicio de los demás. La “austeridad convivencial” inspira a una sociedad a proteger los valores de uso personales frente al enriquecimiento inhabilitante. Si en un lugar las bicicletas pertenecen a la comuna y en otro a los ciclistas, la naturaleza convivencial de la bicicleta como herramienta no cambia en nada. Tales mercancías seguirían produciéndose en gran medida con métodos industriales, pero se verían y se evaluarían en forma distinta. Actualmente las mercancías se consideran solamente como bienes de consumo que alimentan las necesidades creadas por _sus_ inventores. + +Dentro de esta segunda opción, las mercancías se valorizarían por ser materias bases o herramientas que permiten a la gente generar valores de uso para mantener la subsistencia de sus comunidades respectivas. Pero esta opción depende, por supuesto, de una revolución copérnica en nuestra percepción de los valores. Hoy los bienes de consumo y los servicios profesionales constituyen el centro de nuestro sistema económico y los especialistas relacionan nuestras necesidades exclusivamente con ese centro. La inversión social que contemplamos aquí colocaría en el centro de nuestro sistema económico a los valores de uso creados por la misma gente. Es cierto que la discriminación mundial contra los autodidactas ha viciado la confianza de muchas personas para determinar sus propias metas y necesidades. Pero esa misma discriminación ha dado origen a una minoría creciente que está enfurecida por este despojo insidioso. + +# Los servicios profesionales inhabilitantes + +Estas minorías ven ya la amenaza que encierra para ellas —y para toda vida cultural autóctona— los megainstrumentos que expropian sistemáticamente las condiciones ambientales. Ellas están prontas para poner fin a una Edad. Están resueltas a recuperar su autonomía para fijar sus propias metas, decididas a proteger el dominio sobre su propio cuerpo, su memoria y sus capacidades, determinadas a luchar contra la expropiación sistemática del ambiente vital perpetrada por el sistema industrial en expansión. Aunque es cierto que una mayoría se encuentra baldada por el transporte y son sólo unos cuantos los que están decididos a oponerse a una invasión ulterior de redes de carreteras; aunque una mayoría ve sus sueños y sus capacidades de soñar destruidos por el estrangulamiento de sus ritmos vitales y sólo son unos cuantos los que están dispuestos a pagar el precio necesario para rechazar tal situación; aunque una mayoría de mujeres ven su equilibrio hormonal destruido por la píldora anticonceptiva, y una mayoría de empleados, los espacios de silencio interior contaminados, y sean unos cuantos los que se organizan activamente, cada una de estas minorías representa una categoría de pobreza modernizada en la que potencialmente puede reconocerse la mayoría. El industrialismo tardío justificó la organización de la sociedad como un conglomerado de múltiples mayorías, todas estigmatizadas por las burocracias proveedoras de servicios; no obstante, en el interior de cada una de estas mayorías se desarrollan y crecen minorías activas, que se combinan entre sí en una nueva forma de disidencia. + +Pero, para poder dar término a una Edad, ella debe llevar un nombre adecuado. Propongo que se dé el nombre de Edad de las Profesiones Inhabilitantes a estos años medios del siglo XX. Elijo esta designación porque ella compromete a quienes la utilizan. Revela las funciones antisociales ejercidas por los proveedores menos desafiados —por los educadores, los médicos, los asistentes sociales, los científicos y otras bellas personas—. Simultáneamente enjuicia la complacencia de los ciudadanos que se han sometido, como clientes, a esta servidumbre multifacética. Hablar del poder de las profesiones inhabilitantes avergüenza a las víctimas y las lleva a reconocer la conspiración del eterno estudiante, del caso ginecológico o del consumidor, con sus administradores respectivos. Al describir el decenio de los sesenta como el del apogeo de los solucionadores de problemas, se evidencia de inmediato no sólo el orgullo de nuestras élites académicas sino la golosa credulidad de sus víctimas. + +Pero, este enfoque en los fabricantes de la imaginación social y en los valores culturales pretende más que exponer y denunciar: al designar los últimos 25 años como la Edad de las Profesiones Tiránicas, también se está proponiendo una estrategia. Se indica la necesidad de ir más allá de la redistribución experta de mercancías de desecho, irracionales y paralizantes, que son la marca del profesionalismo radical. Lo que propongo va obviamente mucho más allá de la crítica de la propia profesión, que ha ido tomando forma, en los últimos años, tanto en América del Norte y Europa como en ciertos países pobres, entre médicos, abogados o maestros, que se autodefinen frecuentemente como profesionales radicales. + +Esta estrategia exige nada menos que el desenmascaramiento del _ethos_ profesional. La fe y la confianza en el experto profesional, sea éste científico, terapeuta o ejecutivo, constituye el talón de Aquiles del sistema industrial. Por lo tanto, solamente las iniciativas de los ciudadanos y las tecnologías radicales que desafíen directamente la dominación enervante de las profesiones inhabilitantes podrán abrir el camino hacia la conquista de la libertad mediante una competencia no jerárquica, basada en la comunidad. Invalidar el _ethos_ profesional tal como existe actualmente es condición necesaria para el surgimiento de una nueva relación entre necesidades, herramientas contemporáneas y satisfacción personal. El primer paso para obtener esta invalidación liberadora es que el ciudadano adopte una postura escéptica y condescendiente ante el experto profesional. La reconstrucción social empieza por la duda. + +Cada vez que propongo el análisis del poder profesional como la clave para la reconstrucción de la sociedad, se me dice que es un error peligroso escoger este fenómeno como eje de la recuperación del sistema industrial. ¿Acaso las formas organizativas de los establecimientos educativos, médicos y de planificación son otra cosa que el reflejo de la distribución del poder y del privilegio de una élite capitalista? ¿No es irresponsable minar la confianza que el hombre de la calle ha depositado en su protector preparado científicamente, en su médico o en su economista, precisamente en los momentos en que los pobres necesitan protectores, necesitan del acceso al salón de clases, a las clínicas y a los expertos? ¿No debiera enjuiciarse el sistema industrial denunciando con más fuerza a los Rockefeller y a los Stalin? ¿Acaso no es malvado denunciar a la gente que adquirió con tanto esfuerzo el conocimiento necesario para reconocer y servir a nuestras necesidades de bienestar, particularmente si éstos provienen de la misma clase a la que protegen? De hecho, ¿no se debiera señalar y escoger a estas personas como los líderes más aptos para cumplir con las tareas sociales —ya en marcha— y para identificar las necesidades de la gente? + +Las argumentaciones contenidas en estas preguntas sólo presentan una defensa frenética de los privilegios de aquellas élites que, incluso pudiendo perder en ingresos, en realidad lograrían mayor estatus y poder si se hiciera más equitativo el acceso a sus servicios en esta nueva forma de economía de mercado intensivo. Una segunda serie de objeciones que se suscitan ante la posibilidad de una sociedad moderna centrada en los valores de uso, es aún más seria: surge de la conciencia del papel central que ha adquirido la seguridad nacional. Esta objeción particulariza, como punto central del análisis, a los conglomerados de la defensa, que aparentemente se hallan en el centro de toda sociedad burocrática-industrial. El argumento expuesto postula que las fuerzas de seguridad son el motor que está detrás de la reglamentación contemporánea universal en lo que atañe a la disciplina que depende del mercado. Identifica como principales fabricantes de necesidades a las burocracias armadas que nacieron cuando, bajo Luis XIV, Richelieu estableció la primera policía profesional, o sea, agencias profesionales que están actualmente a cargo de los armamentos, de la inteligencia y la propaganda. Desde Hiroshima, estos “servicios” han sido, al parecer, los que determinan la investigación, la planificación de la producción y el empleo. Estos servicios descansan sobre bases civiles: como la escolaridad para la disciplina, el entrenamiento del consumidor para el goce de lo inútil, el acostumbrarse a las velocidades violentas, la ingeniería médica para la vida en un refugio que abarca la tierra y la dependencia estandarizada de los temas de actualidad que dispensan benévolos policías de la cultura. Esta línea de pensamiento ve en la seguridad del Estado al generador de los patrones de producción de la sociedad y piensa que la economía civil es, en gran medida, un resultado o un prerrequisito de lo militar. + +Si fuera válida una argumentación construida alrededor de esta noción, ¿tendría una sociedad de este tipo la posibilidad de renunciar al poder atómico, aun sabiendo cuán venenoso, tiránico o contraproductivo puede resultar el exceso de energía ulterior? ¿Cómo esperar que un Estado conducido por su defensa tolerara la organización de grupos de ciudadanos descontentos que apartan a sus vecindades del consumo para proclamar la libertad de producir —en pequeña e intensiva escala— valores de uso, libertad dada en una atmósfera de austeridad gozosa y satisfactoria? ¿No tendría una sociedad militarizada que moverse en el acto contra los desertores de necesidades, calificarlos de traidores y, si fuera posible, exponerlos no sólo al desprecio sino al ridículo? ¿No tendría una sociedad conducida por la defensa que suprimir aquellos ejemplos que llevarían a una modernidad no violenta, en estos momentos en que la política pública exige una descentralización de la producción de mercancías (que recuerda a Mao) y un consumo más racional, equitativo y supervisado profesionalmente? + +Esta argumentación otorga un crédito indebido a lo militar como fuente de la violencia en un Estado industrial. Debemos denunciar como una ilusión esta presunción de que los requerimientos militares son culpables de la agresividad y destructividad de la sociedad industrial avanzada. Es evidente que si el dominio militar se hubiera anexado de alguna forma el sistema industrial y le hubiera arrancado al control civil las diferentes esferas de iniciativa y de acción sociales, el estado actual de la política hecha por la armada habría alcanzado un nivel irreversible; por lo menos imposible para una reforma civil. Ésta es, de hecho, la argumentación que esgrimen los líderes militares más brillantes de Brasil, quienes ven en las fuerzas armadas a los únicos tutores legítimos de la búsqueda pacífica de la industrialización durante lo que queda de este siglo. + +Pero esto simplemente no es así. El Estado industrial tardío no es un producto del ejército. Más bien el ejército es uno de los síntomas de su orientación firme y totalizadora. Es cierto que el presente modo de organización industrial puede tener sus antecedentes militares más remotos en tiempos napoleónicos. Es cierto que la educación obligatoria para los niños campesinos, en 1830, la atención universal de la salud para el proletariado industrial, en 1850, las crecientes redes de comunicación, lo mismo que la mayor parte de las formas de estandarización industrial, fueron estrategias introducidas en la sociedad, en primer lugar, como requerimientos militares, y sólo más tarde se entendieron como formas dignas de progreso pacífico, civil. Pero el hecho de que los _sistemas_ de salud, de educación y de bienestar necesitaran de una lógica militar para promulgarse como leyes, no significa que no tuvieran relación con el empuje industrial básico que, de hecho, nunca fue violento, pacífico o respetuoso de la gente. + +Hoy día es más fácil tener esta visión. Primero, porque desde el Polaris, ya no es posible distinguir entre ejércitos de tiempos de paz o de guerra y, segundo, porque desde la guerra contra la pobreza la paz está en pie de guerra. Actualmente, las sociedades industriales están constante y totalmente movilizadas; están organizadas para constantes emergencias públicas; son bombardeadas con estrategias variadas en todos los sectores; los campos de batalla de la salud, la educación, el bienestar y la igualdad están sembrados de víctimas y cubiertos de ruinas; las libertades de los ciudadanos se suspenden continuamente para lanzar campañas en contra de males siempre redescubiertos; cada año se descubren nuevos habitantes fronterizos que deben protegerse o recuperarse de algunos nuevos malestares, de alguna ignorancia previamente desconocida. Las necesidades básicas formuladas e imputadas por todas las agencias profesionales son necesidades para la defensa contra males. + +Los profesores y científicos sociales que hoy buscan culpar a los militares por la destructividad de las sociedades mercantilizadas intensamente, son gente que intenta detener, en forma bastante torpe, la erosión de su propia legitimidad. Alegan que los militares empujan al sistema industrial a este estado frustrador y destructivo, y distraen, por este medio, la atención sobre la naturaleza profundamente destructiva de una sociedad de mercado intensivo que lleva a sus ciudadanos a las guerras de hoy. A quienes buscan proteger la autonomía profesional contra la madurez ciudadana y a quienes desean mostrar al profesional como una víctima del Estado militarizado se les responderá con una simple alternativa: la dirección que los ciudadanos libres desean seguir a fin de superar la crisis mundial. + +## Hacia el fin de una época + +Para el sentido común, son cada vez más evidentes las ilusiones que llevaron a instituir a las profesiones como árbitros de las necesidades. A menudo, la gente ve lo que realmente son los procedimientos en el sector de servicios —por ejemplo, los de las compañías de seguros, o los rituales que ocultan a los ojos de la maraña proveedor-consumidor, la oposición que existe entre el ideal en aras del cual se rinde el servicio y la realidad engendrada por este servicio—. Las escuelas que prometen la misma ilustración para todos, generan una meritocracia degradante y una dependencia de por vida de una tutoría cada vez mayor. Los vehículos compelen a todos a ir cada vez más lejos y a correr más. Pero el público aún no tiene claras las posibilidades de elección. Los proyectos patrocinados por los líderes profesionales podrían desembocar en la aparición de los credos políticos compulsivos (con sus versiones que acompañan a un nuevo tipo de fascismo), o bien, los experimentos que emprendieran los ciudadanos podrían desechar nuestra _hybris_ como si fuese otra colección histórica de locuras, si bien neoprometeicas, esencialmente efímeras. Una opción informada requiere que examinemos el papel específico de las profesiones para determinar quién en esta Edad obtiene qué cosa y por qué. + +A fin de ver con claridad el presente, imaginemos a los niños que pronto jugarán entre las ruinas de las escuelas secundarias, de los Hilton y de los hospitales. En estos castillos profesionales convertidos en catedrales, construidos para protegernos de la ignorancia, la incomodidad, el dolor y la muerte, los niños de mañana representarán de nuevo en sus juegos las desilusiones de nuestra Edad de las Profesiones, tal como nosotros reconstruimos las cruzadas de los caballeros contra el pecado y los turcos, en la Edad de la Fe, en antiguos castillos y catedrales. En sus juegos, los niños asociarán el graznido universal que contamina hoy nuestro lenguaje con los arcaísmos heredados de los grandes gángsters y de los vaqueros. Los imagino llamándose unos a otros “Señor Presidente de la Asamblea” o “Señor Secretario” más bien que “Jefe” o “Sheriff”. + +Se recordará la Edad de las Profesiones como aquel tiempo en que la política entraba en descomposición cuando los ciudadanos, guiados por profesores, confiaban a tecnócratas el poder de legislar sobre sus necesidades, la autoridad de decidir quiénes necesitaban qué cosa y el monopolio de los medios que satisfacían estas necesidades. Se la recordará como la Edad de la Escolarización, cuando se entrenaba a la gente durante un tercio de sus vidas para que acumularan necesidades prescritas, y durante los dos tercios restantes pasaban a ser clientes de prestigiosos traficantes que dirigían sus hábitos. Se recordará la Edad de las Profesiones como aquella en que los viajes recreativos significaban la mirada fija y empaquetada hacia los extraños y que la intimidad exigía un previo entrenamiento con Masters y Johnson; cuando la opinión formada era un refrito del programa televisivo de la noche anterior, y votar era dar su aprobación a un vendedor sólo para tener más de lo mismo. + +Los estudiantes del futuro se sentirán tan confundidos por las supuestas diferencias entre las instituciones profesionales capitalistas y las socialistas, como se sienten los estudiantes de hoy con las pretendidas diferencias entre las últimas sectas cristianas reformadas. Descubrirán también que los bibliotecarios profesionales, los cirujanos, los diseñadores de supermercados en los países pobres o en los países socialistas, a fines de cada decenio, terminan teniendo los mismos registros, utilizando los mismos instrumentos y construyendo los mismos espacios que sus colegas de los países ricos habían introducido en los comienzos de la década. Los arqueólogos no fijarán los periodos de nuestra Edad de acuerdo con los restos de cerámica encontrados en las excavaciones, sino con las modas profesionales reflejadas en las tendencias de las publicaciones de las Naciones Unidas. + +Sería pretencioso predecir si esta Edad, en la que las necesidades se proyectan profesionalmente y de antemano, se recordará con una sonrisa o con una maldición. Desde luego yo espero que se recordará como la noche en que papá salió de juerga, malgastó la fortuna de la familia y obligó a sus hijos a empezar desde cero. Desgraciadamente, es mucho más probable que se recuerde como los tiempos en que toda una generación se lanzó a una búsqueda frenética de riqueza empobrecedora, permitiendo la alienación de todas las libertades, y que después de haber puesto la política a merced de las garras organizadas de los receptores de bienestar, dejó que se extinguiera en un totalitarismo experto. + +## Las profesiones dominantes + +Enfrentemos primero el hecho de que las asociaciones de especialistas que actualmente dominan la fabricación, la adjudicación y la satisfacción de necesidades forman un nuevo tipo de cartel. Es importante también saber reconocer las nuevas características esenciales del profesional en el industrialismo tardío. Si no se reconocen, ocurrirá que, inevitablemente, en el momento de la discusión, el nuevo biócrata se ocultará tras la máscara benévola del doctor de familia de antaño; el nuevo pedócrata y sus esfuerzos para “modificar comportamientos”, tomará la forma del inocente maestro de _kindergarden_ que hace unos experimentos interesantes y la lucha que se entable contra el nuevo seleccionador de personal, armado de todo un arsenal psicológico para la degradación, se llevará a cabo ineludiblemente con las antiguas tácticas desarrolladas para defenderse contra el capataz de la fábrica. Se debería bautizar a estos nuevos profesionales con algún término que todavía no tenemos. Las nuevas profesiones se encuentran atrincheradas mucho más profundamente que una burocracia bizantina. Son más internacionales que una Iglesia universal, más estables que un sindicato, dotadas de más capacidades que cualquier chamán y ejercen un dominio más fuerte que el de cualquier mafia sobre aquellos que reclaman controlar. + +Sin embargo, debemos distinguir cuidadosamente entre los nuevos especialistas organizados y los chantajistas mafiosos. Por ejemplo, los educadores pueden actualmente decir a la sociedad qué es lo que deben aprender y pueden descalificar todo lo aprendido fuera de la escuela. De acuerdo con esta clase de monopolio, que les permite impedir que usted haga sus compras en cualquier otra parte o que usted fabrique su propio licor, parecería, a primera vista, que les cuadra la definición que hace el diccionario de la palabra gángster. Pero los gángsters arrinconan una necesidad básica controlando los abastecimientos en provecho propio. Actualmente los médicos y los asistentes sociales —como antes los sacerdotes y abogados— obtienen un poder legal para crear necesidades que, de acuerdo con la ley, solamente ellos pueden satisfacer. Convierten al Estado moderno en una corporación que abarca a otras empresas que, a su vez, facilitan el ejercicio de sus capacidades, garantizadas por las mismas empresas. + +El control legalizado sobre el trabajo ha tomado muchas formas distintas: los soldados ocasionales rehusaban pelear mientras no habían adquirido licencia para saquear. Lisístrata organizó a las mujeres sometidas, para que, rechazando el sexo, obligaran a sus hombres a la paz. Los doctores de Cos se juramentaron para divulgar sólo a sus hijos los secretos del oficio. Fueron las corporaciones las que establecieron los currícula, los rezos, los exámenes, las peregrinaciones y las pruebas que tuvo que pasar Hans Sachs antes de que se le permitiera calzar a sus vecinos del burgo. En los países capitalistas los sindicatos procuran controlar quiénes han de trabajar, durante cuántas horas y cuál será el salario que percibirán. Todas estas asociaciones representan los esfuerzos que hacen los especialistas para determinar cómo y por quién debiera efectuarse un tipo de trabajo. Pero, ninguno de estos grupos constituyen una profesión en sentido estricto. Las profesiones tiránicas de hoy, de las cuales constituyen un buen ejemplo los médicos, el ejemplo literalmente más doloroso, van mucho más allá: ellos deciden qué es lo que se debe fabricar, por quién y cómo se debe administrar. Ellos proclaman un conocimiento especial, incomunicable, no solamente sobre lo que las cosas son y cómo deben hacerse sino sobre la razón de por qué se deben necesitar sus servicios. Los comerciantes venden los bienes que almacenan. Los hombres del gremio garantizan la calidad. Algunos artesanos confeccionan el artículo de acuerdo con las medidas y el antojo del cliente. Los profesionales le dicen a usted qué es lo que necesita. Reclaman para sí el poder de prescribir. No sólo aconsejan lo que es bueno, sino que decretan lo que es correcto. La característica del profesional no es ni el ingreso, ni una larga preparación, ni las tareas delicadas, ni la condición social. Sus ingresos pueden ser bajos o consumidos por los impuestos, su preparación puede demorar semanas en vez de años. Su estatus puede compararse al de la profesión más antigua de la historia. Más bien, es la autoridad que tiene el profesional para tomar la iniciativa de definir a una persona como cliente, para determinar las necesidades de esa persona y para entregarle una prescripción que lo defina en este nuevo rol social. A diferencia de las prostitutas de antaño, el profesional moderno no es quien vende lo que otros dan gratis, es más bien quien decide lo que debe venderse y no debe entregarse gratuitamente. + +Existe otra diferencia entre el poder profesional y el de otras ocupaciones. Este poder proviene de fuentes distintas. Una corporación, un sindicato o una mafia obligan a respetar sus intereses y derechos por medio de las huelgas, del soborno o de la violencia abierta. Una profesión, al igual que un clero, ejerce el poder cedido por una élite cuyos intereses apoya. Tal como un clero ofrece el camino de la salvación siguiendo los pasos de un soberano ungido, una profesión interpreta, protege y suministra un interés especial y de este mundo, a los súbditos de una sociedad moderna. El poder profesional es una forma especial que toma el privilegio de prescribir lo que es correcto para los demás y que, por lo tanto, necesitan. Este poder es la fuente de estatus y de mando en la Edad Industrial tardía. Esta suerte de poder profesional sólo puede existir en las sociedades en las que la pertenencia a la élite misma se adquiere y legitima por medio del estatus profesional. Le viene al dedillo a la Edad en que, hasta el acceso al Parlamento, o sea, a la Cámara de los Comunes, se encuentra, de hecho, restringido a quienes han obtenido el título de maestría que tasa su patrimonio de conocimientos almacenados que se les administraron en la universidad. La autonomía y la licencia profesional para definir las necesidades de la sociedad es la forma lógica que adopta la oligarquía en una cultura política que sustituye las antiguas formas de acreditación por certificados de las universidades. El poder que tienen las profesiones sobre el trabajo que realizan sus miembros es diferente, por lo tanto, no sólo en cuanto a su extensión sino en cuanto a su origen. + +## Las profesiones tiránicas + +El médico ambulante se convirtió en doctor en medicina cuando dejó el comercio de los medicamentos a los farmacéuticos y se reservó para sí mismo la facultad de prescribir. En ese momento adquirió una nueva forma de autoridad, juntando tres roles en un solo personaje. La autoridad sapiente para aconsejar, instruir y dirigir; la autoridad moral que hace su aceptación no sólo útil sino obligatoria; y la autoridad carismática que permite al médico apelar a cierto interés supremo de sus clientes, que no sólo está por encima de su conciencia sino, a veces, hasta por encima de la razón de Estado. Desde luego que este tipo de doctor aún existe, pero dentro del sistema médico moderno es una figura del pasado. Actualmente es bastante más común un nuevo tipo de científico de la salud aplicada. Cada vez más se ocupa de casos y no de personas; se ocupa de las desviaciones que detecta en el caso, más que de la dolencia que aqueja al individuo; protege el interés de la sociedad más que el interés de la persona. Los tipos de autoridad que se acumularon en la imagen del doctor de antaño, durante los años de liberalismo, y que colaboraban con el facultativo individual en el tratamiento del paciente, los detenta actualmente la corporación profesional al servicio del Estado. Es esta institución la que se adjudica hoy una misión social. + +En los últimos 25 años, la medicina se ha convertido, de una profesión liberal, en una profesión dominante al adquirir el poder de indicar lo que constituye una necesidad de salud para la _gente en general_. Los especialistas de la salud, en cuanto corporación, han adquirido la autoridad para determinar qué tipo de atención médica debe suministrarse a la sociedad en general. Ya no es un individuo profesional el que atribuye una “necesidad” a otro individuo como cliente, sino una agencia corporativa la que atribuye una necesidad a capas enteras de la población y es la que, en seguida, se adjudica el mandato de someter a prueba a la población entera a fin de identificar a aquellos que pertenecen al grupo de clientes potenciales. Lo que sucede en la esfera de la atención médica es totalmente coherente con lo que sucede en otros dominios. Cada día, una nueva secta se atribuye una nueva misión terapéutica y esta misión adquiere legitimidad pública. De la misma forma en que los educadores han conquistado el poder de diagnosticar y administrar terapias del comportamiento, los trabajadores sociales, los policías y los arquitectos, al igual que los médicos, gozan de amplia autoridad para crear instrumentos de diagnóstico que utilizan para cazar al cliente, instrumentos que el público ya no osa verificar. Docenas de fabricantes de otras necesidades tratan de imitarlos. Los banqueros internacionales se atribuyen el poder de diagnosticar las necesidades chilenas, bajo Allende o bajo Pinochet, y de definir las condiciones sin las cuales no administrarán las terapias. Los especialistas de la seguridad evalúan el riesgo que representan varias clases de ciudadanos y se atribuyen la competencia de invadir su ámbito privado. Ya no hay manera de parar la escalada de necesidades si no se exponen en forma política aquellas ilusiones que legitiman la tiranía profesional. Muchas profesiones se encuentran tan firmemente establecidas que no solamente ejercen tutoría sobre el ciudadano-vuelto-cliente sino que también conforman su mundo convertido-en-custodia. El lenguaje en que se percibe a sí mismo el ciudadano, su percepción de los derechos y libertades, y su conciencia de las necesidades, derivan de la hegemonía profesional. La diferencia que existe entre el artesano, el profesional liberal y el nuevo tecnócrata puede clarificarse si enfatizamos sus típicas reacciones ante la gente que despreciaba sus respectivos consejos. Si uno despreciaba el consejo del artesano, era un tonto. Si uno despreciaba el consejo liberal, era condenado por la sociedad. Si uno escapa, actualmente de la atención que el cirujano o el psiquiatra han decidido darle, el gobierno o la profesión misma pueden ser inculpadas. + +De artesano-mercader o consejero culto, el profesional se ha transformado en un cruzado filántropo que sabe cómo se debe alimentar a los niños, qué alumnos deben continuar estudios más avanzados y qué medicamentos la gente no debe consumir. Del tutor que observaba mientras uno memorizaba la lección, el maestro de escuela se ha transformado en un educador cuya cruzada moralizadora le da título de entrometerse entre uno y cualquier cosa que desee aprender. Aun los empleados de la perrera de Chicago se han transformado en expertos de control canino. Como resultado de este cambio el costo por eliminar un perro se ha elevado en 20 años, de 7.50 a 320 dólares. Mientras tanto, 5.4% de todas las lesiones tratadas en el hospital Cook County —el más grande del mundo— son mordeduras del mejor amigo del hombre. + +Los profesionales reclaman un monopolio sobre la definición de las desviaciones y sobre sus remedios. Por ejemplo, los abogados afirman que solamente ellos tienen competencia y derecho _legal_ para dar asistencia en un divorcio. Si uno descubre un método para divorcio “hágalo usted mismo”, se encontrará en un lío doble: si no es abogado queda expuesto a la acusación de practicar sin licencia; si es miembro de un despacho de abogados puede ser expulsado por falta de ética profesional. Los profesionales reclaman también un saber oculto sobre la naturaleza humana y sus debilidades, saber que sólo ellos pueden aplicar con utilidad. Los sepultureros, por ejemplo, no se convirtieron en miembros de una profesión por llamarse empresarios de pompas fúnebres, ni por obtener créditos escolares, ni por aumentar sus ingresos o por liberarse del olor que acompaña su negocio al ser elegido uno de ellos como presidente del Club de Leones. Los empresarios de pompas fúnebres forman una profesión, dominante e inhabilitante, desde el momento que tuvieron la fuerza para lograr que la policía detuviera un entierro si ellos no habían embalsamado y encajonado el cadáver. En cualquier campo donde se pueda inventar una necesidad humana, estas nuevas profesiones inhabilitantes se arrogan el estatus de expertos exclusivos del bien público. + +## Las profesiones establecidas + +La transformación de una profesión liberal en dominante equivale al establecimiento legal de una Iglesia de Estado. Los médicos transformados en biócratas, los maestros en gnoseócratas, los empresarios de pompas fúnebres en tanatócratas es algo que está mucho más cerca de las “clerecías” subsidiadas por el Estado que de las asociaciones comerciales. El profesional, como maestro de la línea de moda de la ortodoxia científica, actúa como teólogo. Como empresario moral, actúa en el papel del sacerdote: con su actuación crea la necesidad para su mediación. Como cruzado benefactor actúa en el papel de misionero a la caza de marginados. Como inquisidor pone fuera de la ley al no ortodoxo: impone sus soluciones al recalcitrante que rehúsa reconocerse como problema. Esta investidura multifacética, combinada con la labor de aliviar los inconvenientes específicos de la condición humana, hace que cada profesión sea análoga a un culto establecido. La aceptación pública de las profesiones tiránicas es esencialmente un hecho político. Toda afirmación nueva de legitimidad profesional significa que las tareas políticas de legislar, la revisión judicial de casos y el Poder Ejecutivo pierden algo de su independencia y de sus características propias. Los asuntos públicos pasan de las manos de legos escogidos por sus semejantes a las de una élite que se otorga por sus propios créditos. + +Cuando la medicina sobrepasó recientemente sus limitaciones liberales, invadió el campo legislativo y estableció normas públicas. Los médicos siempre habían determinado en qué consistían las enfermedades; actualmente la medicina determina cuáles son las enfermedades que la sociedad no tolerará. La medicina invadió las cortes de justicia. Los médicos siempre habían diagnosticado quién era el enfermo; sin embargo, la medicina etiqueta actualmente a los que merecen tratamiento. Los médicos liberales prescribían un tratamiento: la medicina dominante posee poderes públicos de rectificación; ella decide qué habrá de hacerse con los enfermos y cómo disponer de ellos. + +En una democracia, el poder de legislar, de aplicar las leyes y de hacer justicia debe derivar de los ciudadanos mismos. Este control ciudadano sobre los poderes clave ha sido restringido, debilitado y hasta abolido por la ascensión de profesiones “clericales”. Un gobierno que dicta sus leyes de acuerdo con las opiniones expertas de tales profesiones puede ser un gobierno _para_ la gente pero nunca _de_ la gente. Éste no es el momento de investigar cuáles fueron las intenciones para debilitar así el poder político. Basta con indicar la descalificación por parte de los profesionales de la opinión del vulgo como condición necesaria para tal subversión. + +Las libertades civiles se fundan en la norma que excluye todo testimonio de oídas de las declaraciones en que se basan las decisiones públicas. La máquina legal sólo funciona a partir de lo que la gente puede ver e interpretar por sí misma. Las opiniones, las creencias, las deducciones o persuasiones no se toman en cuenta cuando entran en conflicto con testigos presenciales. Invirtiendo esta norma, las élites de expertos se han vuelto profesiones dominantes. En los aparatos legislativos y en las cortes de justicia se ha descartado, de hecho, el reglamento contra la evidencia que antes proporcionaban testigos orales y oculares y se ha reemplazado por las opiniones que profieren los miembros de estas élites que se autoacreditan. + +Pero sería arriesgado confundir el uso público de conocimientos expertos con el juicio normativo entregado al ejercicio corporativo de una profesión. Cuando la corte de justicia citaba a un perito artesanal —por ejemplo un fabricante de armas— para que revelara al jurado los secretos de su oficio, en ese mismo lugar podía instruir al jurado sobre su arte. Determinaba, en una demostración práctica, de qué parte del cargador del revólver había provenido la bala. Hoy día, la mayoría de los expertos desempeñan un papel diferente. El profesional dominante aporta al jurado o a los legisladores la opinión de sus colegas, todos iniciados en la materia, en vez de aportar evidencia basada en hechos y en alguna destreza. Actúa como teólogo al servicio de la corte. Exige que se suspenda el reglamento de los testimonios de oídas, y socava inevitablemente el poder de la ley. De este modo el poder democrático se debilita cada vez más. + +## La hegemonía de las necesidades imputadas + +Si no fuera porque la gente está pronta a considerar como carencia lo que los expertos le imputan como necesidad, las profesiones no habrían podido llegar a hacerse dominantes e inhabilitantes. La dependencia entre unos y otros (como tutores y alumnos) se ha hecho resistente al análisis, debido a que se halla oscurecida por un lenguaje degenerado. Las buenas palabras de antaño se han transformado en hierros candentes que reclaman el control de los expertos sobre el hogar, la tienda, el comercio y el espacio y sobre todo lo que se da en medio de ellos. El lenguaje, el bien común más fundamental, se halla contaminando así por estas hilachas de jerga, retorcidas, pegajosas, cada una sujeta al control de una profesión. El empobrecimiento de las palabras, el agotamiento del lenguaje cotidiano y su degeneración en terminología burocrática equivale, de manera más íntimamente degradante, a la degradación ambiental tan a menudo discutida. No se pueden proponer cambios posibles en los planes, las actitudes y las leyes si no nos hacemos más sensibles al rechazo de estos nombres erróneos que sólo ocultan la dominación. Cuando yo aprendí a hablar, de _problemas_ se hablaba solamente en las matemáticas o en el ajedrez, de _soluciones_ sólo cuando eran salinas o legales y _necesitar_ se conjugaba, pero casi no se usaba como sustantivo. Las expresiones “Tengo un problema” o “Tengo una necesidad” sonaban tontas. Cuando llegué a mi adolescencia, y Hitler buscaba soluciones, también se extendió “el problema social”. Se descubrieron “niños problema” con matices siempre nuevos entre los pobres, a medida que los trabajadores sociales aprendían a catalogar a sus víctimas y a estandarizar sus “necesidades”. La necesidad, usada como sustantivo, llegó a ser el forraje que engordó a las profesiones hasta la tiranía. Así se modernizó la pobreza. Los nuevos términos transformaron una experiencia personal y comunitaria en asuntos de técnicas: los pobres se hicieron “necesitados”. + +Durante la segunda mitad de mi vida, “ser necesitado” llegó a ser algo respetable. Las necesidades, calculables e imputables, promovían en la escala social. Tener necesidades dejó de ser un signo de pobreza. El ingreso económico abrió nuevos registros de necesidades. Spok, Comfort y los divulgadores de Nader entrenaron a los legos en la compra de soluciones a los problemas que habían aprendido a cocinar de acuerdo con recetas profesionales. La educación calificó a los graduados para trepar hacia alturas cada vez más enrarecidas y plantar y cultivar allí cepas siempre nuevas de necesidades híbridas. + +Cada vez más un número creciente de medicamentos tuvieron que adquirirse bajo receta autorizada. Aumentó la prescripción y disminuyó la capacidad. Por ejemplo, en medicina, se prescribieron cada vez más medicamentos farmacológicamente activos y la gente perdió su voluntad y su habilidad para enfrentarse a una indisposición o a un malestar. Alrededor de 1 500 productos nuevos aparecen cada año en los estantes de los supermercados norteamericanos: después de un año sólo sobrevive 20%. El resto lo retiran después de un tiempo, habiendo servido a los vendedores como gancho, ya sea para experimentos o por haber sido modas efímeras o por haberse revelado como peligrosos para el consumidor, no económicos para el productor o por haber cedido ante la competencia. Cada vez más, los consumidores se ven forzados a buscar ayuda de los profesionales de la “defensa del consumidor”. + +Además, el reemplazo constante de los productos hace que los deseos se vuelvan superficiales y plásticos. Aunque suene paradójico resulta que el consumo elevado va a la par de una nueva forma de indiferencia de parte del consumidor: mientras mayor sea el número, el volumen y la especificidad de las necesidades que se le atribuyen profesionalmente, más grande se vuelve la indiferencia para satisfacer sus propios deseos, que ya no sabe especificar. Cada vez más, las necesidades se crean por _slogans_ comerciales, las compras se hacen por órdenes del decano universitario o de las expertas en belleza o de los ginecólogos, del dietista y de docenas de otros diagnosticadores con poder para prescribir. Resulta lógico que los quiromantes y los astrólogos nunca hayan vivido tanta prosperidad como hoy. Una asignación de este tipo parece casi razonable en una cultura en la que la acción propia no es el resultado de una experiencia personal en busca de una satisfacción, y en la que el consumidor consecuentemente adaptado sustituye las necesidades sentidas por las aprendidas. A medida que la gente se hace experta en el arte de aprender a necesitar, llega a ser cada vez más escasa la capacidad para aprender a moldear los deseos de acuerdo con la experiencia. A medida que las necesidades se parten en pedacitos cada vez más pequeños, cada uno administrado por el especialista apropiado, el consumidor siente dificultad en integrar en un todo significante —que pudiera desearse con empeño y poseerse con agrado— las ofertas que por separado le hacen sus distintos tutores. Los administradores de la empresa, los consejeros del estilo de vida, los asesores académicos, los expertos en dietas de moda, los desarrolladores de la sensibilidad y otros por el estilo, perciben claramente las nuevas posibilidades de control y se movilizan para equiparar los bienes envasados con estas necesidades astilladas. + +“Necesidad”, usado como sustantivo, es el sobretiraje individual de un modelo profesional; es la réplica en hule-espuma del molde con el que los profesionales marcan sus artículos; es el molde publicitado del panal de miel con el que se fabrican los consumidores. Ser ignorante o no estar convencido de las propias necesidades se ha vuelto el acto de disolución social imperdonable. El buen ciudadano es aquel que se adjudica necesidades engrapadas con tal convicción que ahoga cualquier deseo de buscar alternativas o de renunciar a estas necesidades. + +Cuando yo nací, antes de que Stalin, Hitler o Roosevelt fueran conocidos, sólo los ricos, hipocondriacos y miembros de los sindicatos poderosos, hablaban de necesidad de atención médica cuando les subía la temperatura. Era una necesidad cuestionable, porque los doctores no podían hacer mucho más de lo que había hecho la abuela. En la medicina, la primera mutación de las necesidades llegó con las sulfas y los antibióticos. Cuando el control de las infecciones llegó a ser una rutina simple y efectiva, cada vez más medicamentos pasaron a la lista de las prescripciones. La asignación del papel de enfermo llegó a ser un monopolio del médico. La persona que se sentía _mal_ tenía que ir a una clínica para que la etiquetaran con el nombre de una _enfermedad_ y poder así ser declarada legítimamente miembro de la minoría de los llamados enfermos; o sea, personas excusadas del trabajo, con título para que se les ayudara, puestas bajo las órdenes del doctor y obligadas a que se les cure, a fin de llegar a ser nuevamente útiles. En otras palabras, cuando la técnica farmacológica — _test_ y medicamentos— se volvió tan barata y predecible que la gente podría prescindir del médico, el sacerdocio médico llamó en su auxilio al brazo secular. + +La segunda mutación que experimentaron las necesidades médicas ocurrió cuando el enfermo dejó de ser minoría. Actualmente muy pocas personas se libran de estar bajo las órdenes médicas por algún tiempo. Tanto en Italia, como en Estados Unidos, en Francia o en Bélgica, uno de cada dos ciudadanos está siendo observado simultáneamente por más de tres profesionales de la salud, que lo tratan, lo aconsejan o simplemente lo observan. El objeto de esta atención especializada es, en la mayor parte de los casos, una condición de los dientes, del útero, de las emociones, de la presión sanguínea o de los niveles hormonales, que el paciente mismo no percibe. Los pacientes ya no son minoría. Quienes son minoría actualmente son los distintos tipos de desviados que escapan de un modo u otro a los diferentes roles de paciente. Esta minoría la constituyen los pobres, los campesinos, inmigrantes recientes y varios otros que, a veces por deseo propio, se han convertido en desertores del sistema médico. Hace solamente 20 años constituía un signo de salud normal, que presumía bueno, el poder pasársela sin un médico. La misma condición de no paciente se ve hoy como indicativo de desamparo o de disidencia. Incluso la condición de hipocondriaco ha cambiado. Para un profesional liberal, ésta era la etiqueta aplicable a alguien que entraba dando un portazo, o sea, una designación reservada al enfermo imaginario. Ahora, los médicos la utilizan para referirse a la minoría que se les escapa: hipocondriacos son los sanos imaginarios. Ser parte del sistema profesional, como cliente de por vida, no es ya un estigma que separa al incapacitado del ciudadano común. Vivimos hoy en una sociedad organizada para las mayorías desviadas y para sus guardianes. Ser cliente activo de muchos profesionales nos permite tener un lugar bien definido dentro del reino de los consumidores para quienes funciona esta sociedad. De este modo, la transformación de la medicina, de profesión liberal de consulta en profesión dominante e inhabilitante, ha aumentado inconmensurablemente el número de los necesitados. + +En este momento crítico, las necesidades atribuidas experimentan su tercera mutación. Se están fundiendo en lo que los expertos llaman un problema multidisciplinario y que, por lo tanto, requiere de una solución multiprofesional. En primer lugar, la multiplicación de las mercancías, que trata cada una de ellas de convertirse en una exigencia para el hombre moderno, logró un entrenamiento eficaz del consumidor para que necesitara cuando se ordenara. Después, la fragmentación progresiva de las necesidades en partes cada vez más pequeñas y más desconectadas logró que el cliente dependiera del juicio profesional para poder combinar sus necesidades en un todo que tuviera sentido. Un buen ejemplo nos lo da la industria automotriz. A fines de los años sesenta, el equipo opcional que se necesitaba para hacer deseable un Ford corriente había aumentado enormemente. La mayor parte de este equipo se instalaba en la misma ciudad de Detroit, y el comprador que vivía en Plains o en cualquier otra ciudad solamente tenía la posibilidad de escoger entre el convertible que deseaba, pero con asientos verdes, y los asientos con piel de leopardo que quería, pero con techo duro. El consumidor, que ya antes había aprendido a depender de la mercancía, ahora tiene que aprender a resignarse a que otros escojan en su lugar. + +Por último, el cliente se entrena para que necesite una ayuda-equipo al recibir lo que sus guardianes consideran un “tratamiento satisfactorio”. Los servicios personales que hacen sentirse mejor al consumidor ilustran este punto. La abundancia terapéutica ha agotado el tiempo de vida disponible de muchas personas a quienes los servicios profesionales diagnosticaron de “necesitar aún más”. La intensidad de la economía de servicios ha hecho cada vez más insuficiente el tiempo que se necesita para el consumo de tratamientos pedagógicos, médicos o sociales. La escasez de tiempo puede convertirse muy pronto en el mayor obstáculo para el consumo de servicios prescritos, a menudo financiados por organismos públicos. Síntomas de esta escasez se hacen evidentes desde los primeros años de cualquier persona. Ya en el _kindergarden_ , el niño está sujeto al control de un equipo constituido por especialistas, como el alergista, el patólogo del lenguaje, el pediatra, el psicólogo de niños, el trabajador social, el instructor de educación física y el maestro. Al formar un equipo pedocrático (de poder sobre el niño) de tal tipo, muchos profesionales intentan compartir el tiempo que se ha convertido en el factor más limitante para la atribución de nuevas necesidades. Para el adulto, no es en el colegio, sino en el lugar de trabajo donde se concentran los paquetes de servicios. El administrador del personal, el educador laboral, el entrenador de turno, el planificador de seguros, el animador de conciencias, encuentran más provechoso compartir el tiempo del obrero que competir por él. Un ciudadano sin necesidades sería sospechoso. Se le dice a la gente que necesita de su trabajo no tanto por el dinero que percibe como por las prestaciones que obtiene. Las cosas comunes se extinguieron y se reemplazaron por una nueva matriz hecha de conductos que suministran servicios profesionales. La vida se halla paralizada en un permanente cuidado intensivo. La profecía de Leonardo da Vinci se está cumpliendo: “Los hombres llegarán a tal grado de envilecimiento que estarán contentos de que otros se aprovechen de sus sufrimientos o de la pérdida de su verdadera riqueza: la salud”.[^n01] + +# Para terminar con las necesidades + +La mutilación del ciudadano a causa del dominio profesional se refuerza con el poder de la ilusión. La esperanza de la salvación por medio de la religión cede paso frente a la esperanza de los servicios profesionales de los que el Estado es el supremo administrador. Cada sacerdote especializado se arroga la capacidad de definir las dificultades de la masa en términos de problemas específicos y solucionables mediante cualquier servicio. Aceptar esta pretensión vuelve a legitimar en el profano, cuyo mundo gira en una cámara de resonancias de necesidades, la dócil aceptación de las necesidades que se le atribuyen. No se trata de mirar un horizonte urbano para ver reflejarse en él este dominio. En todas las alturas, los grandes edificios profesionales dominan a las muchedumbres que van de uno a otro en su ininterrumpida peregrinación a los nuevos santuarios de la salud, de la educación o del bienestar. Las casas “sanas” son, desde entonces, departamentos asépticos donde no se puede nacer, ni enfermarse ni morir decentemente. Los vecinos que nos ayudan, los médicos que vienen a domicilio son especies en vías de desaparición. A los sitios de trabajo apropiados para el aprendizaje se les ha sustituido por opacos laberintos de corredores que sólo se abren delante de funcionarios que llevan colgadas en el reverso de la bata su identidad enmicada. Un mundo concebido para el suministro de servicios es la Utopía de los ciudadanos convertidos en beneficiarios de prestaciones de bienestar. + +La mayor adicción a la imputación, la fascinación paralizante que ejerce en los pobres, sería hermosamente irreversible si la gente respondiera realmente al análisis que se hace de sus necesidades. Pero ése no es el caso. Más allá de cierto nivel de intensidad, la medicina engendra la incapacidad y la enfermedad; el sistema de transportes rápidos transforma a los citadinos en pasajeros durante alrededor de una sexta parte de su existencia (con excepción del tiempo de sueño) y, durante otra sexta parte, en condenados que trabajan para pagar a Ford, a Esso y a la administración de las carreteras. El umbral a partir del cual la medicina, la educación o los transportes se vuelven herramientas contraproductivas lo han alcanzado los países donde el impuesto per cápita es comparable, en el mínimo, a Cuba. Contrariamente a las ilusiones propagadas por la línea ortodoxa, en los países del Este y del Occidente esta contraproductividad específica no tiene relación con el _género_ de escuela, de vehículo o de sistema de salud en uso. Llega, en efecto, cuando la intensidad heterónoma sobrepasa, en los procesos de producción, un umbral crítico. + +Nuestras principales instituciones han adquirido la extraña capacidad de alcanzar objetivos inversos a aquellos que originalmente se concibieron y financiaron. Bajo la férula de nuestras más prestigiosas profesiones, nuestras herramientas institucionales tienen paradójicamente como principal producto la contraproductividad —la mutilación sistemática de los ciudadanos—. Una ciudad construida alrededor de vehículos se vuelve impropia para los peatones y ninguna multiplicación de los primeros logrará la inmovilidad fabricada de los segundos —de aquellos a quienes han convertido en enfermos—. La acción autónoma está paralizada por un sobrecrecimiento de los productos y de los tratamientos. Pero eso no representa simplemente una pérdida completa bajo las relaciones de satisfacción que, en ellas mismas, no encuentran cómo insertarse en la era industrial. La incapacidad de producir valores de uso vuelve ineficaces los productos precisamente destinados a reemplazarlos. Productos como el transporte automovilizado, la medicina, la enseñanza, la gestión, se transforman en ruido ambiental destructivo para el consumidor que sólo beneficia a los proveedores de servicios. + +¿Pero entonces por qué no asistimos a rebeliones contra esta deriva de la sociedad industrial avanzada que termina por ser sólo un inmenso sistema mutilante de suministro de servicios? La principal explicación reside en el poder que tiene éste de engendrar ilusiones. Además, la acción, propiamente material sobre el cuerpo y los espíritus, de las instituciones profesionalizadas funciona igualmente como un poderoso ritual generador de fe en los resultados prometidos por la administración. Además de que le enseña a leer al niño, la escuela le enseña que es “mejor” estudiar con profesores y que, sin la escolaridad obligatoria, los pobres leerán menos libros. Además de que permite desplazarse, el autobús, tanto como el vehículo particular, remodela el entorno y hace pasar de moda el caminar. Además de que ayudan a defraudar al fisco, los consejeros jurídicos comprueban que las leyes resuelven problemas. Una parte, siempre creciente, de las funciones de nuestras principales instituciones es la de mantener y reforzar tres juegos de ilusiones que transforman al ciudadano en cliente que sólo puede alcanzar su salvación mediante los expertos. + +## El equívoco entre congestión y parálisis + +La primera ilusión avasalladora es la idea de que la gente nació para consumir y que sólo puede alcanzar cualquier objetivo comprando bienes y servicios. Esta ilusión procede de un enceguecimiento inculcado en relación con el “precio” de los valores de uso en una economía. En ninguno de los modelos económicos que las naciones han elegido seguir figuran variables que correspondan a los valores de uso no mercantil o que introduzcan la eterna contribución de la naturaleza. Sin embargo, ninguna economía sobreviviría si la producción de valores de uso se redujera hasta el punto en que, por ejemplo, mantener la casa o cumplir con el deber conyugal se convirtieran en prestaciones remuneradas. Lo que efectúa o fabrica la gente, y que no puede ni quiere vender, es también inconmensurable e inestimable para la economía como el oxígeno para la función respiratoria. + +La ilusión de que los modelos económicos pueden ignorar los valores de uso se desprende de la convicción de que estas actividades que designamos mediante verbos intransitivos pueden reemplazarse indefinidamente por productos institucionalmente definidos y designados con sustantivos: la enseñanza reemplaza a “aprendo”; el cuidado de la salud reemplaza a “sano”; los transportes reemplazan a “me desplazo”. + +La confusión entre los valores personales y los valores estandarizados se ha extendido a la mayoría de los dominios. Bajo el báculo profesional, los valores de uso se disuelven, caen en desuso y terminan por perder su naturaleza distinta. Cuidado institucional y amor terminan por coincidir en él. Diez años de explotación de una granja se lanzan a una “batidora” pedagógica y, al concluir, equivalen a un diploma universitario. Las cosas que se recogen al azar, y que se incuban en la libertad de la calle, se agregan en tanto “experiencias educativas” a las que se les atiborra a los alumnos. Los contadores del saber parecen ignorar que las dos actividades, al igual que el agua y la gasolina, se mezclan sólo en tanto están emulsionadas —aquí por la percepción de un educador—. Las indulgentes camarillas de buscadores de necesidades no podrían continuar imponiéndonoslas, como tampoco sacándonos dinero de nuestra bolsa para financiar sus exámenes, sus redes y otras imposturas, si no estuviéramos paralizados por esta especie de ávida creencia. + +La utilidad de los bienes de consumo o de productos condicionados está intrínsecamente limitada por dos fronteras que no deben confundirse. En primer lugar, las filas de los que esperan detendrán tarde o temprano el funcionamiento de cualquier sistema que secrete necesidades más rápidamente que los productos destinados a satisfacerlas; en segundo lugar, la dependencia en relación con los productos determinará que, a consecuencia de esas necesidades, tarde o temprano la autonomía se paralizará en los dominios en cuestión. La utilidad de los productos está limitada por la _congestión_ y por la _parálisis_. Una y otra son resultantes de la escalada en cualquier sector de producción, tanto como cada una lo es a su manera. La congestión, que permite medir hasta dónde los productos pueden “acelerarse”, explica por qué el coche privado no es de ninguna utilidad para desplazarse a Manhattan; en compensación, no explica por qué la gente se rompe el lomo trabajando con el objeto de pagar las primas de seguros de coches en los que no puede desplazarse. Tomada aisladamente, tampoco explica por qué la gente se dejó esclavizar de tal forma por los vehículos que simplemente perdió el uso de sus extremidades inferiores. + +Si la gente se hace cada vez más cautiva de una velocidad que la retrasa, de una instrucción que la embrutece y de una medicina que le desequilibra la salud, es porque más allá de cierto umbral de intensidad la dependencia de bienes industriales y de servicios profesionales destruye la potencialidad del hombre, y la destruye de una manera específica. Los productos sólo pueden reemplazar lo que la gente efectúa o fabrica por símisma hasta cierto punto. Los valores de cambio sólo pueden reemplazar los valores de uso de manera satisfactoria hasta cierto punto. Más allá de ese punto, cualquier producto suplementario sólo beneficia al productor profesional, mientras que desorienta y atonta al consumidor satisfaciéndolo con una necesidad que el primero le ha imputado. El placer que causa la satisfacción de una necesidad sólo toma su plena significación por referencia al recuerdo de una acción autónoma personal. Hay límites más allá de los cuales la multiplicación de los productos altera precisamente en el consumidor la facultad de afirmarse actuando. + +Al recibir sólo lo “totalmente hecho”, lo que le prohíbe cualquier posibilidad de actuar por sí mismo, el consumidor se siente inevitablemente frustrado. El grado de bienestar de una sociedad no resulta, en ningún caso, de la adición de dos modos de producción, heterónomo o autónomo, sino de la asociación fructífera de la sinergia entre valores de uso y productos normalizados. + +La producción heterónoma de una mercancía sólo realza y completa hasta cierto punto la producción autónoma del objetivo personal correspondiente. Más allá de cierto punto, la sinergia entre los dos modos de producción se vuelve paradójicamente contra el objetivo pretendido a la vez por el valor de uso y por la mercancía. Esto es un hecho que la vasta corriente ecológica generalmente olvida. Así, la crítica de las centrales nucleares se dirige hacia los peligros de las radiaciones o sobre las amenazas de un despotismo tecnocrático. Pero, fuera de eso, son raros aquellos que osan denunciar su contribución a la subordinación de la energía. Al desconocer que la superproducción energética paraliza la acción del hombre, se reclama _otra_ producción energética, pero no _menor_. De la misma forma, los límites inexorables del crecimiento que son inherentes a cualquier organización prestadora de servicios son todavía ampliamente desconocidos. Debería, en consecuencia, ser evidente que la institucionalización de los cuidados de la salud sólo puede fabricar gente con mala salud o que la formación permanente sólo puede engendrar una cultura para gente programada. La ecología sólo proporcionará puntos de referencia en la vía de una modernidad viable cuando tomemos conciencia de que el entorno formado por el hombre en función de productos aminora a tal punto su facultad de reacción personal que esos productos pierden su valor como medios de satisfacción. Si no se comprende esto, la puesta en marcha de una tecnología industrial más limpia, menos agresiva, podría alcanzar niveles todavía más intangibles de saciedad frustrante. + +La supremacía del mercado conduce a la contraproductividad. La razón fundamental reside en el monopolio que los productos en serie ejercen sobre la formación de las necesidades. Ese monopolio sobrepasa de lejos lo que habitualmente designamos con ese término. De esa forma, un monopolio comercial impone en el mercado su marca de whisky o de automóvil. Un cartel monopolista puede restringir todavía más la libertad, apoderándose, por ejemplo, de los transportes comunitarios para promover los vehículos privados —como lo ha hecho la General Motors comprando y periclitando los tranvías de San Francisco—. Podemos escapar al primero bebiendo ron y, al segundo, rodando en bicicleta. Sin embargo, empleo el término de “monopolio radical” para designar otra realidad: la sustitución de las actividades útiles a las que se libra, o desearía librarse, la gente, por un producto industrial o de servicio profesional. Un monopolio radical paraliza la acción autónoma en beneficio de prestaciones profesionales. En la medida en que los vehículos desorganicen a la gente y sea necesario regular la circulación, la gente será cada vez más incapaz de volver a su casa a pie. Aunque los motores funcionaran con energía solar, los coches estarían hechos con el aire del tiempo que el monopolio radical ejercería todavía, ya que es inseparable de la circulación de velocidad excesiva. De la misma forma, entre más permanezca una persona bajo la autoridad de la enseñanza, tendrá menos tiempo disponible para reflexionar o descubrir cualquier cosa por sí misma. En todos los dominios existe un umbral más allá del cual la abundancia de bienes ofrecidos al consumo vuelve al medio de tal forma impropio para la acción personal que la sinergia posible entre los valores de uso y los productos se vuelve negativa. Paradójica, específica, la contraproductividad se instala. Emplearé este término cada vez que la impotencia que resulta de la sustitución de un valor de uso por su producto prive precisamente a ese producto de _su_ valor. + +## El desconocimiento de las herramientas convivenciales + +El hombre deja de ser definible como tal cuando ya no es capaz de modelar sus propias necesidades mediante el empleo más o menos competente de herramientas que le proporcionó su cultura. A lo largo de la historia, las herramientas han sido, antes que nada, instrumentos de trabajo empleados en una producción doméstica. Las palas y los martillos sólo servían marginalmente para otros fines, ya se tratara de levantar pirámides o de fabricar excedentes disponibles para el trueque, los regalos o, de manera más rara, para un intercambio por dinero. Las ocasiones de obtener un beneficio de ellas eran limitadas. El trabajo, por lo general, sólo estaba destinado para crear valores de uso no intercambiables. Sin embargo, el progreso tecnológico se empeñó en realizar un género muy diferente de herramienta: la herramienta destinada a producir lo “vendible”. Eso comenzó con la Revolución industrial: la intervención de la nueva tecnología reducía el trabajo al papel del chaplinesco robot de _Tiempos modernos_. Pero, en ese estado precoz, el modo industrial de producción todavía no paralizaba a la gente una vez que “dejaba la chamba”. Mientras que ahora, hombres y mujeres, al estar prácticamente sujetos al suministro de fragmentos estandarizados producidos por herramientas accionadas por sus anónimos colegas, no encuentran ya, en el mantenimiento de las herramientas, esa satisfacción directa que estimulaba la evolución de los hombres y de sus culturas. Sus necesidades y su consumo se han multiplicado notablemente, mientras que su satisfacción al manejar herramientas se aquieta —y dejan de llevar una existencia a la vista de la cual su organismo adquirió su forma—. En el mejor de los casos, apenas sobreviven, incluso en un medio tornasolado. Toda su vida no es más que un encantamiento de necesidades que sucesivamente son satisfechas con el fin de suscitar las siguientes necesidades —y la necesidad de satisfacerlas—. Ahí, el hombre-consumidor-pasivo termina por perder hasta la capacidad de hacer la diferencia entre vivir y sobrevivir. En lugar de aprovechar la vida, apuesta sobre la propia esperanza de vida, vibra con la esperanza de estar “bien asistido”. En un ambiente así se vuelve fácil olvidar que sólo se está satisfecho y feliz en la medida en que la conciencia personal de su propia necesidad y los “suministros” destinados a satisfacerlas permanecen en equilibrio. + +La ilusión de que las herramientas al servicio de instituciones de vocación mercantil pueden impunemente destruir las condiciones de vida que reposan sobre medios convivenciales al alcance de cada uno, permite asfixiar cualquier “conciencia” conceptualizando el progreso tecnológico, que se vuelve entonces promotor de productos que autorizan cualquier escalada de la dominación profesional. Esta ilusión dicta que las herramientas, con el fin de ganar en eficacia en la persecución de propósitos específicos, se vuelven inevitablemente más complejas y misteriosas. Sólo hay que pensar en las carlingas y en las grúas. Parece que las herramientas modernas requieren necesariamente operaciones especiales, dotadas de una alta formación técnica y, por lo tanto, susceptibles de inspirar una confianza verdaderamente fundada. + +De hecho, es precisamente lo contrario lo que por lo general es verdad. Entre mayor es la multiplicación de las técnicas, más se parcializan al especializarse, y menos su manejo requiere de una decisión compleja. La confianza del cliente, sobre la que la autonomía del miembro de una profesión liberal o incluso la del artesano se edificaba, ya no es necesaria. A medida que avanzaba la medicina, sólo una muy débil fracción del volumen total de los servicios médicos demostrados útiles exigía una formación avanzada —y una inteligencia notable—. Desde un punto de vista social, deberíamos reservar la designación de “progreso técnico” a los casos en que nuevas herramientas estiraran la capacidad y la eficacia de un mayor número de gente; en particular cuando nuevas herramientas permitieran una producción más autónoma de valores de uso. + +No hay nada _inevitable_ en el monopolio profesional que extiende su dominio sobre la nueva tecnología. Las grandes invenciones del último siglo, como las nuevas aleaciones, los rodajes con baleros, algunos materiales de construcción, los circuitos impresos, algunos análisis y medicamentos, son susceptibles de acrecentar el poder de los dos modos de producción, heterónomo y autónomo. Sólo que la mayor parte de la tecnología no se ha incorporado al herramental convivencial sino a condicionamientos y complejos institucionales. Al ser eminentemente capaz de servir a sus amos, los profesionales han puesto la nueva tecnología al servicio de la producción industrial y con ello han adquirido un monopolio radical. La contraproductividad en la que desemboca la parálisis de la producción de valores de uso resulta de esta noción de progreso tecnológico. + +No existe “imperativo tecnológico” que exija que el rodamiento con baleros se emplee en los vehículos motorizados o que la electrónica se utilice para controlar el funcionamiento cerebral. La institución de la circulación a gran velocidad o la de la protección de la salud mental _no resultan necesariamente_ de los rodamientos con baleros o de los circuitos impresos. Sus funciones están determinadas por las necesidades de servicio para las cuales se hicieron —necesidades que ante todo imputan y refuerzan los profesionales—. Éste es un hecho que, en las profesiones mismas, parece escapar a los jóvenes turcos radicales cuando, al justificar su fidelidad institucional, se presentan como los sacerdotes públicamente investidos del encargo de domesticar el progreso tecnológico. Es también la sujeción respecto a la idea del progreso la que hace que únicamente se considere a la ingeniería como contribución a la eficacia institucional. Sólo a las investigaciones científicas susceptibles de aplicaciones militares o que refuerzan más el dominio profesional se les asignan gruesos créditos. Las aleaciones gracias a las cuales pueden fabricarse bicicletas a la vez más robustas y ligeras proceden de los estudios emprendidos para hacer a los aviones de propulsión más rápidos y a las armas más mortíferas. Pero es principalmente el herramental industrial el que se beneficia con los resultados de la investigación. En esa forma, máquinas ya de por sí enormes se vuelven todavía más complejas, más incomprensibles para el profano. Este prejuicio, al colorear la visión que los científicos y los técnicos tienen de su tarea, viene a reforzar una tendencia ya predominante: rechaza las necesidades que implican una acción autónoma y multiplican las necesidades que implican la adquisición de bienes de consumo. Las herramientas convivenciales que facilitan el disfrute individual de los valores de uso —y que sólo requieren muy poca, o casi ninguna, vigilancia médica, policiaca o administrativa— sólo tienen cabida en dos extremos: en los trabajadores asiáticos despojados y en los estudiantes y profesores ricos, que son las dos especies de gente que va en bicicleta. + +Desde hace poco, ciertos grupos de profesionales, de organismos gubernamentales y de organizaciones internacionales han comenzado a estudiar, desarrollar y preconizar una tecnología “ligera”. Se podría pensar que esos esfuerzos apuntan a escapar de la servidumbre de los imperativos tecnológicos. Pero, en el conjunto, esta nueva tecnología, concebida para la autointervensión en el dominio de la salud, de la enseñanza o de la construcción de viviendas, no es más que otra forma de poderosa sujeción en relación con el suministro de bienes. Así, se pide a los expertos concebir botiquines farmacéuticos familiares que permitan a la gente seguir las directrices que el médico le da por teléfono. Se enseña a las mujeres a descubrir por sí mismas un eventual cáncer de mama con el fin de darle trabajo al cirujano. Los cubanos tienen licencias remuneradas para levantar sus casas prefabricadas. A medida en que el prestigio y la seducción de los productos profesionales se vuelven menos onerosos, terminan por hacer que ricos y pobres se parezcan cada vez más estrechamente entre ellos. Bolivianos y suecos se sienten parecidamente atrasados, subprivilegiados y explotados en la medida en que se instruyen sin profesores diplomados, tienen buena salud sin supervisión médica y se desplazan sin prótesis motorizadas. + +## La confusión entre libertades y derechos + +La tercera ilusión mutilante consiste en confiar a los expertos el cuidado de fijar límites al crecimiento. Se estima que están listas para ser instruidas con lo que no necesitan las poblaciones socialmente condicionadas para experimentar necesidades “sobre pedido”. Los mismos agentes multinacionales que durante una generación han impuesto tanto a los ricos como a los pobres un nivel internacional de consumo de contabilidad, de desodorantes o de energía, patrocinan al Club de Roma. Dócilmente la UNESCO se pone de su parte y forma especialistas de la imputación de necesidades a nivel regional. Así, supuestamente para su bien, a los ricos se les programa para cubrir los gastos de un crecimiento de dominio profesional costoso en ellos y para asignar a los pobres necesidades menos onerosas y más restringidas. Entre los nuevos profesionales algunos son demasiado clarividentes para constatar que la disminución de los productos refuerza también el dirigismo de las necesidades. La planificación central de la descentralización óptima de la producción se volvió la tarea más prestigiosa de 1977. Pero lo que todavía no se reconoce es que alcanzar la salud de los límites decretados por profesionales termina por confundir libertades y derechos. + +En cada una de las siete regiones del mundo definidas por la ONU se ha formado una nueva clerecía para predicar el estilo apropiado de austeridad puesta a punto por los nuevos creadores de necesidades. Los “concientizadores” se esparcen en las comunidades locales para incitar a la gente a que alcance los objetivos de producción descentralizada que se le fijaron. Ordeñar la cabra familiar constituía una libertad; la planificación ha hecho de ello un deber para contribuir al producto nacional bruto. + +La sinergia entre producción autónoma y producción heterónoma se refleja en el equilibrio que mantiene la sociedad entre libertades y derechos. Las libertades protegen los valores de uso, como los derechos protegen el acceso a los productos. De igual manera que los productos pueden asfixiar la posibilidad de crear valores de uso y transformarse en riqueza empobrecedora, la definición profesional de derechos puede asfixiar las libertades y asentar una tiranía que sepulte a la gente bajo sus derechos. + +Se revela muy claramente la confusión si se considera a los especialistas de la salud. La salud es precisamente el ejercicio de libertades y derechos. La salud designa la zona de autonomía en el seno de la cual una persona rige sus propios estados biológicos y las condiciones de su entorno inmediato. La salud es el grado de libertad vivido. Desde ese momento, los que se preocupan del bien público deberían emplearse en garantizar la distribución equitativa de la salud en tanto libertad, la cual, en su momento, depende de condiciones del entorno que únicamente se realizan por intervenciones políticas organizadas. Más allá de cierto nivel de intensidad, el cuidado de la salud profesional, tan equitativamente distribuido como se quiera, asfixiará la salud en tanto libertad. En este sentido fundamental, el cuidado de la salud es una cuestión de libertad bien protegida. + +Es evidente que dicha noción de la salud implica una petición de principio de las libertades inalienables. Es necesario, a este respecto, distinguir claramente entre libertad cívica y derechos cívicos. La libertad de actuar sin que el gobierno ponga trabas tiene un alcance más vasto que los derechos cívicos que el Estado promulga para garantizar a la gente una igual facultad para obtener ciertos bienes y servicios. + +Por regla general, las libertades cívicas no constriñen a los otros a actuar conforme a mis deseos. Tengo la libertad de hablar y de dar a conocer públicamente mi opinión, pero ningún periódico está obligado a imprimirla, como tampoco se exige a mis conciudadanos que lean mi publicación. Soy libre de pintar lo que creo bello, pero ningún museo está constreñido a comprar mi tela. Pero, al mismo tiempo, el Estado, en tanto garante de la libertad, puede promulgar —y lo hace— leyes que protegen la igualdad de los derechos sin la cual sus miembros no gozarían de sus libertades. Esos derechos dan significación y realidad a la igualdad, mientras las libertades dan posibilidad y forma a la libertad. Una manera cierta de asfixiar las libertades de hablar, de aprender, de sanar o de cuidar es delimitarlas metamorfoseando los derechos cívicos en deberes cívicos. La tercera ilusión consiste precisamente en creer que la reivindicación pública de los derechos desemboca ineluctablemente en la protección de las libertades. En efecto, entre más inviste la sociedad a los profesionales de la legitimidad de definir los derechos, más se rebajan las libertades del ciudadano. + +## El derecho al desempleo creador + +En nuestros días, cualquier nueva necesidad profesionalmente comprobada toma, tarde o temprano, la forma de un derecho. Una vez promulgado bajo la presión política, ese derecho engendra nuevos empleos y nuevos productos. En su momento, cada nuevo producto degrada una actividad de la que, hasta aquí, la gente tenía la iniciativa para su propio beneficio; cada nuevo empleo vuelve ilegítimo un trabajo que hasta ese momento efectuaba la gente sin “profesión” —o en lo que no era profesión—. El poder que tienen los profesionales de señalar lo que es bueno, justo, legítimamente fabricable, falsea en “cualquiera” la facultad de vivir “a su medida”. + +Cuando todos los estudiantes en derecho actualmente inscritos en las facultades norteamericanas hayan obtenido su diploma, el número de juristas aumentará 50% en Estados Unidos. La obligación del cuidado legal completará la obligación del cuidado médico, y el “seguro judicial” se volverá del mismo género que el “seguro de enfermedad”. Cuando el derecho del ciudadano a las prestaciones de un abogado se haya instituido, será tan oscurantista y asocial desahogar una querella entre particulares como hoy en día dar a luz en su propia cama. Ya el derecho reconocido a los ciudadanos de Detroit de vivir en una vivienda cuya instalación eléctrica se debe a un profesional hace de aquel que “juega a instalar” la suya un delincuente. La pérdida sucesiva de las libertades de ser útil en otra parte que no sea en un “puesto de trabajo” o fuera de un control profesional es una experiencia de las más penosas, aunque innominada, que se ata a la pobreza modernizada. Actualmente el privilegio más significativo de un estatus social eminente podría bien ser la “facultad de no trabajar” siendo útil —negado cada vez más a la gran mayoría—. El derecho del ciudadano a ser cuidado y aprovisionado casi se ha convertido, a fuerza de reivindicarse, en el derecho de las profesiones y de las industrias a elegir su clientela, con, como consecuencia de sus prestaciones y suministros, el deterioro de las condiciones del medio ambiente que volvía útiles las actividades no retribuidas. De ahí la lucha por una distribución equitativa del tiempo y de la facultad de ser útil a sí mismo y a los otros cuando en su oficio o en su puesto ha sido eficazmente paralizado. Cualquier labor no remunerada se desprecia, si no es que se ignora. La actividad autónoma amenaza el nivel del empleo, engendra la desconfianza y falsea el PNB. Se estima, por otra parte, impropio designarla como un “trabajo”. La “labor” no es más el esfuerzo o la tarea, sino la misteriosa inversión que, uncida con el capital, vuelve una fábrica productiva —y remuneradora—. El trabajo no es más la creación de un valor que el trabajador percibe como tal, sino ante todo un “sitio”, es decir, cualquier cosa que nos sitúe socialmente. Carecer de trabajo es estar tristemente ocioso y no tener la libertad para hacer cosas útiles para sí o para el vecino. La mujer activa que cuida la casa, educa a sus hijos y eventualmente se ocupa de los de otras, se distingue de la mujer que “trabaja” por más inútil o perniciosa que pueda ser la producción en la que se emplea. La actividad, el esfuerzo, el cumplimiento, la utilidad fuera del círculo de las relaciones jerárquicas y no señaladas profesionalmente, representan una amenaza para una sociedad de productos mercantiles. Al escapar a la contabilidad nacional, la creación de valores de uso no limita sólo la necesidad de un aumento de productos, sino también de los puestos de trabajo que los elaboran y de los salarios necesarios para comprarlos. + +Esforzarse en producir algo agradable, amar lo que uno hace, son nociones vacías de sentido en una sociedad donde sólo cuenta la pareja mano de obra/capital. La sensación de cumplimiento que procura la acción ya no tiene sentido más que cuando lo único que importa es el estatus social en el seno de las relaciones de producción, a saber: el lugar, la situación, el puesto o el nombramiento. En la Edad Media, cuando no había salvación fuera de la Iglesia, los teólogos tropezaban con la cuestión de saber lo que Dios haría de los paganos cuando habían llevado una vida “ejemplar”. De la misma manera, en la sociedad contemporánea, el esfuerzo sólo es productivo si se hace incitado por el patrón, y los economistas tropiezan con la cuestión de la utilidad evidente de las personas que escapan al control de una corporación, de un organismo, de un cuerpo de voluntarios o de un campo de trabajo. El trabajo sólo es productivo, respetable y digno del ciudadano cuando su proceso está planificado, dirigido y controlado por un agente profesional que garantiza que responde a una necesidad “nominalizada”. En una sociedad industrial avanzada, se vuelve imposible no querer ejercer un empleo para librarse a un trabajo autónomo y útil. Osar considerarlo es incluso ir demasiado lejos. La infraestructura de la sociedad está arreglada de tal manera que sólo el puesto da acceso a los medios de producción, y ese monopolio de la creación de bienes sobre la creación de valores de uso no deja de reforzarse cuando el Estado se apodera de ellos. No se puede instruir a un niño sin habilitación específica, restablecer una pierna rota en otra parte que en una clínica. Los trabajos domésticos, el artesanado, la agricultura de subsistencia, la tecnología radical, la enseñanza mutua, etc., se reducen al rango de actividades para los ociosos, los improductivos, los más despojados o los más ricos. Una sociedad que engendra una dependencia intensa en relación con las mercancías transforma así a sus sin-trabajo en pobres o en asistidos. En 1945, por cada norteamericano beneficiario de un retiro había 35 trabajadores empleados. En 1977, sólo había 3.2 trabajadores empleados para mantener a un retirado, él mismo dependiente de mucho más servicios de los que su abuelo retirado habría podido imaginar. + +En lo sucesivo, la calidad de una sociedad y de su cultura dependerá del estatus de sus sin-trabajo: ¿serán los ciudadanos productivos más representativos o los asistidos? Una vez más la elección o la crisis parece clara: la sociedad industrial avanzada puede continuar bajo el impulso del sueño integrista de los años sesenta; puede degenerar en un sistema de racionamiento que parsimoniosamente imputa productos y empleos en constante disminución, y que forma siempre más ciudadanos para el consumo estandarizado y para el trabajo inútil. Tal es la línea seguida por la mayor parte de los gobiernos, de Alemania a China, pero, podríamos decir, cada uno según sus medios. En efecto, entre más rico es un país, más urgente parece el deber de racionar el acceso a las plazas y de trabar la actividad útil de los sin-trabajo que perjudicaría al “empleo”. Ciertamente lo inverso es igualmente posible: una sociedad moderna en la que los trabajadores frustrados se organizaran para proteger la libertad de la gente de ser útil sin participar en las actividades llamadas “productivas”, es decir, que suministran productos mercantiles. Pero, también aquí, esta orientación social sólo puede desembocar en una nueva competencia, racional y cínica, en el ciudadano medio confrontado con la imputación profesional de las necesidades. + +# En guardia frente al nuevo profesional + +Hoy, el nuevo profesional se siente claramente amenazado por la acumulación de pruebas de la contraproductividad de sus prestaciones. La gente comienza a ver que su hegemonía la priva del derecho a mirar en la cosa política. El poder simbólico de esos expertos que, al definir las necesidades, esterilizan las habilidades personales, se percibe ahora como más peligroso que su capacidad para dominar las técnicas, la cual se limita a responder a las necesidades que crean. Simultáneamente se escucha cada vez más reclamar la puesta en marcha de una legislación que podría hacernos salir de una edad dominada por el _ethos_ profesional. Muchas exigencias se plantean en este sentido: sustituir la habilitación por los profesionales o la administración de una investidura por ciudadanos elegidos, y no contentarse con hacer intervenir a algunos representantes de consumidores o usuarios en las instancias de decisión; flexibilizar la reglamentación de las prescripciones en las farmacias, así como la de la formación obligatoria o del reciclaje de adultos; proteger las libertades _productivas_ , incluso y sobre todo si son extraindustriales; derecho para el profano calificado de practicar sin habilitación formal; poner a disposición del ciudadano un “estado” de servicios públicos que le permita saber cuales practicantes trabajan por honorarios. Frente a estas amenazas, las principales instituciones profesionales recurren, cada una a su manera, a tres estrategias fundamentales para paliar la erosión de su legitimidad y de su poder. + +## La recuperación por la autarquía + +Esta primera actitud es la del Club de Roma. Fiat, Volkswagen y Ford pagan economistas, ecologistas y sociólogos para que determinen las producciones a las que deben renunciar las industrias con el fin de que el sistema industrial funcione mejor —y pueda así reforzarse—. De la misma forma, los médicos del Club de Cos preconizan renunciar a la cirugía, a la radioterapia y a la quimioterapia en el tratamiento de la mayoría de los cánceres, pues sus intervenciones no hacen más que acrecentar y prolongar muchos meses el sufrimiento de los enfermos sin aumentar por ello su esperanza de vida. Abogados y dentistas prometen vigilar como nunca la competencia, la corrección y las tarifas de sus colegas. + +Una variante de esta actitud se observa en ciertos individuos o en sus organizaciones que cuestionan la Orden de los médicos y de otros creadores de necesidades. Éstos revindican la etiqueta de radicales porque: _1)_ aconsejan a los consumidores en contra de los intereses de la mayoría de sus pares; _2)_ instruyen a los profanos sobre la manera de conducirse en el consejo de administración de los hospitales, de las universidades o de la policía; _3)_ llegan a dar testimonio, frente a comisiones parlamentarias, de la inutilidad de “acciones” propuestas por profesionales y requeridas por el público. Así, en una provincia del oeste de Canadá, los médicos hicieron una relación de algunas 25 acciones médicas que la legislatura pretendía subvencionar mejor. Se trataba, en todos los casos, de actos costosos; los médicos subrayaron, además, que eran muy dolorosos, que muchos de ellos eran muy peligrosos y que su eficacia no estaba probada en ninguno. Estas recomendaciones médicamente “ilustradas” no se siguieron —fracaso que refuerza provisoriamente la creencia en la necesidad de la protección _profesional_ contra la _hybris_ profesional—. + +Que la profesión forme su policía interior, nada es más útil cuando se trata de desenmascarar al incompetente caracterizado —al “carnicero”— o al charlatán puro y simple. Pero se ha probado ampliamente que la profesión sólo protege a los incapaces al reforzar la dependencia del público en relación con sus prestaciones. El médico “crítico”, el jurista “radical”, el promotor y animador del barrio roban clientes a los colegas menos enterados que ellos de lo que está “en el viento”. Las profesiones liberales comenzaron por convencer al público de la necesidad de sus servicios prometiendo velar por la sociedad, por la moralidad o por la formación sanitaria de las capas más pobres. Después, las profesiones dominadoras se arrogaron el “deber” de guiar al público —y de mutilarlo también más— organizándose en clubes que enarbolan los estandartes de las obligaciones ecológicas, económicas y sociales. Esta actitud pone freno a la expansión ulterior del sector profesional, pero refuerza la dependencia del público en el seno del sector mismo. Así, la idea de que los profesionales tienen el _derecho_ de servir al público es de origen muy reciente. Su lucha por establecer y legitimar su derecho corporativo se vuelve una de las amenazas más pesadas contra nuestra sociedad. + +## La recuperación por la autoinvestidura + +La segunda estrategia se dirige a organizar y coordinar las prestaciones de los profesionales con el fin de cubrir todos los aspectos de los problemas humanos. Con ese objeto, se toman prestadas ideas del análisis sistémico y de las investigaciones operacionales con vistas a suministrar soluciones a la vez más nacionales y más exhaustivas. Lo que eso significa en la práctica se puede ver en Canadá. Hace cuatro años, el Ministerio de la Salud lanzó una campaña para convencer al público de que el aumento de los gastos médicos no abatía de ninguna manera las tasas de enfermedad ni de mortalidad. Subrayó que los decesos prematuros se debían a tres causas mayores: los accidentes, principalmente los accidentes de carretera; las afecciones cardiacas y el cáncer de pulmón, contra los cuales los médicos son notoriamente impotentes; al suicidio o al asesinato, fenómenos que escapan a la esfera médica. El ministro preconizó la investigación de nuevos métodos para abordar las cuestiones de salud, junto con una reducción de los gastos médicos. El deber de proteger, fortificar o consolar a quienes su estilo de vida y el entorno destructores típicos del Canadá contemporáneo han alterado la salud lo recuperaron entonces muchos profesores, antiguos y nuevos. Los arquitectos descubrieron que tenían la misión de mejorar la salud de los canadienses; la necesaria vigilancia de los perros errantes —que son una fuente de accidentes— hizo que se agregaran nuevos especialistas a la perrera. La organización de los canadienses se sometió a los nuevos biócratas como nunca lo había hecho con los antiguos terapeutas. El eslogan: “Más vale gastar para estar bien que pagar al médico cuando se está enfermo” no era, en efecto —lo vemos bien hoy en día—, más que la divisa de camarillas buscando canalizar en su beneficio el dinero de los nuevos prosélitos. + +La práctica de la medicina en Estados Unidos ilustra una dinámica similar. La creación de un sistema coordinado de cuidados de salud se ha tragado sumas enormes sin revelarse particularmente eficaz. En 1950, el trabajador norteamericano le consagraba anualmente el equivalente de dos semanas de salario. En 1976, la proporción había alcanzado de cinco a siete semanas de salario: cuando se compra un Ford nuevo, se paga más por la higiene de los obreros que por el metal que contiene el vehículo. A pesar de todos esos esfuerzos, de todos esos gastos, la esperanza de vida de la población masculina adulta no se ha elevado sensiblemente desde hace 100 años. Es más baja que en muchos países pobres y, desde hace 20 años, no ha dejado de descender lenta, pero regularmente. + +Ahí, donde se ha asistido a un retroceso de las enfermedades, éste es imputable a la adopción de un estilo de vida más sano, en particular bajo el aspecto de la nutrición. En menor grado, las vacunas y las acciones simples, como la administración automática de antibióticos, la prescripción de anticonceptivos o la interrupción del embarazo por el método de la aspiración, han contribuido al retroceso de ciertas afecciones. Pero dichas acciones no postulan la necesidad de una intervención profesional. No es porque mantiene lazos más estrechos con una profesión médica que la gente tendrá mejor salud. Muchos médicos “radicales” preconizan precisamente una biocracia siempre más vasta. Se les escapa aparentemente que querer “resolver los problemas” de la gente de manera más racional equivale a actuar en su lugar, a expoliarla de la decisión —incluso si es para alcanzar una igualdad compensatoria—. + +## La recuperación por la profesionalización del cliente + +La tercera estrategia para asegurar la sobrevivencia de las profesiones dominadoras es el más reciente radicalismo en boga. Cuando los profetas de los años sesenta vaticinaban sobre el desarrollo en el umbral de la abundancia, estos creadores de mitos hacían peroratas sobre la autoasistencia de los clientes profesionalizados. + +Desde 1965 sólo en Estados Unidos cerca de 2 700 obras aparecieron para enseñar a ser su propio paciente —con el objeto de visitar al médico sólo cuando eso valiera la pena para él—. Algunas de ellas preconizan la formación de la automedicación, coronada por un examen, después del cual sólo los felices laureados tendrían licencia para comprar aspirinas y administrarlas a sus hijos. Otros proponen que los pacientes profesionalizados se beneficien con tarifas preferenciales en los hospitales y de una disminución en sus cotizaciones de su seguro de enfermedades. Sólo podrán dar a luz en su casa las mujeres debidamente acreditadas —su “profesionalización” permitiría, si fuera el caso, perseguirlas por faltas o negligencia médica—. Una de esas proposiciones “radicales” consistía en poner una de esas habilitaciones no bajo auspicios médicos sino feministas. + +El sueño profesional de arraigar profundamente cada jerarquía de necesidades reviste los colores de la autoasistencia. Por el momento, sus promotores son la nueva tribu de expertos en autoasistencia que ha venido a reemplazar a los especialistas del desarrollo de los años sesenta. Su objetivo es la profesionalización universal de los clientes. Los expertos norteamericanos de la construcción que, el otoño pasado, invadieron México, ilustran la nueva cruzada. + +Hace alrededor de dos años, un profesor de arquitectura de Boston vino a pasar sus vacaciones a México. Un mexicano, amigo mío, lo llevó a ver la nueva ciudad que en 12 años se había desarrollado más allá del aeropuerto de México. Esta aglomeración, que inició con algunas chozas, se ha extendido progresivamente al grado de contar con tres veces más habitantes que Cambridge, Massachusetts. Mi amigo, él mismo arquitecto, quería mostrar al visitante miles de ejemplos de ingenio campesino: la organización, las estructuras, el reúso de materiales de desecho, nada de todo eso se encontraba en los manuales, todo era espontáneo. Su colega tomó cientos de fotografías. Nada más natural. Los amateurs, los no calificados, habían edificado, haciendo funcionar una aglomeración de “cuchitriles” de más de dos millones de habitantes. Las fotografías se analizaron debidamente en Cambridge; al final del año, especialistas norteamericanos recién salidos de los cursos de “arquitectura de comunidades” se empleaban en enseñar a la gente de Ciudad Nezahualcóyotl cuáles eran sus problemas, sus necesidades y las soluciones “adecuadas”. + +# El ethos postprofesional + +Lo inverso de la necesidad y de la pobreza profesionalmente comprobada es la subsistencia moderna. El término “economía de subsistencia” se aplica en etnología a la forma de sobrevivencia de un grupo, en sí mismo marginal, en relación con la dependencia hacia el mercado, en la que la gente fabrica lo que utiliza mediante herramientas tradicionales y en el seno de una organización social frecuentemente heredada tal cual. En el lenguaje corriente, sin embrago, la “economía de subsistencia” evoca una cultura que organiza la impotencia, engendra ilusiones y favorece a la élite. Shalins demostró que la única sociedad en la que el espacio, el tiempo y la autonomía se agota en su lucha por la sobrevivencia es la industrial. Propongo, sin embargo, no sin vacilación, recuperar el término para hablar de “subsistencia moderna”. + +Llamamos “subsistencia moderna” al modo de vida en una economía posindustrial en el seno de la cual la gente logra reducir su dependencia en relación con el mercado, consiguiendo —por medios políticos— una infraestructura en la que técnicas y herramientas sirven, en primer lugar, para crear valores de uso no cuantificados y no cuantificables por los fabricantes profesionales de necesidades. De esas herramientas hablé en otra parte[^n02] proponiendo el término de “herramienta convivencial” para cualquier instrumento concebido con el fin de producir valores de uso. Mostré que el inverso de la pobreza modernizada progresiva es la austeridad convivencial que resulta de una gestión política que protege la igualdad del ejercicio de la libertad en el empleo de dichas herramientas. + +Un reherramentación de la sociedad contemporánea mediante herramientas convivenciales y ya no industriales implica, sin embargo, un desplazamiento del interés en nuestra lucha por la justicia social; implica un nuevo género de subordinación de la justicia distributiva a la justicia participativa. En una sociedad industrial, los individuos están formados en una especialización forzada. Se han vuelto impotentes para modelar o para satisfacer sus propias necesidades. Dependen de mercancías “prescritas” para su intención. El derecho al diagnóstico de necesidades, a la participación de la terapia y —de manera general— a la distribución de bienes, predomina en la ética, la política y la legislación. La primacía dada al _derecho_ de tener necesidades imputadas reduce las _libertades_ de aprender, de sanar o de desplazarse por uno mismo al estado de frágiles lujos. Sin embargo, en una sociedad convivencial lo inverso sería verdad. La protección de la equidad en el ejercicio de las libertades individuales es la preocupación dominante de una sociedad fundada en la tecnología radical, donde la ciencia y la técnica sirven para crear de manera más eficaz valores de uso. Es evidente que una libertad tan equitativamente repartida no tendría ningún sentido si no está fundada en el derecho a un acceso igual a las materias primas, a las herramientas y a los procedimientos. La alimentación, el carburante, el aire puro o el espacio vital no pueden distribuirse de manera más eficaz que las herramientas o los puestos de trabajo si se racionan sin consideración de las necesidades imputadas, es decir, hasta un límite igual para todos, jóvenes o viejos, impedido o presidente. Una sociedad fundada en el empleo moderno y eficaz de las libertades productivas no puede existir si el ejercicio de esas libertades no se limita de manera igual para todos. + +[^n01]: _"Les Carnets de Leonard de Vinci"_, trad. Louise Servicen, Gallimard, París, 1951. + +[^n02]: Ver "La convivencialidad" + diff --git a/contents/book/unemployment/es.notes b/contents/book/unemployment/es.notes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..59c70cb --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/unemployment/es.notes @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +* Incluye dos capítulos adicionales, tomados de la edición francesa, que fueran incluídos en la versión de "Obras Reunidas - Tomo 1" (FCE, 2006) diff --git a/data/pages/es/book/unemployment/es.txt b/contents/book/unemployment/es.txt index c1585b3..c1585b3 100644 --- a/data/pages/es/book/unemployment/es.txt +++ b/contents/book/unemployment/es.txt diff --git a/contents/book/unemployment/index b/contents/book/unemployment/index new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d0ab6ee --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/unemployment/index @@ -0,0 +1,5 @@ +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _The Right to Useful Unemployment and its Professional Enemies_ +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1978 +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# diff --git a/contents/book/vineyard/en.bib b/contents/book/vineyard/en.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..ef652c8 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/vineyard/en.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-vineyard-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {In the Vineyard of the text - A Commentary to Hugh's Didascalicon}, + year = {1993}, + date = {1993}, + origdate = {1993}, + language = {en}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/book/vineyard:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-18} +} diff --git a/contents/book/vineyard/en.md b/contents/book/vineyard/en.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..cc54de3 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/vineyard/en.md @@ -0,0 +1,20 @@ +--- + title: "In the Vineyard of the text - A Commentary to Hugh's Didascalicon" + author: "Ivan Illich" + date: "1993" + lang: "" + documentclass: book + classoption: + - oneside + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + newtxmathoptions: + - cmintegrals + - cmbraces + toc: true + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue + titlepage: true +--- diff --git a/contents/book/vineyard/en.txt b/contents/book/vineyard/en.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..a4de47b --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/vineyard/en.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +# In the Vineyard of the text - A Commentary to Hugh's Didascalicon diff --git a/contents/book/vineyard/es.bib b/contents/book/vineyard/es.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..784a988 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/vineyard/es.bib @@ -0,0 +1,12 @@ +@ARTICLE{acervus-illich-vineyard-es, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {En el Viñedo del Texto - Etología de la lectura: un comentario al "Didascalicon" de Hugo de San Víctor}, + year = {1993}, + date = {1993}, + origdate = {1993}, + language = {es}, + origlanguage = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/book/vineyard:index}, + urldate = {2024-03-18} +} diff --git a/contents/book/vineyard/es.md b/contents/book/vineyard/es.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..4297181 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/vineyard/es.md @@ -0,0 +1,20 @@ +--- + title: "En el Viñedo del Texto - Etología de la lectura: un comentario al "Didascalicon" de Hugo de San Víctor" + author: "Ivan Illich" + date: "1993" + lang: "" + documentclass: book + classoption: + - oneside + geometry: margin=1.75in + fontsize: 12pt + fontfamily: ebgaramond-maths + newtxmathoptions: + - cmintegrals + - cmbraces + toc: true + colorlinks: true + linkcolor: RoyalBlue + urlcolor: RoyalBlue + titlepage: true +--- diff --git a/contents/book/vineyard/es.txt b/contents/book/vineyard/es.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..b228f15 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/vineyard/es.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +# En el Viñedo del Texto - Etología de la lectura: un comentario al "Didascalicon" de Hugo de San Víctor diff --git a/contents/book/vineyard/index b/contents/book/vineyard/index new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d4dd954 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/book/vineyard/index @@ -0,0 +1,5 @@ +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _In the Vineyard of the text - A Commentary to Hugh's Didascalicon_ +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1993 +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# diff --git a/contents/interview/1970-qa_session_toronto/en.bib b/contents/interview/1970-qa_session_toronto/en.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..ef74a71 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/interview/1970-qa_session_toronto/en.bib @@ -0,0 +1,10 @@ +@ARTICLE{Illich-1970-qa_session_toronto-en, + author = {Ivan Illich and Ontario Institute for Studies in Education}, + title = {Q & A Session in OISE of Toronto in December 1970}, + year = {1970}, + date = {1970-12-02}, + origdate = {1970-12-02}, + language = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/interview/1970-qa_session_toronto:index} +} diff --git a/contents/interview/1970-qa_session_toronto/en.notes b/contents/interview/1970-qa_session_toronto/en.notes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..c9c07f3 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/interview/1970-qa_session_toronto/en.notes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** + * This session took place following Illich's talk to a meeting at the +Ontario Institute for Studies in Education on December 2, 1970. The +session won't make much sense without first listening to the talk on the tape. The title of the address was "Alternatives in Education". diff --git a/contents/interview/1970-qa_session_toronto/en.txt b/contents/interview/1970-qa_session_toronto/en.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..9d6ea16 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/interview/1970-qa_session_toronto/en.txt @@ -0,0 +1,89 @@ +# Q & A Session in OISE of Toronto in December 1970 + +**QUESTIONER:** What is your alternative to professional accreditation? + +**ILLICH:** In a general way, I would say, a possibility is that if you define yourself as a professional, put your name into a computer and let anybody who uses your services, if he has an opinion on you, let him put into that computer his name next to your name and say, _"I'm willing to give information how I was satisfied with your services"_. And if I would need a service of a category in which you have defined yourself, and want to find out who is good, I ask that computer to give me the names, addresses, and telephone numbers of the people who claim that they have something good or pad to say about you. I know that at first sight this might give special advantage to the charlatan, the demagogue, the actor, the quack, but it would certainly not give the same advantages, with the same cover of hypocrisy, with which now teachers, doctors, and lawyers get the same advantages. + +**QUESTIONER:** To what extent would the peer-matching network insure the scholastic achievement which we now obtain through the university? + +**ILLICH:** It would make it ridiculous. + +**QUESTIONER:** Isn't what is happening here an ideal example to refute your statement that learning is not the result of teaching? Here we are learning and here you are teaching. + +**ILLICH:** I am asking questions and you are not compelled to learn. I am myself amazed. Why do you show up? + +**QUESTIONER:** Because I believe you are a good teacher. + +**ILLICH:** But are you sure that I take myself for a teacher? Perhaps I take myself for a clown. You put me in the category of teacher. I might list myself as "entertainer". It is quite evident that in such a discussion, just because you speak about this, a very uncomfortable relationship, when one is conscious of it, between a man standing up here with all the power of seven microphones at this disposal and there somebody asking a question. Therefore, what would be quite healthy across the dinner table, which is among civilized people a way of fast moving from idea to idea, automatically becomes nasty. These games are. + +**QUESTIONER:** Why should any state permit you to dis-establish it's schooling system -- its central religion? + +**ILLICH:** Very, very fast pupils laugh at the idea that they go to school because they learn from teaching. They go there because they like to meet each other, because they have to go there, because they need the certificate. When I was here not even a year ago, I suggested in Canada that one of the most moral things to do would be to suggest that people seriously consider, in large numbers, as a matter of principle, to cheat at examinations. At that time, only nine months ago, such a proposal called forth an entirely different reaction of shock. Well, today it seems to be taken as something quite reasonable, normal, acceptable, as something virtuous almost. It is today considered realistic. Changes go very fast. Society is in the process of de-schooling. It is quite evident by 1970, not by 1968, that school is for professional competence. At this moment only ten or fifteen percent of the people will accept this. Within another year this will be the general opinion in society. It goes very fast. That's the reason I speak about a sudden change, like the change in the vortex pattern in a whirlpool. Then, of course, we have two big choices. Either we go the way of the Jacobin -- give the educator control over increasingly more media so that what society considers desirable will be more effectively transmitted through other channels than the classroom to all ages -- Or move in the direction of increasing establishment of learning networks, bridges, circulation systems for the information containing things or skilled persons and access to people with whom I want to meet, the right to call town meetings applied to modern society, true freedom of speech. + +**QUESTIONER:** In a historical sense, which do you consider more plausible? + +**ILLICH:** Totally more plausible (is) increased social control through a system even more horrible than schooling. But someone earlier made here the distinction between hope and expectation. I do believe that unless we introduce the basic values of trust (I can't trust institutions, I can trust only persons) and hope (I can't hope anything from an institution or a process but only from a person), instead of the concepts of reliability and expectation. our society, with or without schools, will become unlivable. But, on the other hand, if we want to insure that I and others get something specified and planned. I have to move in the direction of expectation and predictability, and narrow the range of hope and trust. Someone earlier asked about "cultural revolution." Cultural revolution is basically a profound loss of credibility in modern large scale institutions, and, therefore, the turning to individuals, to the other, to personal exchange as the only hope in trusts. This means in a modern society using the technology which we have, instead of the way we use it now mainly, to produce results for the purpose of providing bridges enabling people to contact in which they are equally givers and receivers, building networks rather than funnels and production centers of learning. And it depends on each of us in which way we move. + +**QUESTIONER:** You use the word "development" and the word "imagination" quite often. Could you use those words in a fresh way or give me a fresh example of what you mean when you put those two words together? + +**ILLICH:** I use "imagination" very much -- "imagination", "hope", "trust", "surprise" -- and personally would rather not use it in connection with the word "development" but with much more classical words "perfection", "maturity", "fulfillment". And I would use the words "expectation", "predictability", "growth", "development", more specifically when I speak about "progress". Because I would associate the first series of words with a state economy and with a subsistence world view, with a world view aimed at the concept that l1ife in a society can be as near as possible perfect, and not sometime in the future but right as it is now, while this second series of words -- "expectations", "predictability," "planning", "growth", "development", usually mean that society can be indefinitely in progress. In my opinion, the school system -- namely a system of graded promotion from teaching to teaching -- interiorizes, interjects the mentality of unending progress, while only learning networks can provide for the existence of a society with which we are basically content because it is such that we can learn what can be learned within that society. Do I answer your question? + +**QUESTIONER:** Yes, but no one can see how we are going to disabuse ourselves of the notion of "progress". + +**ILLICH:** Oh yes, the gentlemen over there pointed it out, by "progressing" our of existence. + +**QUESTIONER:** Someone told me that your ideas were fine as long as they weren't made retroactive. + +**ILLICH:** Hopefully not. My ideas are not meant to be retroactive. Let's face it, sometimes people ask me, "And where did you go to school?" Well, I was thrown out of school constantly. But anyway, I was associated with universities, and I must say, _"Long live universities which let themselves be exploited by individuals, by me for my purposes as those with which I've had contact"_. Right? This is a very nasty statement. Equally nasty would be the statement, _"Schools did move society from a sicklish late aristocratic, early bourgeois world of the late 18th century into a freer and more alive society of the late 19th and early 20th centuries"_. I do not want to criticize Jefferson's schools by which he wanted to rake a few geniuses textually from the ashes of the masses, or Horace Mann, the great man who invented (the idea) that if you put people who are evil into cages they become better. De Tocqueville, after all, came to the United States in order to study with Horace Mann about prison reform, but today Mann is known only for his brilliant ideas of putting young people into a brave new world of the classroom. What is significant I hope in the questions I raise -- I have no answers, friend, I really don't know where this all leads, and sometimes I'm frightened thinking of what one does when one demoralizes people's attachment to idols -- but if there is anything significant it is to point out what school means today, not in 1960, not in 1940. Do I make myself understood with this? + +**QUESTIONER:** Yes, but people do not necessarily share your good opinion about the human race. + +**ILLICH:** I don't know where the "human race" is, but I do have a very good opinion of most of the people whom I know. Two sentences of the Archbishop of Recife's which go in this direction: _"I believe that there is a little spark in the darkest human being and the size of its expansion depends on my looking at it and seeing it"_. And the second sentence, a beautiful poem: _"Lord, I'm so frightened sometimes because there are so many doors in me which can be opened only from the outside, and sometimes I think that the people whom you have given the keys aren't around anymore, that I won't meet them anymore"_. But certain institutions cannot look at you. By exposure to school the flame doesn't grow. + +**QUESTIONER:** I'm under the impression that schools and churches have great social value as centers of convergence. + +**ILLICH:** By all means. I do believe that the school at this moment is, in that sense, the world church of 1970. It has been adopted according to exactly the same liturgy or ritual of four times, four quanta, of four years each, of 500 to 1,000 hours of specialized sitting, from China to Indonesia, and from Peru to Canada. Everywhere, the school has the same ritual purpose of hiding the discrepancy between the goals which the idealogues propose of a humanistic society, the creation of the new man, the free society, the independent society, the egalitarian society, etc., and a growth economy which necessarily polarizes consumption and increases many more demands than it can satisfy. It is, therefore, the great instrument for convergence in the entire world of the contradictions which are basic in this world. Schools have become independent from the political system or the ideology proposed in a country. Do I make myself clear? Everywhere we reproduce the same consumer society, no matter what the ideologue tells you. That is the reason why it is so highly uncomfortable to speak about it and why I had to say the gentleman was right when he asked, _"What are the probabilities?"_ + +**QUESTIONER:** How can we educate people to be more human? + +**ILLICH:** I can't educate people to be more human. I can only provide them with the access to the resources which they need, might judge to want, for their purpose. + +**QUESTIONER:** But someone may want to be a scientist. + +**ILLICH:** What does it mean to be a scientist? + +**QUESTIONER:** Let's say someone wants to learn to send a rocket to the moon. How could you humanize that person? + +**ILLICH:** I don't see why you should do that. It has nothing to do with education. + +**QUESTIONER:** What I mean is that before teaching a skill a person should be rendered more human. I'll be specific. In Germany highly trained and skilled people supported Hitler. Isn't it necessary to educate people to become more humane? + +**ILLICH:** I agree with you completely. Of course it is a necessity. But I don't see any other way in which we can provide for it but opening the world, making it more transparent, not believing that we can bring a phony world into the classroom, or permit children to re-constitute their world in the classroom, but making the street corner, and the candy store, and the commons, to speak in old terms, accessible both for a give and a take. That's all. + +**QUESTIONER:** Are you saying that the child in the classroom should be left to learn only what he wants to learn? + +**ILLICH:** I don't want him to go to the classroom. I want the child to learn what he wants to learn, and only what he wants to learn. + +**QUESTIONER:** Why not in the classroom? + +Ilich: I'm not interested in the classroom. I'm not interested in prison education. + +**QUESTIONER:** But we have classrooms. That's where we find the children. + +**ILLICH:** All right. That's your business. I would tell the kids, "Go away from there, you don't have to stay there." I would tell them to shop around. + +**QUESTIONER:** Do you have any children? + +**ILLICH:** May I answer this question in kind? Even if you have offspring, why do you have to transform it into children? Why do you have to maintain the culture of childhood? It's a luxury which we can not afford. Look here, up until the 16th century the idea did not exist in Western culture, at least between the 6th and the 16th century, which I know. In the 16th or 17th century people began to produce children. It was only school which had to be invented in order to mass produce the sub-culture of childhood. I'm not saying there are not some good things about it. But Marx points out that forbidding children to work is really no solution, because it only provides excuses for making work inhuman. Unless we are committed to absolutely a growth society producing increasingly more demands in order to be able to satisfy them in increasingly more costly products or services, there is no reason why we couldn't develop a leisure society in which all people have the privileges which we now suggest that only children should have. But as long as we stay with the society which we now are committed to have, all over the world most people will not have childhood. The poor in rich countries will increasingly and constantly complain that they can't have the childhood or the youth of the rich. And those that get childhood will rebel against it because it is a definition which they don't feel is corresponding to their own self-image. + +**QUESTIONER:** Are you suggesting that adults should behave like children? + +**ILLICH:** I would like to make a distinction between being childish and childlike. I'm in the midst of trying historically to understand this distinction. I'm running into great difficulties. I find out that the ideal of childlikeness, which through the Christian tradition, particularly Gospel tradition, came into the Western world, doesn't refer to childhood at all, but to a healthy relationship to one's parent, especially to one's father. Therefore, _"Blessed are those that are childlike"_, might mean, _"Blessed are those that have a balanced, healthy relationship to their parents"_. It may not have anything to do with: _"Blessed are those that are little kids"_. + +**QUESTIONER:** Does cable television offer possibilities for doing what you want done in making resources available to everyone? + +**ILLICH:** In Latin America with the amount of money which we spend now on television we could provide every seventh Latin American with a tape recorder and make tapes as amply available as you want. A tape recorder gives everybody the equal opportunity to produce a program or to listen to one. Cable television is far better in this, even in the very best of cases. I just heard of the possibility in the United States of hooking yourself up nationally with any five or ten people fir two dollars an hour on a one hour telephone conversation. For a certain level of people and for a certain task it already goes in the direction of the equal access of everybody to everybody else. + +At the end of the question and answer period Illich said: + +To sum up this whole evening, I'm suggesting that we are in front of a major choice. For a variety of reasons, the simplest one and most evident one (of which is) the unbearable cost to provide people with the amount of classroom learning they have learned to expect, the school is moving into a crisis. The necessity of de-schooling will be quite evident within the next twelve to eighteen months. This is a self-fulfilling prophecy. Just by saying it, it will happen. There's no question about it. The key question is: Will we move in one of the two ways in which we can move in order to de-school education without de-schooling society, to use slogan. Namely, the Bourbon one, which states, let us have some schools for some people and finance them well rather than disperse the limited resources which we have for education, trusting that people will use learning resources put at their disposal. The second way is the Jacobin answer which says we must expand the classroom beyond its walls by using every aspect of society in order to teach. Or, from the point of view of educators and free people who want to learn, say: _"I want to learn. What I need in order to learn are access to things, skill exchanges, peer matching, and finding masters"_. diff --git a/contents/interview/1970-qa_session_toronto/index b/contents/interview/1970-qa_session_toronto/index new file mode 100644 index 0000000..ab06f47 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/interview/1970-qa_session_toronto/index @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Q & A Session in OISE of Toronto in December 1970_ +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# +* **#@LANG_authors@#:** Ontario Institute for Studies in Education +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1970-12-02 +* **#@LANG_versions@#:** diff --git a/contents/interview/index.en.bib b/contents/interview/index.en.bib new file mode 100644 index 0000000..bde7dd8 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/interview/index.en.bib @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +@ARTICLE{Illich-1970-qa_session_toronto-en, + author = {Ivan Illich and Ontario Institute for Studies in Education}, + title = {Q & A Session in OISE of Toronto in December 1970}, + year = {1970}, + date = {1970-12-02}, + origdate = {1970-12-02}, + language = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/interview/1970-qa_session_toronto:index} +} + diff --git a/contents/interview/index.en.txt b/contents/interview/index.en.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..9b7dfc4 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/interview/index.en.txt @@ -0,0 +1,5 @@ + +### 1970 + +* [[en:interview:1970-qa_session_toronto/:index|1970 - Q & A Session in OISE of Toronto in December 1970]] + diff --git a/contents/interview/index.txt b/contents/interview/index.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6a72f4b --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/interview/index.txt @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +* [[en:interview:1970-qa_session_toronto/:index|1970 - Q & A Session in OISE of Toronto in December 1970]] + diff --git a/contents/source/article.txt b/contents/source/article.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..69ec1ed --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/source/article.txt @@ -0,0 +1,1704 @@ +<WRAP center round tip 90%> +Presented in chronological order with it's **original title** and first published year. **Mainly in English, Spanish, German and Italian** at the moment, other languages will be included. The list is not complete and not fully reviewed. This list is being migrated to the automated index creation system, in the current state is just for general reference. If you want to suggest a missing article, write us to <info@acerv.us> +</WRAP> + + +### 1950's + +* 1955 - Spiritual care of Puerto Rican migrants: report on the first conference, held in San Juan, Puerto Rico, April 11th to 16th, 1955 + * Published in CIDOC Sondeos 74 + * Co-Editors: William Ferree, Ivan Illich, Joseph P. Fitzpatrick + * :!: This is not a text by Illich, he is only editor. Shouldnt be listed here. + +* 1955 - The American Parish + +* 1955 - Can a Catholic Get a Divorce? + * in Integrity, vol. 9, n. 7, aprile 1955, pp. 7-10; + * in Obras Completas Italianas 1 + +* 1955 - Sacred Virginity + * In The Poweless Church compilation + +* 1955 - Book review of "I Want to See God" and "I am Daughter of the Church" + + + +----- + +* 1956 - Puerto Ricans in New York: Not Foreigners, yet Foreign + * In: Celebration of Awareness + * Otro titulo: Puerto Ricans in New York + +* 1956 - Rehearsal for Death + * In The Poweless Church compilation + + +----- + +* 1958 - The End of Human Life: an interpretation of Death as the Supreme Form of Prayer + * in: Sondeos 77 + * in: The Powerless Church compilation + +* 1958 - The Pastoral Care of Puerto Rican Migrants in New York + * in Social Compass, vol. 5, nn. 5-6, marzo 1958, pp. 256-260. + * in Obras Completas Italianas 1 + +* 1958 - Missionary poverty: basic policies for courses of missionary formation + * Similar to : "Basic Policies for Courses of Missionary Formation" + +----- + +* 1959 - Discurso de Graduación + * Colegio de Agricultura y Artes Mecénucas, Mayagtiez, P.R., viernes 29 de mayo de 1959. + * In: HORIZONTES; Revista de la Universidad soy ra de Puerto Rico, Ponce, 3(5):58-64, + * In: CIDOC Sondeos 77, Ensayos sobre la trascendencia + +* 1959 - Review of books for "Entre Libros" + * In: HORIZONTES, 3 (5) oct. 1959: 98-99 + + +### 1960's + +* 1960 - Problemas teológicos de Latino América + +* 1961 - Brazil + * in Data for DECISION in Latin America, novembre 1961, + * in Obras Completas Italianas 1 + +* 1961 - Spiritual Poverty and the Missionary Character + + +----- + +* **1962 - A Crucial Problem: Whom Should we Serve? An Objective Analysis of the Deficiencies of Catholic Education in Latin America** + * Data for Decision in Latin America . June 1961. Excerpted in The Shield , September 1962, pp. 19-20. + +* 1962 - The Lay Missionary in Latin America + +* 1962 - Education and Economic Development + * in Data for DECISION in Latin America, maggio/giugno/luglio 1962, + * in Obras Completas Italianas 1 + +* 1962 - Dear Mary: Letter to an American Volunteer + +* 1962 - The Philosophy of Intercultural Formation + * In: CIF brochure + +----- + +* 1963 - Grundsätze für die heranbildung zur missionsarbeit + * _Principles for training for missionary work_ + * In: Die Not der Kirche und die Aufgabe der Ordensleute (Pro mundi vita), in: Bericht des ersten internationalen Kongresses, Essen/Deutschland 3.-5.September 1963 + +* 1963 - Latin America and a Better Religious Life + * Conference given by Illich to the Representatives of the Religious Conferences of the United States and Canada. Cuernavaca, April 4, 1963 + +----- + +* 1964 - Religion and the Universities: An Invitation to Discussion + * in CIF Reports, vol. 2, febbraio 1964, poi in «CIDOC Cuaderno No. 37», 1969, pp. 16-18, + * in Obras Completas Italianas 1 + +* 1964 - A Note from the Publisher + * in CIF Reports, vol. 2, n. 10, marzo 1964, pp. 3-4; poi in «CIDOC Cuaderno No. 37», 1969, pp. 10/3-4. I + * in Obras Completas Italianas 1 + +* 1964 - The Education of Submarginal People + * in Joseph P. Fitzpatrick (a c. di), Educational Planning and Socio-Economic Development in Latin America, «Sondeos No. 9», 1966, pp. 159-161. + * in Obras Completas Italianas 1 + +----- + +* 1965 - Recensión del libro "Priesternot in Lateinamerika, de PROMPER, Werner". + * Ed. Latein-Amerika-Kolleg der Katholicischen Universitat, 1965/. + * In: CIDOC Informa, Cuernavaca, Mor., México, 2(15):223 ago. '65. + +* 1965 - Dear Father Kevane + +----- + +* 1966 - Reflektion über die Grenzen der Ästhetik. Abschrift von Aufzeichnugen für eine Konferenz über ästhetische und religiöse Erfahrung Teil 1 + * _Reflection on the Limits of Aesthetics. Transcript of recordings for a conference on aesthetic and religious experience part 1._ + * Cuernavaca 25.10 1966 und Teil 2, Cuernavaca, 26.10.1966 + +* 1966 - Transcripción de notas para una conferencia sobre la experiencia estética y la experiencia religiosa (dos partes) + * In Sondeos 77. Ensayos sobre la trascendencia, in 1971. + +* 1966 - Financial Aid for Latin America + +* 1966 - Concerning Aesthetic and Religious Experience + +* 1966 - Definition of CIF (Center of Intercultural Formation) + +----- + +* **1967 - The Use and Abuse of Religious Symbols in Present-Day Change** + * Lecture in National University of Mexico, mentioned in "Divine Desobedience", page 297. + +* 1967 - The Seamy Side of Charity + * In: Celebration of Awareness + * In: the powerless church + * Las sombras de la caridad + +* 1967 - The Vanishing Clergyman + * In: Celebration of Awareness + * the powerless church + * La Metamorfosis del clero + * In Spanish: + * Sobre el celibato y casamiento de los sacerdotes. SIEMPRE, México, (733):38-42,82, 12 jul '67. + * El clero, una 'especie' que desaparece. PASTORAL MISIONERA, /s.1./, 5(1):68-89, 69.01.-02. (Pastoral Fronteriza) and CIDOC DOC. 69/158: + * Drafted in 1959 + +* 1967 - The Secular City and the Structure of Religious Life: A Discussion Outline + * Cuernavaca 1967, in CIDOC Informa, gennaio-giugno 1968, «CIDOC Cuaderno No. 20», vol. 6, 1968, pp. 51a/1-9. + * in Obras Completas Italianas 1 + +* 1967 - Letter to Pope Paul VI + * In: Entredicho + * In: The powerless church and other selected writings, 1955-1985 + +* 1967 - The Redistribution of Educational Tasks between Schools and Other Organs of Society + +* 1967 - A Call to Celebration + * In: Celebration of Awareness + +----- + +* 1968 - The Futility of Schooling in Latin America + * in: Saturday Review, vol. 51, n. 16, 20 aprile, 1968, pp. 57-59, 74-75; + * Also: "The Futility of Schooling", in Celebration of Awareness, 1970 (vedi). + +* 1968 - To Hell with Good Intentions + * Also: "Yankee, Go Home: The American Do-Gooder in South America" + * In the Church + +* 1968 - Latin American in revolution; violence: a mirror for americans + * New York, AMERICA, 27 de abril de 1968/. + * Trad: Raíz común de la violencia en el ambiente de acción estadounidense; estado de revolución en América Latina, punto de partida para una reflexión sobre la violencia. Trad. de Victor NAZARIO Cuernavaca, 28 de abril de 1968. 5 p. dáctilo. CIDOC DOC. 68/67.a.: + +* 1968 - Violence: A Mirror for Americans + * In: Celebration of Awareness + +* 1968 - La escuela, esa vieja y gorda vaca sagrada + * In: DOC. 68/95.: ILLICH, Ivan. La escuela, esa vieja y gorda vaca sagrada; en América Latina abre un abismo - de clases y prepara a una élite y con ella el fascismo. In: SIEMPRE, México, D.F., 78(789):30-40, ago 7 '68. + * In: 1970 - Bolivia y la revolución cultural + * Also: "Hacia un abismo de clases", En América Latina ¿para que sirve la escuela?, Buenos Aires, Búsqueda, 1973, pp. 11-31; + * Also: "La vaca sagrada", in Alternativas, cit. (Obras reunidas, cit., pp. 99-115). + * Also: "School: The Sacred Cow" in Celebration of Awareness + + +* 1968 - Control popular del poder y de la potencia + * Resumen de una ponencia presentada en el CIDOC. Cuernavaca, Mor., México, junio 15 de 1968. /11 p. Dáctilo/. CIDOC DOC. 68/102 + +* 1968 - Celebration of the Experience of Change + * in Church +----- + +* 1969 - On STYLE: the root of dissidence, deviance and delinquency + * in: CIDOC Cuaderno No.83 , Cuernavaca 1973 (reprinted) + +* 1969 - Between Jail and Campus: The Chaplain's Halfway House + * in: Church, Change and Development + +* 1969 - The need for counterfoil research + * Address to the Canadian Institute of Public Affairs at Couchiching + * In: CIDOC DOC. 69/154. July 29th , 1969 . 14 p. + +* 1969 - Entmythologisierung der Schulpflicht + * _Demythologization of compulsory education_ + * in: Neues Forum, Wien, Oktober 1969 + +* 1969 - La metamorfosis de la escuela: mensaje en ocasión de la graduación celebrada en el recinto universitario de Río Pedras + * Puerto Rico, in El Día, 2 luglio 1969; + * In CIDOC Informa. Enero-Junio 1969, vol. 8, + * In Convergence/Convergencia, vol. 3, n. 1, 1970, pp. 4-11 + +* 1969 - Holy Mother School + +* 1969 - Foreword to the book "Cornell-Brazil Project: an experiment in learning" + * in: CIDOC Cuaderno 23 + +* 1969 - "Birth control" et conscience politique + * _"Birth control" and political awareness_ + * In: ESPRIT; Paris, 37(382):1056-1069. 69.06. + * In: CIDOC DOC. 69/144 + +* 1969 - El subdesarrollo progresivo es inevitable mientras no haya planeación de nuestras propias alternativas; I-III. + * In: NOVEDADES, México, D.F., 69.10.27-29, p. 1-7; 1-9;1-9 + * In: CIDOC DOC. 69/186 + +* 1969 - Outwitting the "Developed" Countries + * In: The New York Review of Books, Volume 13, Number 8 · November 6, 1969 + * In: "National health care; issues and problems in socialized medicine" (1971) + * Same us: "Planned Poverty: the end result of technical assistance" in "Celebration of Awareness" (1971) + * Same us: "Outwitting Developed Nations" in "Toward a History of Needs" (1976) + + +### 1970's + +* 1970 - El magisterio boliviano puede comandar la revolución cultural en América Latina + * in: Revista Nacional de Cultura, vol. 1, n. 1, gennaio-aprile 1970, pp. 13-23; + * in: Bolivia y la revolución cultural, 1970 (vedi), pp. 11-23. + +* 1970 - Sexual Power and Political Potency + * in Celebration + +* 1970 - The need for cultural revolution + * Rough copy addressed to THE GREAT IDEAS TODAY for publication in 1970 issue. Cuernavaca, 70.04. 13 p. + * In: CIDOC DOC. 70/217 + * Same as: 1971 - "A Constitution for Cultural Revolution" in "Celebration of Awareness" + +* 1970 - Foreword to the book "Repertorio para el estudio de las iglesias en la sociedad de América Latina: 1960-1969" + * in: CIDOC Cuederno 52 + +* 1970 - Foreword to the book "Unidad y testimonio de las grandes letras hispanoamericanas" + * in: CIDOC Cuederno 53 + +* 1970 - The False Ideology of Schooling + +* 1970 - Aus Durst wird Coca Cola. Hilflose Entwicklungshilfe + * _Thirst turns into Coca Cola. Helpless development aid_ + * in: Neues Forum, Wien, Anfang Februar 1970 + +* 1970 - Signposts for a Cultural Revolution + * Canadian Forum , April/May 1970, pp. 118-21 + +* 1970 - Mission and Midwifery, Part I: Missionary Formation Based on Missiology + +* 1970 - Mission and Midwifery, Part II: Selection and Formation of the Missionary + +* 1970 - Missionary Poverty + * Final version of "1958 - Missionary poverty: basic policies for courses of missionary formation" + +* 1970 - Missionary Silence + * "Missionary Silence?" was written in 1960 and given to Illich’s +first group of trainees in Cuernavaca in 1961. + * Same as "The eloquence of silence" (included in Celebration of Awareness) + +* 1970 - Beecher Lectures + * Cuaderno CIDOC ; No.1002 + * Cuederno CIDOC Sondeos 77. Ensayos sobre la trascendencia + +* 1970 - Why we must abolish schooling + * In: THE NEW YORK REVIEW OF BOOKS, New York, N. Y., 15(1):9-15, 70.07.02 + * In: CIDOC DOC. 70/222: + +* 1970 - Urge una revolución cultural en las instituciones, para crear una nueva estructura de aspiraciones humanas + * In: SIEMPRE! México, (889):48-50, 102, 70.07.08 + * In: CIDOC DOC. 70/223 + +* 1970 - Révolution Culturelle, école et développement + * In: LES TEMPS MODERNES, París, 26(287):2074-2083, 70.06 + * In: CIDOC DOC 70/226: + +* 1970 - Muß die 3. Welt wie die 1. werden?, + * _Does the 3rd World have to become like the 1st?_ + * in: Friedensbulletin Nr. 4/ Latein-amerika, Stuttgart o.J. + +* 1970 - Schulen in Lateinamerika sind unnütz + * _Schools in Latin America are useless_ + * in: Hochland, 62. Jahrgang 1970, 2. Heft März/April 1970 + +* 1970 - Muß die 3. Welt wie die 1. werden? + * _Does the 3rd World have to become like the 1st?_ + * in: Friedensbulletin Nr. 4/ Latein-amerika, Stuttgart o.J. + +* 1970 - Die Schule als neue Weltreligion + * _The School as a New World Religion_ + * in: Schatz, Oskar (Hg.): Hat die Religion Zukunft? Graz 1971, Styria Verlag. Vorträge und Diskussionsbeiträge des 5. Salzburger Humanismusgesprächs, 22.25.8.1970 + +* 1970 - Pour en finir avec la religion de l'école. + * _To finish with the religion of the school_ + * In: Esprit, Nouvelle Série. Decembre 1970 + +* 1970 - Review of "The Rockefeller Report on the Americas. The Official Report of a United States Presidential Mission for the Western Hemisphere" + * In: The Hispanic American Historical Review, 50(4), 759. doi:10.2307/2512325 + +* 1970 - Review of "Cultural Factors in Inter-American Relations" by Samuel Shapiro + * In: The Hispanic American Historical Review, 50(2), 351. doi:10.2307/2513032 + +* 1970 - Churchmen in Latin America should take the initiative to Call for the Abolition of Abortion Laws + * Talk given at the meeting of the Population Council at Cornell University, Syracuse, N.Y. 70.10.16 + * In: CIDOC Antologia A3. Alternative: Health Care. CIDOC 70/72 - Selection. Preparatory Documents for 1974 Seminar + +* 1970 - Schooling the Ritual of Progress + +* 1970 - Contribution to Milieu 70 in Winnipeg + +----- + +* 1971 - Plädoyer für die Abschaffung der Schule + * _Plea for the abolition of the school_ + * in: Enzensberger, H.M./Michel, K.M. (Hrsg.): Kursbuch 24, Berlin, Juni 1971 + +* 1971 - Lima Discourse + * Speech delivered at conference "The World Education Crisis and the Church," sponsored by the World Council of Churches at Lima, Peru, 18 July 1971. + * Same as: "Education as an Idol" + * Same as: "El capitalismo del saber" + * Similar to: "Education: A Consumer Commodity and a Pseudo-Religion". The Christian Century, LXXXVIII (December 15, 1971), 1464. :!: Include small and important variations, including the reference to Jesus at the end. According to the text, "The substance of this article was the 1971 Bishop George A. Miller Lecture on Interamerican Affairs at Scarritt College for Christian Workers, Nashville, Tennessee." This was presented as lecture on October 4th 1971, so the chanes was introduced by Illich to this specific audience. We received information on this from gcah@gcah.org + * In: The Powerless Church + * In: Ivan Illich, "Lima Discourse", Learning for Living 13, no. 3 (1974): 85–89. + + +* 1971 - Schule-Fortschritt-Götze? + * _School-Progress-God?_ + * in: Orientierung. Katholische Blätter für weltanschauliche Information, Zürich, 35. Jahrgang, Nr.20, 31.Oktober 1971, S. 221-224 + +* 1971 - ¿Abolición de las leyes sobre el aborto? + * in Boletín Documental sobre la Mujer, vol. 1, n. 3, 1971, pp. 3-10; poi in FEM. Publicación feminista trimestral, vol. 1, n. 2, gennaio-marzo 1977, pp. 26-27. + +* 1971 - Abolishing schools 1 + * In New York Times, May 3, 1971. page 37. + +* 1971 - The Dawn of Epimethean Man + * in Bernard Landis, Eduard S. Tauber (a c. di), + * In: "the Name of Life: Essays in Honor of Erich Fromm", New York, Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1971, pp. 161-173; + * in: Deschooling Society, 1971 + * Note: :!: the original translated spanish version published in DOC 70/244, "El amanecer del hombre Epimeteo; preparado para un symposium en honor de Erich FROMM" it's very different from the one in Deschooling Society, so original version of that text (from 1970) should be checked. + +* 1971 - The Institutional Spectrum + * in CrossCurrents, vol. 21, n. 1, inverno 1971, pp. 87-97; + * Also: The Breakdown of the Schools, 1971 + * Also: Deschooling Society, 1971 + +* 1971 - Draft for an address to the American Educational Research Association meeting in New York + * February 6, 1971. CIDOC, Doc. A/E 71/282. + +* 1971 - The Powerless Church + +* 1971 - De-schooling the Teaching Orders + * In: AMERICA, New York, 124(1):12-14, 71.01.09. + * In: The Powerless Church and Other Selected Writings, 1955-1985, cit., pp. 140-145. + +* 1971 - Por qué debemos abolir la trata escolar + * Cuaderno 66 + +* 1971 - Contra la religión de la escuela + * Cuaderno 66 + * CIDOC DOC. 71/323: + +* 1971 - Draft for an address to the AERA (American Educational Research Association) + * meeting int New York, February 6, 1971. + * In: CIDOC DOC. 71/282 + +* 1971 - The Alternative to Schooling + * In: "Saturday Review". 19 June 1971 + * Revised and reprinted with same title except for one noted change In Current, July 1971; In Ti mes Educational Supplement [London], 29 October 1971, pp. 18 6f 47, EJ 052 829; In Orientations [Paris], January 1971, pp. 104-26; + * Same as: "The Deschooled Society," In The Expanded Campus , edited by Dyckman W. Vermllye, San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1972; as chapter In Alternatives In Education: A Regional Practlcum> Singapore 8 INNOTECH, SEAMEO Regional Center for Educational Innovation and Technology, 1972; and as chapter in Myth and Reality: A Reader In Education , edited by Glenn Smith and Charles R. Knlker, Boston: Allyn & Bacon, 1972 + +* 1971 - Education without school: how it can be done + * Included in "Farewell to schools" by Daniel Levine + * Published in New York Book reviews on January 7, 1971 + * in New York Review of Books, vol. 15, n. 12, 7 gennaio 1971, pp. 25-31; + * Also: The Breakdown of Schools, 1971 + * Also: Deschooling Society, 1971 (vedi), cap. 5. + +* 1971 - The Alternative to Schooling; Extended Version FIXME + * Cuernavaca, 71.10.04. /A Shortened Version of this Article has been published in SATURDAY REVIEW, 71.06.19. + * In: CIDOC DOC. A/E 71/324/. + * In: CIDOC DOC. 71/341: + +* 1971 - A Center Conference: toward a Society without Schools. + * In: CENTER REPORT, Santa Bárbara, California, 4(1):3-6, 71.02. + * With: ILLICH, Iván; REIMER, Everett; WILKINSON, John; BELLMAN, Richard + * In: CIDOC DOC. 71/295 + +* 1971 - Should Children Be Liberated from Tyranny of School? + * National Catholic Reporter , 16 April 1971, pp. 4A-5A. + * "Down with Schooling, Up with Education," New York Sunday Times , 7 November 1971, pp. 37-39 + +* 1971 - The Breakdown of Schools: A Problem or a Symptom? + +* 1971 - Society and Imagination + +* **1971 - The Evolution of the School** + * In: Convergence 3, no. 1 (1971): 1-11. + +* 1971 - The Roots of Human Liberation + * Times Educational Supplement (TES) [London Times], 16 July 1971, p. 4. + +* 1971 - Review of the book: "This Book Is About Schools" + * In: THE NEW YORK TIMES BOOK REVIEW, New York, N. Y., 71.03.21. 1 p. + * In: CIDOC DOC. 71/311: + +* 1971 - The Institutionalization of Truth + * In the compilation book "Tradition and Revolution: The Frank Gerstein Lectures" edited by Lionel Rubinoff. Audio recording of this conference exists. + +* 1971 - On the Necessity to De-school Society + * CIDOC Cuaderno 82 + * UNESCO Series B: Opinions,no. 38. 1971. Prepared for the International Comission on the Development of Education, which eventually published Its report as Learning to Be + * French version available + +* 1971 - Mr Chief Justice Burger and the disestablishment of schooling + * Draft of an essay submitted to the editors of THE NEW YORK TIMES. Cuernavaca, Mor., 71.03. + * in CIDOC CUADERNO. No. 76 + * in CIDOC DOC 71/310 + +* 1971 - After Deschooling, What? + * in Social Policy, vol. 2, n. 3, settembre-ottobre 1971, pp. 5-13. + +* 1971 - Radical Politics: The Need to Overthrow the Domination of Productivity + * Summary of speech Issued in The Teilhard Centre for the Future of Man, from Its sixth annual conference In London, "The Case for Hope and the Cost of Hope," 22-23 October 1971. 2 pp + +* 1971 - Memo of Ivan Illich to the Editor of Cuadernos + * In: Joel H. Spring, Education and the Rise of the Corporate State, «CIDOC Cuaderno No. 50», Cuernavaca, Centro Intercultural de Documentación, 1971, pp. 0/3-5; poi Boston, Beacon Press, 1973, pp. IX-X. + +* 1971 - De la nécessité de déscolariser la société + * UNESCO, Série B, 38, Paris, 1971. + +* 1971 - Foreword to the book "Education and the rise of the corporate state" + +* 1971 - Alternatives in Education + * In: Ontario Education March-April 1971: Volume 3, Issue 2. + +* 1971 - Political Inversion + * In: CIDOC DOC. 72/353: + * Included in "Imprisoned in the Global Classroom" + +* 1971 - In Lieu of Education + * In: Illich, Ivan: Toward a history of needs + +* 1971 - Ivan Illich Challenges Education + * In: CIDOC DOC A/E, 1971. + +* **1971 - Look Out Practitioners** + * In: CIDOC DOC A/E 71/282/10, 1971. + +----- + +* 1972 - Density and dignity + * Presentation at HABITAT I Forum, organized United Nations. Took place on June 11th. Looked for it, seems not to exist? + +* 1972 - The Deschooled Society + * In: The Expanded Campus: Current Issues In Higher Education, A publication of the American Association for Higher Education + +* 1972 - :!: Alternatives to Schooling, Melbourne, Nov. 1972, Andrew Bain/Australian Union of Students + +* 1972 - How Will We Pass on Christianity? + * The Critic . January/February 1972, pp. 14-21. + +* 1972 - Foreword to book "Letters from the Desert" + +* 1972 - Re-tooling Society; Draft + * Cuernavaca, 72.04.15. 51 p. /dâctilo/. + * In: CIDOC DOC. 72/369 + * Spanish: Criterios y metodos de limitacion de los medios de produccion; apuntes. DOC I/V 72/19 + +* **1972 - Education: Knowledge Capitalism** + * In: CIDOC. No. 39, p. 74-84 (A: S/3514) + * Is the Lima Discourse, check: https://archive.org/details/sim_idoc-international-documentation_1972-01-15_39/page/76/mode/2up?q=%22Knowledge+Capitalism%2C+Ivan+Illich%22 + * :!: Not in CIDOC Cuaderno 39, unclear... + +* 1972 - A Center Conference: Toward a Society without Schools + * CIDOC DOCUMENTA Alternatives in Education V. 2, + +* 1972 - Gradual Change or Violent Revolution in Latin America? + * In the book "Latin America: The dynamics of social change" Edited by Stefan A. Halper & John R. Sterling. + +* **1972 - Hacía una sociedad convivencial** + * In: CIDOC CUADERNO. No. 1021 + +* 1972 - Institutional Inversion + * In: CIDOC CUADERNO. No. 1017 + +* 1972 - Anglo American Law and a convivial society + * In: CIDOC CUADERNO. No. 82 + * Also named "Design for a Convivial Society". New Guinea 7, no. 3 (September/October 1972): 27-35. + +* 1972 - A Convivial Society for Melanesia? + * In: Maybe in 6th Waigani Seminar in April–May 1972, "Priorities in Melanesian development: Papers delivered at the Sixth Waigani Seminar sponsored jointly by the University of Papua and New Guinea + +* 1972 - Gradual change or violent revolution in Latin America? + +* 1972 - Aufforderung zum Sturz des Schulgötzen + * _Call for the overthrow of the school idol_ + * in: Lüning, Hildegard(Hrsg.): Schadet die Schule unseren Kindern?, Düsseldorf 1972, Patmos-paper-backs + +* 1972 - The illusion of unlimited health insurance FIXME + +* 1972 - Technology and Conviviality + +* 1972 - Bibliografía Límites; agosto-septiembre de 1972 + * In: DOC Limites 72/37 + +* 1972 - Growth: myth and reality + +----- + +* 1973 - Energy and Equity: final draft + * Date: 27 April 1973 + * in: DOC I/V 73/29 and CIDOC Cuaderno 84 + * note: This text is different from Energy and Equity of 1974, published by as book by Harper and Boyards + +* 1973 - Energie, Vitesse et Justice Sociale + * _Energy, Speed and Social Justice_ + * In: Le Monde, París on 5, 6 and 7 of June, 1973 with the title "Energie, Vitesse et Justice Sociale" + * In: "Energie et Equité" in DOC I/V 73/34 and CIDOC Cuaderno 84 + +* 1973 - An Expansion of the Concept of Alienation + * In: Journal of Social Philosophy , January 1973, pp. 1-7* + +* 1973 - La necesidad de un techo común; el control social de la tecnología + * In: CIDOC Documenta l/V 71/4, September 1971, pp. 4/1-4/3. + +* 1973 - Maintaining a Wattage Threshold + * In: "The New York Times".; p. 33 + +* 1973 - Limits of Therapy + * Preparatory Documents for 1974 CIDOC + +* 1973 - Herramientas para la convivencia + * In: CIDOC CUADERNO. No. 1027 + +* 1973 - La escuela y la represión de nuestros hijos + +* 1973 - National Health Insurance and the People's Health + * In: CIDOC CUADERNO. No. 84 + +* 1973 - On the Political Uses of Natural Death + * In: CIDOC CUADERNO. No. 84 + +* 1973 - La importación de la muerte natural + * In: CIDOC CUADERNO. No. 84 + +* 1973 - Para reencontrar la vida + * In: CIDOC CUADERNO. No. 84 + +* 1973 - Recycling the World + * In: CIDOC CUADERNO. No. 84 + * The Guardian (1959-2003); London (UK) [London (UK)]. 15 June 1973 + +* 1973 - The illusion of unlimited Health Insurance + * In: CIDOC Documenta I/V, Julio 1971 - Agosto 1972. In: CIDOC CUADERNO. No. 82 + +* 1973 - To Pedal a Theory: The High Life on Low Energy: II + * New York Times (1923-); New York, N.Y. [New York, N.Y]. 18 Sep 1973: 43. + +* 1973 - Criterios y métodos de limitación de los medios de producción + * in: CIDOC Cuaderno No.83 , Cuernavaca 1973 + +* 1973 - Inverting Politics, Retooling Society: From Tools for Conviviality + * Fragment from Tools for Conviviality + * In: The American Poetry Review, Vol. 2, No. 3 (May/June 1973), pp. 51-53 + +* 1973 - Letter to my editor + +* 1973 - Für eine freundliche Gesellschaft. Die postindustrielle Struktur + * _For a friendly society. The post-industrial structure_ + * in: Neues Forum, Wien, Jänner/Februar + +* 1973 - Energie, Geschwindigkeit und soziale Gerechtigkeit + * _Energy, speed and social justice_ + * In three parts: + * Energie, Geschwindigkeit und soziale Gerechtigkeit: I. Eine verhängnisvolle Illusion, in: Orientierung. Katholische Blätter für weltanschauliche Information, Zürich, 37. Jahrgang, Nr.20, 31.Oktober 1973, S. 223-225 + * Energie, Geschwindigkeit und soziale Gerechtigkeit: II. Was kostet die gewonnene Zeit, in: Orientierung. Katholische Blätter für weltanschauliche Information, Zürich, 37. Jahrgang, Nr.21, 15. November 1973, S. 240-242 + * Energie, Geschwindigkeit und soziale Gerechtigkeit: III. Für eine Welt technologischer Reife, in: Orientierung. Katholische Blätter für weltanschauliche Information, Zürich, 37. Jahrgang, Nr.22, 30. November 1973, S. 246-248 + * Note: this is probably a direct translation from the text published in Le Monde France. + +* 1973 - La historia termodinámica del transporte de personas: apuntes bibliográficos. Introducción. + * In: CIDOC Antologia B8, Alternativas al transporte + +* **1973 - Contre la production du bien-être** + * Esprit (1940-)n426 (7-8) (19730701): 33-38 + +----- + +* 1974 - Energy and Equity + * In: Toward a history of needs + * In: "Energy and Equity", Calder & Boyards, Ideas in Progress collection + * Note: the contents is different from the 1973 versions (both CIDOC and Le Monde) + +* 1974 - Les coûts de l'education a vie + +* 1974 - Discurso en el Colegio de Abogados de San Juan, Puerto Rico, el 15 de abril de 1974 + * In: CIDOC DOCUMENTA I/V + +* 1974 - The Annual Encyclopaedia Brittanica Lecture + * Edinburgh, April 26, 1974, + * Same as: Tantalizing Needs, in Toward a history of needs + +* 1974 - Die sogenannte Energiekrise oder die Lähmung der Gesellschaft + * _The so-called energy crisis or the paralysis of society_ + * In: Reinbek bei Hamburg 1974, rororo aktuell + +* 1974 - 'Narrenlob' des Fahrrads. Versuch einer Theorie zu den Graden der Mobilität + * _'Fool's praise' of the bicycle. Attempt at a theory on the degrees of mobility_ + * in: Fahrräder und was dazugehört. Bundespreis 'Gute Form' 1974. Eine Ausstellung des Rates für Formgebung, Darmstadt 1974 + +* **1974 - Muzzling political power and paternal potency** + * Population in Latin America, Washington : Division for Latin America, USCC, + * Available at: https://grace.gtu.edu/record=b1150452 + * Requested to: library@gtu.edu + +----- + +* 1975 - Crisis en la didáctica, 2a parte. + +* 1975 - Introduction + * In: CIDOC CUADERNO. No. 90 + +* 1975 - La educación autocrítica + * and Paulo Freire + +* 1975 - Pilgrims of the Obvious: A Conversation with Ivan Illich and Paulo Freire + * In: "Risk" + +* 1975 - The industrialization of medicine + * In: Health and industrial growth, Elsevier, 1975 + +* 1975 - The medicalization of life + * In: "Journal of Medical Ethics. The Journal of the Society for the Study of Medical Ethics" + +* 1975 - Clinical damage, medical monopoly, the expropriation of health: Three dimensions of iatrogenic tort + * Journal of Medical Ethics, Vol. 1, No. 2 (Jul., 1975), pp. 78-80 + +* 1975 - The Recovery of Health + * In: Cross currents (New Rochelle, N.Y.), 1975, Vol.25 (3), p.299-308. - West Nyack, N.Y., etc: Convergence, Inc + +* 1975 - Behold the Ball Bearing! + * Design and Environment Spring 1975: Vol 6 Iss 1 + +* 1975 - Die Medizin macht uns krank. Diskussion mit Ivan Illich über "Nemesis der Medizin" + * _Medicine makes us sick. Discussion with Ivan Illich about "Nemesis of Medicine"_ + +* **1975 - Fuir la douleur?** + * Esprit (1940-)n444 (3) (19750301): 370-386 + +* 1975 - Grenzen der Medizin + * _Limits of medicine_ + +* 1975 - On the limits of medicine + +* 1975 - Institutions and Autonomy + +* 1975 - Introduction to Calder and Boyards compilation on Education + +* 1975 - Specific counterproductivity + +* 1975 - Conviviality + * Lecture in the International Internship Course on Active Labour: Policy Development of the International Institute for Labour Studies + +* 1975 - Les enseignants sont-ils necessaires? + * _Are professors necessaries?_ + +* **1975 - Le piège de l'école à vie** + * _The lifelong school trap_ + * In: Le Monde de l'Éducation, n. 2, p. 11-14, 1975 + * With Etienne Verne + +----- + +* 1976 - Imprisoned in the Global Classroom + +* 1976 - The Medicated Society + * The Washington Post (1974-); May 30, 1976; + +* **1976 - The expanding Medical Industry, the Money and the Myths** + * in: America 1976-05-01: Vol 134 Iss 17 + +* 1976 - Bibliographical Supplement To: Medical Nemesis, Pantheon, 1976 & Limits To Medicine, Boyars, 1976 + * Note: published after the books, in DOC 76/1 + +* 1976 - The age of professional dominance + * [A draft.] In: "TECNO-POLITICA". Doc. Cuernavaca, (México) + +* 1976 - Forword to "Freiheit zum Lernen" + * _Foreword in Freedom to Learn_ + * In: Dauber/Verne (Hrsg.): Freiheit zum Lernen, Reinbek bei Hamburg 1976, rororo sachbuch Vorwort in Freiheit zum Lernen + +* 1976 - Was heißt kontraproduktiv? + * _What does counterproductive mean?_ + * in: Kleintechnologie contra Wirtschaft, Frankfurt/Main 1976, Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag, Magazin Brennpunkte 5 + +* 1976 - Capovolgere le istituzioni + * _Turning institutions upside down_ + * in: Illich in discussione, Milano 1976, Emme Edizioni + +* 1976 - Introduction to "The Interdependence of Philippians" by Greer Taylor + * in: DOC I/V 73.46 - The Interdependence of Philippians + +* 1976 - Disabling Professions: notes for a lecture + +* 1976 - Energy and Equity + * Simple Living Newsletter, 1976-[1977]. Author: American Friends Service Committee + +----- + +* 1977 - Useful Unemployment and its Professional Enemies + * Published in the book compilation entitled "Toward a History of Needs" + * Note: original draft was "Equity in Useful Unemployment and its Professional Enemies", published in DOC 77/4. :!: It's not exactly the same text + +* 1977 - The Waning of the Professional Age + * The Critic Winter 1977: Volume 36, Issue 2. + +* 1977 - Disabling Professions + * In the book of the same name, its only one article from Illich + +* 1977 - Factors in Contemporary Medicine that Undermine Moral Values in Society at Large as well as in Medicine + +* 1977 - Appendix in "Think About the Family" + +* 1977 - Die Arbeit in der Wachstumskrise + * _The work in the growth crisis_ + * in: Institut für Gesellschaftspolitik (Hrsg.): Mitteilungen, Heft 22, Wien 1977 + +* 1977 - Die Gesellschaft in den Fängen der Bedürfnismacher + * _Society in the clutches of the need-makers_ + * in: Scheidewege, Stuttgart 1977, Jahrgang 7, Heft 4 + +* 1977 - L’incompétence spécialisée + * _Specialized incompetence_ + * In: Introduction to "L'Ecole à perpétuité", H. Dauber, E. Verne,Paris, Seuil, 1977 + +----- + +* 1978 - Alternativas de la educacion + * In: Coleccion Afluente. Ed. Apex: Buenos Aires; 116 + +* 1978 - Introduction to "Doctors on trial" + +* 1978 - Taught Mother Tongue + * In Mirror + * Prepared for a meeting on ‘The Need for New Terminology to Deal with “Mother Tongues”’ held at the Central Institute of Indian Languages. The lecture was given to honor Prof. D.P. Pattanayak. Mysore, India, 1978 + +* 1978 - Introduction to "The Inverse of Managed Health" + * In: "Social Alternatives". with Borremans, Valentina + +* 1978 - The Message of Bapu’s Hut + * In mirror + * Inaugural Speech. Sevagram Ashram Pratishthan Sevagram, Wardha, January 1978 + +* 1978 - Disabling Professions + * talk at the India International Centre on 13 Feb 1978. + +* 1978 - The Disabling Professions + * New Zealand Association of Social Workers Biennial Conference, August 1978, Massey University + +* 1978 - The need-makers + * In: "The Professions and Public Policy" by Slayton, Philip; Trebilcock, Michael J + +* 1978 - Os llamamos a festejar + +* 1978 - El derecho al desempleo creador + * In: Diálogos: Artes, Letras, Ciencias humanas, Vol. 14, No. 5 (83) (septiembre-octubre 1978), pp. 11-19. El Colegio de Mexico. + * In: TecnoPolitica 78.11. :!: This version includes a short preface and bibliography. + +* 1978 - How the benefits of wealth and technology have backfired on society + * In: The Times, 23/01/1978 + +* 1978 - Introducción a "Lo inverso de la salud administrada" de Valentina Borremans + +----- + +* 1979 - The Tensor of Options + +* 1979 - Preface to "Guide to convivial tools" + +* 1979 - The New Frontier for Arrogance: Colonization of the Informal Sector + +* 1979 - Vernacular Values and Education + +* 1979 - The Educational Sphere + * In Mirror + * Fragment from notes for a lecture at Teachers College, Columbia University, New York. Spring 1979. + +* 1979 - Alternative technologies and three-dimensional option + * Presented in NGO Forum. Vienna, Austria + * Partial french version "La Troisieme dimension de la Technclcgie" + +* 1979 - Alternative Technologien und dreidimensionale Option + * _Alternative technologies and three-dimensional option_ + +* 1979 - Die Zukunft gehört der "heimischen" Gesellschaft + * _The future belongs to the "domestic" society_ + +* 1979 - Auseinandersetzung zu Flöhl + * _Discussion on Flöhl_ + +* 1979 - Klapp off Rom Diskussion bei der Anti-UNO + * _Klapp off Rome discussion at the anti-UNO_ + +* 1979 - La società "desiderabile" + * _The desirable society_ + +* 1979 - Selig in der 3. Dimension. Referat vor der Wiener UNO-Konferenz + * _Blessed in the 3rd dimension. Speech before the Vienna UN Conference_ + +* 1979 - Language as a Commodity + * in: "Learning tomorrows : commentaries on the future of education" by Wagschal, Peter H + +* 1979 - Kasseler Vorlesungsnotizen - Wintersemester 1979/80 + * _Kassel Lecture Notes - Winter Semester 1979/80_ + +* 1979 - Energie und Gerechtigkeit + * _Energy and justice_ + +* 1979 - The Three Dimensions of Public Option + * Keynote Speech at the 16th General Assembly of the Society for International Development. Colombo, Sri Lanka, 15th August, 1979. + * In Mirror + +* 1979 - Von ende des entwicklungsverhabens + * _From the end of the development project_ + +* 1979 - Allocution prononcée lors de la séance de clôture du Colloque International sur l'Informatique et la Société + * Paris, Palais des Congrés, 24-28 septembre, 1979. + * Note: better digital version maybe included in "Actes du Colloque international Informatique et société, [Paris, 24-28 septembre 1979]" (4 volumes). Requested in https://www.sciencespo.fr/ + + +### 1980's + +* 1980 - Ueber das abendseminar im Spaetherbst 1979 in Kassel + * _About the evening seminar in Kassel in late autumn 1979_ + +* 1980 - Alternativas del desarrollo + * In: "El Viejo Topo". + +* 1980 - Los profesionales de la impotencia. + * In: "Construcción, Arquitectura y Urbanismo". 61, Col. Of. de Arquitectos Téc. y Aparejadores de Cataluña: Barcelona; + +* 1980 - Hugh - or, Science by People + * In: "Ciencia del Pueblo", El viejo topo (1982) + +* 1980 - The De-linking of Peace and Development + * Opening address on the occasion of the first meeting of the Asian Peace Research Association Yokohama, 1st December 1980 + * In Mirror + +* 1980 - Peace vs Development + +* 1980 - Tools for Subsistence and Tools for production + * TecnoPolitica Doc 80.17 + +* 1980 - Umschwenken setzt Umdenken voraus + * _A change of direction requires a change of mindset_ + +* 1980 - Vorwort zu Scuola dell obbligo e controllo sociale + * _Foreword to Scuola dell obbligo e controllo sociale_ + +* 1980 - Das Buch der Bücher + * _The book of books_ + +* 1980 - Erziehung am Ausgang des Industriezeitalters + * _Education at the end of the industrial age_ + +* 1980 - Gruppen und Klassen + * _Groups and classes_ + +* 1980 - Zur Homologie von homo oeconomicus und homo educandus + * _On the homology of homo economicus and homo educandus_ + +* 1980 - Schattenarbeit oder vernakuläre Tätigkeiten + * _Shadow work or vernacular activities_ + +* 1980 - Eigenarbeit ein politischer Slogan oder eine analytische Kategorie + * _Eigenarbeit a political slogan or an analytical category_ + +* 1980 - Il diritto alla disoccupazione creativa + * _The right to creative unemployment_ + +* 1980 - Ueber das abendseminar im Spaetherbst 1979 in Kassel + * _1980 - About the evening seminar in Kassel in late fall 1979_ + +* 1980 - Salud y calidad de vida + +* 1980 - Shadow-Work, a draft + +* 1980 - Vernacular Virtue + * Contribution to a conference on "International Influence and Local Art Communities" Dublin, September 3, 1980. + +* 1980 - Erziehung für ein leben im 7? Stock? Danke, nein! + * Education for a life on the 7th floor? Thank you, no!_ + +----- + +* 1981 - Vernacular Gender + * Note: this is a 61 pages article version, first published in TecnoPolitica DOC 07.81 + +* 1981 - Foreword to "Multilingualism and mother-tongue education" + * In: "Multilingualism and mother-tongue education" + +* 1981 - Taught Mother Language and Vernacular Tongue + * In: "Multilingualism and mother-tongue education" + +* 1981 - On Education + * In: "New Education" + +* 1981 - La guerra contra la subsistencia: antología. + * In: Coleccion "Esta America". + * Otro titulo: La represión del ámbito vernáculo. + +* 1981 - The War against Subsistence + * in: democracy. A Journal of Polical Renewal and Radical Change, New York July 1981, p. 70 -85 + +* 1981 - Development: its three dimensions + +* 1981 - Redeweisen vom Frieden + * _Ways of speaking about peace_ + +* 1981 - Strumenti di produzione, strumenti di sussistenza + * _Strumenti di produzione, strumenti di sussistenza_ + +* 1981 - Über die ökumenische Ver-wirung + * _On the ecumenical confusion_ + +* 1981 - Aufruf zum Ausbruch aus dem Irrenhaus + * _Call to escape from the madhouse_ + * English version: "Break free from the madhouse!"" + +----- + +* 1982 - The Cultural Limits to the Size of a Village + * Contibution to SID, Baltimore 1982 + +* 1982 - Leopold Kohr: Initiator of Social Morphology + * Symposium on the Human Scale in honour of Leopold Kohr, April 28 to 30, 1982 at Salzburg + * 1986 - Foreword to the book "The Breakdown of Nations" by Leopold Kohr + +* 1982 - Arts Education: Process and Product + * Opening Speech to the 24th World Congress of INSEA, Rotterdam 1981, in: Journal of Art&Design Education, Vol. 1, No.2 1982 + +* 1982 - Medicalization and primary care + * In: "The Journal of the Royal College of General Practitioners". + +* 1982 - Silence is a Commons + * In Mirror + * Address to the annual Human Economy Session at the Eastern Economics Association Conference. Boston, 11th March 1988 + * Otro titulo: La sociedad gestionada mediante computadoras + +* 1982 - The Right to Dignified Silence + * In Mirror + * Address to ‘People’s Forum: Hope’ Tokyo, 23rd April 1982 + * 1983 - Das recht auf würdiges Schweigen + + +* 1982 - Draft for a lecture in Dublin + +* 1982 - Der gemeine Frieden + * _The common peace_ + +* 1982 - Über Aussteiger + * _About dropouts_ + +* 1982 - Forword to "Il potere di abitare" + * _Preface to "The power to inhabit"_ + +* 1982 - Das echte Geschlecht. Genus statt Sexus + * _The real gender. Genus instead of sexus_ + +* 1982 - Gesundheit als Teil der Lebensqualität + * _Health as part of quality of life_ + +* 1982 - Das Machen geschlechtsloser Menschen durch Erziehung + * _Making genderless people through education_ + +* 1982 - Die Schatten-Ökonomie + * _The shadow economy_ + +----- + +* 1983 - The Social Construction of Energy + * Opening Talk to a Seminar on "The Basic Option Within Any Future Low-Energy Society" held at El Colegio de México, July 1983 + * 1983 - L'énergie, un objet social + +* 1983 - I Too Have Decided to Keep Silent + * In Mirror + * Read and distributed at the 20th. "Evangelischer Kirchentag" in Hannover on June 9th. 1983. + +* 1983 - Marburger Vorlesungen + * _Marburg Lectures_ + +* 1983 - Verschriftete Existenz + * _Written Existence_ + +* 1983 - Reconocer la fragilidad de nuestro sol + * _Recognize the fragility of our sun_ + +* 1983 - Dank as die Gastfreunde + * _Thanks to our guests_ + +* 1983 - La reivindicación de la casa + * _The claim of the house_ + * In: "Archipiélago: cuadernos de crítica de la cultura". No 34-35, Archipiélago + * In: El País, Saturday 5th June 1983 + * Note: This text seems to be the base for "Dwelling" + +----- + +* 1984 - H20 and the Waters of Forgetfulness + * In Mirror + * Lecture to the Dallas Institute of Humanities and Culture, May 1984. + +* 1984 - The history of Homo Educandus + * In Mirror + * Opening Speech at the Plenum of the 5th World Congress of the World Council of Comparative Education Societies, at the Sorbonne. Paris, July 1984. + +* 1984 - Dwelling + * In Mirror + * Address to the Royal Institute of British Architects. York, U.K., July 1984. (Celebration of the 150th anniversary of the Royal Institute of British Architecs). + +* 1984 - The history of scarcity + +* 1984 - Eco Paedagogics and the Commons + * In: "Education". no. 2, 6, p. 29-34 + +* 1984 - Homo viator: Ideen und Wirklichkeiten + * _Homo viator: ideas and realities_ + +* 1984 - Grüne Politik als Kunst des Möglichen + * _Green politics as the art of the possible_ + +* 1984 - Lesen und Schreiben ist schädlich + * _Reading and writing is harmful_ + +* 1984 - Wort und Alphabet + * _Word and alphabet_ + +* 1984 - La salud y la calidad de vida en la escasez + * In: El País, 7th April 1984 + +* 1984 - Ni más educación, ni más desarrollo + * In: El País, 13th May 1984 + +* 1984 - El hedor de la ciudad y sus aguas + * In: El País, 2nd Sep 1984 + +* 1984 - Economics and the Decline of a Virtue: on the Medical Management of Life + * Was included with Melbourg 1983-1984 lectures + +* 1984 - Ian Illich im plenum am Ludwigsburger Hochschultag + * _Ian Illich in the plenum at the Ludwigsburg University Conference_ + +* 1984 - Marbourg Lecures 83-84 + +* 1984 - Sexist economy + * In: Science for villages. 75-76 + +* 1984 - Newspeak and uniquack in 1984 + +* 1984 - Phaidros + +* 1984 - ¿Podemos autoayudarnos? + * In: El Gallo 1259. This was translated from a german text published in a magazine called "Sozialmagazin" + +* 1984 - Summary of "Historical Hermeneutics of the Flesh" + +----- + +* 1985 - Tecnologica verde + +* 1985 - La búsqueda de nuevos commons + * with Susan Hunt + +* 1985 - Twelve Years after Medical Nemesis: A Plea for Body History + * In Mirror + * Consultation on ‘Health and Healing in America’ Pennsylvania State University, January 1985 + +* 1985 - Abt Hugo von St Viktor und der Gedanke einer menschlichen Wissenschaft + * _Abbot Hugo of St Victor and the idea of a human science_ + +* 1985 - Pilgernder und kriegender Individualismus + * _Pilgrim and warring individualism_ + * In: "Wider den Turmbau zu Babel. Disput mit Ivan Illich", Stephan Pfürtner + +* 1985 - Einführung in die Kulturgeschichte der Knappheit + * _Introduction to the cultural history of scarcity_ + * In: "Wider den Turmbau zu Babel. Disput mit Ivan Illich", Stephan Pfürtner + +* 1985 - Technischer Fortschritt und Dritte Welt + * _Technical progress and the Third World_ + +* 1985 - Schrift und Gewalt + * _Scripture and violence_ + +* 1985 - Vernakuläre Werte + * _Vernacular values_ + +* 1985 - Gespräch, nicht Kommunikation + * _Conversation, not communication_ + +* 1985 - Entre el patriarcado y el sexismo + +* 1985 - Hacia una historia de las necesidades + +* 1985 - Development: metaphor, myth, threat + * with Gustavo Esteva + +----- + +* 1986 - Education as a problem of scarcity of means + +* 1986 - A plea for body history + * Almos the same than "1985 - Twelve Years after Medical Nemesis: A Plea for Body History" + +* 1986 - A Plea for Research on Lay Literacy + * In Mirror + * Special Guest Lecture at the American Education Research Association (AERA) General Assembly. San Francisco, August 1986. + * In: "Literacy and orality". 1987. Olson, David R; Torrance, Nancy. :!: This version have small variations, need to review in detail. The version in Mirror seems to not the latest one. + * In: Ivan Illich, "A Plea for Research on Lay Literacy", Interchange, Vol. 18, #'s 1-2, Spring/Summer, 1987, pp. 9-22 + +* 1986 - Disvalue + * In Mirror + * Lecture to the first public meeting of the Entropy Society. Tokyo, Keyo University, 9th November 1986 + * Enlarged and combined with ‘Disvaluation: The Secret Capital Accumulation’ and ‘Beauty and the Junkyard’, two unpublished manuscripts completed in March 1987. + +* 1986 - Foreword to the book "On the social utility of psychopathology: a deviant majority and its keepers?" + +* 1986 - La Metamorfosi del Pagano Ovvero L'Intolleranza Terapeutica + +* 1986 - Wider die Naturalisierung der Schulgeschichte + * _Against the naturalization of school history_ + +* 1986 - Kogawa + +* 1986 - About the ONU + +* 1986 - Hair and the History of the City + * In: Stirrings of Culture: essays from the Dallas Institute + +* 1986 - My Affair with Education + +* 1986 - La metamorfosi del pagano, ovvero l'intolleranza terapeutica + * _The metamorphosis of the pagan, or therapeutic intolerance_ +----- + +* 1987 - El género del espacio. El hogar vernáculo + * In: "Av. Arquitectura y vivienda". 12, Soc.Estatal de Gestión para la Rehabilitación y Construcción de la Vivienda: Madrid + +* 1987 - Hospitality and Pain + +* 1987 - Computer Literacy and the Cybernetic Dream + * In Mirror + * Lecture given at the Second National Science, Technology and Society Conference on ‘Technological Literacy’, organized by Science through Science, Technology and Society Project of the Pennsylvania State University Washington D.C., February 1987 + * Note: Also called "How to keep awake in the Computer Age" + +* 1987 - Medical Ethics: A Call to De-bunk Bio-ethics + * In Mirror + * Chicago, 20th. November, 1987. Drafted in company of Dr. Robert Mendelsohn. For discussion at the School of Medicine, University of Illinois, Chicago. + +* 1987 - Some theological perspectives on pain and suffering + * Talk in The Institute for Theological Encounter with Science and Technology, St. Louis. + +* 1987 - Proposed introduction to the turkish version of H2O + +* 1987 - Technological mediation of body percepts + +* 1987 - Guest Lecture at Second National Science-Technology-Society Conference in Washington + +* 1987 - The Institutionalization of Pain + +* 1987 - Reflections on Jaques Ellul, La subversion du christianisme + +* 1987 - Tecnología y destino + * In: El Gallo 1284 + +----- + +* 1988 - The history of Needs + +* 1988 - The Educational Enterprise in the Light of the Gospel + * Chicago, November 13th 1988. + * (This talk was presented at the invitation of David Ramage of McCormick Theological Seminary) + +* 1988 - Alternatives to Economics: Toward a History of Waste + * In Mirror + * Address to the annual Human Economy Session at the Eastern Economics Association Conference. Boston, 11th March 1988 + + +* 1988 - Beyond Needs + * Foster Av.Meeting:“Beyond Development What?“ 11. September 1988 + +* 1988 - 20th Anniversary Rendezvous + * Also called "Beyond Economics, What?" + * In: Whole Earth Review Winter 1988 + +* 1988 - A Call for Reflection on "Life" + * State College September 30,1988 + +* 1988 - Bioethics, Summary + +* 1988 - Von der Verkehrung der Gastfreundschaft durch das Christentum + * _On the inversion of hospitality by Christianity_ + +* 1988 - Erziehung zur Unterentwicklung + * _Education for underdevelopment_ + +* 1988 - De Studio Legendi and the emergence of the visible text + * Draft of the "In the Vineyard of the Text" + +----- + +* 1989 - To Chairmen Of Bioethics Committees + +* 1989 - Epiphany, draft to Posthumous Longevity + +* 1989 - Posthumous Longevity. An open letter to a cloistered community of Benedictine nuns, 1989. + * Text in mirror is different + * Maybe the same than previous item? + +* 1989 - The Institutional Construction of a New Fetish: Human Life + * In Mirror + * Presented at a "Planning Event" of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America. Chicago, 29th March, 1989. + +* 1989 - Commentary on Robert J. Fox + +* 1989 - ASCESIS. Introduction, etymology and bibliography 1989 + * Introduction to Ascesis for discussion with David Ramage, Jun13, 1989, correct. September 9,1989. + +* 1989 - Text in "Fox-Sight: telling the vision of Robert J. Fox" + * Compiled by Bea McMahon + +* 1989 - Foreword to "The Inner City" by Leopold Kohr + +* 1989 - Ladys poverty wisdom + * Unfinished and then deleted chapter section of Vineyard draft + +* 1989 - Opsis vs. Optics. Notes on Gibson, Ecological approach to vision + +* 1989 - Die Erstellung des Unwertes als Grundlage von Knappheit und von Ökonomie + * _The creation of the unvalue as the basis of scarcity and of economy_ + +* 1989 - A critique of Ecology + * with Sachs + * In: NPQ Spring 1989 + +* 1989 - Needs draft + +### 1990's + +* 1990 - A note on "custodia oculorum" as a subject for fall 1990 + +* 1990 - A-mortality + +* 1990 - Introduction to A-mortality + +* 1990 - Drugs + +* 1990 - Declaration On Soil + +* 1990 - Health as One's Own Responsibility - No, Thank You! + +* 1990 - Mnemosyne: The Mold of Memory. 'The Object of Objects: An Elegy for the Anchored Text' + * Concluding Statement at an International Conference on "The Socio-semiotics of Objects: The Role of Artifacts in Social Symbolic Processes". University of Toronto, June 24th, 1990. + +* 1990 - The Loudspeaker on the Tower: Belfry and Minarett + +* 1990 - The Loudspeaker in the Classroom, on the Belfry and the Minaret: The Environmental Threat to the Survival of the Voice + * Very similar to the previous one, needs to be double checked + +* 1990 - The Sad Loss of Gender + +* 1990 - Los objetos como moldes de la memoria + +* 1990 - Die Substantivierung des Lebens im 19. und 20 Jahrhundert — eine Herausforderung für das 21 Jahrhundert + * _The Substantivization of Life in the 19th and 20th Centuries - a Challenge for the 21st Century_ + +* 1990 - Das menschliche Leben. Rede in Chicago + * _Human Life. Speech in Chicago_ + +* 1990 - Adresse an Ministerpräsident + * _Address to Prime Minister_ + +* 1990 - Das menschliche Leben wird zum optimierten Immunsystem + * _Human life becomes an optimized immune system_ + +* 1990 - Sehnsucht. Über zwei Tonarten des Wünschens + * _Desire. On two tones of wishing_ + +* 1990 - Briefwechsel mit Heinz Buddemeier über Medienfragen + * _Correspondence with Heinz Buddemeier on media issues_ + +* 1990 - Über zwei Tonarten des Wünschens: "von der Sehnsucht" und "de la Ilusión" + * _About two keys of wishing: "of the desire" and "de la Ilusión"._ + +* 1990 - Preface for Dara Molloy anthology + +* 1990 - Notes for a graduation talk in Horace Mann School + +* 1990 - Dear Kelly + * Also: Toward a Post-Clerical Church + +----- + +* 1991 - Comment: The Last Modern Century + +* 1991 - Foreword in "Experts in the Age of Systems" by Arney, William Ray + +* 1991 - Mente letrada versus mente informática + * In: "Archipiélago: cuadernos de crítica de la cultura". No 7 + +* 1991 - Text and University - on the idea and history of a unique institution + +* 1991 - On the paralel evolution of the idea of "text" and that of "university" + * On September 23rd 1991 in the City Hall of Bremen as part of the celebrations in occasion of the 20th anniversary of the foundation of Bremen University. + +* 1991 - The Earthy Virtue of Place + +* 1991 - Von Uwe Pörksen nachträglich angefertigte Rekonstruktion von fünf Freiburger Vorlesungen aus dem Wintersemester + * _Uwe Pörksen's subsequent reconstruction of five_ + +* 1991 - Medizinische Ethik + * _Medical ethics_ + +* 1991 - Leitfaden Schriftlichkeit + * _Guide to Writing_ + +* 1991 - Von der Prägung des Er-Innerns durch das Schriftbild + * _From the imprinting of the he-inside by the written image_ + +* 1991 - Beauty and the junkyard: Commentary + * The Guardian (London), 1991, p.29-29 + +* 1991 - About the architect Louis Kahn + * Opening lecture in the Master Program of Architecture. +----- + +* 1992 - Needs + * In: The Development Dictionary + +* 1992 - Bicycle + +* 1992 - Autostop + +* 1992 - The loss of world and flesh + +* 1992 - Ein Plädoyer für die Erforschung der Laienliteralität + * _A Plea for the Study of Lay Literalism_ + +* 1992 - Ein Entmächtigungsgesetz für Straßenbauer: Ein machbares Märchen? + * _A disempowerment law for road builders: A feasible fairy tale?_ + +* 1992 - De donde vienes + +* 1992 - Reading the Intangible + +* 1992 - Lectio divina + * Note: this was based on "Reading the Intangible" (1992) + +----- + +* 1993 - Guarding the Eye in the Age of Show. + +* 1993 - Lectio in early and late antiquity + * Note: this was based on "Lectio divina" (1992) + +* 1993 - To Honor Jaques Ellul + * :!: Check the next items and compare, seek for the original + +* 1993 - Zur Geschichte der Verkörperung und der Enteignung des Schmerzes + * _On the history of the embodiment and expropriation of pain._ + +* 1993 - Askese des Blickes + * _Asceticism of the gaze_ + +* 1993 - Der technische Zugriff auf das Leben + * _Der technische Zugriff auf das Leben_ + +* 1993 - Hamburg Interface Vortragsmanuskript + +* 1993 - Introduction to STS Course +----- + +* 1994 - To honour Rustam Roy + +* 1994 - An Address to "Master Jacques" + +* 1994 - Über Leopold Kohr und den Verlust der Proportionalität + * _On Leopold Kohr and the Loss of Proportionality_ + +* 1994 - Blasphemy: A Radical Critique of Technological Culture + * Included in STS Working Paper 2, mentioned by Cayley in his latest book (page 336) + +* 1994 - Coping with sickness + +* 1994 - Brave New Biocracy: Health Care From Womb to Tomb - Life Death and the Boundaries of the Person + * NPQ: New Perspectives Quarterly, Winter94, Vol. 11 Issue 1 + +* 1994 - La ilusión fundamental + * In: "Archipiélago: cuadernos de crítica de la cultura". No 18-19, Archipiélago: + +* 1994 - Proportionality: The Wisdom of Leopold Kohr + +* 1994 - Unhappy paradoxes of medicine + +* 1994 - Quality of Health Care for Immune Systems? + +* 1994 - Illich celebration + +* 1994 - Foreword to german edition of "Communitas" by Paul Goodman + +* 1994 - Foereword to "Nemesis der Medizin" by Beck + +* 1994 - Notizen zur Geschichte des Blickens + * _Notes on the history of looking_ + +* 1994 - "Pupilla" Ausgewählte Vorlesungsnotizen Herbst 1994 + +* 1994 - Standing on the shoulders of giants + +* 1994 - Statement Health + +----- + +* 1995 - Pathogenesis, Immunity and the Quality of Health Care + * A Lecture given at the Qualitative Health Research Conference, Hershey, Pennsylvania. June 13th, 1994 + * Note: also called "Pathogenesis, Immunity and the Quality of Public Health", published as introduction of "Limits to Medicine" in 1995. + + +* 1995 - Von Der Verborgenen Seite Des Teilens + * _From The Hidden Side Of Sharing_ + * With Matthias Rieger + +* 1995 - The A-Mortal Society + +* 1995 - Death Undefeated + +* 1995 - Statements by Jacques Ellul and Ivan Illich + * In: "Technology in Society". no. 2, 1995, volume 17, p. 231-235 + +* 1995 - The Scopic Past and the Ethics of the Gaze. A plea for the historical study of ocular perception + +* 1995 - Foreword to the book "Deschooling Our Lives" + +* 1995 - Die skopische Vergangenheit Europas und die Ethik der Opsis + * With Barbara Duden + * In: Historische Anthropologie, 3(2). doi:10.7788/ha.1995.3.2.203 + +* 1995 - On the difficulty of dying one's own death in 1995 + +* 1995 - Preface to a new German edition of "Descholing Society" (Entschulung der Gesellenschaft) + +* 1995 - Preface to a new German edition of "Medical Nemesis" (Die Nemesis der Medizin) + +* 1995 - Preface to a new German edition of "Gender" (Genus) + +* 1995 - The creation of life as a legal fact + +* 1995 - To hell with life + +* 1995 - Il recupero dello spazio comune + * _The recovery of the common space_ + +* 1995 - Historiographie zu LK-Vorhaben + * _Historiography on LK projects_ + +* 1995 - Vom Missbrauch des Begriffs Leben + * _On the misuse of the term life_ + +* 1995 - Vorschauendes Bewusstsein + * _Previewing Consciousness_ + +* 1995 - Espresso + +----- + +* 1996 - Education in the Perspective of the Dropout + * In: "Bulletin of Science, Technology andSociety". + +* 1996 - Health + * In: "Bulletin of Science, Technology and Society". no. 5/6, 1996, v + +* 1996 - Living Off the Waste of Development. + * In: "New Perspectives Quarterly" no. 3, June 1996, 13, p. 10-11 + +* 1996 - Philosophy... Artifacts... Friendship - and the History of the Gaze + +* 1996 - Speed + * In: Doors of Perception Conference, Netherlands Design Institute + +* 1996 - Ascesis in the Age of Systems: Philosophical propaedeutics to the christian use of instruments + +* 1996 - Preface to a new German edition of "Celebration of Awareness" (Klarstellungen) + +* 1996 - Ivan to David + +* 1996 - Preface to a new German edition of "Celebration of Awareness" (Klarstellungen) + +* 1996 - Forword to "Wilhelms Wende" + +* 1996 - Wirklichkeitsreste in einer mutterlosen Welt + * _Remnants of reality in a motherless world_ + +* 1996 - Notizen zu The Smastika constructing the symbol by Malcolm Quinn + * _Notes on The Smastika constructing the symbol by Malcolm Quinn_ + +* 1996 - Von der verborgenen Seite des Teilens + * _From the hidden side of sharing_ + * with Matthias Rieger + +* 1996 - Philosophy and Ascaesis in the Age of System + +* 1996 - Uber den verlust der proportion: Materialien zur Vorlesung von Ivan lllich - Universität Bremen, Wintersemester 1996/97 + * _On the Loss of Proportion: Materials for the Lecture by Ivan lllich - University of Bremen, winter semester 1996/97_ + * Contains various texts, review! + +----- + +* 1997 - The Image of Objectivity + +* 1997 - To Hell with Life + +* 1997 - Beauty in Proportion + * In: "Resurgence: an international forum for ecological and spiritual thinking". Issue 185, + +* 1997 - Slow Is Beautiful + * In: "New Perspectives Quarterly" + * Gardels, Nathan ed.; issue 1, volume 14 + +* 1997 - The Immorality of Bioethics + +* 1997 - Foreword to "Who cares? Rediscovering Community" by David B. Schwartz + +* 1997 - Captatio benevolentiae + * Same as "Deans Lecture" + +* 1997 - Gil orizzoti dei sensi + +* 1997 - Philosophiche Ursprunge der grenzenlosen Zivilisation + +* 1997 - Antworten auf schriftliche fragen des organisators von citta castelloo + +* 1997 - Homo educandus lost + * Very similar to "Education (no title yet)" + +* 1997 - Memo eines Gespräches zu formalen Sprachen, insbesondere Programmiersprachen + +* 1997 - An Alternative View On Dyalisis And Organ Transplants + * With Barbara Duden + +* 1997 - Philosophische Ursprünge der grenzenlosen Zivilisation + * _Philosophical Origins of Limitless Civilization_ + * In: Grenzen-los? : Jedes System braucht Grenzen- aber wie durchlăssig mussen diese sein? Ernst Ulrich von Weizsiicker (Hrsg.).- Berlin ; Basel ; Boston : Birkhăuser, 1997 + +* 1997 - On Freire + +----- + +* 1998 - Speed? What Speed? + * Same: "From Fast to Quick" + * Based on "1996 - Speed" + +* 1998 - The Cultivation of Conspiracy + +* 1998 - Ivan answers to read thread for B + +* 1998 - And do not lead us into diagnosis, but deliver us of the pursuit of health + +* 1998 - Project for instrumentum + +* 1998 - From a cosmos that is in order to the ordering of chaos + +* 1998 - Preface to a new German edition of "Tools for Conviviality" (Selbst-begrenzung) + +* 1998 - Antworten an BD + +* 1998 - Antworten an BD2 + +* 1998 - Schleife + +* 1998 - Aristotelismus + +* 1999 - Mittwoch + +* 1998 - Schlüsselwörter: Freundschaft, Proportionalität, Ich + +* 1998 - Silja+BD + +* 1998 - Im zeichen des ich will nicht + +* 1998 - Erziehung und Wissenschaft + * _Education and science_ + +* 1998 - Das ungeborene als genetischer anlagetrager danke nein + * _The unborn as a genetic carrier thank you no_ + +* 1998 - Ivan answers to read thread for B + +* 1998 - From a cosmos that is in order to the ordering of chaos + +* 1998 - Einleitung + * _Einleitung_ + +* 1998 - Schlüsselwörter: Soll, Proportionalität, Natur, Kontingenz + * _Key words: nominal, proportionality, nature, contingency_ + +* 1998 - Ivan Illich an Zuhörer im Winstersemester 1998 + +----- + +* 1999 - The obsession with perfect health + * Maybe in 1978? + +* 1999 - The Conditional Human + +* 1999 - Der verhältnismäßige Mensch + * _The proportionate man_ + * with Beck, Johannes; Ivan Illich und Silja Samerski (1999): "Der verhältnismäßige Mensch." European Conference "Lifelong Learning - Inside and Outside Schools." 25. - 27. February 1999, University of Bremen. + +* 1999 - Schlüsselwörter: Haltung, Natur + * _Keywords: husbandry, nature_ + +* 1999 - Worum es geht. Brief an B. Duden zur Frage, worum es + * in der Bremer Vorlesung 1999 gehen wird. Bremen, 4. November 1999 + +* 1999 - Quaestio prima + +* 1999 - On the Persuit of Health + +* 1999 - Introduction to Borreman's catalogue + +### 2000's + +* 2000 - Exzerpte zu 'Fliegender Fisch' und 'Türen und Tore' + +* 2000 - Introduction to Mirror 2 + +----- + +* 2001 - Il prossimo non è un'istituzione + * _The neighbor is not an institution_ + * Ivan Illich at the conference on globalization issues in San Rossore (Pi), held July 18, 2002. + +* 2001 - Antrag Meine Bitte um Unterstützung ohne bibliographische Angaben + * _Request My request for support without bibliographical references_ + +* 2001 - Notizen zu One more art The chinese Art of Writing + * _Notes on One more art The chinese Art of Writing_ + +* 2001 - Sbozzo di un Progetto per Fabio Roversi + * _Outline of a Project for Fabio Roversi_ + +* 2001 - Il cristiano e il potere della tecnica + * _The Christian and the power of technology_ + +----- + +* 2002 - Le développement ou la corruption de l’harmonie en valeur + * In: "Défaire le développement, refaire le monde", UNESCO + * Programme du colloque sur l'après-développement, UNESCO - Paris, les 28 février, 1er, 2 et 3 mars 2002. + +* 2002 - Vom Zahlenzauber der Statistik. Ein Lehrstück über die Zumutungen des Risikodenkens + * _The magic of statistics. A lesson on the impositions of risk thinking_ + * Same than: "Critique de la pensée du risque". Silja Samerski, Ivan Illich, Jean Robert. Dans Esprit 2010/8-9 (Août/septembre), pages 204 à 210 (https://sniadecki.wordpress.com/2019/03/30/illich-risque/) + * with Silja Samerski + +* 2002 - Society in the Mirror of its Health Care + +* 2002 - Prisoners of Speed + * Prepared in 1998 as "Speed? What Speed?", but improved version in 2002 + +* 2002 - Ivan summary and expansion of 30 Uwe-criteria for recognizing plastic words + +* 2002 - Se l'amore diventa un valore + * _If love becomes a value_ + * in: AA.VV.: Il ritorno della guerra, Società cooperativa editoriale l`altra pagina, Città di Castello, 2002 + +* 2002 - Dank an die Bremer Freunde + * _Thanks to the Bremen friends_ + +* 2002 - Health-Hannover Quebec + +* 2002 - Society in the Mirror of its Health Care + +* 2002 - The Molds of Memory: reflections on the Ark of Noah by Hugh of St. Victor + +* 2002 - The Patient as System + * based on "1995 - Pathogenesis, Immunity and the Quality of Health Care" diff --git a/contents/source/audio.txt b/contents/source/audio.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..2ae33a6 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/source/audio.txt @@ -0,0 +1,429 @@ + +## Available + +* 1968 - Yesterday I Could Not Sleep Because Yesterday I Wrote My Name + * Duration: 00:42:00 + * Illich is interviewed John Cogley, editor of the CSDI’s Center Magazine on the topic of compulsory education, specifically in Latin America. + * Sept. 30, 1968. Tape No. AS7915-7916/R7. Center for the Study of Democratic Institutions Collection. + * PSU Collection information: psusc_470_014 (#21); pstsc_00470_014.mp3 + +* 1968 - Education in Developing Countries, + * Sept. 30, 1968. Tape AS17029/R7. Center for the Study of Democratic Institutions Collection. + * Duration: 1:30:00. + +* 1969 - A Privileged Place + * Apr. 25, 1969. - Tape No. AS8075/R7. Center for the Study of Democratic Institutions Collection. Discussion about the Catholic Church and development in Latin America. Includes Illich, Donald McDonald, and Denis Goulet. + * Duration: 21:09 + * PSU Collection information: psusc_470_013 (#19); pstsc_00470_013.mp3 + +* 1970 - Deschooling: critique of an institution + * in Thesis theological cassettes : vol. 2, no. 10. Reflections on Christology: Part 1. Canada + * Pittsburgh : Thesis, c1970 + +* 1970 - Conference on Deinstitutionalization of Education + * Duration: + * Day 1: 01:56:08.28 & 01:49:59.86 + * Day 2: 01:29:54.65 & 01:39:49.63 + * Panel discussion on the arguments of School is Dead and Deschooling Society, includes Illich, Everett Reimer, Angel Quintero (former Minister of Education for Puerto Rico), and unidentified others. Likely took place at the Center for the Study of Democratic Institutions. Nov. 19-20th,1970. + * PSU Collection information: psusc_470_007 (#14) & psusc_470_008 (#15) & psusc_470_009 (#16) & psusc_470_010 (#17) + +* 1970 - Toronto Lecture on Alternatives in Education + * Duration: 01:54:56.66 + * A lecture delivered by Illich at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education on December 2, 1970. The chairman of the meeting announced that he has been informed by Illich that this was the last time he would talk on education and that he now gone to move on to other things and leave the problems of education to other people or people he had managed to convert. Approximately the last half of the audio is devoted to a question and answer session with the audience, this part is transcribed in text and available as Interview in our collections. + * PSU Collection information: psusc_470_018 (#26); pstsc_00470_018.mp3 + +* 1970 - Sudamerika braucht einen Weg in seine Zukunft: Die Kritik des Ivan Illich an der Entwicklungshilfe + * _South America needs a way into its future: Ivan Illich's criticism of development aid_ + * Duration: 00:35:13 + * Date: 5-5-1970 + * Author: WDR + +* 1970 - Cultural Revolution + * Duration: 40 minutes + +* 1970 - Illich on Schools / Deschooling Society + * Duration: 80 minutes + +* 1970 - Adolescence Is No Time for School + * Dialogue from Center for Study of the Democratic Institution (#20), 5/27/1970 + +* 1970 - The Institutionalization of Truth + * Illich lectures on development and revolution in Latin America. This lecture was part of the Frank Gerstein Lectures Series at York University, Toronto. 1970. In 1971 this lecture was published as part of Tradition and Revolution from Macmillan Press of Canada. + * PSU Collection information: psusc_470_015 (#22); pstsc_00470_015.mp3 + +* 1971 - Ivan Illich in Schools + * Duration: 36 minutes + * Speech by Ivan Illich, on schools in North America. Illich acknowledges that schools do not prepare children for society. He asserts that schools are a problem to be solved, and presents a couple of basic ways to approach solving them| a shift from institutional responsibility to personal responsibility, the creation of network like channels to encourage communication and information media which is personal, the development of tools for the individual and non-professional groups, and the abolition of the right of provate persons to keep anyone away from accessing educational tools + +* 1971 - Philosophies: Conversation with Illich over phone + * Duration: 00:32:41.45 + * Illich is interviewed via telephone about learning, his belief in man’s creativity, sources of socialization in a deschooled society, and deschooling and social problems like racism. Audio-tape of an amplified long distance telephone conversation with Illich made on April 16, 1971. For about 30 minutes students and faculty at Ohio State University in Columbus, Ohio questioned Illich in Cuernavaca, Mexico about his ideas on deschooling. + * PSU Collection information: psusc_470_019 (#27); pstsc_00470_019.mp3 + * Also called "Telephone conversation with Ivan Illich" + +* 1971 - Upper Limits in Ohio State University + * Lecture given in Columbus, Ohio State University. Illich discusses upper limits, schools, development, knowledge, progress, and ecology. Includes a 60 minute question and answer session. Date unknown. Originally titled "Whatever Happened to Ivan Illich?, OSU Lectures" + * PSU Collection information: psusc_470_020 (#29); pstsc_00470_020.mp3 + +* 1972 - ABC TV Australia: Conference on Education + * Duration: 00:23:23.02 + * A 25 minute Australian news report on Illich’s participation at an Australian conference on education organized by the Australian Union of Students in May of 1972. The Australian Union of Students later published a collection of papers by Illich in Alternatives to Schooling (1972), including seemingly otherwise unpublished works written for a UNESCO conference the previous year. + * PSU Collection information: psusc_470_011 (#18); pstsc_00470_011.mp3 + +* 1972 - An Hour with Ivan Illich + * Duration: 60 min + * Publisher: Thesis Educational Cassettes, Pittsburgh, Pa., 1972 + +* 1973 - Illich at the Newman Center + * Duration: 60 min + * Editorial: Pacifica Productions, 1973 + +* 1973 - Retooling Society + * Duration: 2:34:43 + * Feb. 26, 1973. Tape No. A20644/R7. Center for the Study of Democratic Institutions Collection. + +* 1973 - Convivial Society: The Contours of Post-Industrialism + * Stone Lecture Series in Princeton Theological Seminary + * Lecture 1: Solution and Exploitation - January 29, 1973 (1:06:09) + * Lecture 2: Retooling Society - January 30, 1973 (1:13:23) + * Lecture 3: Multiple Balance - January 31, 1973 (1:14:47) + * Lecture 4: Recovery and Service - January 31, 1973 (1:15:25) + * Lecture 5: Political Inversion - February 1, 1973 (1:04:05) + * Details: https://commons.ptsem.edu/?qtext=series-id%3aillich1973%20sort%3aseries&series-title=Convivial%20Society%3a%20The%20Contours%20of%20Post-Industrialism + + +* 1976 - Reflections on Medical Nemesis + * Duration: 2:05:53 + * Apr. 20, 1976. Tape No. AS20944/R7. Center for the Study of Democratic Institutions Collection. + +* 1976 - Lecture: "The Art of Dying (Ars Moriendi)" + * Duration: 1:34:40 + * Apr. 21, 1976. Tape No. A5838/R7. + +* 1976 - Medical Nemesis: The Appropriation of Health, Interviews and Lecture + * Duration: 00:47:28.13 + * A half hour compilation of excerpts from lectures and interviews about Medical Nemesis. 1976. + * PSU Collection information: psusc_470_001 (#1, #3); pstsc_00470_001.mp3 + +* 1976 - Conversation about Medical Nemesis + * Duration: 00:59:22.92 + * 60 minute discussion about the subject of Medical Nemesis, Illich’s co-discussants are not clearly identified but may include John Ohliger and Erwin Knoll. 1976. + * PSU Collection information: psusc_470_002 (#2, #4); pstsc_00470_002.mp3 + +* 1976 - Lecture on Medical Nemesis at Madison General Hospital + * Duration: 01:00:37.97 + * Given May 20th, 1976 at Madison General Hospital, Wiscon sin. An entertaining introduction is given by John Ohliger, includes a 20 minute long question and answer session. Discusses the issues raised by Illich's book, Medical nemesis, in which he criticizes the medical establishment as a group which has become a counterproductive force. Also listed as "Issues of medical nemesis". + * PSU Collection information: psusc_470_003 (#5, #6); pstsc_00470_003.mp3 + * Equal to psusc_470_004 (#7, #8); pstsc_00470_004.mp3. "Mayzo Talk about Medical Nemesis", without introduction. + +* 1977 - Panel Master Interview with Ivan Illich + * Duration: 01:02:59.16 & 00:58:22.75 + * Conversation on Medical Nemesis in Madison Wisconsin. Co-discussants are not clearly identified but may include John Ohliger. Starts eating cheese and drinking wine. Library record says 1970 but given the topic it is more likely 1977. + * PSU Collection information: psusc_470_005 (#9- #10) & psusc_470_006 (#11, #12, #25); pstsc_00470_005.mp3 & pstsc_00470_006.mp3 + +* 1978 - Disabling professions + * First few minutes missing. Lecture delivered at the University of Sussex, 22nd November 1978 + * Duration: 1:36:00 + * Available at: https://www.thekeep.info/collections/getrecord/GB181_SxUOS1_2_3_1_76 + +* 1978 - The Art of Suffering + * Duration: 68 min. + * Lecture provided as part of the Sir Douglas Robb Lectures in the University of Auckland. + * Requested to: NGA Taonga on 18/01/2024, more details: https://www.ngataonga.org.nz/search-use-collection/search/209670/ + +* 1979 - Zeitfragen - Streitfragen: Christine von Weizacjer und Ivan Illich befragt + * _Zeitfragen - Streitfragen: Christine von Weizacjer and Ivan Illich interviewed_ + * Duration: 00:28:58 + * Date: 09-12-1979 + * Author: WDR + +* 1980 - Kasseler Vorlesungen + +* 1981 - In Conversation with Ivan Illich + * Duration: 2:48:19 (Tape 1) and 2:22:32 (Tape 2). + * (2 tapes), Apr. 23-24, 1981. Tape No. AS21511-21512/R7. + * Santa Barbara, Center for the Study of Democratic Institutions Collection. + +* 1983 - Budengassel Gesprach mit dem Kulturkritiker und Theologen Ivan Illich + * _Budengassel Conversation with the cultural critic and theologian Ivan Illich_ + * Duration: 00:28:22 + * Date: 25-12-1983 + * Author: WDR + +* 1987 - Literacy: The Medium and the Message (Part 2 and Part 3) + * by David Cayley + * Part 2: https://www.davidcayley.com/podcasts/2016/2/18/literacy-the-medium-and-the-message-part-two + * Part 3: https://www.davidcayley.com/podcasts/2016/2/18/literacy-the-medium-and-the-message-part-three + +* 1989 - Part Moon Part Travelling Salesman: Conversations with Ivan Illich + * by David Cayley + +* 1989 - Life as Idol + * by David Cayley + * https://www.davidcayley.com/podcasts/2015/4/19/life-as-idol + +* 1989 - Dialogue between Leonard Rubinstein and Ivan Illich + * PSU radio show "Odyssey Through Literature", number 105, recorded in December 1989 and aired in Season Ten (1990-91) + * Full audio and edited programme is available + +* 1991 - Zeitfragen - Streitfragen: Mussen wir alles das sehen, was wir sehen konnen? + * _Questions of time - questions of controversy: Do we have to see everything we can see?_ + * Date: 17-01-1991 + * Author: WDR + +* 1991 - Zeitfragen - Streitfragen: Was konnen wir sehen, wenn wir blicken? + * _Time questions - controversial issues: What can we see when we look?_ + * Date: 01-04-1991 + * Author: WDR + +* 1991 - Askese des Blicks + * Vortrag auf Kassette, Carl-Auer-Systeme Verlag, Heidelberg, Reihe Autobahn Universität, Eröffnungsvortrag Karl-Jaspers- Vorlesungen + +* 1992 - Immenhausen + +* 2001 - Geist gegen Gene + * _Mind versus genes_ + * Sonntag 1. Juli 2001 - Vortrag Prof. Dr. Ivan Illich and Silja Samerski + +* 2002 - The corruption of christianity. Ivan Illich on Gospel, Church and Society. + * by David Cayley + + + + +## Requested + +* 1971 - Disestablishing education. + * Los Angeles, Calif. : Pacifica Tape Library. 2 cassettes (101 min.) + * Description: Criticizes the current state of education, and calls for changes such as greater access to the educational process by disestablishing control of education tax funds. Our schools are losing their legitimacy as purveyors of education, warns Illich, and he calls for greater access to schools, learning tools, and instructors by disestablishing control of education tax-funds + * Format: 2 cassettes (101 min.) + * Available at: https://librarysearch.library.utoronto.ca/permalink/01UTORONTO_INST/14bjeso/alma991106673061806196 + * Requested to: david.fernandez@utoronto.ca + +* 1971 - Ivan Illich on educational alternatives + * Discusses the adverse effects of the increasing institutionalization of our society and its values. Includes discussion of the impact of this on education.. Discusses the effect of the ideology of consumerism on education. Recorded at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education. Presented on Ideas. + * Originally presented as "Ideas on perception and prejudice" + * Part of the Series CBC learning systems ; no. 623 + * Duration: 30 min. + * Available at: + * https://librarysearch.library.utoronto.ca/permalink/01UTORONTO_INST/14bjeso/alma991106005915006196 + * https://www.worldcat.org/es/title/3724584 + * https://umaryland.on.worldcat.org/oclc/6316445 + * Other edition?: North Hollywood, Calif. : Center for Cassette Studies, 1975 + * Requested to: david.fernandez@utoronto.ca + +* 1971 - Authenticity and Change with Paul Goodman and Ivan Illich + * Living Library Corporation: New York;Audiocassette (Other/3539) + * Goodman on side A and Illich on side B consider the possibilities and problems of change in various areas of today's society, especially in education. Discusses the U.S. school system and how it could be reformed to educate more efficiently, from the standpoints of Illich and Goodman. [:!: Maybe 1974?] + * Format: 1 cassette. + * Available here: https://librarysearch.library.utoronto.ca/permalink/01UTORONTO_INST/14bjeso/alma991106590271806196 + * Requested to: david.fernandez@utoronto.ca + +* 1971 - An educational bill of rights for modern man + * Talks on education in Latin America, consumption of schooling, and abolition of compulsory schooling. + * NY: Living Library Corporation, 1971. + * Available at: + * https://librarysearch.library.utoronto.ca/permalink/01UTORONTO_INST/14bjeso/alma991105949429606196 + * https://search.lib.latrobe.edu.au/permalink/f/ns71rj/Almalu21174244100002146 + * Requested to: david.fernandez@utoronto.ca + +* 1971 - What Education Expresses + * Through a long and detailed analysis, Illich concludes that "education liberates only as long as it expresses a subtle balance--the shape which society imposes on the environment and the awareness of the change by some." + * Pacifica Tape Library: Los Angeles; Audiocassette (Other/3553). Also maybe published in 1975 + * Duration: 59 min + * Information: https://www.worldcat.org/es/title/2825258 + * Requested to library@gsw.edu + +* 1972 - The deschooled society in Chicago + * Format: 1 cassette (60 min.). + * Paper presented at the National Conference on Higher Education, 27th, Chicago, l972. + * Available at: https://librarysearch.library.utoronto.ca/permalink/01UTORONTO_INST/14bjeso/alma991106493959606196 + * Requested to: david.fernandez@utoronto.ca + +* 1972 - The coming debate over upper limits + * Ohio State University, Telecommunications Center + * 1 audiotape reel (6 1/2 in.) 3 3/4 ips, 120 min. + * Available at: https://search.worldcat.org/es/title/283698 + * Requested to: braun.338@osu.edu johnson.4156@osu.edu (12/3/24) + + +## Missing + + +* 1968 - Elspeth Chisholm visits Ivan Illich in Cuernavaca + * Duration: 60 minutes + * Available at: http://central.bac-lac.gc.ca/.redirect?app=filvidandsou&id=542010&lang=eng + +* 1968 - Elspeth Chisholm interviews Ivan Illich in Cuernavaca + * Duration: 120 minutes + * Available at: + * http://central.bac-lac.gc.ca/.redirect?app=filvidandsou&id=542009&lang=eng + * http://central.bac-lac.gc.ca/.redirect?app=filvidandsou&id=542011&lang=eng (similar piece, but indicates 60 minutes duration) + +* 1969 - A Conversation with Ivan Illich + * Duration: 60 minutes + * Syracuse, NY: WCNY - TV Syracuse, 1969. Interviewer: Eilenberg, Carl. + * Available at: https://librarysearch.library.utoronto.ca/permalink/01UTORONTO_INST/14bjeso/alma991106590050706196 + +* 1969 - CBC Tuesday Night - Visit to Cuernavaca + * Duration: 30 minutes + * Available at: http://central.bac-lac.gc.ca/.redirect?app=filvidandsou&id=542013&lang=eng + +* 1970 - Ivan Illich at conference called Milieu 70 held in Winnipeg, Canada + * Duration: 15 minutes + * Available at: http://central.bac-lac.gc.ca/.redirect?app=filvidandsou&id=542012&lang=eng + +* 1970 - Schooling today: an introduction to the problems + * Noumedia Recording Co., [1970] + * 1 audiocassette (s). + * Lecture given at Yale University, New Haven, Conn., Feb. 16, 1970 + + +* 1971 - The industrialization of idolatry ; Institutional styles and technological progress ; Measures and industrialization of values. + * 9 sound tape reels (312 min.) + * Recorded by WFMT Chicago. Reproduction of original sound tape reel. [Evanston, Ill. : Northwestern University Library Media Facility, 1994]. 1 videocassette (VHS) : sd. ; 1/2 in. THIS VIDEOCASSETTE HAS AUDIO ONLY. + * Available at: https://search.library.northwestern.edu/permalink/01NWU_INST/h04e76/alma9920207664202441 + * Requested at: https://aeon.library.northwestern.edu/ (12/3/24) + +* 1971 - Thinking for alternatives + * A Radio Symposium on the Environmental Crisis. Toronto: CBC, 1971. Radio program CBC IDEAS, series Balance and Biosphere, with Thinking for Alternatives, a conversation between Dr. Ivan ILLICH, Director of the Centre for Intercultural Documentation in Cuernavaca, Mexico, and Robert FUGERE of York University, in which Dr. Illich applies his social imagination critique not only to Latin America but also to our own artificially inflated, environmentally destructive life patterns. Followed by a panel discussion of the practical applications of Dr. Illich's views on de-institutionalized education and social imagination. + * Duration: 60 minutes + * Available at: + * http://central.bac-lac.gc.ca/.redirect?app=filvidandsou&id=515192&lang=eng + * http://central.bac-lac.gc.ca/.redirect?app=filvidandsou&id=530856&lang=eng + * https://ocul-uwo.primo.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/01OCUL_UWO/r0c2m8/alma992504987405151 + +* 1971 - Ivan Illich Challenges Education + * A Tape. Argus Communications, 3505 No. Ashland, Chicago, Illinois. + +* 1971 - John Wilkinson - Discussions with Ivan Illich in Mexico [?], + * (4 tapes), 1971. Tape No. AS10964-10967/R7. Center for the Study of Democratic Institutions Collection. + * Duration: ? + * Seems to be lost... + +* 1971 - Consumer conditioning + * Pacifica Tape Library: Los Angeles. 39 min. + * Available at: + * https://i-share-uis.primo.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/01CARLI_UIS/1kkq1ei/alma9924856413105898 + * https://unl.primo.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/01UON_LINC/fgs2g2/alma991000981729706387 + +* 1971 - Alternatives to compulsory schooling in America: Comments by Ivan Illich + * Illich discusses the subject of alternatives to compulsory schooling in America. + * Publisher: Washington : American Educational Research Association + * Format: 1 sound cassette (27 min.) : analog. + * Summary: Illich discusses the subject of alternatives to compulsory schooling in America. + * Available at: + * https://primo.lib.umn.edu/permalink/01UMN_INST/1msd8mg/alma9958176060001701 + * https://i-share-uis.primo.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/01CARLI_UIS/1kkq1ei/alma9927907113105898 + * Requested to willsill@umn.edu (12/3/24) + +* 1971 - The Evolving Church + * Lecture delivered at Rosary College, October 3, 1971. "Cassettes for contemporary Christians." + * Published: Chicago, Ill.: Thomas More Mediatapes, 1973, cassette tape. + * 70 minutes. 2 audiocassettes : analog, 2 track, mono. + * Available at: + * https://grace.gtu.edu/record=b1214653 + * https://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&AuthType=ip,sso&db=cat09206a&AN=scf.oai.edge.fivecolleges.folio.ebsco.com.fs00001006.dcf7fc62.1bb7.58f0.b739.c0cfc1cc035a&scope=site&custid=s8897501 + * https://i-share-uis.primo.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/01CARLI_UIS/1kkq1ei/alma9919941913105898 + * Requested to: library@gtu.edu // specialcollections@smith.edu (12/3/24) + +* 1972 - Ideas. The Law and Society + * This is the second in a series of five documentaries using material gathered at the recent federal government's conference on the Law in Ottawa. This program includes the highlight of the conference, a speech by noted educator Ivan Illich, and comment on the speech by C.B. Macpherson, Professor of Political Economy, University of Toronto. This broadcast is contained on two tapes. <57mn> + * Duration: 57 minutes + * Available at: http://central.bac-lac.gc.ca/.redirect?app=filvidandsou&id=176340&lang=eng (already digital) + +* 1972 - Alternatives to Schooling + * Melbourne: Australian Union of Students, 1972. Talk given to the A.U.S. Education Conference, Wilson Hall, Melbourne University, May 1972. Australian Union of Students Education Conference (Melbourne University, 1972) + * Duration: 140 minutes + * Available at: https://search.worldcat.org/es/title/844374839 + * Requested to: library.web@anu.edu.au, library.info@anu.edu.au + + +* 1973 - Dr. Ivan Illich and Dr. A.H. Halsey in Conversation + * transcript of BBC Radio 3, October 20, 1973, tape TLN 44/TX1148B, available at Indiana University + +* 1974 - Overgrowth + * Illich discusses how the U.S. school (and other) systems have become overgrown, and how this affects the quality of education + * Duration: 52 min + * Flushing, N.Y. : Living Library + * Available at: https://bit.ly/3K9IaHD + * Full transcription already available + * Requested to: ask@libraries.rutgers.edu (12/3/24) + + +* 1975 - The Deschooled Society + * Illich argues that schools serve only to produce consumers and workers, not autonomous individuals, and suggests ways of educating children and adults outside of the school system. + * New York : Jeffrey Norton. + * 33 minutes + * Available at: https://search.library.berkeley.edu/permalink/01UCS_BER/10rhv18/alma991003584539706532 + * Equal to this?: https://iucat.iu.edu/catalog/1807114 + * More options: https://www.worldcat.org/es/title/10182790 + +* 1975 - Medical mal-practice : discussion between Ivan Illich and Professor Archie Cochrane + * A.B.C., Sydney. New Society (Australian Broadcasting Commission) + * Duration: 75 minutes + * Register: https://www.worldcat.org/es/title/37070299 + + +* 1976 - Conversations with Ivan Illich + * An informal conversation with Ivan Illich, author of Deschooling society, at Madison, Wisc., with members of the press and clergy. Madison, Wisc.: WORT-FM, 1976 + * It maybe the same item listed above as "1977 - Panel Master Interview with Ivan Illich". TBC. + * Duration: 120 minutes + * Requested to: rebroadcast@wortfm.org (12/3/24) + +* 1977 - La structure de l'éducation en l'an 2000 + * Conférence de l'Université de Genève, Faculté de psychologie et des sciences de l'éducation. En langue française et anglaise + * Duration: 3 cassettes sonores (60, 60, 30 min.) + * Editorial: Laboratoire audiovisuel universitaire [prod.], Genève y 1977 + * Information: https://www.worldcat.org/es/title/1038561771 + * Requested to: Geraldine.Engel@unige.ch; nathalie.delligatti@unige.ch + +* 1977 - Proceedings of the conference of the World Federation for Mental Health + * held August 22-26, 1977, at the University of British Columbia + * Available at: http://resolve.library.ubc.ca/cgi-bin/catsearch?bid=56205 + + +* 1979 - The thoughts of Ivan Illich + * Description: This introduction to the thinking of Ivan Illich on such diverse subjects as transportation, education and medicine with his critique of 'the disabling professions' was recorded during his visit to Melbourne in 1978. The programe was broadcast in Broadband.. Publisher: Sydney : Australian Broadcasting Commission (ABC) + * Duration: 1 audiocassette (55 min.). + * Available at: + * https://onesearch.slq.qld.gov.au/permalink/61SLQ_INST/tqqf2h/alma99354174702061 + * https://multisearch.mq.edu.au/permalink/61MACQUARIE_INST/1c87tk9/alma9931168110802171 + +* 1981 - The end of schooling: a strategy in revolt + * Probably the last of the 3 Lyman Beecher's lecture in Yale Divinity School, New Haven. Noumedia Recording Co + * According to Yale: "Strategy for Education" published in Ensayos sobre la trascendencia (Sondeos 77) and the Beecher Lectures (CIDOC Cuaderno 1002): https://divinity-adhoc.library.yale.edu/Website/ResourcesTools/Beecher_Lectures.pdf + * Available at: https://grace.gtu.edu/record=b1144262 + * Requested to: library@gtu.edu and library@wesleyseminary.edu // graziano.kratli@yale.edu (12/3/24) + +* 1983 - Clinimed '83 vol. VIII, no 2, 24 janvier 1983 + * College of Family Physicians of Canada. + * Contents: Médicalisation -- L'ostéomalacie -- L'asthme non compliqué chez l'enfant. + * Publisher: Ottawa, Ont. : Medifacts + * Duration: 1 cassette (60 min.) : 3 3/4 p. à s., mono. + * Available at: + * https://ocul-uo.primo.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/01OCUL_UO/5lqjs2/alma991006304909705161 + * https://ocul-uwo.primo.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/01OCUL_UWO/r0c2m8/alma993038368205151 + + + +* 1986 - On Literacy + * Teach'em: Chicago; Audiocassette (Other/3549) + * A discussion of how language is basic to education. From the 1986 AERA annual meeting, San Francisco. + * The text of this lecture is probably "1986 - A Plea for Research on Lay Literacy" + * Available at: https://librarysearch.library.utoronto.ca/permalink/01UTORONTO_INST/14bjeso/alma991106156409306196 + +* 1989 - The STS Curriculum + * Infotainment Inc.: Ottawa, ON; Videocassette (Other/3550) + +* Illich, Ivan (19??): Askese des Blicks. In: Reihe Autobahn Universität. Vortrag auf Cassette. Carl-Auer-Systeme Verlag: Heidelberg; (Other/2504) + + + +## INCORPORATE! + +* Audiocassette. Alternatives to Compulsory Schooling in America. Washington: American Educational Research Association, 1971. +* Audiocassette. The Deschooled Society. Hyattsville, MD: Current Information Assoc., 1972. +* Audiocassette. On Educational Alternatives. Toronto: CBC Learning Systems, 1970. +* Audiocassette. On Literacy. Chicago: Teach’em, 1986. +* Videocassette. The STS Curriculum. Ottawa, ON: Infotainment Inc., 1989. diff --git a/contents/source/book.txt b/contents/source/book.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..72ce048 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/source/book.txt @@ -0,0 +1,31 @@ +* 1951 - Die philosophischen Grundlagen der Geschichtsschreibung bei Arnold Joseph Toynbee _(The Philosophical Foundations of Historiography in Arnold Joseph Toynbee's Work)_ + +* 1970 - Celebration of Awareness + +* 1971 - Deschooling Society + +* 1970 - The Church, Change and Development + +* 1973 - Tools for Conviviality + +* 1974 - Energy and Equity + +* 1976 - Limits to Medicine: Medical Nemesis, The Expropriation of Health + +* 1978 - Toward a History of Needs + +* 1978 - The Right to Useful Unemployment and its Professional Enemies + +* 1981 - Shadow Work + +* 1982 - Gender + +* 1984 - School into Museum + +* 1985 - H2O and the Waters of Forgetfulness + +* 1988 - ABC: The Alphabetization of the Popular Mind + +* 1992 - In the Mirror of the Past: Lectures and Addresses, 1978-1990 + +* 1993 - In the Vineyard of the text: A Commentary to Hugh's Didascalicon diff --git a/contents/source/index.txt b/contents/source/index.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..770f403 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/source/index.txt @@ -0,0 +1,44 @@ +# Source of Materials + + +## Books + +{{page>.:book}} + +## Articles + +{{page>.:article}} + + +## Interviews + +{{page>.:interview}} + + +## Videos + +{{page>.:video}} + +## Audio recordings + +{{page>.:audio}} + + + +<html> +<style> + +li.level1 { + margin-bottom: 20px; +} +li.level2 { + font-size: 75%; +} + +img.icon { + vertical-align: baseline; +} + + +</style> +</html> diff --git a/contents/source/interview.txt b/contents/source/interview.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..72e1b6c --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/source/interview.txt @@ -0,0 +1,122 @@ +# Interviews (in text) + +* 1964 - Entrevista de Ivan Illich a Alejandro del Corro + +* 1967 - The meaning of Cuernavaca + * In: Jesiut Mission, April 1967 + +* 1969 - An Interview with Iván Illich by Carl Eilenberg + * Liverpool, N. Y.: WCNY-TV, 1969. + +* 1969 - An Interview with Ivan Illich by Wayne H. Cowan + * In: Christianity and Crisis 1969-08-04: Volume 29, Issue 14. + +* 1969 - "Schooling: the five most wasted days of the week?" an interview with Ivan Illich + * By L. I. Stell. National Council of Churches. Tempo, I. March 15, 1969, page 6 + +* 1970 - "No Simple Answers: an Interview with Ivan Illich" + * Stone, Susan y Carol F. Palaith, en Non aligned Third World Annual: 1970, que editó Andrew Carvely. St. Louis: Books International of DH-TE International, 1970: 51-68 (O). + +* 1970 - Kann Gewalt christlich sein? Spiegel-Gespräch mit Ivan Illich, in: Der Spiegel 9/1970 + * Can violence by Christian? (translated by Dutta Mason) + * In: CIDOC DOC. 70/214: ¿Puede la violencia ser cristiana? + * Può violenza essere cristiana + +* 1971 - Die erste Stufe der Kulturrevolution wird die Abschaffung der Schule sein + * Interview mit Ivan Illich, in: Theologia practica, Zeitschrift f�r praktische Theologie und Religionsp�dagogik, Heft 3, VI. Jahrgang, Juli 1971, Furche Verlag, Hamburg, S. 272-280. + +* **1971 - Kulturrevolution und Schule: Interview mit Ivan Illich** + * Theologia practica, v. 6 (1971), pp. 272-80 + +* 1971 - Robert Fugere: Society and Imagination. I. Illich is interviewed by Robert Fugere, in: Balance and Biosphere. The Environmental Crisis. A CBC Radio Symposium, Toronto 1971, Canadian Broadcasting Corporation. S. 37 bis 47 + +* 1972 - Ivan Illich in Australia: questions and answers + * Quality in Australian Education Conference, 1972 (Australian National Union of Students, 1972) + +* 1972 - Barry Schwartz: Deschooling, an interview with Ivan Illich. + * In: "Affirmative Education" + +* **1974 - Ivan Illich in conversation with A. H. Halsey** + * In: The Listener (BBC) volume 92 or 93, May 1974. + + +* 1974 - On Growth: Interview with Ivan Illich + * By Willem Oltmans in "On Growth: The Crisis of Exploding Population and Resource Depletion" + * DE: 1974 - Interview mit Ivan Illich in Die Grenzen des Wachstums-Pro und Contra + * Oltmans, Willem (Hrsg.): rororo Sachbuch, Reinbek b. Hamburg 1974 + + +* **1975 - Medical Nemesis with Ivan Illich and Archie Cochrane** + * transcript of a broadcast on TUesday, 1st April 1975 by "New Society" and "Lateline", Australian Broadcasting Commission (ABC) + +* 1975 - Die Schwierigkeit, Krankheit zu definieren + +* 1976 - Medicine is a major thread to health + * In: by Sam Keen. Psychology Today. May 1976. 1976-05: Vol 9 Iss 12 + +* 1976 - Interview with Ivan Illich by Hubert De Santana + * In: "Maclean's". p. 8-9 + +* **1976 - Interview with Ivan Illich** + * East West Journal 1976, volume 4, April + +* 1977 - Revolting Development: An Exchange with Ivan Illich + * In: "International Development Review". no. 4, 19, p. 303-315 + * transcript of talk given in 1976, Reports Magazine (April 1977), 16–18. + +* 1977 - The testimony of Ivan Illich by Ricardh Ballad + * In: Human Behavior, February 1977 + +* 1978 - Illich risponde dopo Nemesi medica + * _Illich responses to Medical Nemesis_ + * In: Assisi 1978, Cittadella editrice + +* 1980 - Intervista a Illich di Francesco Codello, in: Rivista anarchica, April 1980 + +* 1984 - Lesen und Schreiben ist schädlich + +* 1984 - Interview mit Ivan Illich zu seiem Buch Genus by Ulla Lachauer + +* 1984 - Interview A piedi o in bicicletta + +* 1984 - Lesen und Schreiben ist schädlich + +* 1986 - Interview with Douglas Lummis + +* 1987 - Interview mit Ivan Illich, in: Gras Landschaft Nr. 4 und Nr.6 SommerSem 1987, Uni Freiburg, grün alternative Studeninnengruppe + +* 1988 - Jahrmark der konkreten Utopien + +* 1989 - The Shadow that the Future Throws, with Nathan Gardels from NPQ + * 1989 - The Shadow our Future Throws, with Nathan Gardels from NPQ (reduced version and published in NPQ and in the book "At Century's End: Great Minds Reflect on Our Times" of 1995) + +* 1989 - Cayley, David (1989): Part Moon Part Travelling Salesman: Conversations with Ivan Illich. + +* 1989 - Dialogue between Leonard Rubinstein and Ivan Illich + * PSU radio show "Odyssey Through Literature", number 105, recorded in December 1989 and aired in Season Ten (1990-91) + * Full audio and edited programme is available + +* 1990 - Gegen Gesundheit. Ein Gespräch mit Ivan Illich. Von Eva Schindele + * _Against Health. A conversation with Ivan Illich_ + +* 1990 - Against health: an interview with Ivan Illich + * Published originally in TAZ + +* 1992 - A Conversation with Ivan Illich by Aaron Falbel + * In: Growing Without Schooling #86 + +* 1995 - Ivan Illich and Phil Thomas: A Conversation in Wales + +* 1996 - Land of Found Friends: Conversation among Ivan Illich, Jerry Brown, and Carl Mitcham. + +* 1997 - Twenty-Six Years Later: Majid Rahnema in conversation with Ivan Illich. (D/4042/135-0) + +* 1997 - Gli Orizzonti dei Sensi: intervista con Ivan Illich + +* 1998 - Non sappiamo più ascoltare. Intervista di Mauro Suttora, in: Libertaria, Jahrgang 3, Nr.4, Oktober-Dezember 2001. + +* 2002 - Intervista ad Ivan Illich. La Conspirazione Cristiana. Maggio 2002 + +* 2002 - Intervista ad Ivan Illich. L'inventario della Fierucola, 21/22, August 2002 + +* 2002 - Cayley, David; (Illich, Ivan) (2000/2002): The corruption of christianity. Ivan Illich on Gospel, Church and Society. diff --git a/contents/source/video.txt b/contents/source/video.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..cb55012 --- /dev/null +++ b/contents/source/video.txt @@ -0,0 +1,123 @@ +## Available + +* 1972 - Un Certain Regard + +* 1974 - Ivan Illich on Medical Nemesis, The Expropriation of Health + * Art Net gallery, Architects Association, Bedford Square, London, 1974 + +* 1976 - In the name of Progress: no respect for holy cows + +* 1984 - Ivan Illich on Water and the History of the Senses + * Dallas, USA (Conference) + +* 1984 - Mann, Frau, Mensch + * _Man, woman, human being_ + * ORF. Club 2. 17/07/1984 + +* 2000 - Berea College conference + * On April 6th, registered in [Berea College Special Collection](https://berea.libraryhost.com/index.php?p=collections/findingaid&id=635&rootcontentid=191819#id192512) + +* 2002 - La decisione personal in un mondo dominato dalla comunicazione + * _Personal decision-making in a world dominated by communication_ + +## Requested + +* 1969 - CBC - Man Alive, Part 1. + * Duration: 00:30:00. + * Date: 1969-02-09. + * SYNOPSIS: The first of two parts, this program looks at Ivan Illich, radical educational theorist and Director of the Center if Inter-cultural Documentation (CIDOC) at Cuernavaca, Mexico. Illich is interviewed by Ken Lefolii about: CIDOC; the function of schooling in Latin American society; the distinction between education and schooling; his proposals for a new approach to education in Latin America. (PART:01/02) + +* 1969 - CBC - Man Alive, Part 2. + * Duration: 00:30:00. + * Date: 1969-03-23. + * SYNOPSIS: Second of two programs on Ivan Illich, radical educational theorist. This program takes a look at his Center of Inter-cultural Documentation (CIDOC) at Cuernavaca, Mexico, where crash programs in Latin American Culture and the Spanish language are taught primarily to people entering South America to teach or work. (PART:02/02) + +* 1970 - CBC - Take 30, Interview to Ivan Illich by Ed Rein. + * Duration: 00:30:00. + * Date: 1970-10-29. + * SYNOPSIS: In Winnipeg, Ed Reid interviews Dr. Ivan Illich. He is a theologian and educational reformer from South Mexico. Illich was in Winnipeg attending Milieu '70, a natioanl conference called to consider priorities for change in Canada. The discussion covers Illich's educational philsophy and his attitude towards organizations such as CUSO (Canadian University Service Overseas), which he feels pollute the minds of the people they set out to help. + + +* 1970 - Ivan Illich at conference called Milieu 70 held in Winnipeg, Canada + * Duration: 60 minutes + * Available at: https://librarysearch.library.utoronto.ca/permalink/01UTORONTO_INST/14bjeso/alma991106530392206196 + +* 1971 - An educational bill of rights for modern man + * Talks on education in Latin America, consumption of schooling, and abolition of compulsory schooling. + * Available at: https://librarysearch.library.utoronto.ca/permalink/01UTORONTO_INST/14bjeso/alma991105949429606196 + +* 1972 - CBC - Intellectual Documentation. + * Duration: 00:06:48. + * Date: 1972-01-09 + * SYNOPSIS: Centro Intercultural de Documentación (CIDOC, or Intercultural Documentation Center, or Center for Inter-Cultural Documentation) at Cuernavaca in Mexico, see educator and anarchist Ivan Illich and others. + +* 1975 - CBC - Take 30, Status of Children. + * Duration: 00:30:00. + * Date: 1975-06-16. + * SYNOPSIS: An examination of thoeries of education, specifically the notion that school may not be the best place for all children and that other options such as children in the workforce should be explored. Includes comments from: Kay Bentley, child worker for the United Church of Canada; Ivan Illich, education theorist and author of DESCHOOLING SOCIETY; Pat McKay, President of the Canadian Council on Children and Youth; Richard Farson, author BIRTHRIGHTS; and John Holt, author ESCAPE FROM CHILDHOOD. Several children and adults also comment on this issue throughout the program. + +* 1975 - CBC - Take 30, Status of Children. + * Duration: 00:30:00. + * Date: 1975-01-31. + * SYNOPSIS: Second in a two-part series on education. A discussion about expanding the present schooling system to include children working as a viable option to going to school and having an opportunity to exercise some choices which they don't have now. Participants include: Kay Bentley, youth worker who went back to school; Sam Rabinovitch, McGill University who is disappointed that the education system has failed to take advantage of what children have learned before reaching school age; Ivan Illich, author of DESCHOOLING SOCIETY; Pat McKay, Canadian Council on Children & Youth; John Holt, author of ESCAPE FROM CHILDHOOD; and various children. EDUCATION #1 TELECAST JANUARY 30, 1975. + +* 1979 - CBC - Special: Couchiching '79 Institutions in Crisis - social strategies for the 80s. + * Duration: 00:30:00. + * SYNOPSIS: A presentation of highlights of the 48th annual Couchiching conference in Orillia, Ontario. The conference, a non-partisan forum for the examination of divergent views on issues of public concern, examined the crises in our institutionalized society with emphasis on culture, health, education, religion, and economics. Keynote speakers include author and historian Dr. Ivan Illich; Dalhousie University Education Professor Dr. Edgar Friedenberg; C.D. Howe Research Institute President Carl E. Beigie; Atomic Energy Canada Chairman Thomas K. Shoyama; University of Toronto Political Economics Professor Dr. Alan D. Wolfson; and Toronto surgeon Dr. Ian Munro. Interviewed are Mary Sue McCarthy of York University's Faculty of Education; Professor Edgar Friedenberg; Dr. Alan D. Wolfson; Dr. Ian Munro; and Ryerson Polytechnical Institute President Walter G. Pittman. Hosted by Hanna Gartner. + * Date: 1979-08-12 + + +## Missing + +* 1969 - The Frank McGee Report + * Broadcasted on 4/13/69, NBC + * Report on CIDOC, a radical language and political training center in Mexico headed by Ivan Illich. Report on the Panmunjom Armistice Committee meeting. + +* 1969 - A conversation with Ivan Illich. + * Eilenberg, Carl. An Interview with Ivan Illich. Liverpool, N.Y.s WCNYTV, 1969. Available in videotape, audiotape, or typed transcription. WCNY-TV (Television station) Syracuse, N.Y. Interviewer: Eilenberg, Carl. + * https://librarysearch.library.utoronto.ca/permalink/01UTORONTO_INST/14bjeso/alma991106590050706196 + + +* 1970 - A talk by Ivan Illich in Ontario + * Conference theme: Milieu milleu'70. Ivan Illich discusses strategies for change in society, stressing the need for priorities. Planning, whether proscribed or prescribed, is discussed.- + * 1 cassette, 59 min. : sd. b&w col. ; 1/2in. VHS + * Available in: + * https://librarysearch.library.utoronto.ca/permalink/01UTORONTO_INST/14bjeso/alma991106530392206196 + * "It is at the shared print preservation facility Downsview:" http://downsviewkeep.org + * Requested to utld@utoronto.ca; Rai.beattie@utoronto.ca; Christina.stewart@utoronto.ca; loryl.macdonald@utoronto.ca; david.fernandez@utoronto.ca + +* 1970 - Lecture delivered at York University + * Illich Ivan. A videotape was made late in 1970 of e lecture delivered at York University. (For informatin on availability write to'Mr. Art Knowles, Director, Instructional Aid Resources, York University, Keele Street, Downsview, Ontario, Canada.) + + +* 1970 - The Institutionalization of Truth + * SYNOPSIS: This is a videotape of a lecture (about 55 minutes) delivered in the spring of 1970 at York University in Toronto, O.Inada. Tt is on 1/2 inch Shibaden tape. (For information on availability write to rr. Beg Herman, L"anaging Editor, Convergence, P.O. Box 250, Station F, 'Toronto 5, Ontario, Canada. This lecture places Illich's thoughts about schools within the context of his opposition to t'cle worldwide drive toward economic development. + +* 1970 - Interview in Milieu 70 Winnipeg + * In Winnipeg, Ed Reid interviews Dr. Ivan Illich, a theologian and educational reformer from South Mexico. Illich was in Winnipeg attending Milieu '70, a naitonal conference called to consider priorities for change in Canada. He discusses his educational philosophy and his attitude towards organizations such as CUSO (Canadian University Service Overseas) which he feels pollute the minds of the people they set out to help. Produced by CBC. + * Duration: 30 minutes + * Link: http://central.bac-lac.gc.ca/.redirect?app=filvidandsou&id=100102&lang=eng + +* 1971 - Illich in Tuesday Night + * Part of a television program on education. Views and concepts on schooling are given by Dr. Ivan Illich, controversial spokesman for radical education movements. Shown is a sequence on seminars held at Columbia University, where Dr. Illich is seen delivering lectures about the "evils of schooling", the effect it has upon our rich and poor societies, and the need for radical social changes in Latin American countries. He describes the learning processes that go on in our schooling institutions; its relation to our capitalist system; and also, he describes schools as being mass production systems for children, which later result only in creating consumers. A group of professors discuss educational problems in Canada. Speaking are: economist Bruce A. Weber, Sam Pagee of Vancouver City College, Frank Hardwick of Britith Columbia University, and Alan Adamson of Sir George Williams University. Produced by CBC + * Duration: 28 minutes + * Link: http://central.bac-lac.gc.ca/.redirect?app=filvidandsou&id=217346&lang=eng + +* 1972 - Illich at the National Conference on the Law of Canada + * Dr. Ivan Illich. Excerpt from question period. + * Duration: 33 minutes + * Link: http://central.bac-lac.gc.ca/.redirect?app=filvidandsou&id=463314&lang=eng (already in digital) + + +* 1975 - Illich in Take 30: Status of Children + * Television public affairs program with hosts Rita Deverell, Paul Soles and Ed Reid. The traditional school system is questioned and alternative ways of educating young people are examined by: Kay Bentley, United Church of Canada; Sam Rabinovitch, Children's Learning Centre, McGill University; Richard Farson, author of "Birthrights"; John Hold, author of "Escape From Childhood"; Ivan Illich, author of "Deschooling Society"; Pat McKay, President of Canadian Council on Children and Youth; and various teenagers and members of public. Visual presentations include: a pictorial version of the role of children in society before the Industrial Revolution; animated sequences; and film of small children working in factory in contemporary China. + * Duration: 30 minutes + * Available at: + * http://central.bac-lac.gc.ca/.redirect?app=filvidandsou&id=196180&lang=eng + * http://central.bac-lac.gc.ca/.redirect?app=filvidandsou&id=196191&lang=eng + +* 1976 - Entwicklung wohin? (Serie: Ohne Zukunft lebt sich's schlecht) + * Development to where? 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-10*5:2*13:11*5 -10*8:2*6:11*8 -10*2:2*4:11*2 -2*3 -2*4:9*1:8*1 -10*1:2*5:11*1 -10*1:2*3:11*1 -10*1:2*1:11*1 -2*4 +105*6:99*1:101*35:89*2:85*3:84*4:88*1:50*9:47*2:34*9:33*3:21*5:10*8:11*8:5*1 +105*6:98*1:101*19:95*1:89*1:85*2:84*12:88*1:75*1:50*4:47*2:34*4:33*4:21*5:10*5:11*5 +105*4:101*20:86*2:84*6:88*1:82*1:83*1:75*1:50*4:47*1:34*4:33*3:21*1:10*8:11*8 +105*2:80*1:101*13:86*3:53*1:84*2:88*1:47*1:40*1:38*1:33*1:21*4:10*2:11*2 +0*1:101*1:89*9:86*1:36*1:50*1:40*3:34*1:21*3 +105*3:48*1:101*13:9*1:93*1:64*1:89*1:85*1:84*1:74*1:82*1:83*1:44*1:50*2:47*1:8*1:34*2:21*2 +105*2:101*9:89*2:86*2:74*1:50*1:47*1:34*1:10*1:11*1 +71*2:101*10:89*1:50*3:34*3:21*2:10*1:11*1 +55*1:101*4:86*1:50*1:34*1:21*2:10*1:11*1 +71*1:101*7:89*2:86*2:21*2 diff --git a/data/index/i10.idx b/data/index/i10.idx index 738c561..0438366 100644 --- a/data/index/i10.idx +++ b/data/index/i10.idx @@ -1,35 +1,35 @@ -10*5:2*3:11*5:8*1 - - +105*3:20*1:101*15:69*1:89*14:85*3:53*1:84*1:88*4:67*1:50*7:47*1:8*1:34*7:21*3:10*5:11*5 +21*1 +101*1 10*8:11*8 -10*26:2*1:11*26:4*1 +101*2:4*1:40*1:38*1:10*26:11*26 10*2:11*2 -2*1 - -2*1 - +105*3:99*1:55*4:101*3:89*1:53*3:79*1:76*1:67*3:45*2:50*4:47*1:34*4:33*2:21*2 +105*2:55*1:101*1:92*1:89*1:53*7:36*1:45*2:50*1:34*1 +101*1 -10*167:2*1:11*167 +105*2:37*2:55*1:53*4:88*4:79*3:76*3:50*8:40*2:34*8:33*1 +101*2:40*1:38*1:10*167:11*167 10*6:11*6 10*2:11*2 10*2:11*2 +105*6:33*2:21*1 - -2*4 -2*1 -2*4:8*1 +105*26:99*1:101*6:89*5:36*1:50*10:47*2:34*10:33*11:21*15 +101*1 +105*2:99*1:103*1:80*1:55*2:54*1:101*7:9*1:89*4:85*6:53*6:84*1:88*8:74*1:50*24:47*1:8*1:34*24:33*2:21*14 10*2:11*2 -10*57:11*57 +40*1:38*1:10*57:11*57 10*11:11*11 @@ -37,12 +37,12 @@ 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 -10*3:2*1:11*3 - - +101*2:10*3:11*3 +101*1 +92*1:79*4:76*4:45*5:50*3:47*1:34*3 -10*1:11*1 +50*3:34*3:33*1:10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 @@ -52,106 +52,106 @@ -2*1 - - +101*1:47*1 +79*1:76*1:50*4:34*4 +105*1:89*1:53*1:45*7:50*3:34*3 10*3:11*3 -10*11:11*11 +40*1:38*1:10*11:11*11 -2*7 - +84*7:50*1:34*1:33*1:21*1 +105*5:101*1:50*2:34*2 10*1:11*1 10*7:11*7 -10*3:11*3 +40*3:38*3:10*3:11*3 -10*7:11*7 +105*134:37*1:101*2:53*2:88*2:50*23:40*2:38*2:34*23:33*59:21*25:10*7:11*7 10*1:11*1 +89*2 +105*1:50*3:34*3 +89*1 +105*8:37*1:55*1:53*1:50*3:40*1:34*3:33*27:21*7 +101*1 +101*1:10*3:11*3 +105*2:37*1:56*1:101*10:69*2:85*7:70*1:50*4:8*1:40*1:34*4 +101*1 -10*3:11*3 -2*1:8*1 - - - - - - - -2*1 -2*2:4*1 -2*8 -2*1 -2*2 -2*1 -2*1 -2*1 -2*1 -2*1 -2*3 -10*1:2*1:11*1 -2*1 -2*2 -2*1 -2*1 -2*1 -2*1 -2*1 -2*1 -2*2 -2*2 -2*1 -10*5:2*1:11*5 -2*2:4*1 -2*1 -2*1 -2*1 -2*1 -2*1 -2*1 -2*1 -2*1 -2*1 -2*1 -2*1 -2*1 -2*1 -2*1 -2*2:4*1 -2*1 -2*7 -2*1 -2*1 -2*2 -2*2 -2*1 -2*4 -2*1 -2*1 -2*1 -10*1:11*1:4*1 -10*4:11*4:4*1 -10*9:11*9:4*1 + +101*1:2*1:15*1:21*1 +101*2:2*1:4*1:30*2 +56*5:101*13:74*7:79*25:75*9:76*25:78*3:77*3:45*3:50*14:34*14:33*1 +101*1:92*1:45*1:50*2:34*2 +105*1:99*1:101*6:85*2:88*6:79*1:76*1:45*1:50*8:47*3:34*8:33*1:21*3 +105*9:55*1:101*3:92*2:89*2:53*1:88*14:79*1:76*1:50*25:47*1:34*25:33*12:21*3 +105*1:55*2:101*1:79*1:76*1:50*4:34*4 +101*1 +101*1 +105*2:101*1:50*5:34*5:33*1:21*6 +105*13:99*2:56*3:101*6:89*1:88*5:87*2:50*23:34*23:33*2:21*6 +10*1:11*1 +105*2:101*2:89*6:50*2:34*2:21*1 +105*3:89*1:79*1:76*1:50*5:47*1:34*5:33*1 + +101*1:89*1:88*1:50*2:34*2:33*1 +101*1 +101*1 +105*1:101*1 +101*1 +101*4 + + +101*1:10*5:11*5 +101*2:4*1 +101*1 +101*1 +105*6:55*1:101*1:50*5:47*1:34*5:21*3 +101*2 +101*1 +101*1 +105*2:55*1:101*1:50*5:34*5 +105*2:55*1:101*1:50*2:34*2:33*4:21*1 +101*1 +105*1:55*2:101*3:89*1 +105*5:101*1:50*7:34*7:33*2:21*2 +101*1 +105*3:55*1:101*2:33*2:21*3 +105*1:101*1 +52*5:56*2:101*2:61*2:53*4:60*1:58*1:50*1:34*1:33*1:21*1 +105*4:99*3:85*1:50*3:34*3:33*3:21*1 +84*7:50*2:34*2:33*2:22*1:21*1 +84*1:50*10:47*1:34*10:33*1:21*1 +105*3:53*1:84*1:50*6:47*4:34*6:21*1 +86*1:84*1:21*1 +105*6:89*1:86*1:84*1:50*2:34*2:33*1 +105*1:53*1:84*1:88*1:67*2:50*1:34*1:33*2 +84*4 +105*6:84*1:88*1:79*1:76*1:50*8:34*8 +84*1 +0*1:102*1:101*2:2*1:85*1:86*1 +43*1:4*1:10*1:11*1 +10*4:11*4 +4*1:10*9:11*9 4*1 -10*5:11*5:4*1 +4*1:40*2:38*4:10*5:11*5 10*1:11*1:5*2 10*1:11*1:5*1 5*1 @@ -162,7 +162,7 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*13:11*13 10*1:11*1 -10*1:11*1 +89*1:10*1:11*1 10*7:11*7 10*3:11*3 10*2:11*2 @@ -175,37 +175,37 @@ 10*3:11*3 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*5:11*5 +40*3:38*3:10*5:11*5 10*8:11*8 10*1:11*1 10*12:11*12 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*27:11*27 -10*5:11*5 +40*1:38*1:10*27:11*27 +40*5:38*5:10*5:11*5 10*5:11*5 10*2:11*2 10*12:11*12 10*6:11*6 10*2:11*2 -10*5:11*5 +101*1:10*5:11*5 10*2:11*2 10*2:11*2 10*6:11*6 10*14:11*14 10*9:11*9 -10*5:11*5 +38*1:10*5:11*5 10*6:11*6 10*2:11*2 10*4:11*4 10*2:11*2 10*2:11*2 -10*4:11*4 +40*1:38*1:10*4:11*4 10*1:11*1 10*13:11*13 10*1:11*1 -10*2:11*2 +40*1:38*1:10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*3:11*3 10*7:11*7 @@ -217,9 +217,9 @@ 10*3:11*3 10*1:11*1 10*8:11*8 -10*59:11*59 +40*1:38*1:10*59:11*59 10*17:11*17 -10*26:11*26 +101*1:40*1:38*1:10*26:11*26 10*8:11*8 10*4:11*4 10*2:11*2 @@ -238,10 +238,10 @@ 10*10:11*10 10*4:11*4 10*1:11*1 -10*11:11*11 +40*1:38*1:10*11:11*11 10*3:11*3 10*1:11*1 -10*1:11*1 +21*1:10*1:11*1 10*50:11*50 10*5:11*5 10*1:11*1 @@ -249,15 +249,15 @@ 10*2:11*2 10*4:11*4 10*10:11*10 -10*2:11*2 +40*1:38*1:10*2:11*2 10*3:11*3 10*3:11*3 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*7:11*7 -10*3:11*3 +105*8:101*1:88*3:45*1:50*6:34*6:33*2:21*2:10*3:11*3 10*2:11*2 -10*5:11*5 +40*2:38*2:10*5:11*5 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 @@ -266,7 +266,7 @@ 10*3:11*3 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*1:11*1 +21*1:10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 @@ -287,13 +287,13 @@ 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 -10*5:11*5 +89*1:10*5:11*5 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*9:11*9 -10*2:11*2 -10*1:11*1 -10*3:11*3 +40*1:38*1:10*9:11*9 +40*1:38*1:10*2:11*2 +105*2:55*1:50*4:34*4:33*1:10*1:11*1 +40*1:38*1:10*3:11*3 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*3:11*3 @@ -313,9 +313,9 @@ 10*12:11*12 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*5:11*5 +40*2:38*2:10*5:11*5 10*11:11*11 -10*5:11*5 +79*1:76*1:50*1:34*1:10*5:11*5 10*2:11*2 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 @@ -325,7 +325,7 @@ 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*2:11*2 +89*2:33*1:10*2:11*2 10*3:11*3 10*3:11*3 10*1:11*1 @@ -358,7 +358,7 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*3:11*3 10*3:11*3 -10*1:11*1 +101*2:82*1:83*1:75*1:10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*11:11*11 @@ -376,11 +376,11 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 -10*5:11*5 +40*1:38*1:10*5:11*5 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*5:11*5 -10*2:11*2 +43*1:10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*3:11*3 10*2:11*2 @@ -427,7 +427,7 @@ 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*3:11*3 -10*7:11*7 +105*21:37*1:88*1:79*2:76*2:45*1:50*19:47*4:40*1:34*19:33*11:21*2:10*7:11*7 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 @@ -444,12 +444,12 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*5:11*5 +40*1:38*1:10*5:11*5 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*9:11*9 +40*1:38*1:10*9:11*9 10*2:11*2 -10*3:11*3 +40*1:38*1:10*3:11*3 10*15:11*15 10*6:11*6 10*1:11*1 @@ -457,7 +457,7 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*11:11*11 +40*1:38*2:10*11:11*11 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*4:11*4 @@ -473,7 +473,7 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*8:11*8 +105*9:92*1:89*1:53*3:88*2:79*2:76*2:45*1:50*4:34*4:33*2:10*8:11*8 10*4:11*4 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 @@ -492,10 +492,10 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*1:11*1 +40*1:38*1:10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*9:11*9 -10*2:11*2 +40*1:38*1:10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*7:11*7 10*1:11*1 @@ -510,7 +510,7 @@ 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*4:11*4 +40*1:38*1:10*4:11*4 10*8:11*8 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 @@ -528,7 +528,7 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*2:11*2 +105*1:50*1:34*1:10*2:11*2 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 @@ -541,8 +541,8 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*10:11*10 -10*3:11*3 +101*2:40*1:38*1:10*10:11*10 +40*2:38*2:10*3:11*3 10*3:11*3 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 @@ -555,12 +555,12 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*6:11*6 +38*1:10*6:11*6 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*3:11*3 +105*2:55*1:33*1:10*3:11*3 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*3:11*3 @@ -602,7 +602,7 @@ 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*1:11*1 +40*1:38*1:10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 @@ -616,19 +616,19 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 +40*1:38*1:10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*1:11*1 -10*15:11*15 +40*1:38*1:10*15:11*15 10*1:11*1 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10*12:11*12 -10*17:11*17 -10*10:11*10 -10*15:11*15 +101*1:40*4:38*4:10*17:11*17 +40*2:38*2:10*10:11*10 +101*1:10*15:11*15 10*9:11*9 -10*6:11*6 +105*17:55*3:88*1:50*5:34*5:10*6:11*6 10*3:11*3 10*2:11*2 10*8:11*8 -10*11:11*11 -10*2:11*2 +40*2:38*2:10*11:11*11 +50*2:34*2:10*2:11*2 10*4:11*4 10*10:11*10 10*2:11*2 -10*53:11*53 +40*2:38*2:10*53:11*53 10*1:11*1 10*11:11*11 -10*37:11*37 +40*10:38*10:10*37:11*37 10*10:11*10 10*7:11*7 10*21:11*21 10*14:11*14 10*2:11*2 10*2:11*2 -10*2:11*2 +50*1:34*1:10*2:11*2 10*4:11*4 10*2:11*2 10*30:11*30 @@ -363,13 +363,13 @@ 10*5:11*5 10*1:11*1 10*3:11*3 -10*11:11*11 +40*1:38*1:10*11:11*11 10*1:11*1 10*4:11*4 10*29:11*29 -10*17:11*17 +40*1:38*1:10*17:11*17 10*3:11*3 -10*36:11*36 +38*1:10*36:11*36 10*1:11*1 10*7:11*7 10*1:11*1 @@ -377,7 +377,7 @@ 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 -10*7:11*7 +33*1:10*7:11*7 10*1:11*1 10*5:11*5 10*9:11*9 @@ -393,29 +393,29 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*9:11*9 10*6:11*6 -10*12:11*12 +40*1:38*1:10*12:11*12 10*1:11*1 -10*40:11*40 +40*2:38*2:10*40:11*40 10*11:11*11 10*2:11*2 10*6:11*6 -10*1:11*1 +50*1:34*1:10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 10*2:11*2 -10*2:11*2 -10*5:11*5 -10*3:11*3 -10*9:11*9 +56*2:101*1:61*1:82*2:83*2:10*2:11*2 +105*3:37*3:40*3:33*3:21*1:10*5:11*5 +105*2:86*1:84*1:50*3:34*3:10*3:11*3 +40*4:38*4:10*9:11*9 10*9:11*9 10*5:11*5 -10*8:11*8 -10*15:11*15 -10*1:11*1 +40*1:38*1:10*8:11*8 +40*1:38*1:10*15:11*15 +33*3:10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 10*3:11*3 10*6:11*6 10*2:11*2 -10*3:11*3 +40*1:38*1:10*3:11*3 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*7:11*7 @@ -432,13 +432,13 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*5:11*5 10*4:11*4 -10*1:11*1 +50*1:34*1:10*1:11*1 10*5:11*5 10*4:11*4 -10*6:11*6 +105*1:99*2:55*1:89*2:50*10:47*1:34*10:33*1:21*1:10*6:11*6 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*3:11*3 +89*1:53*1:10*3:11*3 10*5:11*5 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 @@ -449,7 +449,7 @@ 10*12:11*12 10*13:11*13 10*1:11*1 -10*3:11*3 +40*1:38*1:10*3:11*3 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*6:11*6 @@ -459,7 +459,7 @@ 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*4:11*4 -10*17:11*17 +40*1:38*1:10*17:11*17 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*3:11*3 @@ -468,21 +468,21 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*3:11*3 10*2:11*2 -10*1:11*1 -10*2:11*2 -10*3:11*3 -10*1:11*1 +105*1:50*1:34*1:10*1:11*1 +40*1:38*1:10*2:11*2 +40*1:38*1:10*3:11*3 +105*1:88*2:21*1:10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 -10*8:11*8 +40*1:38*1:10*8:11*8 10*3:11*3 10*4:11*4 10*1:11*1 -10*8:11*8 +40*1:38*1:10*8:11*8 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 @@ -493,20 +493,20 @@ 10*3:11*3 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 -10*2:11*2 +50*6:34*6:10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*3:11*3 -10*5:11*5 +40*1:38*1:10*5:11*5 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 -10*6:11*6 +101*1:10*6:11*6 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 10*6:11*6 -10*11:11*11 +40*3:38*3:10*11:11*11 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 @@ -521,26 +521,26 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*7:11*7 +40*1:38*1:10*7:11*7 10*3:11*3 10*5:11*5 10*7:11*7 +53*1:50*1:34*1:33*1:10*1:11*1 +105*1:89*1:53*2:88*5:50*23:34*23:21*2:10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*1:11*1 -10*1:11*1 +40*1:38*1:10*3:11*3 10*3:11*3 -10*3:11*3 -10*6:11*6 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+105*24:99*1:89*3:53*1:50*9:34*9:33*5:21*2:10*10:11*10 +40*2:38*2:10*35:11*35 10*20:11*20 10*13:11*13 10*1:11*1 -10*27:11*27 -10*15:11*15 +101*1:10*27:11*27 +101*1:40*1:38*1:10*15:11*15 10*13:11*13 10*14:11*14 10*20:11*20 -10*15:11*15 +40*1:38*1:10*15:11*15 10*4:11*4 10*38:11*38 -10*17:11*17 -10*25:11*25 +38*1:10*17:11*17 +40*1:38*1:10*25:11*25 10*1:11*1 10*3:11*3 10*16:11*16 10*15:11*15 -10*10:11*10 -10*1:11*1 +105*13:37*3:89*7:86*1:53*1:88*1:45*1:50*5:40*3:34*5:33*4:21*1:10*10:11*10 +105*4:99*1:50*6:34*6:33*1:10*1:11*1 10*4:11*4 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*68:11*68 +40*1:38*1:10*68:11*68 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*6:11*6 -10*64:11*64 +40*2:38*2:10*64:11*64 10*4:11*4 -10*6:11*6 -10*3:11*3 +40*1:38*1:10*6:11*6 +40*2:38*2:10*3:11*3 10*17:11*17 10*3:11*3 10*1:11*1 10*13:11*13 10*21:11*21 10*11:11*11 -10*60:11*60 +40*1:38*1:10*60:11*60 10*3:11*3 -10*4:11*4 +40*1:38*1:10*4:11*4 10*6:11*6 10*68:11*68 10*2:11*2 @@ -355,30 +355,30 @@ 10*12:11*12 10*22:11*22 10*5:11*5 -10*6:11*6 +105*2:50*1:40*1:38*1:34*1:10*6:11*6 10*9:11*9 -10*8:11*8 +40*1:38*1:10*8:11*8 10*1:11*1 10*8:11*8 -10*15:11*15 -10*20:11*20 +21*1:10*15:11*15 +101*2:40*1:38*1:10*20:11*20 10*2:11*2 -10*25:11*25 +105*1:40*5:38*5:10*25:11*25 10*3:11*3 10*23:11*23 -10*2:11*2 +21*1:10*2:11*2 10*3:11*3 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*7:11*7 10*9:11*9 10*2:11*2 -10*14:11*14 +40*1:38*1:10*14:11*14 10*2:11*2 10*3:11*3 -10*9:11*9 +38*1:10*9:11*9 10*3:11*3 -10*14:11*14 +101*1:10*14:11*14 10*10:11*10 10*22:11*22 10*1:11*1 @@ -395,7 +395,7 @@ 10*2:11*2 10*2:11*2 10*2:11*2 -10*13:11*13 +105*6:50*2:34*2:10*13:11*13 10*1:11*1 10*17:11*17 10*6:11*6 @@ -404,7 +404,7 @@ 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*4:11*4 +105*9:88*4:79*1:76*1:50*2:34*2:33*11:21*2:10*4:11*4 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 @@ -413,7 +413,7 @@ 10*12:11*12 10*15:11*15 10*2:11*2 -10*33:11*33 +105*11:99*2:55*1:53*3:45*1:50*8:34*8:33*1:21*2:10*33:11*33 10*2:11*2 10*16:11*16 10*3:11*3 @@ -429,46 +429,46 @@ 10*5:11*5 10*4:11*4 10*1:11*1 -10*7:11*7 -10*12:11*12 -10*16:11*16 +40*6:38*6:10*7:11*7 +40*1:38*1:10*12:11*12 +38*1:10*16:11*16 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 10*2:11*2 10*2:11*2 -10*1:11*1 -10*13:11*13 +40*2:38*2:10*1:11*1 +40*1:38*1:10*13:11*13 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 10*5:11*5 10*3:11*3 10*2:11*2 -10*18:11*18 +101*1:33*1:10*18:11*18 10*2:11*2 -10*3:11*3 +40*1:38*1:10*3:11*3 10*10:11*10 10*1:11*1 10*5:11*5 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*10:11*10 +40*1:38*1:10*10:11*10 10*4:11*4 +50*1:34*1:10*1:11*1 +88*4:50*5:34*5:10*5:11*5 +105*1:50*1:34*1:10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*5:11*5 -10*1:11*1 -10*1:11*1 -10*2:11*2 +40*1:38*1:10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*61:11*61 10*7:11*7 10*12:11*12 10*1:11*1 10*3:11*3 +105*3:101*1:88*2:50*12:47*1:34*12:33*4:21*2:10*1:11*1 +105*1:50*2:34*2:33*1:21*2:10*4:11*4 10*1:11*1 -10*4:11*4 10*1:11*1 -10*1:11*1 -10*2:11*2 +89*1:10*2:11*2 10*3:11*3 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 @@ -487,9 +487,9 @@ 10*10:11*10 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*12:11*12 +40*1:38*1:10*12:11*12 10*1:11*1 -10*6:11*6 +40*2:38*2:10*6:11*6 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 @@ -518,14 +518,14 @@ 10*4:11*4 10*3:11*3 10*4:11*4 -10*7:11*7 +40*1:38*1:10*7:11*7 10*1:11*1 10*3:11*3 10*2:11*2 10*13:11*13 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*1:11*1 +50*4:34*4:21*1:10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*4:11*4 10*1:11*1 @@ -548,7 +548,7 @@ 10*22:11*22 10*1:11*1 10*6:11*6 -10*1:11*1 +40*1:38*1:10*1:11*1 10*5:11*5 10*2:11*2 10*15:11*15 @@ -561,12 +561,12 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*4:11*4 10*2:11*2 -10*7:11*7 +89*1:10*7:11*7 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*2:11*2 +105*2:55*1:89*1:67*1:33*1:10*2:11*2 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*6:11*6 @@ -576,9 +576,9 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*3:11*3 10*1:11*1 -10*3:11*3 +89*3:50*2:34*2:10*3:11*3 10*2:11*2 -10*1:11*1 +45*11:50*5:34*5:10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 @@ -603,14 +603,14 @@ 10*5:11*5 10*1:11*1 10*3:11*3 -10*3:11*3 -10*1:11*1 -10*1:11*1 +40*1:38*1:10*3:11*3 10*1:11*1 -10*2:11*2 -10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 +40*1:38*1:10*2:11*2 +40*1:38*1:10*2:11*2 +105*4:88*1:50*3:47*3:34*3:33*1:21*5:10*1:11*1 +40*1:38*1:10*1:11*1 10*6:11*6 10*7:11*7 10*1:11*1 @@ -624,12 +624,12 @@ 10*5:11*5 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*1:11*1 +105*2:55*1:101*1:89*2:85*2:67*1:50*3:34*3:33*5:21*2:10*1:11*1 10*7:11*7 10*1:11*1 -10*2:11*2 +38*1:10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 -10*5:11*5 +89*8:50*2:40*2:38*2:34*2:10*5:11*5 10*3:11*3 10*1:11*1 10*6:11*6 @@ -638,7 +638,7 @@ 10*2:11*2 10*5:11*5 10*1:11*1 -10*1:11*1 +101*1:88*1:10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 10*2:11*2 @@ -670,20 +670,20 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*1:11*1 +50*1:34*1:33*1:10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 10*5:11*5 10*5:11*5 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 -10*2:11*2 +38*1:10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*5:11*5 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*3:11*3 +40*1:38*1:10*3:11*3 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 @@ -698,15 +698,15 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*6:11*6 10*1:11*1 -10*1:11*1 +101*1:50*1:34*1:10*1:11*1 10*11:11*11 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 -10*2:11*2 -10*1:11*1 +55*2:101*2:10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 +33*1:21*3:10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 -10*1:11*1 +40*1:38*1:10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 10*2:11*2 @@ -728,7 +728,7 @@ 10*3:11*3 10*3:11*3 10*4:11*4 -10*1:11*1 +105*2:50*2:34*2:33*3:21*9:10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 @@ -741,7 +741,7 @@ 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*5:11*5 +40*1:38*1:10*5:11*5 10*3:11*3 10*4:11*4 10*1:11*1 @@ -756,14 +756,14 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*1:11*1 -10*6:11*6 +105*6:85*1:50*3:34*3:10*1:11*1 +105*5:55*2:101*1:33*7:10*6:11*6 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 -10*2:11*2 -10*2:11*2 +40*1:38*1:10*2:11*2 +40*1:38*1:10*2:11*2 10*2:11*2 10*7:11*7 10*1:11*1 @@ -771,10 +771,10 @@ 10*4:11*4 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 -10*1:11*1 +88*1:50*1:34*1:10*1:11*1 10*3:11*3 10*1:11*1 -10*4:11*4 +40*2:38*2:10*4:11*4 10*4:11*4 10*4:11*4 10*1:11*1 @@ -802,7 +802,7 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 -10*2:11*2 +105*7:37*1:50*4:47*1:40*2:38*1:34*4:33*2:10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*3:11*3 10*1:11*1 @@ -819,15 +819,15 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*5:11*5 +40*1:38*1:10*5:11*5 10*1:11*1 10*6:11*6 10*1:11*1 10*5:11*5 10*3:11*3 -10*2:11*2 -10*1:11*1 +40*1:38*1:10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 +89*1:50*1:34*1:10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 @@ -847,7 +847,7 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*7:11*7 +105*1:33*1:10*7:11*7 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 @@ -860,7 +860,7 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*4:11*4 10*3:11*3 -10*1:11*1 +101*3:10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 @@ -890,9 +890,9 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 -10*3:11*3 -10*1:11*1 +50*1:34*1:10*3:11*3 10*1:11*1 +40*1:38*1:10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 @@ -903,7 +903,7 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 -10*1:11*1 +79*1:76*1:10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 @@ -917,7 +917,7 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 10*2:11*2 -10*1:11*1 +21*1:10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 @@ -952,7 +952,7 @@ 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*3:11*3 -10*1:11*1 +105*2:55*1:92*1:50*3:34*3:33*5:21*1:10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 @@ -980,7 +980,7 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*1:11*1 +105*2:50*1:34*1:10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 @@ -999,15 +999,15 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*2:11*2 -10*1:11*1 +89*1:10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 +89*15:10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 10*4:11*4 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 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-10*2:2*1:11*2 -2*1 -2*1 -10*1:2*1:11*1 -2*1 -2*1 -3*1 -3*2 -10*29:11*29:4*1 -4*1 -10*36:11*36:4*1 +105*15:101*2:89*2:50*3:34*3:33*6:21*2 +56*3:101*2:88*15:87*2 +105*1:56*3:101*2:88*6:87*2:50*1:34*1:33*3 +101*1:21*7 +105*5:101*1:33*2:21*1 +105*10:55*5:101*2:89*2:50*2:47*1:34*2:33*1:21*7:10*4:11*4 +55*1:54*1:101*5:85*2:53*3:84*2 +105*10:55*3:101*1:88*1:67*1:50*8:47*2:34*8:33*5:21*5 +101*7:21*2 +105*5:101*2:88*1:45*2:50*5:47*1:34*5:33*1 +105*27:99*1:37*1:101*1:89*1:50*10:40*1:34*10:33*16:21*1 +105*2:101*1:89*2:33*3:21*3 +105*1:55*1:101*1:84*1:50*1:34*1:33*3:21*2 +37*3:3*5:56*2:101*2:89*2:61*2:84*3:39*1:58*1:50*7:40*3:34*7:21*1 +101*9:22*1 +105*33:55*3:101*6:92*2:89*2:53*1:50*6:34*6:33*2:21*7 +101*1:53*1 +101*1:10*7:11*7 +105*2:101*2:85*1:88*6:50*6:34*6:33*2 +99*1:55*2:101*2:33*3 +105*4:101*1:89*3:53*1:50*5:34*5:33*1 +10*12:11*12 +4*1:10*4:11*4 +101*1:4*1 +101*1:40*3:38*3:21*1:10*2:11*2 +101*1 +105*2:101*1:84*1:50*1:34*1:33*1 +105*1:101*1:89*8:85*1:53*1:50*1:34*1 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+105*3:55*1:101*2:89*9:85*1:88*1:36*1:45*6:50*20:26*1:34*20:21*2 +105*1:101*1:50*2:34*2 +43*2:10*29:11*29 4*1 -10*9:11*9:4*1 +4*1:10*36:11*36 4*1 -10*3:11*3:4*1 +4*1:10*9:11*9 4*1 +101*1:61*1:39*1:58*1:40*4:38*4:10*3:11*3 +61*1:60*1:58*1 5*2 10*3:11*3:5*1 5*1 10*3:11*3:6*1 -10*21:11*21 +40*3:38*3:10*21:11*21 10*9:11*9 10*6:11*6 -10*17:11*17 -10*1:11*1 +40*1:38*1:10*17:11*17 +64*2:10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*12:11*12 10*23:11*23 @@ -295,52 +295,52 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 10*3:11*3 -10*24:11*24 +40*1:38*1:10*24:11*24 10*13:11*13 10*4:11*4 -10*1:11*1 +50*1:34*1:10*1:11*1 10*12:11*12 -10*46:11*46 +40*1:38*1:10*46:11*46 10*16:11*16 -10*6:11*6 +50*2:34*2:10*6:11*6 10*6:11*6 10*3:11*3 10*9:11*9 10*4:11*4 -10*17:11*17 -10*23:11*23 -10*15:11*15 -10*5:11*5 +40*1:38*1:10*17:11*17 +40*1:38*1:10*23:11*23 +40*1:38*1:10*15:11*15 +40*1:38*1:10*5:11*5 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*36:11*36 10*13:11*13 10*9:11*9 -10*34:11*34 +40*2:38*2:10*34:11*34 10*4:11*4 -10*27:11*27 +40*3:38*3:10*27:11*27 10*16:11*16 10*16:11*16 10*8:11*8 -10*4:11*4 +40*1:38*1:10*4:11*4 10*76:11*76 -10*16:11*16 +40*2:38*2:10*16:11*16 10*38:11*38 10*14:11*14 10*1:11*1 -10*50:11*50 -10*50:11*50 +40*1:38*1:10*50:11*50 +40*1:38*1:10*50:11*50 10*2:11*2 10*3:11*3 10*1:11*1 10*16:11*16 -10*15:11*15 +40*1:38*1:10*15:11*15 10*4:11*4 10*20:11*20 10*8:11*8 -10*38:11*38 +40*2:38*2:21*1:10*38:11*38 10*4:11*4 -10*27:11*27 +101*3:10*27:11*27 10*1:11*1 10*10:11*10 10*1:11*1 @@ -350,8 +350,8 @@ 10*41:11*41 10*16:11*16 10*9:11*9 -10*13:11*13 -10*15:11*15 +105*18:99*4:55*2:89*7:88*2:67*1:50*17:47*4:34*17:33*7:21*5:10*13:11*13 +40*1:38*1:10*15:11*15 10*2:11*2 10*10:11*10 10*35:11*35 @@ -359,7 +359,7 @@ 10*3:11*3 10*2:11*2 10*5:11*5 -10*12:11*12 +101*1:10*12:11*12 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*3:11*3 @@ -370,23 +370,23 @@ 10*13:11*13 10*6:11*6 10*15:11*15 -10*20:11*20 -10*9:11*9 +40*1:38*1:10*20:11*20 +40*1:38*1:10*9:11*9 10*2:11*2 10*2:11*2 -10*7:11*7 +40*1:38*1:10*7:11*7 10*4:11*4 10*5:11*5 10*12:11*12 10*2:11*2 10*3:11*3 -10*11:11*11 +40*1:38*1:10*11:11*11 10*3:11*3 -10*1:11*1 +88*1:50*1:34*1:10*1:11*1 10*4:11*4 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 -10*82:11*82 +40*1:38*1:10*82:11*82 10*7:11*7 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 @@ -394,31 +394,31 @@ 10*12:11*12 10*4:11*4 10*1:11*1 -10*11:11*11 +101*1:10*11:11*11 10*3:11*3 10*2:11*2 10*6:11*6 -10*24:11*24 +40*1:38*1:10*24:11*24 10*2:11*2 10*3:11*3 10*9:11*9 10*4:11*4 -10*3:11*3 +43*1:10*3:11*3 10*1:11*1 10*13:11*13 -10*4:11*4 -10*24:11*24 +101*1:10*4:11*4 +40*1:38*1:10*24:11*24 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*5:11*5 10*3:11*3 10*8:11*8 -10*8:11*8 +101*1:10*8:11*8 10*1:11*1 10*4:11*4 10*1:11*1 -10*43:11*43 +40*1:38*1:10*43:11*43 10*7:11*7 10*3:11*3 10*7:11*7 @@ -427,12 +427,12 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*3:11*3 -10*1:11*1 +105*2:88*1:50*15:34*15:21*2:10*3:11*3 +89*1:10*1:11*1 10*8:11*8 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 -10*4:11*4 +105*3:79*1:76*1:45*3:50*1:34*1:33*1:10*4:11*4 10*6:11*6 10*1:11*1 10*3:11*3 @@ -440,7 +440,7 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*7:11*7 10*25:11*25 -10*8:11*8 +40*1:38*1:10*8:11*8 10*2:11*2 10*17:11*17 10*7:11*7 @@ -475,10 +475,10 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*2:11*2 +89*2:10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*31:11*31 -10*1:11*1 +101*1:10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*12:11*12 10*4:11*4 @@ -487,7 +487,7 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*4:11*4 10*1:11*1 -10*26:11*26 +101*1:50*1:34*1:10*26:11*26 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*3:11*3 @@ -509,19 +509,19 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*10:11*10 +43*1:10*10:11*10 10*1:11*1 10*4:11*4 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*1:11*1 +40*1:38*1:10*1:11*1 10*13:11*13 10*3:11*3 10*5:11*5 -10*9:11*9 +40*1:38*1:10*9:11*9 10*3:11*3 -10*7:11*7 +105*1:89*1:53*1:50*4:34*4:33*11:10*7:11*7 10*1:11*1 10*3:11*3 10*3:11*3 @@ -531,7 +531,7 @@ 10*2:11*2 10*3:11*3 10*3:11*3 -10*10:11*10 +38*3:10*10:11*10 10*1:11*1 10*9:11*9 10*1:11*1 @@ -541,7 +541,7 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 -10*3:11*3 +40*1:38*1:10*3:11*3 10*1:11*1 10*5:11*5 10*3:11*3 @@ -555,7 +555,7 @@ 10*4:11*4 10*3:11*3 10*1:11*1 -10*1:11*1 +105*1:10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 10*7:11*7 10*2:11*2 @@ -568,7 +568,7 @@ 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*3:11*3 -10*2:11*2 +101*2:82*1:83*1:10*2:11*2 10*2:11*2 10*5:11*5 10*1:11*1 @@ -581,7 +581,7 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*3:11*3 10*1:11*1 -10*2:11*2 +40*1:38*1:10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 @@ -610,7 +610,7 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 10*8:11*8 -10*18:11*18 +101*1:10*18:11*18 10*2:11*2 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 @@ -629,7 +629,7 @@ 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*8:11*8 +40*1:38*1:10*8:11*8 10*4:11*4 10*1:11*1 10*10:11*10 @@ -637,7 +637,7 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 -10*8:11*8 +40*1:38*1:10*8:11*8 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 @@ -648,25 +648,25 @@ 10*4:11*4 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*14:11*14 +40*1:38*1:10*14:11*14 10*5:11*5 +101*1:10*2:11*2 10*2:11*2 -10*2:11*2 -10*1:11*1 +105*2:55*1:50*1:34*1:21*1:10*1:11*1 10*3:11*3 10*4:11*4 10*6:11*6 10*4:11*4 10*8:11*8 10*3:11*3 -10*6:11*6 +50*1:34*1:10*6:11*6 +40*1:38*1:10*2:11*2 10*2:11*2 10*2:11*2 -10*2:11*2 -10*1:11*1 +40*1:38*1:10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*3:11*3 -10*1:11*1 +45*1:10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*6:11*6 @@ -678,7 +678,7 @@ 10*3:11*3 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*2:11*2 +105*1:50*1:34*1:33*1:21*2:10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*10:11*10 @@ -688,11 +688,11 @@ 10*3:11*3 10*5:11*5 10*1:11*1 -10*1:11*1 +53*1:10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*7:11*7 -10*1:11*1 +40*1:38*1:10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*3:11*3 10*1:11*1 @@ -713,15 +713,15 @@ 10*5:11*5 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*1:11*1 +40*1:38*1:10*1:11*1 10*3:11*3 -10*2:11*2 +40*1:38*1:10*2:11*2 10*3:11*3 10*2:11*2 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*4:11*4 -10*1:11*1 +40*1:38*1:10*1:11*1 10*3:11*3 10*2:11*2 10*2:11*2 @@ -758,7 +758,7 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*1:11*1 +50*1:34*1:10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 @@ -769,7 +769,7 @@ 10*4:11*4 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*8:11*8 +105*13:55*1:54*1:89*2:88*1:50*12:34*12:33*3:21*5:10*8:11*8 10*12:11*12 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 @@ -777,14 +777,14 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*4:11*4 -10*2:11*2 +40*1:38*1:10*4:11*4 +101*1:40*1:38*1:10*2:11*2 10*5:11*5 10*3:11*3 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*5:11*5 +40*1:38*1:10*5:11*5 10*1:11*1 10*5:11*5 10*1:11*1 @@ -798,7 +798,7 @@ 10*2:11*2 10*3:11*3 10*1:11*1 -10*1:11*1 +88*1:50*2:34*2:10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*3:11*3 @@ -809,7 +809,7 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*4:11*4 10*1:11*1 -10*5:11*5 +40*1:38*1:10*5:11*5 10*2:11*2 10*9:11*9 10*2:11*2 @@ -827,7 +827,7 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*3:11*3 10*1:11*1 -10*2:11*2 +21*1:10*2:11*2 10*2:11*2 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 @@ -840,7 +840,7 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*3:11*3 -10*2:11*2 +105*1:55*1:101*1:89*1:53*1:75*1:77*1:50*5:40*1:38*1:34*5:33*2:10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 @@ -885,14 +885,14 @@ 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*4:11*4 +40*1:38*1:10*4:11*4 10*2:11*2 10*10:11*10 10*1:11*1 -10*3:11*3 -10*2:11*2 -10*1:11*1 +101*1:10*3:11*3 10*2:11*2 +40*1:38*1:10*1:11*1 +105*1:10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 @@ -933,7 +933,7 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 -10*9:11*9 +40*1:38*1:10*9:11*9 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*3:11*3 @@ -957,7 +957,7 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*12:11*12 +101*1:40*3:38*5:10*12:11*12 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 @@ -976,7 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-10*83:11*83 +101*1:40*1:38*1:10*83:11*83 10*7:11*7 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*1:11*1 +101*1:10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*7:11*7 10*10:11*10 10*43:11*43 -10*10:11*10 +101*1:10*10:11*10 10*4:11*4 10*1:11*1 10*7:11*7 @@ -232,7 +232,7 @@ 10*43:11*43 10*2:11*2 10*14:11*14 -10*43:11*43 +40*1:38*2:10*43:11*43 10*4:11*4 10*3:11*3 10*2:11*2 @@ -240,20 +240,20 @@ 10*15:11*15 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 -10*3:11*3 +40*2:38*2:10*3:11*3 10*1:11*1 10*5:11*5 -10*38:11*38 +105*40:99*1:89*2:85*1:53*1:88*3:36*1:79*2:76*2:45*1:50*22:47*3:40*1:38*1:34*22:33*20:21*16:10*38:11*38 10*1:11*1 -10*3:11*3 +101*1:10*3:11*3 10*3:11*3 10*8:11*8 10*16:11*16 -10*17:11*17 -10*6:11*6 +40*1:38*1:10*17:11*17 +105*1:79*1:76*1:50*3:47*1:34*3:10*6:11*6 10*1:11*1 10*13:11*13 -10*12:11*12 +40*3:38*3:10*12:11*12 10*38:11*38 10*10:11*10 10*7:11*7 @@ -268,16 +268,16 @@ 10*2:11*2 10*11:11*11 10*1:11*1 +40*2:38*2:10*5:11*5 10*5:11*5 -10*5:11*5 -10*9:11*9 +101*1:10*9:11*9 10*6:11*6 10*11:11*11 10*17:11*17 -10*6:11*6 +40*1:38*1:10*6:11*6 10*2:11*2 -10*4:11*4 -10*3:11*3 +105*10:50*5:34*5:33*2:21*1:10*4:11*4 +33*1:10*3:11*3 10*3:11*3 10*9:11*9 10*4:11*4 @@ -289,11 +289,11 @@ 10*33:11*33 10*8:11*8 10*3:11*3 -10*8:11*8 +40*1:38*1:10*8:11*8 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*4:11*4 -10*49:11*49 +101*1:10*4:11*4 +64*1:40*2:38*3:10*49:11*49 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 10*2:11*2 @@ -308,7 +308,7 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*7:11*7 10*1:11*1 -10*12:11*12 +40*1:38*1:10*12:11*12 10*7:11*7 10*2:11*2 10*6:11*6 @@ -321,7 +321,7 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*10:11*10 10*6:11*6 -10*3:11*3 +89*1:50*3:34*3:33*1:10*3:11*3 10*13:11*13 10*1:11*1 10*42:11*42 @@ -344,7 +344,7 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*9:11*9 +40*1:38*1:10*9:11*9 10*1:11*1 10*6:11*6 10*2:11*2 @@ -352,23 +352,23 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*7:11*7 10*8:11*8 -10*11:11*11 +38*1:10*11:11*11 10*1:11*1 10*6:11*6 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 10*2:11*2 -10*21:11*21 +38*1:10*21:11*21 10*1:11*1 -10*2:11*2 +40*1:38*1:10*2:11*2 10*32:11*32 -10*8:11*8 +101*1:10*8:11*8 10*4:11*4 10*21:11*21 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*14:11*14 +40*2:38*2:10*14:11*14 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 @@ -393,14 +393,14 @@ 10*3:11*3 10*9:11*9 10*7:11*7 -10*3:11*3 +105*1:50*2:34*2:10*3:11*3 10*1:11*1 -10*14:11*14 +40*1:38*1:10*14:11*14 10*17:11*17 -10*5:11*5 -10*1:11*1 -10*1:11*1 +40*1:38*1:10*5:11*5 10*1:11*1 +38*1:10*1:11*1 +105*1:10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 @@ -429,7 +429,7 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*11:11*11 10*20:11*20 -10*1:11*1 +89*1:21*1:10*1:11*1 10*7:11*7 10*1:11*1 10*3:11*3 @@ -453,11 +453,11 @@ 10*9:11*9 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*2:11*2 +79*1:76*1:10*2:11*2 10*3:11*3 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*1:11*1 +50*1:34*1:10*1:11*1 10*12:11*12 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 @@ -467,7 +467,7 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 10*2:11*2 -10*2:11*2 +40*1:38*1:10*2:11*2 10*8:11*8 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 @@ -475,7 +475,7 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*4:11*4 -10*3:11*3 +101*1:10*3:11*3 10*6:11*6 10*3:11*3 10*3:11*3 @@ -501,7 +501,7 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 10*2:11*2 -10*8:11*8 +40*2:38*2:10*8:11*8 10*6:11*6 10*4:11*4 10*23:11*23 @@ -527,7 +527,7 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 10*2:11*2 -10*2:11*2 +40*1:38*1:10*2:11*2 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 @@ -536,7 +536,7 @@ 10*3:11*3 10*2:11*2 10*2:11*2 -10*1:11*1 +43*1:10*1:11*1 10*5:11*5 10*3:11*3 10*1:11*1 @@ -544,8 +544,8 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*3:11*3 -10*2:11*2 -10*26:11*26 +89*1:53*4:79*1:76*1:50*1:47*1:34*1:21*4:10*2:11*2 +101*1:40*3:38*3:10*26:11*26 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 10*10:11*10 @@ -572,7 +572,7 @@ 10*7:11*7 10*2:11*2 10*2:11*2 -10*3:11*3 +105*2:10*3:11*3 10*1:11*1 10*3:11*3 10*3:11*3 @@ -594,7 +594,7 @@ 10*2:11*2 10*4:11*4 10*1:11*1 -10*1:11*1 +50*1:34*1:10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 @@ -617,7 +617,7 @@ 10*2:11*2 10*3:11*3 10*2:11*2 -10*6:11*6 +105*2:10*6:11*6 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 @@ -640,7 +640,7 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 10*2:11*2 -10*1:11*1 +88*1:50*2:34*2:33*1:10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*4:11*4 @@ -655,15 +655,15 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*3:11*3 10*2:11*2 -10*1:11*1 +86*2:10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 -10*14:11*14 +40*1:38*1:10*14:11*14 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 -10*1:11*1 +45*2:50*1:34*1:10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 @@ -685,7 +685,7 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 -10*1:11*1 +101*1:33*1:21*1:10*1:11*1 10*4:11*4 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 @@ -694,7 +694,7 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*3:11*3 -10*1:11*1 +105*2:53*1:50*1:34*1:10*1:11*1 10*3:11*3 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 @@ -731,10 +731,10 @@ 10*3:11*3 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*1:11*1 +105*2:21*2:10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 -10*7:11*7 +92*1:45*1:50*1:40*1:38*1:34*1:10*7:11*7 10*1:11*1 10*4:11*4 10*1:11*1 @@ -758,7 +758,7 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 -10*1:11*1 +50*1:34*1:10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 @@ -780,7 +780,7 @@ 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*3:11*3 +105*2:53*1:88*1:50*2:34*2:21*1:10*3:11*3 10*2:11*2 10*2:11*2 10*2:11*2 @@ -797,9 +797,9 @@ 10*2:11*2 10*3:11*3 10*5:11*5 -10*2:11*2 -10*1:11*1 +47*1:10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 +105*2:92*1:89*1:88*1:79*1:76*1:50*3:34*3:33*1:21*1:10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*3:11*3 @@ -827,13 +827,13 @@ 10*3:11*3 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 -10*1:11*1 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-322,10 +322,10 @@ 10*14:11*14 10*2:11*2 10*15:11*15 -10*5:11*5 +40*1:38*1:10*5:11*5 10*1:11*1 10*4:11*4 -10*25:11*25 +40*1:38*1:10*25:11*25 10*4:11*4 10*3:11*3 10*7:11*7 @@ -336,22 +336,22 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 10*9:11*9 -10*19:11*19 +40*2:38*2:10*19:11*19 10*26:11*26 10*9:11*9 10*17:11*17 -10*3:11*3 +38*1:10*3:11*3 10*3:11*3 10*3:11*3 10*1:11*1 -10*3:11*3 +40*1:38*1:10*3:11*3 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*4:11*4 10*1:11*1 10*3:11*3 -10*10:11*10 +105*3:89*2:53*1:88*1:33*3:10*10:11*10 10*1:11*1 10*4:11*4 10*19:11*19 @@ -407,7 +407,7 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*5:11*5 10*4:11*4 -10*4:11*4 +38*1:10*4:11*4 10*6:11*6 10*1:11*1 10*5:11*5 @@ -416,7 +416,7 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*3:11*3 10*1:11*1 -10*15:11*15 +40*1:38*1:10*15:11*15 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 10*5:11*5 @@ -443,7 +443,7 @@ 10*3:11*3 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*4:11*4 +40*1:38*1:10*4:11*4 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 @@ -458,7 +458,7 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*5:11*5 10*1:11*1 -10*1:11*1 +101*1:10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 10*2:11*2 @@ -490,7 +490,7 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 -10*2:11*2 +86*2:10*2:11*2 10*4:11*4 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 @@ -504,7 +504,7 @@ 10*10:11*10 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*2:11*2 +89*1:33*1:10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*5:11*5 10*1:11*1 @@ -521,14 +521,14 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*3:11*3 10*2:11*2 +21*1:10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*1:11*1 -10*2:11*2 +21*1:10*2:11*2 10*5:11*5 -10*3:11*3 +40*1:38*1:10*3:11*3 10*2:11*2 10*7:11*7 10*1:11*1 @@ -553,7 +553,7 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 10*2:11*2 -10*2:11*2 +105*4:55*1:50*2:34*2:10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 @@ -575,9 +575,9 @@ 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 -10*2:11*2 +99*1:45*2:50*1:34*1:10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 -10*9:11*9 +40*1:38*1:10*9:11*9 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 10*8:11*8 @@ -594,7 +594,7 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 -10*1:11*1 +105*1:10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 @@ -609,8 +609,8 @@ 10*1:11*1 10*2:11*2 10*1:11*1 -10*1:11*1 -10*1:11*1 +105*1:89*1:21*1:10*1:11*1 +105*9:45*2:50*1:47*1:34*1:33*2:10*1:11*1 10*1:11*1 10*7:11*7 10*2:11*2 @@ -618,7 +618,7 @@ 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+ + + + + + + + + +0 + + + + +2 + + + +0 + +0 + + + + + + + +0 + +2 + + + + +2 + +2 + + +0 +0 + + + + +2 + +2 +2 + + + +2 + + + +0 + +2 + +2 + + +0 + + + + +2 diff --git a/data/index/subject_w.idx b/data/index/subject_w.idx new file mode 100644 index 0000000..4e47c8a --- /dev/null +++ b/data/index/subject_w.idx @@ -0,0 +1,5 @@ +available +missing +pending +compilation +compilations diff --git a/data/index/title.idx b/data/index/title.idx index 7020c2e..43cebf0 100644 --- a/data/index/title.idx +++ b/data/index/title.idx @@ -5,9 +5,102 @@ The Message of Bapu’s Hut Español Desempleo Creador: la decadencia de la sociedad profesional La convivencialidad -Deschooling society + The Redistribution of Educational Tasks between Schools and Other Organs of Society The American Parish La sociedad desescolarizada La sociedad desescolarizada +Celebration of awareness +Available items +The Philosophical Foundations of Historiography in Arnold Joseph Toynbee's Work +Missing items +Pending items +The Church, Change and Development +Tools for Conviviality +Energy and Equity +Energy and equity +Limits to Medicine - Medical Nemesis: The Expropriation of Health +The Right to Useful Unemployment and its Professional Enemies +Shadow Work +Gender +School to the Museum - Phaidros and the Consequences +H2O and the Waters of Forgetfulness +ABC - The Alphabetization of the Popular Mind +In the Mirror of the Past - Lectures and Addresses, 1978-1990 +In the Vineyard of the text - A Commentary to Hugh's Didascalicon + +Toward a History of Needs +The Right to Useful Unemployment and its Professional Enemies +Celebration of awareness + +Un Certain Regard with Ivan Illich (1972) +The Message of Bapu’s Hut +El mensaje de la choza de Gandhi +El mensaje de la choza de Gandhi + + + +La sociedad desescolarizada +La parroquia americana +The American Parish +La parroquia americana +The Redistribution of Educational Tasks between Schools and Other Organs of Society +Just the title +School to the Museum - Phaidros and the Consequences +Celebration of Awareness +Shadow Work +The Cultivation of Conspiracy +The Cultivation of Conspiracy +Disvalue +Disvalue +1900 + + +Desvalor +El cultivo de la conspiración +1900 +Foreword to "Deschooling Our Lives" +Prólogo de "Desescolarizando nuestras vidas" +Un titulo +Existo en español +Just the title +Foreword to "Deschooling Our Lives" + +Spiritual care of Puerto Rican migrants: report on the first conferen +Spiritual care of Puerto Rican migrants: report on the first conference +Can a Catholic Get a Divorce? +Can a Catholic Get a Divorce? + +Missionary Poverty +Missionary Poverty: basic policies for courses of missionary formation +Missionary Poverty: basic policies for courses of missionary formation + + +Missionary Poverty +Rehearsal for Death +Rehearsal for Death +Discurso de Graduación en el Colegio de Agricultura y Artes Mecénucas +Graduation Speech at the Colegio de Agricultura y Artes Mecénucas +Audios +Videos +Interviews (in text) +Gradual Change or Violent Revolution in Latin America? +Gradual Change or Violent Revolution in Latin America? +Transcription +In the Mirror of the Past - Lectures and Addresses, 1978-1990 +Book review of "I Want to See God" and "I am Daughter of the Church" +Book review of "I Want to See God" and "I am Daughter of the Church" +Just the title +Just the title +Q & A Session in OISE of Toronto in December 1972 + +1970 +Q & A Session in OISE of Toronto in December 1970 +Q & A Session in OISE of Toronto in December 1970 + +Contents +Source of Materials +Sacred Virginity +Sacred Virginity +Tools for Conviviality diff --git a/data/index/w10.idx b/data/index/w10.idx index 9be10bf..4c39c40 100644 --- a/data/index/w10.idx +++ b/data/index/w10.idx @@ -1087,3 +1087,1539 @@ expropiado indígenas presentado traducidos +awarenness +originally +accomplish +colleagues +assistance +organizing +paralysing +permanence +publishers +mimeograph +government +safeguards +inevitably +proponents +ideologies +threatened 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b/data/index/w13.idx @@ -342,3 +342,372 @@ equipamientos completamente compensación autorización +documentation +contradiction +relationships +thermodynamic +characterized +participatory +theoretically +progressively +psychiatrists +underconsumer +ideologically +overexpansion +professionals +opportunities +unprecedented +distinguishes +configuration +paradoxically +concentration +manufacturers +rearrangement +unmistakeable +proliferating +consideration +effectiveness +participating +automatically +breakthroughs +underequipped +destructively +communication +restructuring +overefficient +comprehensive +géographique +mechanization +geographische +abhaengigkeit +philosophisch +soziologische +modernization +environmental +appropriately +externalities +corresponding +neighbourhood +internalities +impoverishing +sensibilities +characterizes +necessitating +inconvenience +consciousness +proliferation +determination +provisionally +passengerhood +satisfactions +participation +interestingly 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+conservateurs +mécanisistes +politiquement +communautaire +intellectuals +personalizing +uncomfortable +probabilities +childlikeness +verticalmente +unnecessarily +gynecological +rehabilitated +deterioration +reconstructed +amorphousness +preindustrial +dimensionless +anticonvivial +appropriation +anachronistic +antipollution +nonindustrial +operationally +superstitions +imperceptible +denominations +geometricians +underemployed +retrospective +uninhabitable +physiological +dysfunctional +nonproductive +exponentially +unpredictably +overconfident +dialectically +unobtrusively +parajuridical +proscriptions +jurisprudence +psychogenetic diff --git a/data/index/w14.idx b/data/index/w14.idx index 0f3b7c3..a2dd4b2 100644 --- a/data/index/w14.idx +++ b/data/index/w14.idx @@ -187,3 +187,202 @@ investigadores estandarizados habitacionales construcciones +thermodynamics +transportation +transformation +disintegration +infrastructure +overindulgence +reconstruction +contradictions +industrialized +professionally +overwhelmingly +communications +underdeveloped +classification +discrimination +sophistication +multiplication +unsatisfactory +manifestations +interconnected +contemporaries +underequipment +reappropriated +méditerranée +umweltschaeden +weltgeschichte +sprachgebietes +erdoberflaeche +quantification +impoverishment +reorganization +establishments +respectability +disestablished +systematically +advertisements +neighbourhoods +gynaecologists +identification +interdependent +simultaneously +gynaecological +scientifically +quartermasters +aggressiveness +incommunicable +philanthropist +unprofessional +transmogrified +diagnosticians +hypochondriacs +apprenticeship +satisfactorily +representative +administration +contraceptives +specialization +intellectually +overprivileged +confrontations +reinforcements +misunderstands +discriminatory +ecclesiastical +categorization +disappointment +sociopolitical +unquestionable +indoctrination +evangelization 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+anthropologist +undernourished +concientizagao +nonpermissible +gesellenschaft +klarstellungen +termodinámica +wachstumskrise +schattenarbeit +wirklichkeiten +naturalization +correspondence +rekonstruktion +wintersemester +disempowerment +aristotelismus +unterstützung +missionsarbeit +transcripción +philosophische +disoccupazione +citekeyarticle +géométriques +planificateurs +intéressantes +dodécamètres +hellénistique +problématique +ecclésiologie +compromettrait +simultanément +certifications +intellectuelle +fonctionnement +établissement +capitalisation +institutionnel +sélectionnés +disponibilité +récupération +technologiques +simplification +capitalization +bombscompeting +xplicitplayers +predestination +predictability +overproduction +centralization +homogenization +underconsuming +inefficiencies +overpopulation +differentially +trivialization +representation +sterilizations +overefficiency +hierarchically +overcommitment +circumstantial +overconfidence +recommendation +interpretative +qualifications +overproductive +reconciliation diff --git a/data/index/w15.idx b/data/index/w15.idx index e3cc4ee..f0bbc0a 100644 --- a/data/index/w15.idx +++ b/data/index/w15.idx @@ -120,3 +120,113 @@ instintivamente capitalización voluntariamente respectivamente +characteristics +ineffectiveness +compassionately +proportionately +overdevelopment +technologically +correspondingly +instrumentation +standardization +infrastructures +operationalized +interdependence +professionalism +destructiveness +totalitarianism +underprivileged +pharmacological +institutionally +regionalization +transmogrifying +representatives +netzahualcoyotl +imaginativeness +miscalculations +americanization +notwithstanding +experimentation +diversification +hospitalization +personalization +demythologizing +psychologically +dissatisfaction +condescendingly +superstitiously +presuppositions +interchangeable +internationally +counterresearch +revolutionaries +implementations +allowfullscreen 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+accomplishments +physicochemical +interchangeably +overprogramming +materialization +underemployment +industrializing +incommensurable +distinguishable diff --git a/data/index/w16.idx b/data/index/w16.idx index 85a9e1f..d615672 100644 --- a/data/index/w16.idx +++ b/data/index/w16.idx @@ -53,3 +53,50 @@ desmantelamiento establecimientos desproporcionada arquitectónicos +schaftgeschichte +undifferentiated +bureaucratically +decentralization +disqualification +counterpurposive +professionalized +rationalizations +personifications +misunderstanding +oostpriesterhulp +disproportionate +superficialities +underdevelopment +underconsumption +universalization +counterpublicity +institutionalize +friedensbulletin +kulturrevolution +weltanschauliche +perpendicularity +substantivierung +postindustrielle +verhängnisvolle +kleintechnologie +bedürfnismacher +dreidimensionale +geschlechtsloser +gastfreundschaft +unterentwicklung +bibliographische +kulturgeschichte +institutionnelle +déscolarisation +structurellement +spiritualisation +scientifiquement +crystallographer +ostentatiousness +spiritualization +multidimensional +nonprofessionals +reinterpretation +ultracentrifuges +debureaucratized +antibureaucratic diff --git a/data/index/w17.idx b/data/index/w17.idx index b75d5e7..fa7ab4b 100644 --- a/data/index/w17.idx +++ b/data/index/w17.idx @@ -24,3 +24,30 @@ inconscientemente irresistiblemente responsabilidades democráticamente +thermodynamically +berücksichtigung +counterproductive +pharmacologically +institutionalized +misunderstandings +ecclesiologically +declericalization +depersonalization +commercialization +paraprofessionals +bureaucratization +entwicklungshilfe +demythologization +substantivization +laienliteralität +proportionalität +schlüsselwörter +studeninnengruppe +vorlesungsnotizen +particulièrement +professionalizing +interdisciplinary +instrumentalities +antitechnological +overdetermination +anesthesiological diff --git a/data/index/w18.idx b/data/index/w18.idx index 5dd7b9d..a49a7bb 100644 --- a/data/index/w18.idx +++ b/data/index/w18.idx @@ -10,3 +10,19 @@ institucionalmente institucionalizado desafortunadamente significativamente +disproportionately +overindustrialized +kulturwissenschaft +mozallowfullscreen +industrialización +characteristically +provideopportunity +disenfranchisement +oversimplification +990005688110203941 +auseinandersetzung +ministerpräsident +wirklichkeitsreste +vortragsmanuskript +repersonnalisation +deprofessionalized diff --git a/data/index/w19.idx b/data/index/w19.idx index 4dbd3bc..99ce729 100644 --- a/data/index/w19.idx +++ b/data/index/w19.idx @@ -3,3 +3,14 @@ extraordinariamente farmacológicamente despersonalización sobrerrepresentados +hyperindustrialized +umweltbeanspruchung +counterproductivity +professionalization +entmythologisierung +religionspädagogik +f�r +verhältnismäßige +industriezeitalters +programmiersprachen +professionnellement diff --git a/data/index/w2.idx b/data/index/w2.idx index 38198c7..bb5d977 100644 --- a/data/index/w2.idx +++ b/data/index/w2.idx @@ -150,3 +150,92 @@ va ti ad ch +am +so +up +à +96 +ll +cf +xv +ff +im +bd +91 +99 +dr +st +ri +ph +gi +tt +rr +td +fo +0f +dm +hi +pe +uk +cd +nr +hg +jg +4a +5a +ra +95 +li +dc +os +6f +ej +il +è +œ +sr +ho +eu +id +a3 +b8 +zu +vs +er +lk +um +aa +vv +97 +ix +2c +dh +te +qu +sa +ou +ne +ce +tu +pu +je +ci +ai +ta +ma +ah +lu +oh +ñ +uz +qa +1n +1t +1s +wc +h2 +th +ax +vd +gm +vo diff --git a/data/index/w20.idx b/data/index/w20.idx index 0283142..b581b88 100644 --- a/data/index/w20.idx +++ b/data/index/w20.idx @@ -10,3 +10,8 @@ alma9932739912205899 geschichtsschreibung institutionalization característicamente +wirtschaftgeschichte +diskussionsbeiträge +humanismusgesprächs +gesellschaftspolitik +déprofessionnaliser diff --git a/data/index/w21.idx b/data/index/w21.idx index ce39084..6415002 100644 --- a/data/index/w21.idx +++ b/data/index/w21.idx @@ -2,3 +2,8 @@ theliteraryproduction alma99250420812205899 institucionalización desproporcionadamente +overindustrialization +webkitallowfullscreen +sein� +entmächtigungsgesetz +deprofessionalization diff --git a/data/index/w22.idx b/data/index/w22.idx index ae510ef..1c16c7d 100644 --- a/data/index/w22.idx +++ b/data/index/w22.idx @@ -6,3 +6,6 @@ alma991106571535506196 alma991106673061806196 alma991106005915006196 alma991106590271806196 +deinstitutionalization +alma991003584539706532 +underindustrialization diff --git a/data/index/w23.idx b/data/index/w23.idx new file mode 100644 index 0000000..9b24b68 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/index/w23.idx @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +déprofessionnalisation diff --git a/data/index/w3.idx b/data/index/w3.idx index 62c8305..460668b 100644 --- a/data/index/w3.idx +++ b/data/index/w3.idx @@ -243,3 +243,423 @@ n23 vie reo ivy +tag +foo +yet +met +479 +mor +owe +fit +has +her +ask +men +low +set +all +due +non +gnp +why +put +nor +far +way +did +run +fly +300 +mph +lot +add +fed +day +few +air +jet +him +car +pay +buy +out +see 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/dev/null +++ b/data/index/w34.idx @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +religionsp�dagogik diff --git a/data/index/w4.idx b/data/index/w4.idx index 319e10f..1c76859 100644 --- a/data/index/w4.idx +++ b/data/index/w4.idx @@ -514,3 +514,996 @@ yale href info mail +some +help +luce +more +plot +took +apdo +such +next +even +they +over +word +edit +term +take +face +high +just +born +must +does +then +most +well +gone +once +free +able +year +wide +hand +opts +poor +ones +both +huge +also +used +grow +ills +tend +fact +were +acts +like +drug +cold +cost +than +want +soon +lies +rich +fuel +much +diet +four +stay +post +bent +coma +stop +back +whip +race +kind +runs +done +each +puts +cent +make +roll +park +sole +rain +less +peru +size +easy +case +went +self +hold +cars +true +road +line +mean +mode +food +days +auto +feet +walk +many +lots +spur +hour +loop +trip +drop +ever +gets +dupe +seat +pace +mere +male +sits +goes +down +meet +sick +come +left +away +path +else +rush +full +send +bill +bind +wait 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\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/meta/en/article/1955-sacred_virginity/index.meta b/data/meta/en/article/1955-sacred_virginity/index.meta new file mode 100644 index 0000000..c1265e1 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/meta/en/article/1955-sacred_virginity/index.meta @@ -0,0 +1,9 @@ +a:2:{s:7:"current";a:8:{s:4:"date";a:2:{s:7:"created";i:1667162509;s:8:"modified";i:1688281646;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";s:5:"title";s:16:"Sacred Virginity";s:11:"description";a:2:{s:15:"tableofcontents";a:1:{i:0;a:4:{s:3:"hid";s:16:"sacred_virginity";s:5:"title";s:16:"Sacred Virginity";s:4:"type";s:2:"ul";s:5:"level";i:1;}}s:8:"abstract";s:254:"Sacred Virginity + + * : Online + * : Sacred Virginity + * : + * : 1955 + * : + * Peter Canon, “Sacred Virginity,” Integrity, October 1955, 32–35. + * “The Powerless Church and Other Selected Writings, 1955–1985”, Penn State University Press, 2019";}s:8:"relation";a:2:{s:10:"references";a:2:{s:37:"en:article:1955-sacred_virginity:text";b:1;s:11:"tag:pending";b:1;}s:10:"firstimage";s:0:"";}s:7:"subject";a:1:{i:0;s:7:"pending";}s:8:"internal";a:2:{s:5:"cache";b:1;s:3:"toc";b:0;}}s:10:"persistent";a:3:{s:4:"date";a:1:{s:7:"created";i:1667162509;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";}}
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Many of those who are dissatisfied never voice their disappointment; diff --git a/data/meta/en/article/1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york/index.meta b/data/meta/en/article/1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york/index.meta new file mode 100644 index 0000000..38d122c --- /dev/null +++ b/data/meta/en/article/1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york/index.meta @@ -0,0 +1,23 @@ +a:2:{s:7:"current";a:8:{s:4:"date";a:2:{s:7:"created";i:1667165409;s:8:"modified";i:1688281646;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";s:5:"title";s:25:"Puerto Ricans in New York";s:11:"description";a:2:{s:15:"tableofcontents";a:1:{i:0;a:4:{s:3:"hid";s:25:"puerto_ricans_in_new_york";s:5:"title";s:25:"Puerto Ricans in New York";s:4:"type";s:2:"ul";s:5:"level";i:1;}}s:8:"abstract";s:433:"Puerto Ricans in New York + + * : Online + * : Puerto Ricans in New York + * : + * : 1956 + * : + * “Celebration of Awareness”, 1970 + + * : + + + +@ARTICLE{Illich-1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Puerto Ricans in New York}, + year = {1956}, + date = {1956}, + origdate = {1956}, + language = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york:index} +}";}s:8:"relation";a:2:{s:10:"references";a:2:{s:46:"en:article:1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york:text";b:1;s:11:"tag:pending";b:1;}s:10:"firstimage";s:0:"";}s:7:"subject";a:1:{i:0;s:7:"pending";}s:8:"internal";a:2:{s:5:"cache";b:1;s:3:"toc";b:0;}}s:10:"persistent";a:3:{s:4:"date";a:1:{s:7:"created";i:1667165409;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";}}
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\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/meta/en/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/text.meta b/data/meta/en/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/text.meta index 874b8f8..f9844c9 100644 --- a/data/meta/en/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/text.meta +++ b/data/meta/en/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/text.meta @@ -1,3 +1,3 @@ -a:2:{s:7:"current";a:9:{s:4:"date";a:2:{s:7:"created";i:1632982703;s:8:"modified";i:1633605519;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";s:5:"title";s:27:"The Message of Bapu’s Hut";s:8:"internal";a:2:{s:5:"cache";b:1;s:3:"toc";b:1;}s:11:"description";a:1:{s:8:"abstract";s:507:"The Message of Bapu’s Hut +a:2:{s:7:"current";a:9:{s:4:"date";a:2:{s:7:"created";i:1632982703;s:8:"modified";i:1633605519;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";s:11:"last_change";b:0;s:11:"contributor";a:1:{s:6:"franco";s:6:"franco";}s:5:"title";s:27:"The Message of Bapu’s Hut";s:11:"description";a:2:{s:15:"tableofcontents";a:1:{i:0;a:4:{s:3:"hid";s:25:"the_message_of_bapu_s_hut";s:5:"title";s:27:"The Message of Bapu’s Hut";s:4:"type";s:2:"ul";s:5:"level";i:1;}}s:8:"abstract";s:507:"The Message of Bapu’s Hut -This morning, while I was sitting in this hut where Mahatma Gandhi lived, I was trying to absorb the spirit of its concept and imbibe in me its message. There are two things about the hut which have impressed me greatly. One is its spiritual aspect and the other is the aspect of its amenities. I was trying to understand Gandhi’s point of view in regard to making the hut. I very much liked its simplicity, beauty and neatness. The hut proclaims the principle of love and …";}s:8:"relation";a:1:{s:10:"firstimage";s:0:"";}s:11:"last_change";a:8:{s:4:"date";i:1633605519;s:2:"ip";s:12:"192.168.56.1";s:4:"type";s:1:"E";s:2:"id";s:45:"en:article:1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut:text";s:4:"user";s:6:"franco";s:3:"sum";s:0:"";s:5:"extra";s:0:"";s:10:"sizechange";i:4;}s:11:"contributor";a:1:{s:6:"franco";s:6:"franco";}}s:10:"persistent";a:5:{s:4:"date";a:2:{s:7:"created";i:1632982703;s:8:"modified";i:1633605519;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";s:11:"last_change";a:8:{s:4:"date";i:1633605519;s:2:"ip";s:12:"192.168.56.1";s:4:"type";s:1:"E";s:2:"id";s:45:"en:article:1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut:text";s:4:"user";s:6:"franco";s:3:"sum";s:0:"";s:5:"extra";s:0:"";s:10:"sizechange";i:4;}s:11:"contributor";a:1:{s:6:"franco";s:6:"franco";}}}
\ No newline at end of file +This morning, while I was sitting in this hut where Mahatma Gandhi lived, I was trying to absorb the spirit of its concept and imbibe in me its message. There are two things about the hut which have impressed me greatly. One is its spiritual aspect and the other is the aspect of its amenities. I was trying to understand Gandhi’s point of view in regard to making the hut. I very much liked its simplicity, beauty and neatness. The hut proclaims the principle of love and …";}s:8:"internal";a:2:{s:5:"cache";b:1;s:3:"toc";b:1;}s:8:"relation";a:1:{s:10:"firstimage";s:0:"";}}s:10:"persistent";a:5:{s:4:"date";a:2:{s:7:"created";i:1632982703;s:8:"modified";i:1633605519;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";s:11:"last_change";b:0;s:11:"contributor";a:1:{s:6:"franco";s:6:"franco";}}}
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/meta/en/article/1986-disvalue/index.meta b/data/meta/en/article/1986-disvalue/index.meta index 5663c6b..8f62f21 100644 --- a/data/meta/en/article/1986-disvalue/index.meta +++ b/data/meta/en/article/1986-disvalue/index.meta @@ -1,10 +1,11 @@ -a:2:{s:7:"current";a:7:{s:4:"date";a:2:{s:7:"created";i:1619311509;s:8:"modified";i:1632984072;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";s:5:"title";s:8:"Disvalue";s:8:"relation";a:2:{s:10:"references";a:1:{s:29:"en:article:1986-disvalue:text";b:1;}s:10:"firstimage";s:0:"";}s:8:"internal";a:2:{s:5:"cache";b:1;s:3:"toc";b:0;}s:11:"description";a:1:{s:8:"abstract";s:406:"Disvalue +a:2:{s:7:"current";a:8:{s:4:"date";a:2:{s:7:"created";i:1619311509;s:8:"modified";i:1688281647;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";s:5:"title";s:8:"Disvalue";s:11:"description";a:2:{s:15:"tableofcontents";a:1:{i:0;a:4:{s:3:"hid";s:8:"disvalue";s:5:"title";s:8:"Disvalue";s:4:"type";s:2:"ul";s:5:"level";i:1;}}s:8:"abstract";s:411:"Disvalue * : Online * : Disvalue + * : * : 1986 * : * Beauty And The Junkyard. 1991. In: “Whole earth review”. No. 73, pp. 64 * : - * Lecture to the first public meeting of the Entropy Society Tokyo, Keyo University, 9th November 1986 Enlarged and combined with ‘Disvaluation: The Secret Capital Accumulation’ and ‘Beauty and the Junkyard’ two unpublished manuscripts completed in March 1987";}}s:10:"persistent";a:3:{s:4:"date";a:1:{s:7:"created";i:1619311509;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";}}
\ No newline at end of file + * Lecture to the first public meeting of the Entropy Society Tokyo, Keyo University, 9th November 1986 Enlarged and combined with ‘Disvaluation: The Secret Capital Accumulation’ and ‘Beauty and the Junkyard’ two unpublished manuscripts completed in March 1987";}s:8:"relation";a:2:{s:10:"references";a:2:{s:29:"en:article:1986-disvalue:text";b:1;s:13:"tag:available";b:1;}s:10:"firstimage";s:0:"";}s:7:"subject";a:1:{i:0;s:9:"available";}s:8:"internal";a:2:{s:5:"cache";b:1;s:3:"toc";b:0;}}s:10:"persistent";a:3:{s:4:"date";a:1:{s:7:"created";i:1619311509;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";}}
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/meta/en/article/1986-disvalue/text.indexed b/data/meta/en/article/1986-disvalue/text.indexed new file mode 100644 index 0000000..7070c46 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/meta/en/article/1986-disvalue/text.indexed @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +8+plugin_include=0.1.safeindex=1+plugin_tag=0.2.deaccent=1
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/meta/en/article/1986-disvalue/text.meta b/data/meta/en/article/1986-disvalue/text.meta new file mode 100644 index 0000000..0718a3c --- /dev/null +++ b/data/meta/en/article/1986-disvalue/text.meta @@ -0,0 +1,5 @@ +a:2:{s:7:"current";a:7:{s:4:"date";a:2:{s:7:"created";i:1661943728;s:8:"modified";i:1661937002;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";s:5:"title";s:8:"Disvalue";s:11:"description";a:2:{s:15:"tableofcontents";a:9:{i:0;a:4:{s:3:"hid";s:8:"disvalue";s:5:"title";s:8:"Disvalue";s:4:"type";s:2:"ul";s:5:"level";i:1;}i:1;a:4:{s:3:"hid";s:25:"professor_tamanoy_s_forum";s:5:"title";s:27:"Professor Tamanoy’s Forum";s:4:"type";s:2:"ul";s:5:"level";i:2;}i:2;a:4:{s:3:"hid";s:19:"how_to_name_an_evil";s:5:"title";s:19:"How to name an evil";s:4:"type";s:2:"ul";s:5:"level";i:2;}i:3;a:4:{s:3:"hid";s:58:"entropy_as_a_metaphor_versus_entropy_as_a_reductive_analog";s:5:"title";s:58:"Entropy as a metaphor versus entropy as a reductive analog";s:4:"type";s:2:"ul";s:5:"level";i:2;}i:4;a:4:{s:3:"hid";s:23:"disvalue_versus_entropy";s:5:"title";s:23:"Disvalue versus entropy";s:4:"type";s:2:"ul";s:5:"level";i:2;}i:5;a:4:{s:3:"hid";s:29:"the_parable_of_mexico_s_waste";s:5:"title";s:37:"The parable of Mexico’s ‘waste’";s:4:"type";s:2:"ul";s:5:"level";i:2;}i:6;a:4:{s:3:"hid";s:22:"the_mexican_earthquake";s:5:"title";s:22:"The Mexican earthquake";s:4:"type";s:2:"ul";s:5:"level";i:2;}i:7;a:4:{s:3:"hid";s:20:"the_history_of_waste";s:5:"title";s:20:"The history of waste";s:4:"type";s:2:"ul";s:5:"level";i:2;}i:8;a:4:{s:3:"hid";s:21:"disvalue_versus_waste";s:5:"title";s:21:"Disvalue versus waste";s:4:"type";s:2:"ul";s:5:"level";i:2;}}s:8:"abstract";s:320:"Disvalue + +Professor Tamanoy’s Forum + +This first public meeting of the Japanese Entropy Society provides us with an occasion to commemorate Professor Joshiro Tamanoy. Most of us knew him as friends and as pupils. The questions he asked bring together today 600 physicists and biologists, economists and green activists.";}s:8:"internal";a:2:{s:5:"cache";b:1;s:3:"toc";b:1;}s:8:"relation";a:1:{s:10:"firstimage";s:0:"";}}s:10:"persistent";a:3:{s:4:"date";a:1:{s:7:"created";i:1661943728;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";}}
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/meta/en/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/index.meta b/data/meta/en/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/index.meta index 00e698f..92c7ea4 100644 --- a/data/meta/en/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/index.meta +++ b/data/meta/en/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/index.meta @@ -1,7 +1,8 @@ -a:2:{s:7:"current";a:7:{s:4:"date";a:2:{s:7:"created";i:1619311518;s:8:"modified";i:1632984088;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";s:5:"title";s:35:"Foreword to "Deschooling Our Lives"";s:8:"relation";a:2:{s:10:"references";a:1:{s:51:"en:article:1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives:text";b:1;}s:10:"firstimage";s:0:"";}s:8:"internal";a:2:{s:5:"cache";b:1;s:3:"toc";b:0;}s:11:"description";a:1:{s:8:"abstract";s:286:"Foreword to "Deschooling Our Lives" +a:2:{s:7:"current";a:8:{s:4:"date";a:2:{s:7:"created";i:1619311518;s:8:"modified";i:1688281647;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";s:5:"title";s:35:"Foreword to "Deschooling Our Lives"";s:11:"description";a:2:{s:15:"tableofcontents";a:1:{i:0;a:4:{s:3:"hid";s:33:"foreword_to_deschooling_our_lives";s:5:"title";s:35:"Foreword to "Deschooling Our Lives"";s:4:"type";s:2:"ul";s:5:"level";i:1;}}s:8:"abstract";s:291:"Foreword to "Deschooling Our Lives" * : Online * : Foreword to “Deschooling Our Lives” + * : * : 1995 * : - * This article was originally included as foreword of the book “Deschooling Our Lives” (1995) and was also included in “Everywhere All the Time: A New Deschooling Reader";}}s:10:"persistent";a:3:{s:4:"date";a:1:{s:7:"created";i:1619311518;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";}}
\ No newline at end of file + * This article was originally included as foreword of the book “Deschooling Our Lives” (1995) and was also included in “Everywhere All the Time: A New Deschooling Reader";}s:8:"relation";a:2:{s:10:"references";a:2:{s:51:"en:article:1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives:text";b:1;s:13:"tag:available";b:1;}s:10:"firstimage";s:0:"";}s:7:"subject";a:1:{i:0;s:9:"available";}s:8:"internal";a:2:{s:5:"cache";b:1;s:3:"toc";b:0;}}s:10:"persistent";a:3:{s:4:"date";a:1:{s:7:"created";i:1619311518;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";}}
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/meta/en/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/text.meta b/data/meta/en/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/text.meta index a0d9407..8f4f2d0 100644 --- a/data/meta/en/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/text.meta +++ b/data/meta/en/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/text.meta @@ -1,3 +1,3 @@ -a:2:{s:7:"current";a:7:{s:4:"date";a:2:{s:7:"created";i:1632983641;s:8:"modified";i:1632983641;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";s:5:"title";s:35:"Foreword to "Deschooling Our Lives"";s:8:"internal";a:2:{s:5:"cache";b:1;s:3:"toc";b:1;}s:11:"description";a:1:{s:8:"abstract";s:507:"Foreword to "Deschooling Our Lives" +a:2:{s:7:"current";a:7:{s:4:"date";a:2:{s:7:"created";i:1632983641;s:8:"modified";i:1666925830;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";s:5:"title";s:35:"Foreword to "Deschooling Our Lives"";s:11:"description";a:2:{s:15:"tableofcontents";a:1:{i:0;a:4:{s:3:"hid";s:33:"foreword_to_deschooling_our_lives";s:5:"title";s:35:"Foreword to "Deschooling Our Lives"";s:4:"type";s:2:"ul";s:5:"level";i:1;}}s:8:"abstract";s:507:"Foreword to "Deschooling Our Lives" -Leafing through the pages of Deschooling Our Lives transports me back to the year 1970 when, together with Everett Reimer at the Center for Intercultural Documentation (CIDOC) in Cuernavaca, I gathered together some of the more thoughtful critics of education (Paulo Freire, John Holt, Paul Goodman, Jonathan Kozol, Joel Spring, George Dennison, and others) to address the futility of schooling — not only in Latin America, which was already obvious — but also in…";}s:8:"relation";a:1:{s:10:"firstimage";s:0:"";}}s:10:"persistent";a:3:{s:4:"date";a:1:{s:7:"created";i:1632983641;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";}}
\ No newline at end of file +Leafing through the pages of Deschooling Our Lives transports me back to the year 1970 when, together with Everett Reimer at the Center for Intercultural Documentation (CIDOC) in Cuernavaca, I gathered together some of the more thoughtful critics of education (Paulo Freire, John Holt, Paul Goodman, Jonathan Kozol, Joel Spring, George Dennison, and others) to address the futility of schooling — not only in Latin America, which was already obvious — but also in…";}s:8:"internal";a:2:{s:5:"cache";b:1;s:3:"toc";b:1;}s:8:"relation";a:1:{s:10:"firstimage";s:0:"";}}s:10:"persistent";a:3:{s:4:"date";a:1:{s:7:"created";i:1632983641;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";}}
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/meta/en/article/1998-conspiracy/index.meta b/data/meta/en/article/1998-conspiracy/index.meta index d5549a2..47efc7c 100644 --- a/data/meta/en/article/1998-conspiracy/index.meta +++ b/data/meta/en/article/1998-conspiracy/index.meta @@ -1,7 +1,8 @@ -a:2:{s:7:"current";a:7:{s:4:"date";a:2:{s:7:"created";i:1619311545;s:8:"modified";i:1632984127;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";s:5:"title";s:29:"The Cultivation of Conspiracy";s:8:"relation";a:2:{s:10:"references";a:1:{s:31:"en:article:1998-conspiracy:text";b:1;}s:10:"firstimage";s:0:"";}s:8:"internal";a:2:{s:5:"cache";b:1;s:3:"toc";b:0;}s:11:"description";a:1:{s:8:"abstract";s:296:"The Cultivation of Conspiracy +a:2:{s:7:"current";a:8:{s:4:"date";a:2:{s:7:"created";i:1619311545;s:8:"modified";i:1688281647;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";s:5:"title";s:29:"The Cultivation of Conspiracy";s:11:"description";a:2:{s:15:"tableofcontents";a:1:{i:0;a:4:{s:3:"hid";s:29:"the_cultivation_of_conspiracy";s:5:"title";s:29:"The Cultivation of Conspiracy";s:4:"type";s:2:"ul";s:5:"level";i:1;}}s:8:"abstract";s:301:"The Cultivation of Conspiracy * : Online * : The Cultivation of Conspiracy + * : * : 1998 * : - * A translated, edited and expanded version of an address given by Ivan Illich at the Villa Ichon in Bremen, Germany, on the occasion of receiving the Culture and Peace Prize of Bremen, March 14, 1998.";}}s:10:"persistent";a:3:{s:4:"date";a:1:{s:7:"created";i:1619311545;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";}}
\ No newline at end of file + * A translated, edited and expanded version of an address given by Ivan Illich at the Villa Ichon in Bremen, Germany, on the occasion of receiving the Culture and Peace Prize of Bremen, March 14, 1998.";}s:8:"relation";a:2:{s:10:"references";a:2:{s:31:"en:article:1998-conspiracy:text";b:1;s:13:"tag:available";b:1;}s:10:"firstimage";s:0:"";}s:7:"subject";a:1:{i:0;s:9:"available";}s:8:"internal";a:2:{s:5:"cache";b:1;s:3:"toc";b:0;}}s:10:"persistent";a:3:{s:4:"date";a:1:{s:7:"created";i:1619311545;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";}}
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/meta/en/article/1998-conspiracy/text.meta b/data/meta/en/article/1998-conspiracy/text.meta index 304c13c..e62851a 100644 --- a/data/meta/en/article/1998-conspiracy/text.meta +++ b/data/meta/en/article/1998-conspiracy/text.meta @@ -1,3 +1,3 @@ -a:2:{s:7:"current";a:7:{s:4:"date";a:2:{s:7:"created";i:1632984148;s:8:"modified";i:1632984148;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";s:5:"title";s:29:"The Cultivation of Conspiracy";s:8:"internal";a:2:{s:5:"cache";b:1;s:3:"toc";b:1;}s:11:"description";a:1:{s:8:"abstract";s:426:"The Cultivation of Conspiracy +a:2:{s:7:"current";a:7:{s:4:"date";a:2:{s:7:"created";i:1632984148;s:8:"modified";i:1661937002;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";s:5:"title";s:29:"The Cultivation of Conspiracy";s:11:"description";a:2:{s:15:"tableofcontents";a:1:{i:0;a:4:{s:3:"hid";s:29:"the_cultivation_of_conspiracy";s:5:"title";s:29:"The Cultivation of Conspiracy";s:4:"type";s:2:"ul";s:5:"level";i:1;}}s:8:"abstract";s:426:"The Cultivation of Conspiracy -On November 16, 1996, I arrived at the library auditorium of Bremen University just in time for my afternoon lecture. For five years now I had commented old texts to trace the long history of western philia, of friendship. This semester's theme was the loss of the common sense for proportionality during the lifetimes of Locke, Leibniz and Johann Sebastian Bach. On that day I wanted to address";}s:8:"relation";a:1:{s:10:"firstimage";s:0:"";}}s:10:"persistent";a:3:{s:4:"date";a:1:{s:7:"created";i:1632984148;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";}}
\ No newline at end of file +On November 16, 1996, I arrived at the library auditorium of Bremen University just in time for my afternoon lecture. For five years now I had commented old texts to trace the long history of western philia, of friendship. This semester's theme was the loss of the common sense for proportionality during the lifetimes of Locke, Leibniz and Johann Sebastian Bach. On that day I wanted to address";}s:8:"internal";a:2:{s:5:"cache";b:1;s:3:"toc";b:1;}s:8:"relation";a:1:{s:10:"firstimage";s:0:"";}}s:10:"persistent";a:3:{s:4:"date";a:1:{s:7:"created";i:1632984148;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";}}
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\ No newline at end of file +Esta mañana, al estar en la choza donde vivió Mahatma Gandhi, traté de absorber el espíritu que presidió su concepción y empaparme de su mensaje. Hay dos cosas de este lugar que me impresionaron profundamente. Una es de orden espiritual y otra la que se refiere a sus enseres[^nota1]. Trataba de comprender el punto de vista de Gandhi cuando hizo la choza. Me gustaron muchísimo su sencillez, belleza y orden. La choza proclama el mensaje de amor e igualdad entre to…";}s:8:"internal";a:2:{s:5:"cache";b:1;s:3:"toc";b:1;}s:8:"relation";a:1:{s:10:"firstimage";s:0:"";}}s:10:"persistent";a:3:{s:4:"date";a:1:{s:7:"created";i:1632982859;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";}}
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\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/meta/es/book/abc/index.meta b/data/meta/es/book/abc/index.meta new file mode 100644 index 0000000..5275415 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/meta/es/book/abc/index.meta @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +a:2:{s:7:"current";a:8:{s:4:"date";a:2:{s:7:"created";i:1662259026;s:8:"modified";i:1662259026;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";s:5:"title";s:44:"ABC - La alfabetización de la Mente Popular";s:11:"description";a:2:{s:15:"tableofcontents";a:1:{i:0;a:4:{s:3:"hid";s:43:"abc_-_la_alfabetizacion_de_la_mente_popular";s:5:"title";s:44:"ABC - La alfabetización de la Mente Popular";s:4:"type";s:2:"ul";s:5:"level";i:1;}}s:8:"abstract";s:167:"ABC - La alfabetización de la Mente Popular + + * : Online + * : ABC - The Alphabetization of the Popular Mind + * : 1969 + * : Ivan Illich, Barrie Sanders +* : + + + +pending";}s:8:"relation";a:2:{s:10:"references";a:2:{s:16:"es:book:abc:text";b:1;s:11:"tag:pending";b:1;}s:10:"firstimage";s:0:"";}s:7:"subject";a:1:{i:0;s:7:"pending";}s:8:"internal";a:2:{s:5:"cache";b:1;s:3:"toc";b:0;}}s:10:"persistent";a:3:{s:4:"date";a:1:{s:7:"created";i:1662259026;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";}}
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/meta/es/book/awareness/index.meta b/data/meta/es/book/awareness/index.meta index 3e08e9e..fa2a8ac 100644 --- a/data/meta/es/book/awareness/index.meta +++ b/data/meta/es/book/awareness/index.meta @@ -1,6 +1,10 @@ -a:2:{s:7:"current";a:9:{s:4:"date";a:2:{s:7:"created";i:1609511473;s:8:"modified";i:1620349312;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";s:11:"last_change";b:0;s:11:"contributor";a:1:{s:6:"franco";s:6:"franco";}s:5:"title";s:12:"Alternativas";s:8:"relation";a:2:{s:10:"references";a:1:{s:20:"es:book:awareness:es";b:1;}s:10:"firstimage";s:0:"";}s:8:"internal";a:2:{s:5:"cache";b:1;s:3:"toc";b:0;}s:11:"description";a:1:{s:8:"abstract";s:62:"Alternativas +a:2:{s:7:"current";a:10:{s:4:"date";a:2:{s:7:"created";i:1609511473;s:8:"modified";i:1620349312;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";s:11:"last_change";b:0;s:11:"contributor";a:1:{s:6:"franco";s:6:"franco";}s:5:"title";s:12:"Alternativas";s:11:"description";a:2:{s:15:"tableofcontents";a:1:{i:0;a:4:{s:3:"hid";s:12:"alternativas";s:5:"title";s:12:"Alternativas";s:4:"type";s:2:"ul";s:5:"level";i:1;}}s:8:"abstract";s:115:"Alternativas * : Online - * : Alternativas - * : 1973 - * : ...";}}s:10:"persistent";a:5:{s:4:"date";a:2:{s:7:"created";i:1609511473;s:8:"modified";i:1620349312;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";s:11:"last_change";b:0;s:11:"contributor";a:1:{s:6:"franco";s:6:"franco";}}}
\ No newline at end of file + * : Celebration of Awareness + * : 1969 + * : + * Nota en español + + +available compilation";}s:8:"relation";a:2:{s:10:"references";a:3:{s:22:"es:book:awareness:text";b:1;s:13:"tag:available";b:1;s:15:"tag:compilation";b:0;}s:10:"firstimage";s:0:"";}s:7:"subject";a:2:{i:0;s:9:"available";i:1;s:11:"compilation";}s:8:"internal";a:2:{s:5:"cache";b:1;s:3:"toc";b:0;}}s:10:"persistent";a:5:{s:4:"date";a:2:{s:7:"created";i:1609511473;s:8:"modified";i:1620349312;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";s:11:"last_change";b:0;s:11:"contributor";a:1:{s:6:"franco";s:6:"franco";}}}
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/meta/es/book/conviviality/index.meta b/data/meta/es/book/conviviality/index.meta index d071e04..1694a6e 100644 --- a/data/meta/es/book/conviviality/index.meta +++ b/data/meta/es/book/conviviality/index.meta @@ -1,6 +1,10 @@ -a:2:{s:7:"current";a:7:{s:4:"date";a:2:{s:7:"created";i:1609511151;s:8:"modified";i:1646196651;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";s:5:"title";s:19:"La convivencialidad";s:11:"description";a:2:{s:15:"tableofcontents";a:1:{i:0;a:4:{s:3:"hid";s:19:"la_convivencialidad";s:5:"title";s:19:"La convivencialidad";s:4:"type";s:2:"ul";s:5:"level";i:1;}}s:8:"abstract";s:141:"La convivencialidad +a:2:{s:7:"current";a:8:{s:4:"date";a:2:{s:7:"created";i:1609511151;s:8:"modified";i:1662259026;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";s:5:"title";s:19:"La convivencialidad";s:11:"description";a:2:{s:15:"tableofcontents";a:1:{i:0;a:4:{s:3:"hid";s:19:"la_convivencialidad";s:5:"title";s:19:"La convivencialidad";s:4:"type";s:2:"ul";s:5:"level";i:1;}}s:8:"abstract";s:159:"La convivencialidad * : Online - * : La convivencialidad + * : Tools for Conviviality * : 1973 - * : Traducción directa de la versión francesa, “La convivialité”.";}s:8:"relation";a:2:{s:10:"references";a:1:{s:23:"es:book:conviviality:es";b:1;}s:10:"firstimage";s:0:"";}s:8:"internal";a:2:{s:5:"cache";b:1;s:3:"toc";b:0;}}s:10:"persistent";a:3:{s:4:"date";a:1:{s:7:"created";i:1609511151;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";}}
\ No newline at end of file + * : + * Traducción directa de la versión francesa, “La convivialité” + + +available";}s:8:"relation";a:2:{s:10:"references";a:2:{s:25:"es:book:conviviality:text";b:1;s:13:"tag:available";b:1;}s:10:"firstimage";s:0:"";}s:7:"subject";a:1:{i:0;s:9:"available";}s:8:"internal";a:2:{s:5:"cache";b:1;s:3:"toc";b:0;}}s:10:"persistent";a:3:{s:4:"date";a:1:{s:7:"created";i:1609511151;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";}}
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/meta/es/book/deschooling/index.meta b/data/meta/es/book/deschooling/index.meta index 2f67af4..f203b5d 100644 --- a/data/meta/es/book/deschooling/index.meta +++ b/data/meta/es/book/deschooling/index.meta @@ -1,6 +1,7 @@ -a:2:{s:7:"current";a:7:{s:4:"date";a:2:{s:7:"created";i:1609521953;s:8:"modified";i:1621776458;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";s:5:"title";s:27:"La sociedad desescolarizada";s:8:"relation";a:2:{s:10:"references";a:1:{s:22:"es:book:deschooling:es";b:1;}s:10:"firstimage";s:0:"";}s:8:"internal";a:2:{s:5:"cache";b:1;s:3:"toc";b:0;}s:11:"description";a:1:{s:8:"abstract";s:519:"La sociedad desescolarizada +a:2:{s:7:"current";a:8:{s:4:"date";a:2:{s:7:"created";i:1609521953;s:8:"modified";i:1681331645;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";s:5:"title";s:27:"La sociedad desescolarizada";s:11:"description";a:2:{s:15:"tableofcontents";a:1:{i:0;a:4:{s:3:"hid";s:27:"la_sociedad_desescolarizada";s:5:"title";s:27:"La sociedad desescolarizada";s:4:"type";s:2:"ul";s:5:"level";i:1;}}s:8:"abstract";s:519:"La sociedad desescolarizada * : Online - * : Deschooling society + * : Deschooling Society * : 1970 - * : fue publicado por vez primera en HarPer and Row Publishers Inc., Nueva York, en 1970, bajo el título de “Deschooling society”. La primera traducción al español la publicó Barral Editores, Barcelona, España, en 1970; una nueva edición apareció bajo el sello de la Editorial Posada en 1978 y otra más bajo el de Joaquín Mortiz/Planeta en julio de 1985. Para la edición del FCE de 2006 se utilizó esta última, traducida po…";}}s:10:"persistent";a:3:{s:4:"date";a:1:{s:7:"created";i:1609521953;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";}}
\ No newline at end of file + * : ... + * fue publicado por vez primera en Harper and Row Publishers Inc., Nueva York, en 1970, bajo el título de “Deschooling society”. La primera traducción al esp añol la publicó Barral Editores, Barcelona, España, en 1970; una nueva edición apareció bajo el sello de la Editorial Posada en 1978 y otra más bajo el de Joaquín Mortiz/Planeta en j ulio de 1985. Para la edición del FCE de 2006 se utilizó esta última, tr…";}s:8:"relation";a:2:{s:10:"references";a:2:{s:24:"es:book:deschooling:text";b:0;s:13:"tag:available";b:1;}s:10:"firstimage";s:0:"";}s:7:"subject";a:1:{i:0;s:9:"available";}s:8:"internal";a:2:{s:5:"cache";b:1;s:3:"toc";b:0;}}s:10:"persistent";a:3:{s:4:"date";a:1:{s:7:"created";i:1609521953;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";}}
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/meta/es/book/deschooling/text.meta b/data/meta/es/book/deschooling/text.meta new file mode 100644 index 0000000..b883045 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/meta/es/book/deschooling/text.meta @@ -0,0 +1,5 @@ +a:2:{s:7:"current";a:7:{s:4:"date";a:2:{s:7:"created";i:1661920147;s:8:"modified";i:1661937002;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";s:5:"title";s:27:"La sociedad desescolarizada";s:11:"description";a:2:{s:15:"tableofcontents";a:34:{i:0;a:4:{s:3:"hid";s:27:"la_sociedad_desescolarizada";s:5:"title";s:27:"La sociedad desescolarizada";s:4:"type";s:2:"ul";s:5:"level";i:1;}i:1;a:4:{s:3:"hid";s:12:"introduccion";s:5:"title";s:13:"Introducción";s:4:"type";s:2:"ul";s:5:"level";i:2;}i:2;a:4:{s:3:"hid";s:52:"por_que_debemos_privar_de_apoyo_oficial_a_la_escuela";s:5:"title";s:53:"Por qué debemos privar de apoyo oficial a la escuela";s:4:"type";s:2:"ul";s:5:"level";i:2;}i:3;a:4:{s:3:"hid";s:27:"fenomenologia_de_la_escuela";s:5:"title";s:28:"Fenomenología 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\ No newline at end of file + * : + * Fue redactado por vez primera en francés y publicado en Le Monde, en mayo de 1973, en tres entregas. Desarrollado y reescrito, con ayuda de Luce Giard y de Vincent Bardet, fue objeto de una primera edición en francés en 1975, bajo las Éditions du Seuil. Sobre esta trama completa y enriquecida de trabajos conducidos en el CIDOC de Cuernavaca se estableció una versión inglesa más larga y más detallada. La primera edición en e…";}s:8:"relation";a:2:{s:10:"references";a:2:{s:19:"es:book:energy:text";b:1;s:13:"tag:available";b:1;}s:10:"firstimage";s:0:"";}s:7:"subject";a:1:{i:0;s:9:"available";}s:8:"internal";a:2:{s:5:"cache";b:1;s:3:"toc";b:0;}}s:10:"persistent";a:3:{s:4:"date";a:1:{s:7:"created";i:1609511042;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";}}
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\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/meta/es/book/h20/index.meta b/data/meta/es/book/h20/index.meta new file mode 100644 index 0000000..5579ba1 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/meta/es/book/h20/index.meta @@ -0,0 +1,8 @@ +a:2:{s:7:"current";a:8:{s:4:"date";a:2:{s:7:"created";i:1662259026;s:8:"modified";i:1662259026;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";s:5:"title";s:26:"H20 y las Aguas del Pasado";s:11:"description";a:2:{s:15:"tableofcontents";a:1:{i:0;a:4:{s:3:"hid";s:26:"h20_y_las_aguas_del_pasado";s:5:"title";s:26:"H20 y las Aguas del Pasado";s:4:"type";s:2:"ul";s:5:"level";i:1;}}s:8:"abstract";s:104:"H20 y las Aguas del Pasado + + * : Online + * : H2O and the Waters of Forgetfulness + * : 1985 + * : + +pending";}s:8:"relation";a:2:{s:10:"references";a:2:{s:16:"es:book:h20:text";b:1;s:11:"tag:pending";b:1;}s:10:"firstimage";s:0:"";}s:7:"subject";a:1:{i:0;s:7:"pending";}s:8:"internal";a:2:{s:5:"cache";b:1;s:3:"toc";b:0;}}s:10:"persistent";a:3:{s:4:"date";a:1:{s:7:"created";i:1662259026;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";}}
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\ No newline at end of file + * : The Right to Useful Unemployment and its Professional Enemies + * : 1978 + * : + * Incluye dos capítulos adicionales, tomados de la edición francesa, que fueran incluídos en la versión de";}s:8:"relation";a:2:{s:10:"references";a:2:{s:25:"es:book:unemployment:text";b:1;s:13:"tag:available";b:1;}s:10:"firstimage";s:0:"";}s:7:"subject";a:1:{i:0;s:9:"available";}s:8:"internal";a:2:{s:5:"cache";b:1;s:3:"toc";b:0;}}s:10:"persistent";a:5:{s:4:"date";a:2:{s:7:"created";i:1609511418;s:8:"modified";i:1628202582;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";s:11:"last_change";b:0;s:11:"contributor";a:1:{s:6:"franco";s:6:"franco";}}}
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\ No newline at end of file +a:2:{s:7:"current";a:8:{s:4:"date";a:2:{s:7:"created";i:1609506413;s:8:"modified";i:1703623118;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";s:11:"contributor";a:2:{s:6:"franco";s:6:"franco";s:5:"admin";s:5:"admin";}s:11:"last_change";b:0;s:8:"relation";a:2:{s:10:"references";a:6:{s:12:"source:index";b:1;s:8:"en:index";b:1;s:8:"es:index";b:1;s:13:"tag:available";b:1;s:11:"tag:pending";b:1;s:11:"tag:missing";b:1;}s:10:"firstimage";s:0:"";}s:8:"internal";a:2:{s:5:"cache";b:1;s:3:"toc";b:1;}s:11:"description";a:1:{s:8:"abstract";s:316:"Welcome to ACERVUS Illich (alpha version of the tool, for internal use only, not yet public.) + +Browse source materials: Access full list of sources + +Browse by languages: English - Español + +Browse by Status: Available - Pending - Missing + + + + +books + + + + +audio recordings + + + + +video materials + + + + +articles + + + + +interviews";}}s:10:"persistent";a:5:{s:4:"date";a:2:{s:7:"created";i:1609506413;s:8:"modified";i:1703623118;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";s:11:"contributor";a:2:{s:6:"franco";s:6:"franco";s:5:"admin";s:5:"admin";}s:11:"last_change";b:0;}}
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\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/meta/interviews.meta b/data/meta/interviews.meta new file mode 100644 index 0000000..1c3e7d2 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/meta/interviews.meta @@ -0,0 +1,9 @@ +a:2:{s:7:"current";a:9:{s:4:"date";a:2:{s:7:"created";i:1667170952;s:8:"modified";i:1667170956;}s:7:"creator";s:5:"admin";s:4:"user";s:5:"admin";s:11:"last_change";b:0;s:11:"contributor";a:1:{s:5:"admin";s:5:"admin";}s:5:"title";s:20:"Interviews (in text)";s:11:"description";a:2:{s:15:"tableofcontents";a:1:{i:0;a:4:{s:3:"hid";s:18:"interviews_in_text";s:5:"title";s:20:"Interviews (in text)";s:4:"type";s:2:"ul";s:5:"level";i:1;}}s:8:"abstract";s:250:"Interviews (in text) + + * 1969 - An Interview with Iván Illich by Carl Eilenberg. Liverpool, N. Y.: WCNY-TV, 1969. + + * 1969 - An Interview with Ivan Illich by Wayne H. Cowan + * In: Christianity and Crisis 1969-08-04: Volume 29, Issue 14. + + + * 1970 -";}s:8:"internal";a:2:{s:5:"cache";b:1;s:3:"toc";b:1;}s:8:"relation";a:1:{s:10:"firstimage";s:0:"";}}s:10:"persistent";a:5:{s:4:"date";a:2:{s:7:"created";i:1667170952;s:8:"modified";i:1667170956;}s:7:"creator";s:5:"admin";s:4:"user";s:5:"admin";s:11:"last_change";b:0;s:11:"contributor";a:1:{s:5:"admin";s:5:"admin";}}}
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/meta/source/article.meta b/data/meta/source/article.meta new file mode 100644 index 0000000..364bd24 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/meta/source/article.meta @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +a:2:{s:7:"current";a:7:{s:4:"date";a:2:{s:7:"created";i:1688282552;s:8:"modified";i:1708555231;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";s:5:"title";s:6:"1950's";s:11:"description";a:2:{s:15:"tableofcontents";a:6:{i:0;a:4:{s:3:"hid";s:1:"s";s:5:"title";s:6:"1950's";s:4:"type";s:2:"ul";s:5:"level";i:3;}i:1;a:4:{s:3:"hid";s:2:"s1";s:5:"title";s:6:"1960's";s:4:"type";s:2:"ul";s:5:"level";i:3;}i:2;a:4:{s:3:"hid";s:2:"s2";s:5:"title";s:6:"1970's";s:4:"type";s:2:"ul";s:5:"level";i:3;}i:3;a:4:{s:3:"hid";s:2:"s3";s:5:"title";s:6:"1980's";s:4:"type";s:2:"ul";s:5:"level";i:3;}i:4;a:4:{s:3:"hid";s:2:"s4";s:5:"title";s:6:"1990's";s:4:"type";s:2:"ul";s:5:"level";i:3;}i:5;a:4:{s:3:"hid";s:2:"s5";s:5:"title";s:6:"2000's";s:4:"type";s:2:"ul";s:5:"level";i:3;}}s:8:"abstract";s:402:"Presented in chronological order with it's original title and first published year. Mainly in English, Spanish, German and Italian at the moment, other languages will be included. The list is not complete and not fully reviewed. This list is being migrated to the automated index creation system, in the current state is just for general reference. If you want to suggest a missing article, write us to";}s:8:"internal";a:2:{s:5:"cache";b:1;s:3:"toc";b:1;}s:8:"relation";a:1:{s:10:"firstimage";s:0:"";}}s:10:"persistent";a:3:{s:4:"date";a:1:{s:7:"created";i:1688282552;}s:4:"user";s:0:"";s:7:"creator";s:0:"";}}
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\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1900-testing/index.bib b/data/pages/en/article/1900-testing/index.bib new file mode 120000 index 0000000..0a1aad6 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1900-testing/index.bib @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1900-testing/en.bib
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1900-testing/index.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1900-testing/index.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..27c0d73 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1900-testing/index.txt @@ -0,0 +1,26 @@ +# Just the title + +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _A non procesed title_ +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# +* **#@LANG_authors@#:** Ivan Illich; Barbara Duden +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1900 +* **#@LANG_versions@#:** + * Peter Canon, “The American Parish,” Integrity, June 1955, 5–16. +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** + * This article was originally included as foreword of the book "Deschooling Our Lives" (1995) and was also included in "Everywhere All the Time: A New Deschooling Reader" (2008). + +``` +@ARTICLE{Illich-1900-testing-en, + author = {Ivan Illich and Barbara Duden}, + title = {Just the title}, + year = {1900}, + date = {1900}, + origdate = {1900}, + language = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1900-testing:index} +} +``` +~~NOTOC~~ +{{tag>pending}} diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1900-testing/notes.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1900-testing/notes.txt new file mode 120000 index 0000000..88f24d2 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1900-testing/notes.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1900-testing/en.notes
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1900-testing/text.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1900-testing/text.txt new file mode 120000 index 0000000..91ed2a4 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1900-testing/text.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1900-testing/en.txt
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1955-book_review_of_i_want_to_see_god_and_i_am_daughter_of_the_church/index.bib b/data/pages/en/article/1955-book_review_of_i_want_to_see_god_and_i_am_daughter_of_the_church/index.bib new file mode 120000 index 0000000..84d6dd2 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1955-book_review_of_i_want_to_see_god_and_i_am_daughter_of_the_church/index.bib @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1955-book_review_of_i_want_to_see_god_and_i_am_daughter_of_the_church/en.bib
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1955-book_review_of_i_want_to_see_god_and_i_am_daughter_of_the_church/index.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1955-book_review_of_i_want_to_see_god_and_i_am_daughter_of_the_church/index.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..b823892 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1955-book_review_of_i_want_to_see_god_and_i_am_daughter_of_the_church/index.txt @@ -0,0 +1,25 @@ +# Book review of "I Want to See God" and "I am Daughter of the Church" + +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Book review of "I Want to See God" and "I am Daughter of the Church"_ +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1955 +* **#@LANG_versions@#:** +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** + * Published under the alias of Peter Canon + +``` +@ARTICLE{Illich-1955-book_review_of_i_want_to_see_god_and_i_am_daughter_of_the_church-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Book review of "I Want to See God" and "I am Daughter of the Church"}, + year = {1955}, + date = {1955}, + origdate = {1955}, + language = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1955-book_review_of_i_want_to_see_god_and_i_am_daughter_of_the_church:index} +} +``` +~~NOTOC~~ +{{tag>available}} diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1955-book_review_of_i_want_to_see_god_and_i_am_daughter_of_the_church/notes.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1955-book_review_of_i_want_to_see_god_and_i_am_daughter_of_the_church/notes.txt new file mode 120000 index 0000000..b6bd937 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1955-book_review_of_i_want_to_see_god_and_i_am_daughter_of_the_church/notes.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1955-book_review_of_i_want_to_see_god_and_i_am_daughter_of_the_church/en.notes
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1955-book_review_of_i_want_to_see_god_and_i_am_daughter_of_the_church/text.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1955-book_review_of_i_want_to_see_god_and_i_am_daughter_of_the_church/text.txt new file mode 120000 index 0000000..5ef8984 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1955-book_review_of_i_want_to_see_god_and_i_am_daughter_of_the_church/text.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1955-book_review_of_i_want_to_see_god_and_i_am_daughter_of_the_church/en.txt
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1955-can_a_catholic_get_a_divorce/index.bib b/data/pages/en/article/1955-can_a_catholic_get_a_divorce/index.bib new file mode 120000 index 0000000..a2df422 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1955-can_a_catholic_get_a_divorce/index.bib @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1955-can_a_catholic_get_a_divorce/en.bib
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1955-can_a_catholic_get_a_divorce/index.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1955-can_a_catholic_get_a_divorce/index.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..913312d --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1955-can_a_catholic_get_a_divorce/index.txt @@ -0,0 +1,25 @@ +# Can a Catholic Get a Divorce? + +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Can a Catholic Get a Divorce?_ +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1955 +* **#@LANG_versions@#:** + * Integrity, vol. 9, n. 7, aprile 1955, pp. 7-10; + * Opere complete. Scritti 1951-1971. 2019 +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** + +``` +@ARTICLE{Illich-1955-can_a_catholic_get_a_divorce-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Can a Catholic Get a Divorce?}, + year = {1955}, + date = {1955}, + origdate = {1955}, + language = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1955-can_a_catholic_get_a_divorce:index} +} +``` +~~NOTOC~~ +{{tag>pending}} diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1955-can_a_catholic_get_a_divorce/notes.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1955-can_a_catholic_get_a_divorce/notes.txt new file mode 120000 index 0000000..3a7a628 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1955-can_a_catholic_get_a_divorce/notes.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1955-can_a_catholic_get_a_divorce/en.notes
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1955-can_a_catholic_get_a_divorce/text.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1955-can_a_catholic_get_a_divorce/text.txt new file mode 120000 index 0000000..532ff17 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1955-can_a_catholic_get_a_divorce/text.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1955-can_a_catholic_get_a_divorce/en.txt
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1955-sacred_virginity/index.bib b/data/pages/en/article/1955-sacred_virginity/index.bib new file mode 120000 index 0000000..c416531 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1955-sacred_virginity/index.bib @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1955-sacred_virginity/en.bib
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1955-sacred_virginity/index.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1955-sacred_virginity/index.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..f676351 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1955-sacred_virginity/index.txt @@ -0,0 +1,25 @@ +# Sacred Virginity + +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Sacred Virginity_ +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1955 +* **#@LANG_versions@#:** + * Peter Canon, “Sacred Virginity,” Integrity, October 1955, 32–35. + * "The Powerless Church and Other Selected Writings, 1955–1985", Penn State University Press, 2019 +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** + +``` +@ARTICLE{Illich-1955-sacred_virginity-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Sacred Virginity}, + year = {1955}, + date = {1955}, + origdate = {1955}, + language = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1955-sacred_virginity:index} +} +``` +~~NOTOC~~ +{{tag>pending}} diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1955-sacred_virginity/notes.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1955-sacred_virginity/notes.txt new file mode 120000 index 0000000..055aa81 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1955-sacred_virginity/notes.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1955-sacred_virginity/en.notes
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\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1955-spiritual_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants/index.bib b/data/pages/en/article/1955-spiritual_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants/index.bib new file mode 120000 index 0000000..702a46d --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1955-spiritual_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants/index.bib @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1955-spiritual_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants/en.bib
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1955-spiritual_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants/index.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1955-spiritual_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants/index.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..11f2816 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1955-spiritual_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants/index.txt @@ -0,0 +1,25 @@ +# Spiritual care of Puerto Rican migrants: report on the first conferen + +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Spiritual care of Puerto Rican migrants: report on the first conference_ +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1955 +* **#@LANG_versions@#:** + * Spiritual Care of Puerto Rican Migrants (Hispanics in the United States Ser) + * CIDOC Sondeos 74 - Spiritual Care of Puerto Rican Migrants. Report on the First Conference, held in San Juan, Puerto Rico, April 11th to 16th 1955. Ferree, William, Illich, Ivan, Fitzpatrick, Joseph P. (Editors), Cuernavaca 1970 74) +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** + +``` +@ARTICLE{Illich-1955-spiritual_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Spiritual care of Puerto Rican migrants: report on the first conferen}, + year = {1955}, + date = {1955}, + origdate = {1955}, + language = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1955-spiritual_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants:index} +} +``` +~~NOTOC~~ +{{tag>pending}} diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1955-spiritual_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants/notes.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1955-spiritual_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants/notes.txt new file mode 120000 index 0000000..9365bb0 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1955-spiritual_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants/notes.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1955-spiritual_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants/en.notes
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\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1955-the_american_parish/index.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1955-the_american_parish/index.txt index 8b848ed..91f21f5 100644 --- a/data/pages/en/article/1955-the_american_parish/index.txt +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1955-the_american_parish/index.txt @@ -2,10 +2,24 @@ * **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] * **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _The American Parish_ +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# * **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1955 * **#@LANG_versions@#:** * Peter Canon, “The American Parish,” Integrity, June 1955, 5–16. + * "The Powerless Church and Other Selected Writings, 1955–1985", Penn State University Press, 2019 * **#@LANG_comments@#:** - * Included in the book "The Powerless Church" (2018) +``` +@ARTICLE{Illich-1955-the_american_parish-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {The American Parish}, + year = {1955}, + date = {1955}, + origdate = {1955}, + language = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1955-the_american_parish:index} +} +``` ~~NOTOC~~ +{{tag>available}} diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1955-the_american_parish/notes.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1955-the_american_parish/notes.txt new file mode 120000 index 0000000..9d96de4 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1955-the_american_parish/notes.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1955-the_american_parish/en.notes
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1955-the_american_parish/text.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1955-the_american_parish/text.txt index b360b1d..0e90c51 100644..120000 --- a/data/pages/en/article/1955-the_american_parish/text.txt +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1955-the_american_parish/text.txt @@ -1,409 +1 @@ -# The American Parish - -In a modern city parish many people do not find what they are looking -for. Many of those who are dissatisfied never voice their disappointment; -many do not even realize they are disappointed. Some put the blame -for their dissatisfaction on the pastor, the bishop or the trustee of the -Church. The pastor again and his assistants, if ever they become conscious of their people’s criticism, put the blame on their parishioners’ -unreasonable requests or ungenerous help. - -Do people look to their parish for things the parish could not offer or -does the modern city parish fundamentally not offer what it should? -More practical inquiries might be directed toward the study of methods. Here we ask the more fundamental “what” should be offered and -leave the “how” to other articles. - -Take Jose, I met him one Sunday when, during the eleven o’clock -high Mass, I went out through the main door of our Church. There I saw -him among five darkaired and bronzekinned people. From far away -you could have guessed their origin, the origin of 37% of the baptized -Catholics in New York City, Puerto Rico. Why had they come to Church -and then remained outside? Had they gone in or were they waiting for -the next Mass? They were all standing in a little group and talking lethargically. I went up to them and said “que tal” which means “Hi,” and slowly -they turned around, looking at me. After a few more words their eyes -began to sparkle. Before they had been completely unrelated to the surroundings: their dresses were almost imperceptibly differently cut from -those of the other parishioners, their language was different and while -the others were in Church they were outside. Now suddenly, through -a few Spanish words they seemed related to their surroundings. They -started to speak: they all came from Moca, a little place in the hills of that -beautiful island; they had arrived here in New York just a few weeks ago. -They had found out where the Church was, and when they looked at it -they would not believe that it was a Catholic Church: a Church had to -be in the middle of a plaza, in the middle of the village, the center of a -community. Here they had found a building with some strange pointed -arches in the middle of two tall houses right on a booming street. -The Church inside was dark, with light strangely colored from -stainedlass windows, instead of the simple, whitewashed structure— -with wide openings for windows to let in as much air as possible—that -they were used to. But they had recognized this as a Catholic church, -because, upon an inspection, they had found the picture of Our Lady -of Perpetual Help on one of the altars; and that much they knew, where -that picture was, there had to be Our Lord. They had discovered the -picture on a weekday evening, and now on Sunday they had come back -to the Church, they had wanted to go to Mass. Now why did they not go -in and follow Mass? I asked them, and got an answer which baffled me. -They said, because of the ushers. They had never been accompanied to -a pew by an usher. Oftentimes they had no pews in Church. Here they -saw parishioners paying their way into Church. They didn’t realize that -these people—or their parents—had built this church by themselves, that -they now felt responsible for its support and maintenance, that it was -not like Puerto Rico where the government had built churches until the -Americans arrived. So they had turned away from Church because of the -ushers, as one of them said; because Mass starts so much on time, the -other said, Our Lady was there, they said—but the warmth and the life -of the people seemed lacking. - -I could not help thinking back to Puerto Rico; my first Sunday there -in a big parish, in the mountains. On Saturday the pastor asked me say -Mass the next day in the mountains, in three different mission chapels -(he had twelve altogether), since he would have to say the Masses in the -main village. If there was a priest around to help out, every four weeks -Mass was said on Sunday in every chapel. The first Mass I said at about -six in the morning, after I had slept all night on the altar steps of the -chapel, then I travelled on, by horseback, to the next chapel. I heard -confessions, said Mass, baptized, married . . . and off I went to the third -chapel, on horseback still, where I arrived after noon. People were sitting -around in Church eating their bananas and chewing cane, and on the -Church steps they had lighted a little fire to cook something. They continued their conversation in Church while I heard confessions; for Mass -everybody was silent and most of them knelt on the crude floor while two -lonely dogs ran around among them, and when I started to baptize the -conversation resumed. In the evening, I was amazed at the answer I got -from the pastor, a Puerto Rican trained in a United States seminary, to my -question as to whether he thought this behavior slightly disrespectful: -Our people believe that God is their Father, and they want to behave in -Church as they behave in their Father’s house. There are no ushers in -Jose’s Father’s house. Dinner does not start on time, probably he has no -watch, he goes to Church when everybody else goes to Church. Mass is an -important happening in the family’s life—a happening which brings him -together with all his neighbors. The Church is the center of his village -even if he seldom goes into it. The rare Sunday when the priest comes to -his chapel, the Mass is a big event, even if he does not attend. He knows -almost everybody whom he meets at Mass. Mass is easily understood as -a family dinner—as the “communion” of the community. - -## Another World - -No wonder that he is confused at this big, clean, Gothic building where -an usher assigns him his place next to some unknown lady, where he -is allowed to go into Church only five minutes before Mass starts, and -has to leave as soon as Mass is over—where hardly anybody is standing -outside the Church after Mass since there is no plaza—and where there -are so many Masses that you cannot see Mass as a family dinner, a house -built around you, to suit you. - -Standing there on that cold winter morning during the eleven o’clock -high Mass, I realized how hard it will be to explain to Jose and his friends -that this is the same Church which, under another climate, appears so -very different from at home. It will be hard for Jose to understand that -he will be known to God alone in Church and hardly anybody else will -recognize him. It will be hard for him to understand that you can go to -Holy Communion every day in a Church where there are several Masses -every day, and hard, too, to understand the English Gospel the priest -reads, but even more difficult than to understand will it be for him to -feel at home in English. I might be able to make him understand some -of the features of parish life—but to understand a world is far from being -at home in it. And how strange that a man should not feel at home in -the house of his Father. How strange to each other two Catholic worlds -can be. It is not always easy to see how beautiful it is that the universal -Church can look so different in different cultures. - -Or think of Maria, Jose’s sister: she came with him to Mass, and with -him was frightened away from the Church. Now she cannot believe that -this is the communion mass of the Children of Mary. Where are their -white veils? Why do they not sing, does nobody here know the song of -Our Lady of Guadalupe? And why do people now start to come out of -Church, and without talking to each other go straight across the busy, -dirty street headed for home? Why do they not hang around and talk to -each other? Jose and his friends cannot well avoid being bewildered. - -## Dissatisfied Children - -This is but one of the many instances into which you run continually, as -a parish priest, of people who do not find in their parish what they came -to look for. Jose’s problem is not from this point of view different from the -bewilderment of the convert, who during instructions has found faith in -the reality of the Mystical Body visible in Christ’s Church—and then finds -himself socially isolated among faithful churchgoers. And it is not different from the problem of the mature layman exposed to years of sermons -taken from Father Murphy’s Three Homilies for Every Sunday Gospel—or of -the young couple recently moved into a new apartment, who had hoped to -find in the parish an atmosphere in which spiritual friendship is fostered, -and found perfect distribution of sacraments, ritual and Catholic school -education, but not the spirit they had hoped for. - -To all these this parish does not give what they expect: to Jose it -does not give the atmosphere of his home, to the convert it does not -give the new human community he thought would be a consequence of -spiritual communion, to the man yearning to grow it does not give the -adult education program he hoped for, but only an endless repetition of -what he has become insensible to through yearly recital in grade school -catechism. It forces the young couple to make their own home a shelter -for friendship without adequate help from the pastor from whom they -expect it. - -All these people come to the parish because there they find what -seems to them most important: Mass, the confessional, and catechism -for their children. Objections are directed not against the things they get, -but rather against the frame within which they get them: Mass remains -the sacrifice even if it is said quickly and adorned with a hasty sermon. -Your sins are forgiven even if the priest is too rushed to give advice—and -most people are so used to a silent confessor that they might be surprised -at an instruction. Catechism remains true even if Sister has sixty children -in her parochial school class. Marriage remains valid even if all the bride -remembers of prenuptial instruction is that an overburdened priest, in -ten minutes, asked her under oath a few strange questions, such as: had -she ever been to a psychiatrist, would she be faithful to her husband, -would she promise to avoid contraception, while at the same time he had -to answer the phone on a sick call and take care of a staggering visitor at -the door. - -Is there something which could be interpreted as a criticism of the -whole system underlying all these objectionable details? Criticism of -detail is directed mostly against the officiating priest, not against the -parish as such, and therefore is not pertinent to this discussion. - -## Criteria for Criticism - -Could it be that there is something fundamentally wrong with the parish -in modern America? And if that be so, may Christians, especially laymen, -criticize their Church, of which the unit most real to them is the parish? -Many are afraid to do so out of a double misunderstanding: they do not -distinguish between criticism and blame—and they do not distinguish -the human from the divine element in the Church. - -We cannot remain forever small children and take our parents for -granted; only after the teens can a mature love for a parent develop. It’s -the same with Mother Church: an understanding of her humanity in -her human weakness will only strengthen, not diminish our love. Those -who blame the Church mostly shrink from the personal responsibility -which grows out of the realization that we are members of the Church. -Blame is a fruit of laziness and perpetuates what is deplorable. Criticism -brings about change, either in him who criticizes or in the Church criticized. It is always the fruit of hard work and prayer. A critical attitude -toward the parish is just one of the areas in which Christian love for the -Church can develop. But since criticism is always an implicit invitation -to change, we have to pass to the second point and see to what degree the -Church, or, concretely, the parish, is subject to change. And there are two -attitudes toward change, equally unChristian, among Christians. One -is the refusal of any development. This has its roots in a deep mistrust -of human nature, as if God had not entrusted men with the power to -make His institutions practicable, as if the mandate given to the apostles -had been withdrawn. This mistrust lies in this error: necessary historical -developments are taken for divine institutions. Manade frames are -taken for divine works of art. This attitude can be remedied by the study -of theology and history. Theology will show us the seed of divine revelation and will teach us what God has done Himself; history will show us -what men have done under God. - -Opposed to the refusal of any development is the attitude of those -who always want to change, who are like children who do not want to live -in the dusty home their family built over centuries, and prefer to live in a -quickly built shack on the edges of the property. If this attitude does not -have its root in the unstable character of its proponents, it is based on an -over estimation of human inventiveness within God’s supernatural plan. -The remedy to this inclination toward inorganic and sudden changes lies -in an education toward humility. Custom always offers an assumption -for wisdom, at least practical wisdom. Criticism of the modern parish -therefore presupposes some knowledge of theology and of history, which -often becomes visible in custom. - -## Follow the Man to His House . . . to the Upper Room - -Unless we know how a country grew, we do not know what it really is -like. Unless we know what the parish was meant to be by God, and what -it looked like when men first made God’s idea visible, we will not have -the basis to judge the parish we have today. How did the parish start? -Certainly not with the apostles. - -Christ did not make the parish. He made priests, and He needed a -roof over His cenacle. (The priesthood is instituted by Christ, not the -boundaries to His priesthood, expressed in modern parish limits.) For -centuries, the Church was expanding—conscious that the end of the -world was nigh. Every bishop grazed his flock, and whenever possible -had a flock small enough that he himself could say Mass for them. The -imagery for pastoral care as well as the relationship between pastor -(the bishop was the only pastor) and his faithful was taken from the -vocabulary of shepherds, Mediterranean shepherds, who have no fixed -home and wander with their sheep from pasture to pasture—from earth -to heaven. Christians considered themselves as strangers in a strange -world, children banned from their country. The word “parish” came from -a Greek verb meaning: to live like a foreigner—to be without a home. - -## The Cenacle Among Nonhristians - -The twelve apostles found it necessary to ordain one man in every community to the fullness of the priesthood. This man, the bishop of the city, -made the rounds and celebrated the sacred mysteries in the houses of -different Christians. In the Stationhurches of Rome we have a remnant -of this usage: the oldest among them carry the names of private families, -and their name expresses nothing but the address at which the Christians -would meet for Mass. In these homes Mass would be said regularly, and -often the room in which Mass was said slowly developed into a chapel— -the family ceased to use it as a dining room and the cenacle grew into a -Church. The number of Christians too, continually was growing. Soon -one pastor, the bishop, was not enough for the community, and so we see -several popes ordaining priests—priests who would say Mass where the -bishop could not go and who would preach whenever the bishop would -not find the time to do so. Often these priests attended one particular -Church in preference to others, but we cannot yet say that they were -pastors. The bishop still was the only pastor in the city, and these priests -were his assistants. Pope Innocent I in 417 tells us that he was in the -habit of breaking his host, when saying Mass, into small fragments and -sending one of these fragments to every priest celebrating in the city of -Rome, that he might let it fall into his chalice and might realize that it -is really one Mass said throughout the city, the Mass of the bishop. The -breaking of the host into three parts today is a remnant of that custom. - -## The Parish as the Heart of the City - -From the beginning, Christianity developed faster in the cities than in -the country. But by the end of the 5th century Christianity had expanded -into new mission territories, and the last strongholds of paganism in the -rural areas of southern Europe were falling by the 7th century. Always -more and more bishops asked their priests to take over independently -the exercise of their ministry. No more was the bishop the only father -and the priest nothing but his helpers; the priests themselves had to take -over under their bishops all three realms of pastoral duties: the administration of the sacraments, the teaching of the Gospel and the guidance -of the people. - -Of old when every city where Christians lived had its own bishop (or -“angel” as St. John calls him in his seven letters to the seven “Churches” -in Asia Minor), dioceses had been multiplied easily and eagerly. This is -the reason why there are so many of them in the countries which came -to the faith before the 6th century. Now the bishop made every one of his -priests responsible for a welletermined part of his people and slowly, -clearly assigned the limits to the territory for which a priest was responsible—boundaries which often on one side remained open toward the -virgin soil never yet touched by Christian preaching. - -The parish as a living cell of the diocese had been brought into existence by the Church. Christ had instituted His priesthood for His people. -In apostolic times the Church found it necessary to assign a given part of -her Mystical Body to a given bishop. He alone is priest in the full sense of -the word, he alone belongs to the teaching Church, he alone is a successor -of the apostles, he alone wears the wedding ring to show that he is married to the Church. And later on the Church found it necessary to allow -the bishop to subdivide his territory and to make his representatives, -other priests, fully responsible for a parish. -This is how the territorial parish was born, to which belong all those -who live in a given territory, and for whom the pastor assumes responsibility: to feed, teach and guide those who are in the Church and to -convert those who are outside. It went so far that in Europe the word -“parish” became the word for “village.” - -Human factors contributed not less than supernatural faith to make -the parish the heart of the community in Catholic countries. The priest -quite often was the most educated person in the village, custom and folklore centered in the Church and civil life was regulated by the progress -of the liturgical year as the life of every individual was deeply connected -with the Church in the middle of the village. Often also—sometimes -unfortunately—the church became a center for political action. Later -a breakdown in these human factors threatened to remove the parish -from its central position in the hearts of the people. And then came the -Reformation, and with it the Catholic community of Europe was broken -down. From then on we can hardly speak of a common development of -the parish in different countries. We cannot make it our objective here -to study the reasons which brought about the “loss of the masses” in -France, or the motives which made the German parish so susceptible to -the “liturgical movement,” or the final juridical organization that Pius X -(the first pastor in a long time to become pope) brought about in 1917. -Our objective is to understand historically only those elements common -to the American parish—and not those minor elements, as important -as they might be, which shaped the characteristic face of this or that -national parish. After all, we are in search of the common denominator— -if there is one—of most criticism voiced by Catholics against the Church -in this country. - -## The Protective Parish - -The American parish—if we can speak about such a thing—was always -established as a center around which a minority rallied: people who used -the parish to defend what they had. The Church always had reasons to -be concerned for the protection, not only of the faith of her children, -but also of their old Christian customs with their strong symbolic power -to evoke occasions for the profession of faith. The Church always had -been made into a bulwark of tradition and continuity. At the moment -of the big migration of Catholics to this country, the Church had reason -to be overoncerned. Poor migrants who left their country to find a -living came into a highly competitive society, heavily influenced by the -Calvinistic faith that the good succeed, and in the joy of its newound -independence, somewhat set against the newcomers. They brought their -priests with them, pastors of a migrating flock, rather than missioners -to a civilization in need. They were more concerned to conserve the -faith of their people than to convert a new nation. Heavy stress was laid -on meetings among “our own,” associations which would foster marriages among Catholics, and education which would equip the child to -remain a Catholic. The Church became a tremendous bulwark for the -Catholic. Never before had the Church had to perform this task, or at -least never before had it succeeded. Small numbers of missioners had -converted whole countries. Some Catholic minorities had withstood the -Reformation—and tiny little groups of Catholics had been able, along -with the language of their homeland, to conserve the faith in the interior of the Balkans and the Middle East. But never before had a group -of immigrants changed their national allegiance and remained faithful -to the Church. And they did it through their schools and parochial societies: which willyilly constituted another chance for Catholics to feel -themselves a minority in an alien culture. Repeated insistence that you -can be a good American and at the same time a good Catholic only contributed toward this feeling. - -## The Budding Parish - -Catholics may belong to a minority, but the Church cannot be a minority. -She is always the leaven: a minority lives in an enclave—the leaven penetrates. To separate the leaven from the flour means uselessness for both. -If Catholics ever lose their concern for those who do not have God, they -lose also their charity. Many a contemporary parish has contributed -towards this separation by preserving an atmosphere which was once -necessary but is no longer so. -In the sheltered atmosphere of a Church which continues the traditions of a geographically isolated Catholic community within a -nonatholic society, the parish has developed into a most efficient center -for the administration of the sacraments and the imparting of religious -instructions. In fact, never has there been a period in Church history -that saw such a high percentage of baptized Catholics so well instructed -and living such an intense sacramental life. Without a knowledge of the -historical background of today’s parish it would be impossible to account -for the one surprising shortcoming of this Church in America: the lack of -influence of Catholics among nonatholics, or, to say it in other words, -their lack of missionary spirit. Only by realizing that this lack is a characteristic left over from a struggle for survival do we understand that it -is not a direct refusal of responsibility—but rather a sign of immaturity. -A century ago, a newly arrived immigrant was often socially confined to his own national group—without denying his background, he -could not associate with “the old American.” That was the time when the -Church had to protect him from contact with nonatholics in fear that -through his “otherness” he might lose his faith; and the immigrant in -turn could not feel responsible for neighbors he did not know. Today it -is rare for a Catholic not to be accepted because of his background. Many -Protestants have become his neighbors, associates and friends. It is often -under the influence of a long past competition that today the Catholic -fails to meet the new missionary challenge. - -It is as if God had allowed a strong seed to mature in the earth during -the winter and now the time has come for it to bud: wellrained Catholics -all over this country are willing to risk responsibility for those outside -and are waiting for specific preparation in their parish. The word “parishioner” should not refer only to the Catholic. The parish must become -and is becoming in the consciousness of the Catholic the spiritual home -of all who live within its boundaries—even if many do not know where -their home is. This is happening all over. The Legion of Mary is growing; -these are laymen who consecrate two evenings a week to the conversion -of their neighbor. The Christian Family Movement, Cana Conferences, -the changing of oldype Church societies, and the lifeong struggle of -many a priest prepare the spirit into which converts, the fruit of various campaigns, can be welcomed. Even the Catholic outsider like Jose -is meeting with a reception on which former Catholic newcomers could -never count. - -Years ago the challenge of a new mass migration of Catholics would -have been met with the establishment of national parishes. The average -American parish had not yet started to be either American or missionary. -Today, very slowly, the way is opening for a newcomer to be a Catholic -in his own way without having to insist on it, without having to “protect” -his human background in order to save his faith. -Special Mass with Spanish Sermon? - -That Sunday when I met Jose and his friends at eleven o’clock on the -Church steps I could not help asking: should we have a special Mass -for him with a Spanish sermon? Might not such a Mass develop into -a Jim Crow meeting? Should we introduce Spanish devotions? Special -Spanish social groups? Should we allow his sister’s friends to wear their -white veils or should we prudently introduce the traditional sign of the -Children of Mary into our established congregation? Or should we hope -that a national church be established for him in our neighborhood with -the danger that his children will reject their faith with their inevitable -rejection of Spanish culture? - -## Understanding and the Future - -These questions about Jose, and many more about others who do not -find in our parishes what they seek, must be answered with some background of history and theology, and with a prudence which judges the -unique living situation. These questions must be asked courageously -and answered always anew. Criticism of the parish will thus become an -examination of conscience for everybody who engages in it: layman, -priest and outsider alike. And if it is not criticism of the clergy or the laity, -but of the institution itself, it will mostly revolve around the idea that the -protective parish is a thing of the past almost everywhere in this country. -During the winter it was good that the seed remained hidden in the -earth, but in spring, if it does not bud it rots. +../../../../../contents/article/1955-the_american_parish/en.txt
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york/index.bib b/data/pages/en/article/1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york/index.bib new file mode 120000 index 0000000..30513c1 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york/index.bib @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york/en.bib
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york/index.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york/index.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..28c0f04 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york/index.txt @@ -0,0 +1,24 @@ +# Puerto Ricans in New York + +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Puerto Ricans in New York_ +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1956 +* **#@LANG_versions@#:** + * "Celebration of Awareness", 1970 +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** + +``` +@ARTICLE{Illich-1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Puerto Ricans in New York}, + year = {1956}, + date = {1956}, + origdate = {1956}, + language = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york:index} +} +``` +~~NOTOC~~ +{{tag>pending}} diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york/notes.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york/notes.txt new file mode 120000 index 0000000..db74570 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york/notes.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york/en.notes
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york/text.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york/text.txt new file mode 120000 index 0000000..36168de --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york/text.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1956-puerto_ricans_in_new_york/en.txt
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1956-rehearsal_for_death/index.bib b/data/pages/en/article/1956-rehearsal_for_death/index.bib new file mode 120000 index 0000000..5406840 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1956-rehearsal_for_death/index.bib @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1956-rehearsal_for_death/en.bib
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1956-rehearsal_for_death/index.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1956-rehearsal_for_death/index.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..9bb2d2f --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1956-rehearsal_for_death/index.txt @@ -0,0 +1,25 @@ +# Rehearsal for Death + +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Rehearsal for Death_ +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1956 +* **#@LANG_versions@#:** + * Peter Canon, “Rehearsal for Death,” Integrity, March 1956, 4–10. + * "The Powerless Church and Other Selected Writings, 1955–1985", Penn State University Press, 2019 +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** + +``` +@ARTICLE{Illich-1956-rehearsal_for_death-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Rehearsal for Death}, + year = {1956}, + date = {1956}, + origdate = {1956}, + language = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1956-rehearsal_for_death:index} +} +``` +~~NOTOC~~ +{{tag>pending}} diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1956-rehearsal_for_death/notes.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1956-rehearsal_for_death/notes.txt new file mode 120000 index 0000000..cf057b4 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1956-rehearsal_for_death/notes.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1956-rehearsal_for_death/en.notes
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1956-rehearsal_for_death/text.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1956-rehearsal_for_death/text.txt new file mode 120000 index 0000000..fc0ae87 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1956-rehearsal_for_death/text.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1956-rehearsal_for_death/en.txt
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1958-missionary_poverty/index.bib b/data/pages/en/article/1958-missionary_poverty/index.bib new file mode 120000 index 0000000..bb87c1b --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1958-missionary_poverty/index.bib @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1958-missionary_poverty/en.bib
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1958-missionary_poverty/index.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1958-missionary_poverty/index.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..a66a275 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1958-missionary_poverty/index.txt @@ -0,0 +1,25 @@ +# Missionary Poverty: basic policies for courses of missionary formation + +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Missionary Poverty: basic policies for courses of missionary formation_ +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1958 +* **#@LANG_versions@#:** + * "Missionary Poverty: basic policies for courses of missionary formation", Horizontes, 2 (3) oct. 1958: 58-65. +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** +* There is anotes article with a similar title, from 1961, that is based on this text from 1958. The title [[..:1961-missionary_poverty:index|"Missionary Poverty" and also was published as "Spiritual Poverty and the Missionary Character"]]. + +``` +@ARTICLE{Illich-1958-missionary_poverty-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Missionary Poverty: basic policies for courses of missionary formation}, + year = {1958}, + date = {1958}, + origdate = {1958}, + language = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1958-missionary_poverty:index} +} +``` +~~NOTOC~~ +{{tag>pending}} diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1958-missionary_poverty/notes.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1958-missionary_poverty/notes.txt new file mode 120000 index 0000000..03e2632 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1958-missionary_poverty/notes.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1958-missionary_poverty/en.notes
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1958-missionary_poverty/text.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1958-missionary_poverty/text.txt new file mode 120000 index 0000000..b565d85 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1958-missionary_poverty/text.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1958-missionary_poverty/en.txt
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1958-the_end_of_human_life/index.bib b/data/pages/en/article/1958-the_end_of_human_life/index.bib new file mode 120000 index 0000000..7b586ae --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1958-the_end_of_human_life/index.bib @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1958-the_end_of_human_life/en.bib
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1958-the_end_of_human_life/index.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1958-the_end_of_human_life/index.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6c942ba --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1958-the_end_of_human_life/index.txt @@ -0,0 +1,25 @@ +# The End of Human Life + +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _The End of Human Life_ +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1958 +* **#@LANG_versions@#:** + * "The End of Human Life", Horizontes 1, no. 2 (1958): 54–68 + * "The Powerless Church and Other Selected Writings, 1955–1985", Penn State University Press, 2019 +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** + +``` +@ARTICLE{Illich-1958-the_end_of_human_life-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {The End of Human Life}, + year = {1958}, + date = {1958}, + origdate = {1958}, + language = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1958-the_end_of_human_life:index} +} +``` +~~NOTOC~~ +{{tag>pending}} diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1958-the_end_of_human_life/notes.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1958-the_end_of_human_life/notes.txt new file mode 120000 index 0000000..e5c3812 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1958-the_end_of_human_life/notes.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1958-the_end_of_human_life/en.notes
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1958-the_end_of_human_life/text.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1958-the_end_of_human_life/text.txt new file mode 120000 index 0000000..9ed4755 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1958-the_end_of_human_life/text.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1958-the_end_of_human_life/en.txt
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1958-the_pastoral_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants_in_new_york/index.bib b/data/pages/en/article/1958-the_pastoral_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants_in_new_york/index.bib new file mode 120000 index 0000000..ba1dc57 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1958-the_pastoral_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants_in_new_york/index.bib @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1958-the_pastoral_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants_in_new_york/en.bib
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1958-the_pastoral_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants_in_new_york/index.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1958-the_pastoral_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants_in_new_york/index.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..004e924 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1958-the_pastoral_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants_in_new_york/index.txt @@ -0,0 +1,25 @@ +# The Pastoral Care of Puerto Rican Migrants in New York + +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _The Pastoral Care of Puerto Rican Migrants in New York_ +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1958 +* **#@LANG_versions@#:** + * Social Compass, vol. 5, nn. 5-6, marzo 1958, pp. 256-260. + * Opere complete. Scritti 1951-1971. 2019 +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** + +``` +@ARTICLE{Illich-1958-the_pastoral_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants_in_new_york-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {The Pastoral Care of Puerto Rican Migrants in New York}, + year = {1958}, + date = {1958}, + origdate = {1958}, + language = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1958-the_pastoral_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants_in_new_york:index} +} +``` +~~NOTOC~~ +{{tag>pending}} diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1958-the_pastoral_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants_in_new_york/notes.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1958-the_pastoral_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants_in_new_york/notes.txt new file mode 120000 index 0000000..4c7c7bc --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1958-the_pastoral_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants_in_new_york/notes.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1958-the_pastoral_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants_in_new_york/en.notes
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1958-the_pastoral_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants_in_new_york/text.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1958-the_pastoral_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants_in_new_york/text.txt new file mode 120000 index 0000000..149bf4f --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1958-the_pastoral_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants_in_new_york/text.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1958-the_pastoral_care_of_puerto_rican_migrants_in_new_york/en.txt
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/index.bib b/data/pages/en/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/index.bib new file mode 120000 index 0000000..6414ce9 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/index.bib @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/en.bib
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/index.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/index.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6a46bb7 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/index.txt @@ -0,0 +1,25 @@ +# Graduation Speech at the Colegio de Agricultura y Artes Mecénucas + +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Discurso de Graduación en el Colegio de Agricultura y Artes Mecénucas_ +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_es@# +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1959 +* **#@LANG_versions@#:** + * HORIZONTES; Revista de la Universidad soy ra de Puerto Rico, Ponce, 3(5):58-64, + * CIDOC Sondeos 77, Ensayos sobre la trascendencia +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** + +``` +@ARTICLE{Illich-1959-discurso_de_graduacion-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Graduation Speech at the Colegio de Agricultura y Artes Mecénucas}, + year = {1959}, + date = {1959}, + origdate = {1959}, + language = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion:index} +} +``` +~~NOTOC~~ +{{tag>pending}} diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/notes.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/notes.txt new file mode 120000 index 0000000..dd0f2e8 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/notes.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/en.notes
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/text.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/text.txt new file mode 120000 index 0000000..851c500 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/text.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/en.txt
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1960-missionary_silence/index.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1960-missionary_silence/index.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..3a4fafc --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1960-missionary_silence/index.txt @@ -0,0 +1,14 @@ +# Missionary Silence + +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Missionary Silence_ +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1960 +* **#@LANG_versions@#:** + * Ivan Illich, “Missionary Silence”, typescript, 1960, + * In: "The Church, Change, and Development", ed. Fred Eychaner, Chicago: Urban Training Center Press, 1970, 120–25. + * "The Powerless Church and Other Selected Writings, 1955–1985", Penn State University Press, 2019 +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** + +~~NOTOC~~ +{{tag>missing}} diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1961-missionary_poverty/index.bib b/data/pages/en/article/1961-missionary_poverty/index.bib new file mode 120000 index 0000000..e81c5a4 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1961-missionary_poverty/index.bib @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1961-missionary_poverty/en.bib
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1961-missionary_poverty/index.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1961-missionary_poverty/index.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..a5ae51e --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1961-missionary_poverty/index.txt @@ -0,0 +1,27 @@ +# Missionary Poverty + +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Missionary Poverty_ +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1961 +* **#@LANG_versions@#:** + * "Missionary Poverty", The Catholic Messenger, October 19, 1961, 5–6. + * "The Church, Change, and Development", ed. Fred Eychaner, Chicago: Urban Training Center Press, 1970 + * "Spiritual Poverty and the Missionary Character" in the "The Powerless Church and Other Selected Writings, 1955–1985", Penn State University Press, 2019 +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** +* Based on the previous text from 1958, entitled [[..:1958-missionary_poverty:index|"Missionary Poverty: basic policies for courses of missionary formation"]]. + +``` +@ARTICLE{Illich-1961-missionary_poverty-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Missionary Poverty}, + year = {1961}, + date = {1961}, + origdate = {1961}, + language = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1961-missionary_poverty:index} +} +``` +~~NOTOC~~ +{{tag>available}} diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1961-missionary_poverty/notes.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1961-missionary_poverty/notes.txt new file mode 120000 index 0000000..845e66d --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1961-missionary_poverty/notes.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1961-missionary_poverty/en.notes
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1961-missionary_poverty/text.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1961-missionary_poverty/text.txt new file mode 120000 index 0000000..59d718a --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1961-missionary_poverty/text.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1961-missionary_poverty/en.txt
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks/index.bib b/data/pages/en/article/1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks/index.bib new file mode 120000 index 0000000..0800690 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks/index.bib @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks/en.bib
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks/index.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks/index.txt index 6bc74df..aed730d 100644 --- a/data/pages/en/article/1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks/index.txt +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks/index.txt @@ -2,9 +2,23 @@ * **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] * **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _The Redistribution of Educational Tasks between Schools and Other Organs of Society_ +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# * **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1968 * **#@LANG_comments@#:** - * Included in: CIDOC Cuaderno 10 - CIDOC Informa, “Junio-Diciembre”, Centro intercultural de Documentación, Cuaderno No. 10, Volumen 5, Cuernavaca, 1968. - * This paper was delivered at the Conference on educational planging co-sponsored by the University of Puerto Rico and the Puerto Rico Planning Board in San Juan, July 1967. +* Included in: CIDOC Cuaderno 10 - CIDOC Informa, “Junio-Diciembre”, Centro intercultural de Documentación, Cuaderno No. 10, Volumen 5, Cuernavaca, 1968. +* This paper was delivered at the Conference on educational planging co-sponsored by the University of Puerto Rico and the Puerto Rico Planning Board in San Juan, July 1967. +``` +@ARTICLE{Illich-1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {The Redistribution of Educational Tasks between Schools and Other Organs of Society}, + year = {1968}, + date = {1968}, + origdate = {1968}, + language = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks:index} +} +``` ~~NOTOC~~ +{{tag>available}} diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks/notes.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks/notes.txt new file mode 120000 index 0000000..023f4a2 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks/notes.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks/en.notes
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks/text.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks/text.txt index 4733fd6..dc4dda0 100644..120000 --- a/data/pages/en/article/1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks/text.txt +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks/text.txt @@ -1,85 +1 @@ -# The redistribution of educational tasks between schools and other organs of society - -The purpose of this paper is not to stimulate discussion on internal change within school systems. I would l1ke to raise a different question: can the purpose of a school system established by any given society be continually and effectively renewed? If so, what are the necessary cond1t1ons for constant renewal? - -Only a limited portion of the total educational process in any given nation is organized under formal bureaucratic control. The remainder is usually left to institutions over which the planner and programmer have little influence. If we look only at that part of the educational process under formal control, we discover that only a part of it is actually performed by institutions which society considers "schools." The rest is left to programs which are not thought of as formal "schooling." This would include everything from in-service training to driver's education or sex education. - -At this moment we are beginning to analyze society's ability to reapportion education and to influence the growth and orientation of "non-school" education. In this discussion I would like to set aside the concrete mechanics of renewal in the schooling process in order to examine the conditions necessary for a constant renewal of the school's goals. - -First, I will identify the school system which I have observed, and with which I am the most familiar. Then I will list a series of conditions which I consider necessary in order for any school system to continually renew itself and by renewal I mean: allowing new levels of humanism in teaching to be reached, revising educational technology, and eventually abandoning previous tasks to "non-schools" so that the "schools" can assume new tasks. - - -## Catholic schools in Latin America - -During the last few years I have spent a great deal of time analyzing the effect of private schools on the over-all educational process in each of the Latin American nations. And in Latin America "private school" means Catholic school. The latter have a double, stated purpose: they were established to inculcate an ideology which is often taken to be the Catholic Faith, and to offer educational services (i.e. alternate schooling, usually custodial child-care) for those whose parents or sponsors are of the moneyed classes. - -The impact of the private school on the over-all scholastic picture in a developing nation can be viewed from several angles. - -1) Private education in Latin America can be understood as an economic contribution to development. Tuition to these schools can be viewed as a self-imposed additional tax by a minority group which frees regular tax funds by relieving the government of the cost of educating from five to 20 per cent of the school age population and this five to 20 percent is by no means chosen at random. Private schooling provides instruction for children whose parents or sponsors would otherwise have the power to demand above average outlays of government funds for the education of their children. It is also interesting to note that these private schools for the already-privileged in Latin America attract voluntary foreign aid in money and manpower which, since 1960, amounts to more than 20 million dollars per year. - -2) The effect of private education on development can also be viewed from a socio-political angle. The private school system is a broad, systematic device which allows the privileged sector to grow at a rate far beyond its natural growth-rate. At the same time, the private school system allows the privileged sector to acquire a new, flexible internal cohesiveness while still maintaining its very obvious aloofness. - -a. Private schools give a modern rationale both to the existence of a new elite, its identification with the old elite and the exclusion of those rejected by both. Superior, separate and ideologically differentiated private schooling in Latin America is thus important for the rich, and those favored by the rich. Private schools often act as social elevators for a special type of individual from the lower classes. It would be most interesting to determine who these people are, since the achievement-oriented character of their parents might prove to be the most important factor in deciding who will receive scholarships to private schools. - -b. It might turn out that in the long run private schools in Latin America are more important as sieves which allow a certain character type from the lower socio-economic groups to join the elite, than as opportunity for the especially imaginative or intelligent student. - - -## The planning of private Schools - -Private schools could be understood as a challenge to public education. They might provide means to develop and test new educational models, an important factor in educational planning and policy-making. This is a point which has been frequently neglected in the past. Educational planning bodies concerned with facilities and, more importantly with policies in Latin America have yet to propose effective and racional penalties and incentives to include private school initiatives in efforts to achieve overall educational goals. To date effective planning of private schools in Latin America has been politically tabu. - -At present traditional (Church) and new (private enterprise) ideologies keep private schools beyond the reach of the educational planners. Yet we can forecast a strong trend in the opposite direction: namely, that specialized instruction will be industrialized, and that public agencies will both license and contract the services of institutions dedicated to such instruction. - - -## The disestablishment of a school System - -Finally, we can consider the Catholic school system in Latin America as a model for the study of the dynamics of other school systems. We have pursued this line of research in Cuernavaca for the past six years. We have been privileged to act as self-appointed observers and promoters of the only case known to us of the disestablishment of an entire school system. Some of our observations might be relevant for other school systems and their eventual, partial disestablishment. - -Church schools are by no means a negligible factor in Latin America. The Church spends from 60 to 80 per cent of her total budget in any country (except Cuba) for the building and maintenance of schools. From five to 20 per cent of the school-age population in any Latin American nation is studying in Catholic-controlled schools. The total enrollment in Latin American Catholic schools is greater than the total public school enrollment in all but three of the Latin American countries. Yet if present trends continue this percentage will have shrunk to almost nothing by 1980. - -These trends are caused by factors beyond the control of Church administrators and constituencies: ever-rising costs, manpower crises, socio—political variables. And just as important in this trend toward the dis-establishment of the Church from schooling is the conviction of a number of key church-men that Catholic schools constitute the major obstacle to the socio-educational relevance of the Church on this continent. - -This surprising process (which I foresee) is of paradigmatic value of an often neglected relationship; namely, the relationship between education al intent and the choice of schools for the implementation of that intent. Since the Conquest the primary social function of the Latin American Church has been education. But now the Church finds herself entangled in her own school system and is trying to remove herself from school administration altogether. This trend will become surprisingly obvious by 1970. But if recognized now, policies can be created which will allow teachers to eventually accept the rethinking of education, the radical re-apportionment of educational functions or the charismatic renewal an already functioning educational system. - - -## Major points - -1) Mechanism can be built into school systems which accelerate their innovative capacity, but pressure for the renewal of a school system will usually come from outside that system. The preceding statement is a corollary of the knowledge that good schools are "teacher proof." That is, we have evidence that teachers advocate more reform of their milieu than almost any other professional group, yet they are the least effective when it comes to actually effecting that reform. This is due to the fact that the teacher's main task is to formulate questions never asked, or even accepted, outside of the classroom. At the same time, he must preside over an academic life which is accepted outside the school only if it carries the academic "label." Indeed, the better a school can function despite its "subversive" teachers who formulate questions not acceptable to non-academic society, the better teachers that school can afford to hire. The exercise of academic freedom can never be the source of the systematic improvement of the system itself. Indeed, the teacher's very job greatly dilutes his ability to change the educational system from within. His ideas will be generally ignored when he voices them beyond the walls of academia. - -2) The school planner is the last person who can make fundamental innovations in the system. His employer has already told him exactly what special educational task the school must perform, and the school planner simply arranges the allocation of resources to accomplish that task. As soon as the school planner raises the question of a totally different apportionment of the task itself he moves out of his limited area of money allocation, and into the broadest type of social planning. - -3) The definition of the school planner's task is ultimately based on -a clear separation of: a) the school system, and b) overall educational planning. - -The planner of the overall educational process, as opposed to the school planner, must decide which specific social tasks should be pe{formed by formal schooling, as differentiated from educational tasks which must be left to the responsibility of others—from mothers in a community to driving instructors. Only if this decision is made outside of the_school system, will the latter avoid becoming a "state within a state" (like the Medieval Church), or a political football. If the school planner would attempt to formulate overall educational policies, he would reduce all education and instruction demanded by clients, economic planners or politicians to a form of formal schooling. On the other hand, if the overall educational planner cannot treat the school system as a service agency to which specific tasks may be assigned, he will never be able to demand effectiveness and efficiency from that system. - -4) The demand for renewal will either take the form of a request to -serve new clients, or will be a reaction to a model tried and proved -successful elsewhere. The clients of a school system may demand that their system produce new results in a new manner which has proved successful elsewhere. '"Schools should produce..." "Schools should serve..." --it is doubtful that such demands will be effective, since good school systems are not only "teacher proof," but they are also vaccinated by constant disillusionment against utopian ideas coming from outside the system itself. Therefore, effective demands for renewal will usually take the form of a request that the system incorporate competitors. "If the teachers there can do it, why can't our teachers do it? If another system can produce these results, why can't ours?" - -5) A model is usually the agent utilized to effect change in a system. Politics aimed at polarizing power for change in educational systems consistently utilize models to create issues. An effective educational model or experiment must have four facets. The model must prove the following: - -a. That something new is now possible, that the present behavior of another can determine our own future. I would expand a bit on Jerome Bruner and say: '"Personal creativity produces an effective surprise concerning a present possibility." ("They did it!") - -b. Something previously untried has proved itself effective, that it has produced education outside of the current school system. An effective educational result has, for the first time, been defined as a scholastic need. This need is a possible result of systematic teaching, and should now be adopted here. ("Our school should do it.") - -c. The experiment raises a question. Can the educational system effectively allow the model to be reproduced? Must the reproduction of the model remain outside of the system? ("Should we do it? Is our system that 'teacher-proof:? Let 'them' organize it. It's none of our business.") - -d. Is the present system willing to pay the price of.adapting to the new process? Can the present system insure the continuation of the model through its institutionalization? ("Maybe we had better let them continue to try it.") - -6) The last characteristic (d) puts the educational experiment into a class by itself. A school system cannot produce teachers, contrary to popular opinion. It can only create more or less ideal situations for teaching. In the strict sense, educational invention is personal and inimitable. Ideally, the individual teacher is a creator with a personal style which cannot be imitated by another. Individual teaching is the "celebration" of an intimate experience which has no precedent: The charismatic and prophetic quality of a new style of teaching distinguishes it from invention of educational technology. - -Since most teachers are uninventive, dull, or worse, the school system tends to make the teacher a part of the program itself in order to guarantee that his presence in the system be worthwhile. He must "follow the teaching program” laid down by his superiors. This kind of thinking should be avoided. New teaching should not be a model for a process which will eventually be institutionalized. On the contrary, it is concrete proof of a possibility which might lead to the adoption and development of a methodological model within a school system.” - -## Summary - -This Principle could very well be restated in a paradox: Nobody should be paid for the privilege of teaching. But effective and efficient instructors should be so well paid that they can have the privilege of becoming true teachers. - -The effectiveness of planned change in a school system depends largely on the rational selection of scholastic goals within the overall educational process, formal and informal, which a society has defined for itself. - -The Latin American public school systems are irrational, comprehensive, ecclectic combinations of educational goals which have sedimented over a period of 150 years and are glued together by an intensely formalized ideology. The levels and branches of these systems, even if they are somewhat updated, are still historical relics which have ceased to be self-contained sub-systems or "careers." Now education is measured by the number of years one has "passed" on successive levels of the "educational supermarket." The student moves from the First Grade "supermarket" to the Second Grade "supermarket," and eventually may move through 15 or 20 different "supermarkets" and receive a university degree. This system will probably have to be replaced by measurement through statistically described sets of typical educational processes resulting from parallel educational services. In each of these processes almost any individual may obtain a qualitatively, narrowly defined "schooling" at almost any moment in his life. - -I propose that for the intent of the present discussion, the suggestions made here be seen against the background of history; in fact I believe that only through the study of history we will be able to gain the sufficient freedom of imagination to envisage radically new re-distribution of educational tasks between formal schooling and other forms of education or celebration. - -For this purpose, I suggest that we analyze the history of religious institutions throughout the centuries. They are the only major formally -educational bodies who, in the past, had to grapple with the issues now faced by major school systems. +../../../../../contents/article/1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks/en.txt
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\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1972-gradual_change_or_violent_revolution_in_latin_america/index.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1972-gradual_change_or_violent_revolution_in_latin_america/index.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..9c9acfc --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1972-gradual_change_or_violent_revolution_in_latin_america/index.txt @@ -0,0 +1,24 @@ +# Gradual Change or Violent Revolution in Latin America? + +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Gradual Change or Violent Revolution in Latin America?_ +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1972 +* **#@LANG_versions@#:** + * "Latin America: The dynamics of social change", Stefan A. Halper & John R. Sterling (editors). St Martin Press, New York. 1972 +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** + +``` +@ARTICLE{Illich-1972-gradual_change_or_violent_revolution_in_latin_america-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Gradual Change or Violent Revolution in Latin America?}, + year = {1972}, + date = {1972}, + origdate = {1972}, + language = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1972-gradual_change_or_violent_revolution_in_latin_america:index} +} +``` +~~NOTOC~~ +{{tag>pending}} diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1972-gradual_change_or_violent_revolution_in_latin_america/notes.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1972-gradual_change_or_violent_revolution_in_latin_america/notes.txt new file mode 120000 index 0000000..e6512b4 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1972-gradual_change_or_violent_revolution_in_latin_america/notes.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1972-gradual_change_or_violent_revolution_in_latin_america/en.notes
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\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/compare.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/compare.txt deleted file mode 100644 index a34054a..0000000 --- a/data/pages/en/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/compare.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,24 +0,0 @@ -| **El mensaje de la choza de Gandhi** | **The Message of Bapu’s Hut** | -| Esta mañana, al estar en la choza donde vivió Mahatma Gandhi, traté de absorber el espíritu que presidió su concepción y empaparme de su mensaje. Hay dos cosas de este lugar que me impresionaron profundamente. Una es de orden espiritual y otra la que se refiere a sus enseres[^nota1]. Trataba de comprender el punto de vista de Gandhi cuando hizo la choza. Me gustaron muchísimo su sencillez, belleza y orden. La choza proclama el mensaje de amor e igualdad entre todos los seres. Como la casa en la que vivo en México se asemeja en muchas formas a esta choza, pude comprender su espíritu. Encontré que la choza tiene siete tipos de lugares. Al entrar hay uno en el que se colocan los zapatos y se prepara uno, física y mentalmente, para entrar en ella. Luego viene el cuarto central que es lo suficientemente amplio para alojar a una familia numerosa. Hoy, a las 4 de la mañana, mientras rezaba, había cuatro personas sentadas a mi lado, recargadas en una pared y, del otro lado, había suficiente espacio para otras cinco sentadas muy juntas. Éste es el cuarto al que todos pueden acudir para reunirse con los demás. El tercer espacio es donde Gandhi estaba y trabajaba. Hay otros dos cuartos, uno para visitas y el otro para enfermos. Hay una veranda abierta y también un espacioso baño. Todos estos espacios tienen entre ellos una relación intensamente orgánica. | This morning, while I was sitting in this hut where Mahatma Gandhi lived, I was trying to absorb the spirit of its concept and imbibe in me its message. There are two things about the hut which have impressed me greatly. One is its spiritual aspect and the other is the aspect of its amenities. I was trying to understand Gandhi’s point of view in regard to making the hut. I very much liked its simplicity, beauty and neatness. The hut proclaims the principle of love and equality with everybody. Since the house which has been provided for me in Mexico is in many ways like this hut, I could understand its spirit. Here I found that the hut has seven kinds of place. As you enter, there is a place where you put down your shoes and prepare yourself physically and mentally to go into the hut. Then comes the central room which is big enough to accommodate a large family. Today, at four in the morning, when I was sitting there for prayer, four people sat along with me, by supporting themselves on one wall, and on the other side there was also enough room for as many people again, if they sat close together. This room is where everybody can go and join others. The third space is where Gandhi himself sat and worked. There are two more rooms — one for the guests and the other for the sick. There is an open verandah and also a commodious bathroom. All of these places have a very organic relationship. | -| Siento que, si viniera gente rica a la choza, se burlaría de ella. Cuando veo las cosas desde el punto de vista de un indio común, no veo por qué una casa debería ser más grande que ésta. Está hecha de madera y de adobe. En su construcción no fue la máquina la que trabajó, sino las manos del hombre. La llamo “choza”, pero en realidad es un hogar. Hay una diferencia entre casa y hogar. La casa es donde un hombre guarda equipajes y mobiliarios. Se concibe para la seguridad y la conveniencia de los muebles más que para las del hombre mismo. En Delhi la casa donde me alojé tiene lo que se llama comodidad. El edificio está construido desde el punto de vista de lo que se requiere para alojar esos objetos cómodos. Está hecho de cemento y ladrillo y es como una caja en donde caben bien muebles y otros mobiliarios. | I feel that if rich people come to this hut, they might be making fun of it. But from the point of view of a simple Indian, I do not see why there should be a house bigger than this. This house is made of wood and mud. In its making, it is not the machine, but the hands of man which have worked. I call it a hut, but it is really a home. There is a difference between a house and a home. A house is where man keeps his luggage and furniture. It is meant more for the security and convenience of the furniture than of the man himself. In Delhi, where I had been put up, is a house where there are many conveniences. The building is constructed from the point of view of these conveniences. It is made of cement and bricks and is like a box where the furniture and other conveniences can fit in well. | -| Debemos entender que todos lo muebles y demás artículos que colectamos a lo largo de nuestras vidas nunca nos darán una fortaleza interior. Son, por decirlo así, como muletas. Mientras más objetos cómodos tengamos, mayor será nuestra dependencia de ellos y más restringida será nuestra vida. Por el contrario, el tipo de mobiliario que encontré en la choza de Gandhi es de un orden distinto y hay pocas razones para depender de ellos. Una casa instalada con todo tipo de objetos muestra que nuestro vigor nos abandona. En la medida en que perdemos la capacidad de vivir, dependemos más de los bienes que adquirimos. De la misma forma dependemos de los hospitales para conservar nuestra salud y de las escuelas para la educación de nuestros hijos. Desafortunadamente, tanto los hospitales como las escuelas no son un índice para medir el grado de salud ni la inteligencia de una nación. De hecho, el número de hospitales indica la mala salud de la gente y las escuelas hablan de su ignorancia. En forma similar, la multiplicidad de instalaciones de servicio para vivir reduce al mínimo la expresión de la creatividad de la vida del hombre. | We must understand that all furniture and other articles that we go on collecting in our lives will never give us inner strength. These are, so to say, the crutches of a cripple. The more of such conveniences we have, the more our dependence on them increases and our life gets restricted. On the contrary, the kind of furniture I find in Gandhi’s hut is of a different order, and there is very little cause for being dependent on it. A house fitted with all kinds of conveniences shows that we have become weak. The more we lose the power to live, the greater we depend upon the goods we acquire. It is like our depending upon hospitals for the health of people and upon schools for the education of our children. Unfortunately, both hospitals and schools are not an index of the health or the intelligence of a nation. Actually, the number of hospitals is indicative of the ill health of people and schools of their ignorance. Similarly, the multiplicity of facilities in living minimizes the expression of creativity in human life. | -| La triste paradoja de esta situación es que a los que tienen más comodidades se les considera como superiores. ¿No es inmoral la sociedad en la que la enfermedad tiene un estatuto eminente y donde se tiene en alto aprecio la ignorancia? Al estar en la choza de Gandhi sentí tristeza al ponderar esta perversión. He llegado a la conclusión de que nos equivocamos al pensar que la civilización industrial es el camino que conduce a la plenitud del hombre. Se ha demostrado que para el desarrollo económico no es necesario tener más y mayores herramientas para la producción ni tampoco más ingenieros, médicos y profesores; literalmente están en demasía. | Unfortunately, the paradox of the situation is that those who have more such conveniences are regarded as superior. Is it not an immoral society where illness is accorded high status and ignorance more consideration? While sitting in Gandhi’s hut I was grieved to ponder over this perversity. I have come to the conclusion that it is wrong to think of industrial civilization as a road leading toward the development of man. It has been proved that for our economic development, greater and bigger machines of production and larger and larger numbers of engineers, doctors and professors are literally supernumery. | -| Estoy convencido de que son pobres de mente, cuerpo, estilo de vida los seres que desean un espacio más grande que esta choza en la que Gandhi vivió, y siento lástima por ellos. Se rindieron ellos mismos y su yo animado a una estructura inanimada. En el proceso perdieron la elasticidad de su cuerpo y la vitalidad de su existencia. Tienen escasa relación con la naturaleza y escasa cercanía con sus congéneres. | Those who would want to have a place bigger than this hut where Gandhi lived are poor in mind, body and life style. I pity them. They have surrendered themselves and their animate selves to an inanimate structure. In the process they have lost the elasticity of their body and the vitality of their life. They have little relationship with nature and closeness with their fellowmen. | -| Al preguntar a los planificadores de hoy por qué no comprenden el sencillo enfoque que nos enseñó Gandhi, dicen que su camino es muy difícil y que la gente no sería capaz de seguirlo. Pero la realidad es que, en virtud de que los principios de Gandhi no admiten la presencia de ningún intermediario o de un sistema centralizado, los planificadores, los gerentes y los políticos se sienten excluidos. ¿Cómo es que no se entiende ese principio tan sencillo de la verdad y de la no violencia? ¿Es porque la gente siente que la no verdad y la violencia los llevará al objetivo deseado? No, no es así. El hombre común comprende plenamente que los medios correctos lo llevarán al fin correcto. Únicamente quienes tienen intereses creados rehúsan comprenderlo. Es el caso de los ricos. Cuando digo “ricos” me refiero a todos los que tienen “artículos domésticos” en su comunidad, que no son accesibles a todos. Esos son “ricos” por su estilo de vida, su alimentación, sus desplazamientos; su modo de consumo es tal que están ciegos ante la verdad. Para estos ciegos, la enseñanza de Gandhi es una cuestión difícil de entender y de asimilar. La sencillez no tiene sentido alguno para ellos. Su condición no les permite ver la verdad. Sus vidas han llegado a ser demasiado complicadas para permitirse salir de la trampa en la que cayeron. Afortunadamente, la gran mayoría de la gente no tiene una situación tal de fortuna que los haga inmunes a la verdad de la sencillez, ni viven en tal penuria que carezcan de la capacidad de entender. Incluso cuando algunos ricos ven la verdad se niegan a plegarse a ella. Es porque perdieron el contacto con el espíritu de ese país. | When I ask the planners of the day why they do not understand the simple approach Gandhi taught us, they say that Gandhi’s way is very difficult, and that people will not be able to follow it. But the reality of the situation is that since Gandhi’s principles do not tolerate the presence of any middleman or that of a centralized system, the planners and managers and politicians feel left out. How is it that such a simple principle of truth and non-violence is not being understood? Is it because people feel that untruth and violence will take them to the desired objective? No. This is not so. The common man fully understands that right means will take him to the right end. It is only the people who have some vested interest who refuse to understand it. The rich do not want to understand. By ‘rich’ I mean those who have conveniences of life which are not available to everybody in common. There are the ‘rich’ in living, eating, and getting about; and their modes of consumption are such that they have been blinded to truth. It is to the blind that Gandhi becomes a difficult proposition to understand and assimilate. They are the ones to whom simplicity does not make any sense. Their circumstances unfortunately do not allow them to see the truth. Their lives have become too complicated to enable them to get out of the trap they are in. Fortunately, for the largest number of people, there is neither so much of wealth that they become immune to the truth of simplicity, nor are they in such penury that they lack the capacity to understand. Even if the rich see the truth they refuse to abide by it. It is because they have lost contact with the soul of this country. | -| Sin embargo, es muy claro que la dignidad del hombre sólo es posible en una sociedad autosuficiente y que sufre ataques cuando se orienta hacia una industrialización progresiva. Esta choza encarna el gozo que es posible cuando se está a la par con la sociedad. Aquí la autosuficiencia es la regla del juego. Debemos captar que los productos de consumo y los bienes superfluos que posee un ser humano reducen su capacidad de sacar gozo de su entorno. Gandhi dijo en repetidas ocasiones que la productividad debe mantenerse en los límites de las necesidades. El modo de producción en la actualidad es tal que no tiene límites, y continúa aumentando sin freno. Todo esto ha sido tolerado hasta ahora, pero ha llegado el momento en que el hombre debe comprender que al depender más y más de las máquinas está avanzando hacia su propia destrucción. | It should be very clear that the dignity of man is possible only in a self-sufficient society and that it suffers as one moves toward progressive industrialization. This hut connotes the pleasures that are possible through being at par with society. Here, self-sufficiency is the keynote. We must understand that the unnecessary articles and goods which a man possesses reduce his power to imbibe happiness from the surroundings. Therefore, Gandhi repeatedly said that productivity should be kept within the limits of wants. Today’s mode of production is such that it finds no limit and goes on increasing, uninhibited. All these we have been tolerating so far, but the time has come when man must understand that by depending more and more on machines he is moving toward his own destruction. | -| El mundo civilizado, en China o en México, ha empezado a comprender que, si queremos progresar, debemos actuar de otra manera. Los hombres deben captar que, para su bien personal y de la sociedad, es mejor que la gente conserve para sí sólo lo que es suficiente para sus necesidades inmediatas. Tenemos que encontrar un método en que este pensamiento pueda expresarse cambiando los valores del mundo actual. Este cambio no podrá producirse por los gobiernos o a través de instituciones centralizadas. Tiene que crearse una atmósfera de opinión pública que permita a la gente comprender aquello que constituye la sociedad de base. Hoy, el hombre que tiene un automóvil se considera superior al que tiene una bicicleta, pero cuando vemos esto desde el punto de vista de la norma común, la bicicleta es el vehículo de las masas. Por lo tanto, debe considerarse de primordial importancia que toda la planeación de carreteras y de transporte debiera hacerse con base en la bicicleta, mientras que el automóvil debiera ocupar un lugar secundario. | The civilized world, whether it is China or America, has begun to understand that if we want to progress, this is not the way. Man should realize that for the good of the individual as well as of society, it is best that people keep for themselves only as much as is sufficient for their immediate needs. We have to find a method by which this thinking finds expression in changing the values of today’s world. This change cannot be brought about by the pressure of governments or through centralized institutions. A climate of public opinion has to be created to make people understand that which constitutes the basic society. Today the man with a motor car thinks himself superior to the man with a bicycle, though when we look at it from the point of view of the common norm, it is the bicycle which is the vehicle of the masses. The cycle, therefore, must be given the prime importance and all the planning in roads and transport should be done on the basis of the bicycle, whereas the motor car should get secondary place. | -| No obstante, la situación es exactamente la inversa: todos los planes se hacen para beneficio de los automóviles y relegan a la bicicleta a un segundo plano. En esta forma se ignoran los requerimientos del hombre común en comparación con los de las clases superiores. Esta choza de Gandhi muestra al mundo cómo se puede elevar la dignidad del hombre común. También es un símbolo de la felicidad que nos llega cuando aplicamos los principios de sencillez, disponibilidad y autenticidad. Espero que en la conferencia que tendrán sobre las Técnicas para los pobres del Tercer Mundo ustedes conserven en mente este mensaje. | The situation, however, is the reverse and all plans are made for the benefit of the motor car giving second place to the bicycle. Common man’s requirements are thus disregarded in comparison with those of the higher-ups. This hut of Gandhi’s demonstrates to the world how the dignity of the common man can be brought up. It is also a symbol of the happiness that we can derive from practising the principles of simplicity, service and truthfulness. I hope that in the conference that you are going to hold on Techniques for the Third World Poor, you will try to keep this message before you. | - -<html> -<style> -table { - border: 0 !important; -} - td { - padding: 1em !important; - margin: 0; - vertical-align: top; - border: 0 !important; -} -</style> -</html>
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\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/index.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/index.txt index 2c29a93..fee4690 100644 --- a/data/pages/en/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/index.txt +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/index.txt @@ -2,11 +2,24 @@ * **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] * **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _The Message of Bapu’s Hut_ +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# * **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1978 * **#@LANG_versions@#:** - * [[:es:article:1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut:text|Spanish]] //[[.:compare|(compare)]]// * **#@LANG_comments@#:** - * Inaugural Speech Sevagram Ashram Pratishthan Sevagram, Wardha. January 1978 - * Included in the book "In the Mirror of the Past" (1992) +* Inaugural Speech Sevagram Ashram Pratishthan Sevagram, Wardha. January 1978 +* Included in the book "In the Mirror of the Past" (1992) +``` +@ARTICLE{Illich-1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {The Message of Bapu’s Hut}, + year = {1978}, + date = {1978}, + origdate = {1978}, + language = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut:index} +} +``` ~~NOTOC~~ +{{tag>pending}} diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/notes.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/notes.txt new file mode 120000 index 0000000..77935d7 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/notes.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/en.notes
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/text.md b/data/pages/en/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/text.md deleted file mode 100644 index e7f1aad..0000000 --- a/data/pages/en/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/text.md +++ /dev/null @@ -1,14 +0,0 @@ - ---- -title: "The Message of Bapu’s Hut" -author: "Ivan Illich" -abstract: "https://illich.test/en:article:1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut:text?rev=1633605519" -date: "**1978" -lang: "xt" -titlepage: true -titlepage-color: "FFFFFF" -titlepage-text-color: "000000" -titlepage-rule-color: "CCCCCC" -titlepage-rule-height: 4 ---- - diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/text.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/text.txt index f647ce0..3fd0e49 100644..120000 --- a/data/pages/en/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/text.txt +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/text.txt @@ -1,19 +1 @@ -# The Message of Bapu’s Hut - -This morning, while I was sitting in this hut where Mahatma Gandhi lived, I was trying to absorb the spirit of its concept and imbibe in me its message. There are two things about the hut which have impressed me greatly. One is its spiritual aspect and the other is the aspect of its amenities. I was trying to understand Gandhi’s point of view in regard to making the hut. I very much liked its simplicity, beauty and neatness. The hut proclaims the principle of love and equality with everybody. Since the house which has been provided for me in Mexico is in many ways like this hut, I could understand its spirit. Here I found that the hut has seven kinds of place. As you enter, there is a place where you put down your shoes and prepare yourself physically and mentally to go into the hut. Then comes the central room which is big enough to accommodate a large family. Today, at four in the morning, when I was sitting there for prayer, four people sat along with me, by supporting themselves on one wall, and on the other side there was also enough room for as many people again, if they sat close together. This room is where everybody can go and join others. The third space is where Gandhi himself sat and worked. There are two more rooms — one for the guests and the other for the sick. There is an open verandah and also a commodious bathroom. All of these places have a very organic relationship. - -I feel that if rich people come to this hut, they might be making fun of it. But from the point of view of a simple Indian, I do not see why there should be a house bigger than this. This house is made of wood and mud. In its making, it is not the machine, but the hands of man which have worked. I call it a hut, but it is really a home. There is a difference between a house and a home. A house is where man keeps his luggage and furniture. It is meant more for the security and convenience of the furniture than of the man himself. In Delhi, where I had been put up, is a house where there are many conveniences. The building is constructed from the point of view of these conveniences. It is made of cement and bricks and is like a box where the furniture and other conveniences can fit in well. - -We must understand that all furniture and other articles that we go on collecting in our lives will never give us inner strength. These are, so to say, the crutches of a cripple. The more of such conveniences we have, the more our dependence on them increases and our life gets restricted. On the contrary, the kind of furniture I find in Gandhi’s hut is of a different order, and there is very little cause for being dependent on it. A house fitted with all kinds of conveniences shows that we have become weak. The more we lose the power to live, the greater we depend upon the goods we acquire. It is like our depending upon hospitals for the health of people and upon schools for the education of our children. Unfortunately, both hospitals and schools are not an index of the health or the intelligence of a nation. Actually, the number of hospitals is indicative of the ill health of people and schools of their ignorance. Similarly, the multiplicity of facilities in living minimizes the expression of creativity in human life. - -Unfortunately, the paradox of the situation is that those who have more such conveniences are regarded as superior. Is it not an immoral society where illness is accorded high status and ignorance more consideration? While sitting in Gandhi’s hut I was grieved to ponder over this perversity. I have come to the conclusion that it is wrong to think of industrial civilization as a road leading toward the development of man. It has been proved that for our economic development, greater and bigger machines of production and larger and larger numbers of engineers, doctors and professors are literally supernumery. - -Those who would want to have a place bigger than this hut where Gandhi lived are poor in mind, body and life style. I pity them. They have surrendered themselves and their animate selves to an inanimate structure. In the process they have lost the elasticity of their body and the vitality of their life. They have little relationship with nature and closeness with their fellowmen. - -When I ask the planners of the day why they do not understand the simple approach Gandhi taught us, they say that Gandhi’s way is very difficult, and that people will not be able to follow it. But the reality of the situation is that since Gandhi’s principles do not tolerate the presence of any middleman or that of a centralized system, the planners and managers and politicians feel left out. How is it that such a simple principle of truth and non-violence is not being understood? Is it because people feel that untruth and violence will take them to the desired objective? No. This is not so. The common man fully understands that right means will take him to the right end. It is only the people who have some vested interest who refuse to understand it. The rich do not want to understand. By ‘rich’ I mean those who have conveniences of life which are not available to everybody in common. There are the ‘rich’ in living, eating, and getting about; and their modes of consumption are such that they have been blinded to truth. It is to the blind that Gandhi becomes a difficult proposition to understand and assimilate. They are the ones to whom simplicity does not make any sense. Their circumstances unfortunately do not allow them to see the truth. Their lives have become too complicated to enable them to get out of the trap they are in. Fortunately, for the largest number of people, there is neither so much of wealth that they become immune to the truth of simplicity, nor are they in such penury that they lack the capacity to understand. Even if the rich see the truth they refuse to abide by it. It is because they have lost contact with the soul of this country. - -It should be very clear that the dignity of man is possible only in a self-sufficient society and that it suffers as one moves toward progressive industrialization. This hut connotes the pleasures that are possible through being at par with society. Here, self-sufficiency is the keynote. We must understand that the unnecessary articles and goods which a man possesses reduce his power to imbibe happiness from the surroundings. Therefore, Gandhi repeatedly said that productivity should be kept within the limits of wants. Today’s mode of production is such that it finds no limit and goes on increasing, uninhibited. All these we have been tolerating so far, but the time has come when man must understand that by depending more and more on machines he is moving toward his own destruction. - -The civilized world, whether it is China or America, has begun to understand that if we want to progress, this is not the way. Man should realize that for the good of the individual as well as of society, it is best that people keep for themselves only as much as is sufficient for their immediate needs. We have to find a method by which this thinking finds expression in changing the values of today’s world. This change cannot be brought about by the pressure of governments or through centralized institutions. A climate of public opinion has to be created to make people understand that which constitutes the basic society. Today the man with a motor car thinks himself superior to the man with a bicycle, though when we look at it from the point of view of the common norm, it is the bicycle which is the vehicle of the masses. The cycle, therefore, must be given the prime importance and all the planning in roads and transport should be done on the basis of the bicycle, whereas the motor car should get secondary place. - -The situation, however, is the reverse and all plans are made for the benefit of the motor car giving second place to the bicycle. Common man’s requirements are thus disregarded in comparison with those of the higher-ups. This hut of Gandhi’s demonstrates to the world how the dignity of the common man can be brought up. It is also a symbol of the happiness that we can derive from practising the principles of simplicity, service and truthfulness. I hope that in the conference that you are going to hold on Techniques for the Third World Poor, you will try to keep this message before you. +../../../../../contents/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/en.txt
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\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1986-disvalue/index.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1986-disvalue/index.txt index 9ccb370..19a5ca9 100644 --- a/data/pages/en/article/1986-disvalue/index.txt +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1986-disvalue/index.txt @@ -2,11 +2,25 @@ * **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] * **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Disvalue_ +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# * **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1986 * **#@LANG_versions@#:** * _Beauty And The Junkyard_. 1991. In: "Whole earth review". No. 73, pp. 64 * **#@LANG_comments@#:** - * Lecture to the first public meeting of the Entropy Society Tokyo, Keyo University, 9th November 1986 Enlarged and combined with ‘Disvaluation: The Secret Capital Accumulation’ and ‘Beauty and the Junkyard’ two unpublished manuscripts completed in March 1987 - * Included in the book "In the Mirror of the Past. Lectures and Addresses 1978-1990" (1992) +* Lecture to the first public meeting of the Entropy Society Tokyo, Keyo University, 9th November 1986 Enlarged and combined with ‘Disvaluation: The Secret Capital Accumulation’ and ‘Beauty and the Junkyard’ two unpublished manuscripts completed in March 1987 +* Included in the book "In the Mirror of the Past. Lectures and Addresses 1978-1990" (1992) +``` +@ARTICLE{Illich-1986-disvalue-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Disvalue}, + year = {1986}, + date = {1986}, + origdate = {1986}, + language = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1986-disvalue:index} +} +``` ~~NOTOC~~ +{{tag>available}} diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1986-disvalue/notes.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1986-disvalue/notes.txt new file mode 120000 index 0000000..543c46b --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1986-disvalue/notes.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1986-disvalue/en.notes
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1986-disvalue/text.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1986-disvalue/text.txt index ff40e51..39ac05d 100644..120000 --- a/data/pages/en/article/1986-disvalue/text.txt +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1986-disvalue/text.txt @@ -1,81 +1 @@ -# Disvalue - -## Professor Tamanoy’s Forum - -This first public meeting of the Japanese Entropy Society provides us with an occasion to commemorate Professor Joshiro Tamanoy. Most of us knew him as friends and as pupils. The questions he asked bring together today 600 physicists and biologists, economists and green activists. - -While a Professor of Economics at Tokyo University, he translated Karl Polanyi into Japanese. But in his own teaching and writing he brought a uniquely Japanese flavor to ecological research by relating cultural to physical dimensions. He did so by focusing on the interaction between an epoch’s economic ideology and the corresponding soil-water matrix of social life. He was an active environmental politician and a master teacher. And no one who experienced his friendship will ever forget its delicacy. - -## How to name an evil - -He had few illusions. Courageously he reflected on the causes of modern war, modern ugliness and modern social inequity to the point of facing almost unbearable horror. But no one will forget Tamanoy-sensei’s balance. He never lost his compassion and subtle humor. He introduced me to the world of those who survived with the marks of the Hiroshima bomb, the _hibakusha._ And I think of him as a spiritual _hibakusha._ He lived the ‘examined life’ in the shadow of Hiroshima and Minamata. Under this cloud he forged a terminology to relate historical spaces to physical place. To this purpose he used ‘entropy’ as a _semeion,_ a signal for the impending threat to an exquisitely Japanese perception of locality referred to with terms which seem to have no comparable Western equivalent, like __ _fûdô._ __ And entropy was central to our conversations. In this lecture I want to explore the limits within which the notion of entropy can be usefully applied to social phenomena by comparing it to the notion of waste. I will then propose the notion of ‘disvalue’ in the hope that through it entropy, when used outside of physics and information theory, will be more clearly understood. - -Clausius, a German physicist, first introduced the word. In 1850 he studied the ratio between the heat content and the absolute pressure in a closed system and felt the need for a word to name this function. He was an amateur classicist and picked the Greek word _entropy_ in 1865. Since then it is used for the algorithm that describes a previously unrecognized phenomenon. By choosing _this_ word, Clausius did us a favor. _Entrópeo_ __ in classical Greek means to turn, to twist, to pervert or to humiliate. More than a century after its introduction in physics, the Greek word still seems able to bespeak a previously unknown frustrating twist that perverts our best social energies and moral intentions. - -In a few years the word has become a catchall for a variety of paradoxical twists which have two things in common. They are so new that everyday language has no traditional defined meaning for them and are so maddening that people are happy to avoid mentioning them. To taboo their own implication in non-sustainable consumption of goods and services, people grab at the non-word ‘entropy’ to make social degradation appear as just another instance of a general natural law. - -When people discuss the cultural impoverishment that appears in stupefying schooling, sickening medicine and time-killing acceleration, they are talking about perversions of good intentions, not about instances of energy or information flow. They mean the evil effects of untoward social goals that have none of the innocence of the inexorable determinism we associate with entropy in physics. The degradation of cultural variety through transnational organization of money flow is a result of greed, not a law of nature. The disappearance of subsistence cultures tied to local soils is a historical and dramatic part of the human condition _only_ in recent times. The disappearance of ‘ideologies’ that favor the water-soil matrix is due to human enterprise and endeavor. What late twentieth-century people take for granted is not something which has always been. - -Tamanoy made me understand that it is possible to include soil, water and sun in philosophical anthropology, to speak of a ‘philosophy of soil.’ After my conversations with him I rediscovered Paracelsus, who calls for the same approach. A philosophy of soil starts from the certainty that reason is worthless without a reciprocal shaping of norms and tangible reality; _seeing_ the culturally shaped body cum ‘environment’ as it is in a concrete place and time. And this interaction is formed by esthetic and moral style as much as by the ‘spirits’ which ritual and art evoke from the earthly matrix of a place. The disappearance of corresponding matrices of soil and society is an issue which we cannot examine deeply enough. And for this, comparison between the _wasting_ of cultural variety and the cosmic degradation of energy can be useful, but only under one condition: that we clearly understand the limits within which science can still generate metaphors. As a metaphor, entropy can be an eye opener. As an explanatory analog it cannot but mystify. - -## Entropy as a metaphor versus entropy as a reductive analog - -My last conversation with Dr Tamanoy took place after a long tour of his native island. He took me around Okinawa to meet with his friends, to battlefields, cave-refuges and refineries. From a curve on a mountain road we looked at the Japanese oil reserves and the bay which now lay waste. The shellfish, gardens and village life were gone. Our conversation turned to the danger of extrapolating from a dying tree to global pollution. No doubt, the latter evil is world-wide. But such world-wide despoliation and its tangible evidence ought never to distract us from sadness about this tree, this landscape, this man’s clam bed. Expert talk can easily deaden our speechless anger over _known_ wetlands that have turned into concrete or asphalt. To speak about the destruction of beauty as an instance of entropy is difficult. The metaphor tends to hide the sordid wickedness which we would otherwise deplore, and in which each one who drives or flies is involved. Words made out of technical terms are notoriously unfit for metaphorical use. When technical terms are ferried into an ethical discourse, they almost inevitably extinguish its moral meaning. - -Real _words_ have a nimbus. In contrast, _terms_ are shorn of connotations. A nimbus of connotation surrounds words like a wind chime moved by the voice. Entropy is not such a word, although many try to use it as one. When it is so used, it is delimited in two ways: it both loses the sharp edge it had as a term and it never acquires the overtones of a strong word. In a poem it is a stone and in a political discourse a cudgel. - -The words people use when they want to say something of importance are neither arbitrarily picked from a dead language — like ancient Greek — nor given their meaning only through definition. Each genuine word has its native place; it is rooted like a plant in a meadow. Some words spread like creepers, others are like hardwood. But what they do is under the control of the speaker. Each speaker tries to make his words mean what he wants to say. But there is no clear meaning in entropy when it is not used as the name of a cypher. No one can tell the person who utters this word with his mouth that he uses it wrongly. There is no right way to use a technical term in ordinary conversation. - -When ‘entropy’ is used as part of ordinary speech, it loses the power to name a formula: it fits neither sentence nor system. But it also lacks the kind of connotation that strong words have. The term gives off a halo of evocation that, unlike the meanings of sound words, is vague and arbitrary. When ‘entropy’ appears in a political statement the usage gives the impression of being scientific while in fact it is probably meaningless. If it convinces, it does so not by its own strength but by irrational seduction. It veils a moral perversion from which the speaker would otherwise recoil because it gives the impression that something weighty and scientific is being said. - -What I see, what I cry over, what deeply disturbs me on that degraded island of Okinawa is the result of presumption, aggression and human greed. Entropy powerfully suggests a strict analogy between the realm of human dignity and freedom and cosmic laws. By speaking about aggression, greed and despair within the context of entropy, I excuse crime and carelessness by evoking cosmic necessity. Instead of confessing that I advance an evil through my own lifestyle, I suggest that the elimination of beauty and variety is the unavoidable way of, equally, nature and culture. This is the issue about which Tamanoy spoke out. He defined the ideologically shaped local interaction of man and earth as the center of the cosmos. - -Yet in spite of this ambiguity, entropy remains a valuable word. When used as a suggestive, ever-limping metaphor, rather than as a reductive analogy, it serves to alert some to social degradation, the loss of beauty and variety, growing triviality and squalor. It helps us to recognize random noise; the senseless and meaningless waves that bombard all our inner and outer senses. If I could be sure that its limitations were kept in mind, I would not want to lose it. - -## Disvalue versus entropy - -When taken literally, metaphors produce absurdities. To insist that my child’s brain is a computer expresses nothing more than a trendy paternal vanity. Yet much of a metaphor’s effectiveness comes from the shock evoked in the hearer by an intentional misuse of language. And metaphor works only when the two realms between which this metaferry plies are shores within the reach of the hearer. Now, there could hardly be more distant and obscure realms than those which entropy as metaphor seeks to connect. For the typical listener, the world of science is formidable — by definition, its mathematical language is foreign to the man on the street. On the other hand, the realm in which the metaphor of entropy is supposed to act as a guide — the universe of monitored pollution, apocalyptic security, programmed education, medicalized sickness, computer-managed death and other forms of institutionalized nonsense — is so frightening that I can only face it with the respect due the devil; a constant fear of losing my heart’s sensitivity by becoming accustomed to evil. - -This is the danger associated with using the term ‘entropy’, for the frustrating and pervasive socio-economic twist that morally perverts almost every aspect of postmodern life. And yet the word did us a favor. It forced us to recognize that we are speechless in the face of a social evolution which (falsely) gives the impression of being as natural as the hypothetical chaos resulting from the irreversable run of the universe. - -The word that names this twist ought to be one that includes the historical and moral nature of our sadness, the perfidy and depravity that cause the loss of beauty, of autonomy and of that dignity which makes human labor worthy. Entropy implies that despoliation is a cosmic law, which started with the Big Bang. The social degradation that must be named is not co-equal with the universe, but something which had a beginning in mankind’s history and which, for this reason, might be brought to an end. - -I propose ‘disvalue’ as the appropriate word. Disvalue can be related to the degradation of value as entropy has been related to the degradation of energy. Entropy is a measure of the transformation of energy into a form that can no longer be converted into physical ‘work’. ‘Disvalue’ is a term that bespeaks the wasting of commons and culture with the result that traditional labor is voided of its power to generate subsistence. On this point the analogy between the two concepts is close enough to justify the metaphorical jump from astronomy to modern lifestyles and back. - -I know well that the word ‘disvalue’ is not in the dictionaries. You can devalue something which was formerly held to be precious: stocks can lose their value; old coins can rise in value; critical sociology can take a value-neutral stance; feigned love can be valueless. In all these applications of value the speaker takes ‘value’ for granted. In current usage, then, value can stand for almost anything. Indeed, it can be used to replace the good. It is born from the same mind set which in the third quarter of the last century also brought forth ‘labor force’, ‘waste’, ‘energy’ and ‘entropy’. - -By coining the concept of disvalue both the homologies and the contradictions that exist between social and physical degradation can be shown. While physical ‘work’ tends to increase entropy, the economic productivity of work is based on the previous dis-valuation of cultural labor. Waste and degradation are usually considered as side effects in the production of values. I suggest precisely the opposite. I argue that economic value accumulates only as the result of the previous wasting of culture, which can also be considered as the creation of disvalue. - -## The parable of Mexico’s ‘waste’ - -Mexico City presents the world with a new plague. In this place salmonella and amoebas are now routinely transmitted through the respiratory tract. When you first arrive in the valley of Technochtitlán, surrounded by mountains and 8,000 feet above sea level, you inevitably struggle to breathe the thin air. Half a century ago it was crisp, clean air. What you now draw into your lungs is an atmosphere heavily polluted by a smog containing a high density of solid particles, many of which are pathogenic agents. A specific set of social conditions incubates and disperses the city’s bacteria. Some of these illustrate how cultural breakdown, ideology and university-bred prejudice combine to create disvalue. The evolution of Mexico City during the last three decades is a cautionary tale describing the highly productive manufacture of disvalue. - -In the last four decades, the city grew from one to over twenty million persons. The single experience which most newcomers share before their arrival is nearly unlimited open space. Pre-Columbian agriculture did not use large domestic animals. Cow, horse and donkey were imports from Europe. Animal droppings were at a premium. The dispersal of human excrements was the rule. Most of the recent immigrants come from rural areas. They do not possess inbred toilet habits appropriate for a densely populated habitat. And Mexican notions of defecation have never been shaped by the attention paid to these matters by Hindu, Muslim or Confucian disciplines. No wonder that in Mexico City today between four and five million people lack any proper place to deposit their stool, urine and blood. The ideology of the W.C. paralyzes the cultural urbanization of patterns native to the immigrants. - -Elitist blindness to the cultural nature of excrements, when these are produced in a modern city, is compounded by highly specialized fantasies implanted in the minds of Mexican bureaucrats by international schools of hygiene. The Anglo-Saxon prejudice that physiologically blocks bowel movements unless one sits over water with a roll of paper at hand has become endemic among the Mexican governing élite. As a result, the Mexican leadership is singularly blind to the real issue at hand. Further, this élite was stimulated to megalomanic planning during the oil boom of the early seventies. At that time, huge public works were undertaken which were never completed, and the ruins of unfinished projects are taken as symbols of development which will soon restart. While many of the poor move on, recognizing that the end of development is at hand, the government continues to speak of a temporary economic crisis that has momentarily throttled the flow of dollars and water. Toilet training, combined with the illusion of living in a short-term crisis, blinds the planners and sanitation experts to the evidence that the body excrements of their four million toilet-less neighbors will only continue to remain, rot and atomize in the thin air of the high plateau. - -## The Mexican earthquake - -Then, in September, 1985, an earthquake shook not only the capital but also the complacency of some professionals. Engineers and health planners in countries like Mexico almost inevitably belong to the class who, by definition, use the W.C. But in 1985 many of these had no water at home or at work for several weeks. For the first time, some editorial writers began to question whether hygiene inevitably means the dilution of feces and the generation of black water. What should have been obvious long ago suddenly became evident conclusions for a few: it is beyond the economic power of Mexico to provide water for several million additional toilets. Further, even if there were enough money and stringent rules applied on the use of flush, the generalization of the W.C. would be a serious and disastrous aggression against rural Mexico. The attempt to pump the necessary millions of gallons would devastate the semi-arid farm communities within a radius of more than a hundred miles. It would thus force new millions into the city. Then thousands of acres of fragile soil on the terraces, some built before the Spaniards, if left untended, would wash away. The center of the Meso-American plateau would become a permanent desert. All this loss would be the result of an ideology that treats humans as natural waste producers. Thinking differently, a new political opposition arose and picked up the slogan of composting units for rich and poor. - -It was interesting to observe how this small but potentially influential group reacted in the absence of the toilet ideology. The ideal of _la_ _normalidad,_ which in Spanish means perpendicularity, went to pieces for them. These people, including some professionals but most quite poor, prisoners of the world’s greatest megacity, rejected the symbols of urban life, such as skyscrapers, deep tunnels and monster markets. The ruins of the inner city became for them a sign of hope. Hitherto unexamined certainties about water and excrement became the source of laughter. Economic development became the butt of jokes in the _pulquerias_. Obviously it did not lead to the distribution of accumulated value, but to the generation of a huge turd composed of cement and plastic needing to be tended by professional services. Sewers became the symbol for remedies required in a city set up for the economic toilet training of _homo_ _œ_ _conomicus._ - -## The history of waste - -The social definition of excrements, which in the opinion of those who generate them cannot be turned into compost, has become a cypher for the junking of people. The latter learn that they depend on services even when they act under the urge of the most elementary needs. In this perspective, the W.C. is a device to instill the habit of self-junking or self-disvaluation, which prepares one for dependence on scarce services in other spheres. It brings into existence the body percept of _homo_ the generator of waste. When people grasp that several times a day their physical needs for evacuation produce a degradation of the environment, it is easy to convince them that by their very existence they cannot but contribute to ‘entropy’. - -Waste is not the natural consequence of human existence. Professor Ludolf Kuchenbuch, who is working on a history of waste, has gathered the evidence. A concept that we take for granted does not appear before 1830. Before that date ‘waste’, as a verb and as a noun, is related to devastation, destruction, desertification, degradation. It is not something that can be removed. Professors Tamanoy and Murata have built their theory on a similar assumption: if a culture steadily enhances the interaction of sun, soil and water, its net contribution to the cosmos is positive. Human societies that create waste are those which destroy the soil-water matrix of their locality and become expansive centers for the devastation of those around them. Entropy appears as a result of the destruction of cultures and their commons. - -It is therefore unwarranted to attribute waste management to all cultures. Miasma and taboo are in no way ancestors of modern pollution. They are the symbolic rules that enhance integration and protect subsistence cultures. So-called development is a programmed disvaluation of these protections. - -## Disvalue versus waste - -Disvalue remains invisible as long as two conditions obtain. The first of these consists in the widespread belief that economic categories, whose task it is to measure ‘values’, can be used in statements about communities whose ‘business’ is not values but _the_ _good._ The good is part of a local ‘ideology’ related to the mixture of elements native to a specific place — to speak with Paracelsus or Tamanoy — while values are a measure which fits the abstract ideology of science. The second source of blindness to disvalue is an obsessive certainty about the feasibility of progress. This reduction of conviviality to primitive economics and the abhorrence of tradition, masked as a commitment to the progress of others, together foster the myopic destruction of the past. Tradition comes to be seen as a historical expression of waste, to be discarded with the trash of the past. - -Only a decade ago it still seemed possible to speak of twentieth-century progress with assurance. The economy appeared to be a machine that increases the flow of money. Energy, information and money all seemed to follow the same rules — the laws of entropy were equally applicable to each. The development of productive capacity, multiplication of trained workers and rise in savings were seen as parts of ‘growth’ which, sooner or later, would bring more money to more people. In spite of wider social disintegration due to the increase of money flow, ever more money was proposed as the fundamental requirement to satisfy the basic needs of more people! Entropy then seemed a tempting analog for the social degradation resulting from the pervasive flow. - -In the meantime, a new and radical questioning of economic verities began. As recently as twenty years ago, it was not yet ridiculous to look for a world community based on equal dignity and fairness that could be planned on the thermodynamic model of value flows. This is no longer so in the mid-eighties. Not only the promise of human equality, but even the provision of an equal chance for survival, sounds hollow. On a world scale it is obvious that growth has concentrated economic benefits, simultaneously disvaluing people and places, in such a way that survival has become impossible outside the money economy. More people are more destitute and helpless than ever before. Further, those privileges which only higher income can buy are increasingly valued primarily as an escape from the disvalue which affects the lives of all. - -The ideology of economic progress throws a shadow of disvalue on almost all activities that are culturally shaped outside of money flow. People like the immigrants to Mexico City, and beliefs such as those in local health rules, are de-valued long before effective toilets can be provided. People are forced into a new mental topology in which locations for bowel movements are scarce, even though resources to create these places are beyond the reasonable reach of the new economy in which they find themselves. The ideology of production and consumption under the implied condition of ‘natural’ scarcity takes hold of their minds while neither paid jobs nor money are attainable for them. Self-degradation, self-junking, self-wasting are different ways to name this creation of the necessary conditions for the legitimate growth of a money economy. - -This is where Joshiro Tamanoy comes in. He not only translated but he taught Karl Polanyi. He picked up the distinction between formal and substantive economies that goes back to Polanyi. Forty years after Polanyi, Tamanoy — whom I know only from conversation, since most of his writings are in a language of which I am ignorant — brought this distinction into modern Japan. It can be used to sum up our argument. Entropy is probably an effective metaphor to stress de-valuation in the formal economy. The flow of money or information can in some way be compared to the flow of heat. But it is now obvious that macro-economics tells us nothing about what people consider _good._ Therefore, entropy cannot be relevant to explain the devastation of substantive cultural patterns by which people act outside the formal money economy. This is true because the ‘exchange’ of gifts or movements of goods in the substantive economy are, by their very nature, heterogeneous to the flow-model of values postulated by a formal economy. And, as the thermodynamic flow model spreads, it extinguishes a way of life to which entropy will forever be foreign. +../../../../../contents/article/1986-disvalue/en.txt
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/index.bib b/data/pages/en/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/index.bib new file mode 120000 index 0000000..eb6d525 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/index.bib @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/en.bib
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/index.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/index.txt index ceedf39..edafdad 100644 --- a/data/pages/en/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/index.txt +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/index.txt @@ -2,8 +2,22 @@ * **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] * **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Foreword to "Deschooling Our Lives"_ +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# * **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1995 * **#@LANG_comments@#:** - * This article was originally included as foreword of the book "Deschooling Our Lives" (1995) and was also included in "Everywhere All the Time: A New Deschooling Reader" (2008). +* This article was originally included as foreword of the book "Deschooling Our Lives" (1995) and was also included in "Everywhere All the Time: A New Deschooling Reader" (2008). +``` +@ARTICLE{Illich-1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Foreword to "Deschooling Our Lives"}, + year = {1995}, + date = {1995}, + origdate = {1995}, + language = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives:index} +} +``` ~~NOTOC~~ +{{tag>available}} diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/notes.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/notes.txt new file mode 120000 index 0000000..a1056e5 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/notes.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/en.notes
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/text.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/text.txt index b52a199..4e22a7d 100644..120000 --- a/data/pages/en/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/text.txt +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/text.txt @@ -1,27 +1 @@ - -# Foreword to "Deschooling Our Lives" - -Leafing through the pages of _Deschooling Our Lives_ transports me back to the year 1970 when, together with Everett Reimer at the Center for Intercultural Documentation (CIDOC) in Cuernavaca, I gathered together some of the more thoughtful critics of education (Paulo Freire, John Holt, Paul Goodman, Jonathan Kozol, Joel Spring, George Dennison, and others) to address the futility of schooling — not only in Latin America, which was already obvious — but also in the so-called developed, industrialized world. - -On Wednesday mornings during the spring and summer of that year, I distributed drafts of essays that eventually became chapters of my book, _Deschooling Society_. Looking back over a quarter century, many of the views and criticisms that seemed so radical back in 1970 today seem rather naive. While my criticisms of schooling in that book may have helped some people reflect on the unwanted social side effects of that institution — and perhaps pursue meaningful alternatives to it — I now realize that I was largely barking up the wrong tree. To understand why I feel this way and to get a glimpse of where I am today, I invite readers to accompany me on the journey I took after _Deschooling Society_. - -My travelogue begins twenty-five years ago, when _Deschooling Society_ was about to appear. During the nine months the manuscript was at the publishers, I grew more and more dissatisfied with the text, which, by the way, did not argue for the elimination of schools. This misapprehension I owe to Cass Canfield Sr., Harper’s president, who named the book and in so doing misrepresented my thoughts. The book advocates the disestablishment of schools, in the sense in which the Church has been disestablished in the United States. By disestablishment, I meant, first, not paying public monies and, second, not granting any special social privileges to either church- or school-goers. (I even suggested that instead of financing schools, we should go further than we went with religion and have schools pay taxes, so that schooling would become a luxury object and be recognized as such.) - -I called for the disestablishment of schools for the sake of improving education and here, I noticed, lay my mistake. Much more important than the disestablishment of schools, I began to see, was the reversal of those trends that make of education a pressing need rather than a gift of gratuitous leisure. I began to fear that the disestablishment of the educational church would lead to a fanatical revival of many forms of degraded, all-encompassing education, making the world into a universal classrcom, a global schoolhouse. The more important question became, "Why do so many people—even ardent critics of schooling—become addicted to education, as to a drug?" - -Norman Cousins published my own recantation in the Saturday Review during the very week Deschooling Society came out. In it I argued that the alternative to schooling was not some other type of educational agency, or the design of educational opportunities in every aspect of life, but a society which fosters a different attitude of people toward tools. - -I expanded and generalized this argument in my next book, _Tools for Conviviality_. - -Largely through the help of my friend and colleague Wolfgang Sachs, I came to see that the educational function was already emigrating from the schools and that, increasingly, other forms of compulsory learning would be instituted in modern society. It would become compulsory not by law, but by other tricks, such as making people believe that they are learning something from TV, or compelling people to attend in-service training, or getting people to pay huge amounts of money in order to be taught how to have better sex, how to be more sensitive, how to know more about the vitamins they need, how to play games, and so on. This talk of "lifelong learning" and "learning needs" has thoroughly polluted society, and not just schools, with the stench of education. - -Then came the third stage, in the late seventies and early eighties, when my curiosity and reflections focused on the historical circumstances under which the very idea of educational needs can arise. When I wrote _Deschooling Society_, the social effects, and not the historical substance of education, were still at the core of my interest. I had questioned schooling as a desirable means, but I had not questioned education as a desirable end. I still accepted that, fundamentally, educational needs of some kind were an historical given of human nature. I no longer accept this today. - -As I refocused my attention from schooling to education, from the process toward its orientation, I came to understand education as learning when it takes place under the assumption of scarcity in the means which produce it. The "need" for education from this perspective appears as a result of societal beliefs and arrangements which make the means for so-called socialization scarce. And, from this same perspective, I began to notice that educational rituals reflected, reinforced, and actually created belief in the value of learning pursued under conditions of scarcity. Such beliefs, arrangements, and rituals, I came to see, could easily survive and thrive under the rubrics of deschooling, free schooling, or homeschooling (which, for the most part, are limited to the commendable rejection of authoritarian methods). - -What does scarcity have to do with education? If the means for learning (in general) are abundant, rather than scarce, then education never arises — one does not need to make special arrangements for "learning". If, on the other hand, the means for learning are in scarce supply, or are assumed to be scarce, then educational arrangements crop up to "ensure" that certain, important knowledge, ideas, skills, attitudes, etc., are "transmitted". Education then becomes an economic commodity, which one consumes, or, to use common language, which one "gets". Scarcity emerges both from our perceptions, which are massaged by education professionaals who are in the business of imputing educational needs, and from actual societal arrangements that make access to tools and to skilled, knowledgeable people hard to come by — that is, scarce. - -If there were one thing I could wish for the readers (and some of the writers) of _Deschooling Our Lives_, it would be this: If people are seriously to think about deschooling their lives, and not just escape from the corrosive effects of compulsory schooling, they could do no better than to develop the habit of setting a mental question mark beside all discourse on young people’s “educational needs” or “learning needs,” or about their need for a “preparation for life” I would like them to reflect on the historicity of these very ideas. Such reflection would take the new crop of deschoolers a step further from where the younger and somewhat naive Ivan was situated, back when talk of “deschooling” was born. - - -Bremen, Germany - Summer 1995 +../../../../../contents/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/en.txt
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1998-conspiracy/Illich, Ivan - 1998 Illich-Conspiracy.PDF b/data/pages/en/article/1998-conspiracy/Illich, Ivan - 1998 Illich-Conspiracy.PDF Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 7184916..0000000 --- a/data/pages/en/article/1998-conspiracy/Illich, Ivan - 1998 Illich-Conspiracy.PDF +++ /dev/null diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1998-conspiracy/Illich, Ivan - 1998 Illich-Conspiracy.md b/data/pages/en/article/1998-conspiracy/Illich, Ivan - 1998 Illich-Conspiracy.md deleted file mode 100644 index 5764985..0000000 --- a/data/pages/en/article/1998-conspiracy/Illich, Ivan - 1998 Illich-Conspiracy.md +++ /dev/null @@ -1,472 +0,0 @@ -Ivan Illich -Kreftingstr. 16 -D - 28203 Bremen - - - - - - - -**The Cultivation of Conspiracy ** - -A translated, edited and expanded version -of an address given by Ivan Illich at the Villa Ichon in Bremen, Germany, -on the occasion of receiving the Culture and Peace Prize of Bremen, March 14, 1998. - - - - - - - - - - - -_Printed:_ 23.06.00 -_Filename and date:_ ICHON-IB.DOC -_Old filename and date_ : Ichon-ib.c22 - - - - -_STATUS:_ -1. _Distribution_ -- no limits - -2. _Copyright_ -- To be published in: Lee Hoinacki and Carl Mitcham, eds., Ivan Illich: What’s He -Said Rowman and Littlefield, 1999. Title and date tentative. - - - - -For further information please contact: -Silja Samerski Kreftingstr.16 D - 28203 Bremen -Tel: +49-(0)421-76332 Fax: +49-(0)421-705387 e-mail: piano@uni-bremen.de - - -* * * - -_Ivan Illich: The Cultivation of Conspiracy_ -2 - - -**THE CULTIVATION OF CONSPIRACY ** - -A translated, edited and expanded version of an address given by Ivan Illich at the Villa Ichon -in Bremen, Germany, on the occasion of receiving the Culture and Peace Prize of Bremen, -March 14, 1998. - - -On November 16, 1996, I arrived at the library auditorium of Bremen University just in time -for my afternoon lecture. For five years now I had commented old texts to trace the long history of -western philia, of friendship. This semester's theme was the loss of the common sense for -proportionality during the lifetimes of Locke, Leibniz and Johann Sebastian Bach. On that day I -wanted to address "common sense" as the sense-organ believed to recognize "the good", the "fit" and -the "fifth". But even before I could start I had to stop: the roughly two hundred auditors had planned -a party instead of a lecture. Two months after the actual day, they had decided to celebrate my -seventieth birthday, so we feasted and laughed and danced until midnight. - -Speeches launched the affair. I was seated behind a bouquet, in the first row, and listened to -seventeen talks. As a sign of recognition, I presented a flower to each encomiast. Most speakers -were over fifty, friends I had made on four continents, a few with reminiscences reaching back to the -1950s in New York. Others were acquaintances made while teaching in Kassel, Berlin, Marburg, -Oldenburg and, since 1991, in Bremen. As I grappled for the expression of gratitude fitting each -speaker, I felt like Hugh of St. Victor, my teacher. This twelfth-century monk in a letter compares -himself to a basket-bearing donkey: not weighed down but lifted by the burden of friendships -gathered on life's pilgrimage. - -From the laudationes at the library we moved across the plaza to the liberal arts building, -whose bleak cement hallways I habitually avoid. A metamorphosis had occurred in its atmosphere. -We found ourselves in a quaint café: some five dozen small tables, each with a lighted candle on a -colored napkin. For the occasion, the university's department of domestic science had squeezed a pot -into the semester's budget, a pot large enough to cook potato soup for a company. The chancellor, -absent on business in Beijing, had hired a Klezmer ensemble. Ludolf Kuchenbuch, dean of -historians at a nearby university and a saxophonist, took charge of the jazz. A couple of clowns -performing on a bicycle entertained us with their parody of my 1972 book, Energy and Equity. - -The mayor-governor of the city state, Bremen, had picked a very old Burgundy from the -treasures of the Ratskeller. The lanky and towering official handed me the precious gift and -expressed his pleasure "that Illich at seventy, in his own words, had found in Bremen 'einen Zipfel -Heimat'," something like "the tail end of an abode." On the lips of the Bürgermeister, my expression - - -* * * - -_Ivan Illich: The Cultivation of Conspiracy_ -3 -seemed grotesque, but still true. I began to reflect: How could I have been induced to connect the -notion of home with the long dark winters of continual rain, where I walk through the pastures along -the Wümme that are flooded twice a day by the tide from the North Atlantic? I who, as a boy, had -felt exiled in Vienna, because all my senses were longingly attached to the South, to the blue -Adriatic, to the limestone mountains in the Dalmatia of my early childhood. - -Today's ceremony, however, is even more startling than last year's revelry, because your award -makes me feel welcomed by the citizenry rather than just by a city father. Villa Ichon is a -manifestation of Bremen's civility: neither private charity nor public agency. You, who are my hosts -in this place, define yourselves as Hanseatic merchant citizens. On the day Villa Ichon was solemnly -opened, you pointedly refused to let a city official touch the keys to this house, this "houseboat for -the uninsured and vulnerable among us" as Klaus Hübotter has called it. By insisting on your -autonomy you stressed the respectful distance of civil society from the city's government. I am -touched that this annual award, meant to honor a Bremen citizen, should today go to an errant -pilgrim, but to one who knows how to appreciate it. As the eldest son of a merchant family in a free -port city - one that was caught between the contesting powers of Byzantium and Venice - I was born -into a tradition which, in the meantime, has petered out, but not without leaving me sensitive to the -flavor of the Hanseatic hospitality you offer today. - -I first heard of Bremen when I was six, in the stories told me by my drawing teacher, who came -from one of your patrician families, and in Vienna was homesick for the North. I adopted the tiny, -black-dressed lady as Mamma Pfeiffer-Kulenkampf. One summer she came along with us to -Dalmatia, to paint. Her watercolors still grace my brothers study. From her I learned how to mix -different pigments for the contrasting atmospheres of a Mediterranean and an Atlantic shore. - -Now, a long lifetime later, I am at home in her salty gray climate. And not just at home: I now -fancy that my presence has added something to the atmosphere of Bremen university. When Dean -Johannes Beck led me from the aula through the rainy plaza into the makeshift cafe he made a -remark that I accepted as a gift. "Ivan," he said "this feels like an overflow of Barbara Duden's -house." Dean Beck put into words the accomplishment of something I had aimed at for decades \-- -the plethora of the dining-room conviviality inspiring the University Aula; The aura of our -hospitality in the Kreftingstrasse, felt well beyond its threshold. - -Even before my first Bremen semester could start, Barbara Duden got a house in the Ostertor -Viertel, beyond the old moat, just down from the drug-corner, the farmers market and the Turkish -quarter. There Barbara created an ambiance of austere playfulness. The house became a place that -at the drop of a hat accommodates our guests. If \-- after my lecture on Fridays \-- the spaghetti bowl -must feed more than the two dozen who fit around the table made from flooring timber, guests squat -on Mexican blankets in the next room. - - - -* * * - -_Ivan Illich: The Cultivation of Conspiracy_ -4 -Over the years our "Kreftingstraße" has fostered privileged closeness in respectful, disciplined, -critical intercourse: friendships between old acquaintances who drop in from far away, and new -ones, three, even four decades younger than my oldest companion Ceslaus Hoinacki, who shares his -room with our Encyclopedias. Friendship makes ties unique, but some more than others bear the -burden of the host. Kassandra who lives elsewhere, has a key to the house and brings the flowers -and Matthias, the virtuoso drummer who stays downstairs, in the room that opens on the tiny -garden, belong to the dozen who can equally welcome the newcomer at the threshold, stir the soup, -orient conversation, do the dishes and ... correct my manuscripts as well as those of each other. - -Learned and leisurely hospitality is the only antidote to the stance of deadly cleverness that is -acquired in the professional pursuit of objectively secured knowledge. I remain certain that the quest -for truth cannot thrive outside the nourishment of mutual trust flowering into a commitment to -friendship. Therefore I have tried to identify the climate that fosters and the "conditioned air" that -hinders the growth of friendship. - -Of course I can remember the taste of strong atmospheres from other epochs in my life: I have -never doubted that \-- today, more than ever \-- a "monastic" ambience is the prerequisite to the -independence needed for a historically based indictment of society. Only the gratuitous commitment -of friends can enable me to practice the ascetisme required for modern near-paradoxes: as that of -renouncing systems analysis while typing on my Toshiba. - -My early suspicion that atmosphere was a prerequisite for the kind of studium to which I had -dedicated myself became a conviction through my contact with post-Sputnik American universities. -After just one year as vice-chancellor of a university in Puerto Rico, in 1957 I and a few others -wanted to question the development ideology to which Kennedy no less than Castro subscribed. I put -all the money I had - today the equivalent of the prize you just gave me - into the purchase of a one- -room wooden shack in the mountains that overlook the Caribbean. With three friends I wanted a -place of study in which every use of the personal pronoun "nos-otros" would truthfully refer back to -the four of "us", and be accessible to our guests as well; I wanted to practice the rigor that would -keep us far from the "we" that invokes the security found in the shadow of an academic discipline: -we as "sociologists", "economists" and so forth. As one of us, Charlie Rosario, put it: "All -departments smell - of disinfectants, at their best; and poisoned sterilized aura." The "casita" on the -route to Adjuntas soon became so obnoxious that I had to leave the Island. - -This freed me to start a "thinkery" in Mexico that five years later turned into CIDOC. In his -introductory talk for today's celebration congressman Freimut Duve told you about it. In those -distant years Duve was editor at Rowohlt, took care of my German books and several times spent -time with me there, in Cuernavaca. He told you about the spirit prevailing in that place: a climate of -mutually tempered forbearance. It was this aura, this quality or air, through which this ephemeral -venture could become a world crossroads, a meeting place for those who, long before this had - - -* * * - -_Ivan Illich: The Cultivation of Conspiracy_ -5 -become fashionable, questioned the innocence of "development." Only the mood that Duve hinted at -can explain the disproportionate influence that this small place exerted in challenging the goods of -socio-economic development. - -CIDOC was closed by common accord on April first, ten years to the day after its foundation. -With Mexican music and dancing we celebrated its closing. Duve told you about her, who did it, -Valentina Borremans: she had directed and organized CIDOC from its inception, and he told you -about his admiration for the style in which she closed it by mutual consent of its 63 collaborators. -She knew that the soul of this free, independent and powerless "thinkery" would have been squashed -soon by its rising influence. - -CIDOC shut its doors in the face of criticism by its most serious friends, people too earnest to -grasp the paradox of atmosphere. These were mainly persons for whom the hospitable atmosphere -of CIDOC had provided a unique forum. They thrived in the aura of CIDOC, and outright rejected -our certainty that atmosphere invites institutionalization by which it will be corrupted. You never -know what will nurture the spirit of a philia, while you can be certain what will stifle it. Spirit -emerges by surprise, and it's a miracle when it abides; it is stifled by every attempt to secure it; it's -debauched when you try to use it. - -Few understood this. With Valentina I opened the mayor's bottle of Burgundy in Mexico to -celebrate one of them. We drank the wine to the memory of Alejandro Del Corro, a now deceased -Argentine Jesuit who lived and worked with me since the early sixties. With his Laica he traveled -around South America, collaborating with guerrilleros to save their archives for history. Alejandro -was a master at moderating aura. Wen he presided, his delicate attention to each guest: guerrillero, -US civil servant, trash collector or professor felt at home with each other around the CIDOC table. -Alejandro knew that you cannot lay a claim on aura, he knew about the evanescence of atmosphere. - -I speak of atmosphere, faute de mieux. In Greek, the word is used for the emanation of a star, -or for the constellation that governs a place; alchemists adopted it to speak of the layers around our -planet. Maurice Blondel reflects its much later French usage for bouquet des ésprits, the scent those -present contribute to a meeting. I use the word for something frail and often discounted, the air that -weaves and wafts and evokes memories, like those attached to the Burgundy long after the bottle has -been emptied. - -To sense an aura, you need a nose. The nose, framed by the eyes, runs below the brain. What -the nose inhales ends in the guts; every yogi and hesichast knows this. The nose curves down in the -middle of the face. Pious Jews are conscious of the image because what Christians call "walking in -the sight of God" the Hebrew expresses as "ambling under God's nose and breath." To savor the feel -of a place, you trust your nose; to trust another, you must first smell him. - - - -* * * - -_Ivan Illich: The Cultivation of Conspiracy_ -6 -In its beginnings, western civic culture wavered between cultivated distrust and sympathetic -trust. Plato believed it would be upsetting for Athenian citizens to allow their bowels to be affected -by the passion of actors in the theater; he wanted the audience to go no further than reflecting on the -words. Aristotle respectfully modified his teacher's opinion. In the Poetics, he asks the spectators to -let gesture and mimicry, the rhythm and melody of breath, reach their very innards. Citizens should -attend the theater, not just to understand, but to be affected by each other. For Aristotle, there could -be no transformation, no purifying catharsis, without such gripping mimesis. Without gut level -experience of the other, without sharing his aura, you can't be saved from yourself. - -Some of that sense of mimesis comes out in an old German adage, "Ich kann Dich gut riechen" -(I can smell you well), which is still used and understood. But it's something you don't say to just -anyone; it's an expression that is permissible only when you feel close, count on trust, and are -willing to be hurt. It presupposes the truth of another German saying, "Ich kann Dich gut leiden" (I -can suffer [put up with] you [well]). You can see that nose words have not altogether disappeared -from ordinary speech, even in the age of daily showers. - -I remember my embarrassment when, after years of ascetical discipline, I realized that I still -had not made the connection between nose and heart, smell and affection. I was in Peru in the mid- -fifties, on my way to meet Jaime, who welcomed me to his modest hut for the third time. But to get -to the shack, I had to cross the Rimac, the open cloaca of Lima. The thought of sleeping for a week -in this miasma almost made me retch. That evening, for some reason I suddenly understood with a -shock what Carlos had been telling me all along, "Ivan, don't kid yourself; don't imagine you can be -friends with people you can't smell." That one jolt unplugged my nose; it enabled me to dip into the -aura of Carlos's house, and allowed me to merge the atmosphere I brought along into the ambience -of his home. - -This discovery of my nose for the scent of the spirit occurred forty years ago, in the time of the -DC-4, belief in development programs, and the apparently benign Peace Corps. It was the time -when DDT was still too expensive for Latin American slum dwellers, when most people had to put -up with fleas and lice on their skins, as they put up with the old, the crippled and idiots in their -homes. It was the time before Xerox, fax and e-mail. But it was also a time before smog and AIDS. -I was then considered a crank because I foresaw the unwanted side effects of development, because I -spoke to unions on technogenic unemployment, and to leftists on the growing polarization between -rich and poor in the wake of expanding commodity dependence. What seemed hysteria then has now -hardened into well documented facts; some of these facts are too horrible to face. They must be -exorcised: bowdlerizing them by research, assigning their management to specialized agencies, and -conjuring them by prevention programs. But while the depletion of life forms, the growing immunity -of pathogens, climate changes, the disappearance of the job culture, and uncontrollable violence now -make up the admitted side effects of economic growth, the menace of modern life for the survival of -atmospheres is hardly recognized as a terrible threat. - - -* * * - -_Ivan Illich: The Cultivation of Conspiracy_ -7 - -This is the reason I dare to annoy you with the memory of that walk in the dusk with my nose -full of the urine and feces emanating from the Rimac. That landscape no longer exists; cars -now fill a highway hiding the sewage. The skin and scalp of Indians is no longer the habitat of lice; -now the allergies produced by industrial chemicals cause the itch. Makeshift shanties have been -replaced by public housing; each apartment has its plumbing and each family member a separate -bed - the guest knows that he imposes an inconvenience. The miasma of the Rimac has become a -memory in a city asfixiated by industrial smog. I juxtapose then and now because this allows me to -argue that the impending loss of spirit, of soul, of what I call atmosphere, could go unnoticed. - -Only persons who face one another in trust can allow its emergence. The bouquet of friendship -varies with each breath, but when it is there it needs no name. For a long time I believed that there -was no one noun for it, and no verb for its creation. Each time I tried one, I was discouraged; all the -synonyms for it were shanghaied by its synthetic counterfeits: mass-produced fashions and cleverly -marketed moods, chic feelings, swank highs and trendy tastes. Starting in the seventies, group -dynamics retreats and psychic training, all to generate "atmosphere," became major businesses. -Discreet silence about the issue I am raising seemed preferable to creating a misunderstanding. - -Then, thirty years after that evening above the Rimac, I suddenly realized that there is indeed a -very simple word that says what I cherished and tried to nourish, and that word is peace. Peace, -however, not in any of the many ways its cognates are used all over the world, but peace in its post- -classical, European meaning. Peace, in this sense, is the one strong word with which the atmosphere -of friendship created among equals has been appropriately named. But to embrace this, one has to -come to understand the origin of this peace in the conspiratio, a curious ritual behavior almost -forgotten today. - -This is how I chanced upon this insight. In 1986, a few dozen peace research centers in Africa -and Asia were planning to open a common resource center. The founding assembly was held in -Japan, and the leaders were looking for a Third World speaker. However, for reasons of delicacy, -they wanted a person who was neither Asian nor African, and took me for a Latin American; then -they pressured me to come. So I packed my guayabera shirt and departed for the Orient. - -In Yokohama I addressed the group, speaking as a historian. I wanted first to dismantle any -universal notion of peace; I wanted to stress the claim of each ethnos to its own peace, the right of -each community to be left in its peace. It seemed important to make clear that peace is not an -abstract condition, but a very specific spirit to be relished in its particular, incommunicable -uniqueness by each community. - -However, my aim in Yokohama was twofold: I wanted to examine not only the meaning but -also the history and perversion of peace in that appendix to Asia and Africa we call Europe. After - - -* * * - -_Ivan Illich: The Cultivation of Conspiracy_ -8 -all, most of the world in the twentieth century is suffering from the enthusiastic acceptance of -European ideas, including the European concept of peace. The assembly in Japan gave me a chance -to contrast the unique spirit of peace that was born in Christian Europe with its perversion and -counterfeit when, in international political parlance, an ideological link is created between economic -development and peace. I argued that only by de-linking pax (peace) from development could the -heretofore unsuspected glory hidden in pax be revealed. But to achieve this before a Japanese -audience was difficult. - -The Japanese have an iconogram that stands for something we do not have or say or feel: -foodó. My teacher, Professor Tamanoy, explained foodó to me as, "the inimitable freshness that -arises from the commingling of a particular soil with the appropriate waters." Trusting my learned -pacifist guide, since deceased, I started from the notion of foodó. It was easy to explain that both -Athenian philia and Pax Romana, as different as they are from each other, are incomparable to -foodó. Athenian philia bespeaks the friendship among the free men of a city, and Roman pax -bespeaks the administrative status of a region dominated by the Legion that had planted its insignia -into that soil. Thanks to Professor Tamanoy's assistance, it was easy to elaborate on the -contradictions and differences between these two notions, and get the audience to comment on -similar heteronomies in the cultural meaning of peace within India or between neighboring groups in -Tanzania. The kaleidoscopic incarnations of peace all referred to a particular, highly desirable -atmosphere. So far the conversation was easy. - -However, speaking about pax in the proto-Christan epoch turned out to be a delicate matter, -because around the year 300 pax became a key word in the Christian liturgy. It became the -euphemism for a mouth-to-mouth kiss among the faithful attending services; pax became the -camouflage for the osculum (from os, mouth), or the conspiratio, a commingling of breaths. My -friend felt I was not just courting misunderstanding, but perhaps giving offense, by mentioning such -body-to-body contact in public. The gesture, up to this day, is repugnant to Japanese. - -The Latin osculum is neither very old nor frequent. It is one of three words that can be -translated by the English, "kiss." In comparison with the affectionate basium and the lascivious -suavium, osculum was a latecomer into classical Latin, and was used in only one circumstance as a -ritual gesture: In the second century, it became the sign given by a departing soldier to a woman, -thereby recognizing her expected child as his offspring. - -In the Christian liturgy of the first century, the osculum assumed a new function. It became one -of two high points in the celebration of the Eucharist. Conspiratio, the mount-to-mouth kiss, became -the solemn liturgical gesture by which participants in the cult-action shared their breath or spirit -with one another. It came to signify their union in one Holy Spirit, the community that takes shape -in God's breath. The ecclesia came to be through a public ritual action, the liturgy, and the soul of -this liturgy was the conspiratio. Explicitly, corporeally, the central Christian celebration was - - -* * * - -_Ivan Illich: The Cultivation of Conspiracy_ -9 -understood as a co-breathing, a con-spiracy, the bringing about of a common atmosphere, a divine -milieu. - -The other eminent moment of the celebration was, of course, the comestio, the communion in -the flesh, the incorporation of the believer in the body of the Incarnate Word, but communio was -theologically linked to the preceding con-spiratio. Conspiratio became the strongest, clearest and -most unambiguously somatic expression for the entirely non-hierarchical creation of a fraternal -spirit in preparation for the unifying meal. Through the act of eating, the fellow conspirators were -transformed into a "we," a gathering which in Greek means ecclesia. Further, they believed that the -"we" is also somebody's "I"; they were nourished by shading into the "I" of the Incarnate Word. The -words and actions of the liturgy are not just mundane words and actions, but events occurring after -the Word, that is, after the Incarnation. Peace as the commingling of soil and waters sounds cute to -my ears; but peace as the result of conspiratio exacts a demanding, today almost unimaginable -intimacy. - -The practice of the osculum did not go unchallenged; documents reveal that the conspiratio -created scandal early on. The rigorist African Church Father, Tertullian, felt that a decent matron -should not be subjected to possible embarrassment by this rite. The practice continued, but not its -name; the ceremony required a euphemism. From the later third century on, the osculum pacis was -referred to simply as pax, and the gesture was often watered down to some slight touch to signify -the mutual spiritual union of the persons present through the creation of a fraternal atmosphere. -Today, the pax before communion, called "the kiss of peace," is still integral to the Roman, -Slavonic, Greek and Syrian Mass, although it is often reduced to a perfunctory handshake. - -I could no more avoid telling the story in Yokohama than today in Bremen. Why? Because the -very idea of peace understood as a hospitality that reaches out to the stranger, and of a free -assembly that arises in the practice of hospitality cannot be understood without reference to the -Christian liturgy in which the community comes into being by the mouth-to-mouth kiss. - -However, jusyt as the antecedents of peace among us cannot be understood without reference to -conspiration, the historical uniqueness of a city's climate, atmosphere or spirit calls for this -reference. The European idea of peace that is synonymous with the somatic incorporation of equals -into a community has no analogue elsewhere. Community in our European tradition is not the -outcome of an act of authoritative foundation, nor a gift from nature or its gods, nor the result of -management, planning and design, but the consequence of a conspiracy, a deliberate, mutual, -somatic and gratuitous gift to each other. The prototype of that conspiracy lies in the celebration of -the early Christian liturgy in which, no matter their origin, men and women, Greeks and Jews, slaves -and citizens, engender a physical reality that transcends them. The shared breath, the con-spiratio -are the "peace" understood as the community that arises from it. - - - -* * * - -_Ivan Illich: The Cultivation of Conspiracy_ -10 -Historians have often pointed out that the idea of a social contract, which dominates political -thinking in Europe since the 14th century, has its concrete origins in the way founders of medieval -towns conceived urbane civilities. I fully agree with this. However, by focusing on the contractual -aspect of this incorporation attention is distracted from the good that such contracts were meant to -protect, namely, peace resulting from a conspiratio. One can fail to perceive the pretentious -absurdity of attempting a contractual insurance of an atmosphere as fleeting and alive, as tender and -robust, as pax. - -The medieval merchants and craftsmen who settled at the foot of a lord's castle felt the need to -make the conspiracy that united them into a secure and lasting association. To provide for their -general surety, they had recourse to a device, the conjuratio, a mutual promise confirmed by an oath -that uses God as a witness. Most societies know the oath, but the use of God's name to make it stick -first appears as a legal device in the codification of roman law made by the Christian emperor -Theodosius. "Conjuration" or the swearing together by a common oath confirmed by the invocation -of God, just like the liturgical osculum is of Christian origin. Conjuratio which uses God as epoxy -for the social bond presumably assures stability and durability to the atmosphere engendered by the -conspiratio of the citizens. In this linkage between conspiratio and conjuratio, two equally unique -concepts inherited from the first millennium of Christian history are intertwined, but the latter, the -contractual form soon overshadowed the spiritual substance. - -The medieval town of central Europe thus was indeed a profoundly new historical gestalt: the -conjuratio conspirativa, which makes European urbanity distinct from urban modes elsewhere. It -implies a peculiar dynamic strain between the atmosphere of conspiratio and its legal, contractual -constitution. Ideally, the spiritual climate is the source of the city's life that flower into a hierarchy, -like a shell or frame, to protect its order. Insofar as the city is understood to originate in a -conspiratio, it owes its social existence to the pax the breath, shared equally among all. - -This long reflection on the historical precedence to the cultivation of atmosphere in late -twentieth century Bremen seemed necessary to me to defend its intrinsically conspiratorial nature. It -seems necessary to understand why, arguably, independent criticism of the established order of -modern, technogene, information-centered society can grow only out of a milieu of intense -hospitality. - -As a scholar I have been shaped by a monastic traditions and by the interpretation of medieval -texts. Early on I took it for granted that the principal condition for an atmosphere that is propitious -to independent thought is the hospitality cultivated by the host: a hospitality that excludes -condescension as scrupulously as seduction; a hospitality that by its simplicity defeats the fear of -plagiarism as much as that of clientage; a hospitality that by its openness dissolves intimidation as -studiously as servility; a hospitality that exacts from the guests as much generosity as it imposes on -the host. I have been blessed with a large portion of it, with the taste of a relaxed, humorous, - - -* * * - -_Ivan Illich: The Cultivation of Conspiracy_ -11 -sometimes grotesque fit among mostly ordinary but sometimes outlandish companions who are -patient with one another. More so in Bremen than anywhere else. - - -* * * diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1998-conspiracy/index.bib b/data/pages/en/article/1998-conspiracy/index.bib new file mode 120000 index 0000000..b192824 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1998-conspiracy/index.bib @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1998-conspiracy/en.bib
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1998-conspiracy/index.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1998-conspiracy/index.txt index e27fdb4..9ae4c2f 100644 --- a/data/pages/en/article/1998-conspiracy/index.txt +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1998-conspiracy/index.txt @@ -2,9 +2,23 @@ * **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] * **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _The Cultivation of Conspiracy_ +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# * **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1998 * **#@LANG_comments@#:** - * A translated, edited and expanded version of an address given by Ivan Illich at the Villa Ichon in Bremen, Germany, on the occasion of receiving the Culture and Peace Prize of Bremen, March 14, 1998. - * Included in the book "The Challenges of Ivan Illich: A Collective Reflection" (2002) +* A translated, edited and expanded version of an address given by Ivan Illich at the Villa Ichon in Bremen, Germany, on the occasion of receiving the Culture and Peace Prize of Bremen, March 14, 1998. +* Included in the book "The Challenges of Ivan Illich: A Collective Reflection" (2002) +``` +@ARTICLE{Illich-1998-conspiracy-en, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {The Cultivation of Conspiracy}, + year = {1998}, + date = {1998}, + origdate = {1998}, + language = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/article/1998-conspiracy:index} +} +``` ~~NOTOC~~ +{{tag>available}} diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1998-conspiracy/notes.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1998-conspiracy/notes.txt new file mode 120000 index 0000000..041fd2d --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1998-conspiracy/notes.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1998-conspiracy/en.notes
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/1998-conspiracy/text.txt b/data/pages/en/article/1998-conspiracy/text.txt index 5041131..68cc1fe 100644..120000 --- a/data/pages/en/article/1998-conspiracy/text.txt +++ b/data/pages/en/article/1998-conspiracy/text.txt @@ -1,84 +1 @@ -# The Cultivation of Conspiracy - -On November 16, 1996, I arrived at the library auditorium of Bremen University just in time for my afternoon lecture. For five years now I had commented old texts to trace the long history of western philia, of friendship. This semester's theme was the loss of the common sense for proportionality during the lifetimes of Locke, Leibniz and Johann Sebastian Bach. On that day I wanted to address "common sense" as the sense-organ believed to recognize "the good", the "fit" and the "fifth". But even before I could start I had to stop: the roughly two hundred auditors had planned a party instead of a lecture. Two months after the actual day, they had decided to celebrate my seventieth birthday, so we feasted and laughed and danced until midnight. - -Speeches launched the affair. I was seated behind a bouquet, in the first row, and listened to seventeen talks. As a sign of recognition, I presented a flower to each encomiast. Most speakers were over fifty, friends I had made on four continents, a few with reminiscences reaching back to the 1950s in New York. Others were acquaintances made while teaching in Kassel, Berlin, Marburg, Oldenburg and, since 1991, in Bremen. As I grappled for the expression of gratitude fitting each speaker, I felt like Hugh of St. Victor, my teacher. This twelfth-century monk in a letter compares himself to a basket-bearing donkey: not weighed down but lifted by the burden of friendships gathered on life's pilgrimage. - -From the laudationes at the library we moved across the plaza to the liberal arts building, whose bleak cement hallways I habitually avoid. A metamorphosis had occurred in its atmosphere. We found ourselves in a quaint café: some five dozen small tables, each with a lighted candle on a colored napkin. For the occasion, the university's department of domestic science had squeezed a pot into the semester's budget, a pot large enough to cook potato soup for a company. The chancellor, absent on business in Beijing, had hired a Klezmer ensemble. Ludolf Kuchenbuch, dean of historians at a nearby university and a saxophonist, took charge of the jazz. A couple of clowns performing on a bicycle entertained us with their parody of my 1972 book, Energy and Equity. - -The mayor-governor of the city state, Bremen, had picked a very old Burgundy from the treasures of the Ratskeller. The lanky and towering official handed me the precious gift and expressed his pleasure "that Illich at seventy, in his own words, had found in Bremen 'einen Zipfel Heimat'," something like "the tail end of an abode." On the lips of the Bürgermeister, my expression seemed grotesque, but still true. I began to reflect: How could I have been induced to connect the notion of home with the long dark winters of continual rain, where I walk through the pastures along the Wümme that are flooded twice a day by the tide from the North Atlantic? I who, as a boy, had felt exiled in Vienna, because all my senses were longingly attached to the South, to the blue Adriatic, to the limestone mountains in the Dalmatia of my early childhood. - -Today's ceremony, however, is even more startling than last year's revelry, because your award makes me feel welcomed by the citizenry rather than just by a city father. Villa Ichon is a manifestation of Bremen's civility: neither private charity nor public agency. You, who are my hosts in this place, define yourselves as Hanseatic merchant citizens. On the day Villa Ichon was solemnly opened, you pointedly refused to let a city official touch the keys to this house, this "houseboat for the uninsured and vulnerable among us" as Klaus Hübotter has called it. By insisting on your autonomy you stressed the respectful distance of civil society from the city's government. I am touched that this annual award, meant to honor a Bremen citizen, should today go to an errant pilgrim, but to one who knows how to appreciate it. As the eldest son of a merchant family in a free port city - one that was caught between the contesting powers of Byzantium and Venice - I was born into a tradition which, in the meantime, has petered out, but not without leaving me sensitive to the flavor of the Hanseatic hospitality you offer today. - -I first heard of Bremen when I was six, in the stories told me by my drawing teacher, who came from one of your patrician families, and in Vienna was homesick for the North. I adopted the tiny, black-dressed lady as Mamma Pfeiffer-Kulenkampf. One summer she came along with us to Dalmatia, to paint. Her watercolors still grace my brothers study. From her I learned how to mix different pigments for the contrasting atmospheres of a Mediterranean and an Atlantic shore. - -Now, a long lifetime later, I am at home in her salty gray climate. And not just at home: I now fancy that my presence has added something to the atmosphere of Bremen university. When Dean Johannes Beck led me from the aula through the rainy plaza into the makeshift cafe he made a remark that I accepted as a gift. "Ivan," he said "this feels like an overflow of Barbara Duden's house." Dean Beck put into words the accomplishment of something I had aimed at for decades -- the plethora of the dining-room conviviality inspiring the University Aula; The aura of our hospitality in the Kreftingstrasse, felt well beyond its threshold. - -Even before my first Bremen semester could start, Barbara Duden got a house in the Ostertor Viertel, beyond the old moat, just down from the drug-corner, the farmers market and the Turkish quarter. There Barbara created an ambiance of austere playfulness. The house became a place that at the drop of a hat accommodates our guests. If -- after my lecture on Fridays -- the spaghetti bowl must feed more than the two dozen who fit around the table made from flooring timber, guests squat on Mexican blankets in the next room. - -Over the years our "Kreftingstraße" has fostered privileged closeness in respectful, disciplined, critical intercourse: friendships between old acquaintances who drop in from far away, and new ones, three, even four decades younger than my oldest companion Ceslaus Hoinacki, who shares his room with our Encyclopedias. Friendship makes ties unique, but some more than others bear the burden of the host. Kassandra who lives elsewhere, has a key to the house and brings the flowers and Matthias, the virtuoso drummer who stays downstairs, in the room that opens on the tiny garden, belong to the dozen who can equally welcome the newcomer at the threshold, stir the soup, orient conversation, do the dishes and ... correct my manuscripts as well as those of each other. - -Learned and leisurely hospitality is the only antidote to the stance of deadly cleverness that is acquired in the professional pursuit of objectively secured knowledge. I remain certain that the quest for truth cannot thrive outside the nourishment of mutual trust flowering into a commitment to friendship. Therefore I have tried to identify the climate that fosters and the "conditioned air" that hinders the growth of friendship. - -Of course I can remember the taste of strong atmospheres from other epochs in my life: I have never doubted that -- today, more than ever -- a "monastic" ambience is the prerequisite to the independence needed for a historically based indictment of society. Only the gratuitous commitment of friends can enable me to practice the ascetisme required for modern near-paradoxes: as that of renouncing systems analysis while typing on my Toshiba. - -My early suspicion that atmosphere was a prerequisite for the kind of studium to which I had dedicated myself became a conviction through my contact with post-Sputnik American universities. After just one year as vice-chancellor of a university in Puerto Rico, in 1957 I and a few others wanted to question the development ideology to which Kennedy no less than Castro subscribed. I put all the money I had - today the equivalent of the prize you just gave me - into the purchase of a one- room wooden shack in the mountains that overlook the Caribbean. With three friends I wanted a place of study in which every use of the personal pronoun "nos-otros" would truthfully refer back to the four of "us", and be accessible to our guests as well; I wanted to practice the rigor that would keep us far from the "we" that invokes the security found in the shadow of an academic discipline: we as "sociologists", "economists" and so forth. As one of us, Charlie Rosario, put it: "All departments smell - of disinfectants, at their best; and poisoned sterilized aura." The "casita" on the route to Adjuntas soon became so obnoxious that I had to leave the Island. - -This freed me to start a "thinkery" in Mexico that five years later turned into CIDOC. In his introductory talk for today's celebration congressman Freimut Duve told you about it. In those distant years Duve was editor at Rowohlt, took care of my German books and several times spent time with me there, in Cuernavaca. He told you about the spirit prevailing in that place: a climate of mutually tempered forbearance. It was this aura, this quality or air, through which this ephemeral venture could become a world crossroads, a meeting place for those who, long before this had -become fashionable, questioned the innocence of "development." Only the mood that Duve hinted at can explain the disproportionate influence that this small place exerted in challenging the goods of socio-economic development. - -CIDOC was closed by common accord on April first, ten years to the day after its foundation. With Mexican music and dancing we celebrated its closing. Duve told you about her, who did it, Valentina Borremans: she had directed and organized CIDOC from its inception, and he told you about his admiration for the style in which she closed it by mutual consent of its 63 collaborators. She knew that the soul of this free, independent and powerless "thinkery" would have been squashed soon by its rising influence. - -CIDOC shut its doors in the face of criticism by its most serious friends, people too earnest to grasp the paradox of atmosphere. These were mainly persons for whom the hospitable atmosphere of CIDOC had provided a unique forum. They thrived in the aura of CIDOC, and outright rejected our certainty that atmosphere invites institutionalization by which it will be corrupted. You never know what will nurture the spirit of a philia, while you can be certain what will stifle it. Spirit emerges by surprise, and it's a miracle when it abides; it is stifled by every attempt to secure it; it's debauched when you try to use it. - -Few understood this. With Valentina I opened the mayor's bottle of Burgundy in Mexico to celebrate one of them. We drank the wine to the memory of Alejandro Del Corro, a now deceased Argentine Jesuit who lived and worked with me since the early sixties. With his Laica he traveled around South America, collaborating with guerrilleros to save their archives for history. Alejandro was a master at moderating aura. Wen he presided, his delicate attention to each guest: guerrillero, US civil servant, trash collector or professor felt at home with each other around the CIDOC table. Alejandro knew that you cannot lay a claim on aura, he knew about the evanescence of atmosphere. - -I speak of atmosphere, faute de mieux. In Greek, the word is used for the emanation of a star, or for the constellation that governs a place; alchemists adopted it to speak of the layers around our planet. Maurice Blondel reflects its much later French usage for bouquet des ésprits, the scent those present contribute to a meeting. I use the word for something frail and often discounted, the air that weaves and wafts and evokes memories, like those attached to the Burgundy long after the bottle has been emptied. - -To sense an aura, you need a nose. The nose, framed by the eyes, runs below the brain. What the nose inhales ends in the guts; every yogi and hesichast knows this. The nose curves down in the middle of the face. Pious Jews are conscious of the image because what Christians call "walking in the sight of God" the Hebrew expresses as "ambling under God's nose and breath." To savor the feel of a place, you trust your nose; to trust another, you must first smell him. - -In its beginnings, western civic culture wavered between cultivated distrust and sympathetic trust. Plato believed it would be upsetting for Athenian citizens to allow their bowels to be affected by the passion of actors in the theater; he wanted the audience to go no further than reflecting on the words. Aristotle respectfully modified his teacher's opinion. In the Poetics, he asks the spectators to let gesture and mimicry, the rhythm and melody of breath, reach their very innards. Citizens should attend the theater, not just to understand, but to be affected by each other. For Aristotle, there could be no transformation, no purifying catharsis, without such gripping mimesis. Without gut level experience of the other, without sharing his aura, you can't be saved from yourself. - -Some of that sense of mimesis comes out in an old German adage, "Ich kann Dich gut riechen" (I can smell you well), which is still used and understood. But it's something you don't say to just anyone; it's an expression that is permissible only when you feel close, count on trust, and are willing to be hurt. It presupposes the truth of another German saying, "Ich kann Dich gut leiden" (I can suffer [put up with] you [well]). You can see that nose words have not altogether disappeared from ordinary speech, even in the age of daily showers. - -I remember my embarrassment when, after years of ascetical discipline, I realized that I still had not made the connection between nose and heart, smell and affection. I was in Peru in the mid- fifties, on my way to meet Jaime, who welcomed me to his modest hut for the third time. But to get to the shack, I had to cross the Rimac, the open cloaca of Lima. The thought of sleeping for a week in this miasma almost made me retch. That evening, for some reason I suddenly understood with a shock what Carlos had been telling me all along, "Ivan, don't kid yourself; don't imagine you can be friends with people you can't smell." That one jolt unplugged my nose; it enabled me to dip into the aura of Carlos's house, and allowed me to merge the atmosphere I brought along into the ambience of his home. - -This discovery of my nose for the scent of the spirit occurred forty years ago, in the time of the DC-4, belief in development programs, and the apparently benign Peace Corps. It was the time when DDT was still too expensive for Latin American slum dwellers, when most people had to put up with fleas and lice on their skins, as they put up with the old, the crippled and idiots in their homes. It was the time before Xerox, fax and e-mail. But it was also a time before smog and AIDS. I was then considered a crank because I foresaw the unwanted side effects of development, because I spoke to unions on technogenic unemployment, and to leftists on the growing polarization between rich and poor in the wake of expanding commodity dependence. What seemed hysteria then has now hardened into well documented facts; some of these facts are too horrible to face. They must be exorcised: bowdlerizing them by research, assigning their management to specialized agencies, and conjuring them by prevention programs. But while the depletion of life forms, the growing immunity of pathogens, climate changes, the disappearance of the job culture, and uncontrollable violence now make up the admitted side effects of economic growth, the menace of modern life for the survival of atmospheres is hardly recognized as a terrible threat. - -This is the reason I dare to annoy you with the memory of that walk in the dusk with my nose full of the urine and feces emanating from the Rimac. That landscape no longer exists; cars now fill a highway hiding the sewage. The skin and scalp of Indians is no longer the habitat of lice; now the allergies produced by industrial chemicals cause the itch. Makeshift shanties have been replaced by public housing; each apartment has its plumbing and each family member a separate bed - the guest knows that he imposes an inconvenience. The miasma of the Rimac has become a memory in a city asfixiated by industrial smog. I juxtapose then and now because this allows me to argue that the impending loss of spirit, of soul, of what I call atmosphere, could go unnoticed. - -Only persons who face one another in trust can allow its emergence. The bouquet of friendship varies with each breath, but when it is there it needs no name. For a long time I believed that there was no one noun for it, and no verb for its creation. Each time I tried one, I was discouraged; all the synonyms for it were shanghaied by its synthetic counterfeits: mass-produced fashions and cleverly marketed moods, chic feelings, swank highs and trendy tastes. Starting in the seventies, group dynamics retreats and psychic training, all to generate "atmosphere," became major businesses. Discreet silence about the issue I am raising seemed preferable to creating a misunderstanding. - -Then, thirty years after that evening above the Rimac, I suddenly realized that there is indeed a very simple word that says what I cherished and tried to nourish, and that word is peace. Peace, however, not in any of the many ways its cognates are used all over the world, but peace in its post- classical, European meaning. Peace, in this sense, is the one strong word with which the atmosphere of friendship created among equals has been appropriately named. But to embrace this, one has to come to understand the origin of this peace in the conspiratio, a curious ritual behavior almost forgotten today. - -This is how I chanced upon this insight. In 1986, a few dozen peace research centers in Africa and Asia were planning to open a common resource center. The founding assembly was held in Japan, and the leaders were looking for a Third World speaker. However, for reasons of delicacy, they wanted a person who was neither Asian nor African, and took me for a Latin American; then they pressured me to come. So I packed my guayabera shirt and departed for the Orient. - -In Yokohama I addressed the group, speaking as a historian. I wanted first to dismantle any universal notion of peace; I wanted to stress the claim of each ethnos to its own peace, the right of each community to be left in its peace. It seemed important to make clear that peace is not an abstract condition, but a very specific spirit to be relished in its particular, incommunicable uniqueness by each community. - -However, my aim in Yokohama was twofold: I wanted to examine not only the meaning but also the history and perversion of peace in that appendix to Asia and Africa we call Europe. After all, most of the world in the twentieth century is suffering from the enthusiastic acceptance of European ideas, including the European concept of peace. The assembly in Japan gave me a chance to contrast the unique spirit of peace that was born in Christian Europe with its perversion and counterfeit when, in international political parlance, an ideological link is created between economic development and peace. I argued that only by de-linking pax (peace) from development could the heretofore unsuspected glory hidden in pax be revealed. But to achieve this before a Japanese audience was difficult. - -The Japanese have an iconogram that stands for something we do not have or say or feel: foodó. My teacher, Professor Tamanoy, explained foodó to me as, "the inimitable freshness that arises from the commingling of a particular soil with the appropriate waters." Trusting my learned pacifist guide, since deceased, I started from the notion of foodó. It was easy to explain that both Athenian philia and Pax Romana, as different as they are from each other, are incomparable to foodó. Athenian philia bespeaks the friendship among the free men of a city, and Roman pax bespeaks the administrative status of a region dominated by the Legion that had planted its insignia into that soil. Thanks to Professor Tamanoy's assistance, it was easy to elaborate on the contradictions and differences between these two notions, and get the audience to comment on similar heteronomies in the cultural meaning of peace within India or between neighboring groups in Tanzania. The kaleidoscopic incarnations of peace all referred to a particular, highly desirable atmosphere. So far the conversation was easy. - -However, speaking about pax in the proto-Christan epoch turned out to be a delicate matter, because around the year 300 pax became a key word in the Christian liturgy. It became the euphemism for a mouth-to-mouth kiss among the faithful attending services; pax became the camouflage for the osculum (from os, mouth), or the conspiratio, a commingling of breaths. My friend felt I was not just courting misunderstanding, but perhaps giving offense, by mentioning such body-to-body contact in public. The gesture, up to this day, is repugnant to Japanese. - -The Latin osculum is neither very old nor frequent. It is one of three words that can be translated by the English, "kiss." In comparison with the affectionate basium and the lascivious suavium, osculum was a latecomer into classical Latin, and was used in only one circumstance as a ritual gesture: In the second century, it became the sign given by a departing soldier to a woman, thereby recognizing her expected child as his offspring. - -In the Christian liturgy of the first century, the osculum assumed a new function. It became one of two high points in the celebration of the Eucharist. Conspiratio, the mount-to-mouth kiss, became the solemn liturgical gesture by which participants in the cult-action shared their breath or spirit with one another. It came to signify their union in one Holy Spirit, the community that takes shape in God's breath. The ecclesia came to be through a public ritual action, the liturgy, and the soul of this liturgy was the conspiratio. Explicitly, corporeally, the central Christian celebration was understood as a co-breathing, a con-spiracy, the bringing about of a common atmosphere, a divine milieu. - -The other eminent moment of the celebration was, of course, the comestio, the communion in the flesh, the incorporation of the believer in the body of the Incarnate Word, but communio was theologically linked to the preceding con-spiratio. Conspiratio became the strongest, clearest and most unambiguously somatic expression for the entirely non-hierarchical creation of a fraternal spirit in preparation for the unifying meal. Through the act of eating, the fellow conspirators were transformed into a "we," a gathering which in Greek means ecclesia. Further, they believed that the "we" is also somebody's "I"; they were nourished by shading into the "I" of the Incarnate Word. The words and actions of the liturgy are not just mundane words and actions, but events occurring after the Word, that is, after the Incarnation. Peace as the commingling of soil and waters sounds cute to my ears; but peace as the result of conspiratio exacts a demanding, today almost unimaginable intimacy. - -The practice of the osculum did not go unchallenged; documents reveal that the conspiratio created scandal early on. The rigorist African Church Father, Tertullian, felt that a decent matron should not be subjected to possible embarrassment by this rite. The practice continued, but not its name; the ceremony required a euphemism. From the later third century on, the osculum pacis was referred to simply as pax, and the gesture was often watered down to some slight touch to signify the mutual spiritual union of the persons present through the creation of a fraternal atmosphere. Today, the pax before communion, called "the kiss of peace," is still integral to the Roman, Slavonic, Greek and Syrian Mass, although it is often reduced to a perfunctory handshake. - -I could no more avoid telling the story in Yokohama than today in Bremen. Why? Because the very idea of peace understood as a hospitality that reaches out to the stranger, and of a free assembly that arises in the practice of hospitality cannot be understood without reference to the Christian liturgy in which the community comes into being by the mouth-to-mouth kiss. - -However, jusyt as the antecedents of peace among us cannot be understood without reference to conspiration, the historical uniqueness of a city's climate, atmosphere or spirit calls for this reference. The European idea of peace that is synonymous with the somatic incorporation of equals into a community has no analogue elsewhere. Community in our European tradition is not the outcome of an act of authoritative foundation, nor a gift from nature or its gods, nor the result of management, planning and design, but the consequence of a conspiracy, a deliberate, mutual, somatic and gratuitous gift to each other. The prototype of that conspiracy lies in the celebration of the early Christian liturgy in which, no matter their origin, men and women, Greeks and Jews, slaves and citizens, engender a physical reality that transcends them. The shared breath, the con-spiratio are the "peace" understood as the community that arises from it. - -Historians have often pointed out that the idea of a social contract, which dominates political thinking in Europe since the 14th century, has its concrete origins in the way founders of medieval towns conceived urbane civilities. I fully agree with this. However, by focusing on the contractual aspect of this incorporation attention is distracted from the good that such contracts were meant to protect, namely, peace resulting from a conspiratio. One can fail to perceive the pretentious absurdity of attempting a contractual insurance of an atmosphere as fleeting and alive, as tender and robust, as pax. - -The medieval merchants and craftsmen who settled at the foot of a lord's castle felt the need to make the conspiracy that united them into a secure and lasting association. To provide for their general surety, they had recourse to a device, the conjuratio, a mutual promise confirmed by an oath that uses God as a witness. Most societies know the oath, but the use of God's name to make it stick first appears as a legal device in the codification of roman law made by the Christian emperor Theodosius. "Conjuration" or the swearing together by a common oath confirmed by the invocation of God, just like the liturgical osculum is of Christian origin. Conjuratio which uses God as epoxy for the social bond presumably assures stability and durability to the atmosphere engendered by the conspiratio of the citizens. In this linkage between conspiratio and conjuratio, two equally unique concepts inherited from the first millennium of Christian history are intertwined, but the latter, the contractual form soon overshadowed the spiritual substance. - -The medieval town of central Europe thus was indeed a profoundly new historical gestalt: the conjuratio conspirativa, which makes European urbanity distinct from urban modes elsewhere. It implies a peculiar dynamic strain between the atmosphere of conspiratio and its legal, contractual constitution. Ideally, the spiritual climate is the source of the city's life that flower into a hierarchy, like a shell or frame, to protect its order. Insofar as the city is understood to originate in a conspiratio, it owes its social existence to the pax the breath, shared equally among all. - -This long reflection on the historical precedence to the cultivation of atmosphere in late twentieth century Bremen seemed necessary to me to defend its intrinsically conspiratorial nature. It seems necessary to understand why, arguably, independent criticism of the established order of modern, technogene, information-centered society can grow only out of a milieu of intense hospitality. - -As a scholar I have been shaped by a monastic traditions and by the interpretation of medieval texts. Early on I took it for granted that the principal condition for an atmosphere that is propitious to independent thought is the hospitality cultivated by the host: a hospitality that excludes condescension as scrupulously as seduction; a hospitality that by its simplicity defeats the fear of plagiarism as much as that of clientage; a hospitality that by its openness dissolves intimidation as studiously as servility; a hospitality that exacts from the guests as much generosity as it imposes on the host. I have been blessed with a large portion of it, with the taste of a relaxed, humorous, sometimes grotesque fit among mostly ordinary but sometimes outlandish companions who are patient with one another. More so in Bremen than anywhere else. +../../../../../contents/article/1998-conspiracy/en.txt
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/article/index.txt b/data/pages/en/article/index.txt new file mode 120000 index 0000000..10bee19 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/article/index.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../contents/article/index.en.txt
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/book/abc/index.bib b/data/pages/en/book/abc/index.bib new file mode 120000 index 0000000..3687c4f --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/book/abc/index.bib @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/book/abc/en.bib
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/book/abc/index.txt b/data/pages/en/book/abc/index.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..be8d38c --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/book/abc/index.txt @@ -0,0 +1,26 @@ +# ABC - The Alphabetization of the Popular Mind + +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _ABC - The Alphabetization of the Popular Mind_ +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1969 +* ** #@LANG_authors@#**: Ivan Illich, Barrie Sanders +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# + + +{{tag>pending}} + +``` +@ARTICLE{Illich-abc-en, + author = {: Ivan Illich, Barrie Sanders}, + title = {ABC - The Alphabetization of the Popular Mind}, + year = {abc/}, + date = {1969}, + origdate = {1969}, + language = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/book/abc:index} +} +``` +~~NOTOC~~ +{{tag>pending}} diff --git a/data/pages/en/book/abc/notes.txt b/data/pages/en/book/abc/notes.txt new file mode 120000 index 0000000..ef2f8b6 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/book/abc/notes.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/book/abc/en.notes
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/book/abc/text.txt b/data/pages/en/book/abc/text.txt new file mode 120000 index 0000000..e92d92d --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/book/abc/text.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/book/abc/en.txt
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/book/awareness/es.txt b/data/pages/en/book/awareness/es.txt deleted file mode 120000 index 74b4892..0000000 --- a/data/pages/en/book/awareness/es.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1 +0,0 @@ -../../../es/book/awareness/es.txt
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/book/awareness/index.txt b/data/pages/en/book/awareness/index.txt deleted file mode 100644 index a679da5..0000000 --- a/data/pages/en/book/awareness/index.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,9 +0,0 @@ -# Celebration of Awarenness - -* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:en|Online]] -* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Alternativas_ -* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1969 -* **#@LANG_comments@#:** ... - - -~~NOTOC~~ diff --git a/data/pages/en/book/conviviality/es.txt b/data/pages/en/book/conviviality/es.txt deleted file mode 120000 index 61e2428..0000000 --- a/data/pages/en/book/conviviality/es.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1 +0,0 @@ -../../../es/book/conviviality/es.txt
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/book/conviviality/fr.txt b/data/pages/en/book/conviviality/fr.txt deleted file mode 120000 index 43441b9..0000000 --- a/data/pages/en/book/conviviality/fr.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1 +0,0 @@ -../../../fr/book/conviviality/fr.txt
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/book/conviviality/index.txt b/data/pages/en/book/conviviality/index.txt deleted file mode 100644 index f2cf999..0000000 --- a/data/pages/en/book/conviviality/index.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,8 +0,0 @@ -# Tools for Conviviality - -* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:es|Online]] -* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Tools for Conviviality_ -* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1973 -* **#@LANG_comments@#:** ... - -~~NOTOC~~ diff --git a/data/pages/en/book/deschooling/es.txt b/data/pages/en/book/deschooling/es.txt deleted file mode 120000 index e526e1b..0000000 --- a/data/pages/en/book/deschooling/es.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1 +0,0 @@ -../../../es/book/deschooling/es.txt
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/book/deschooling/index.txt b/data/pages/en/book/deschooling/index.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 875b378..0000000 --- a/data/pages/en/book/deschooling/index.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,9 +0,0 @@ -# Deschooling society - -* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:es|Online]] -* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Deschooling society_ -* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1970 -* **#@LANG_comments@#:** ... - - -~~NOTOC~~ diff --git a/data/pages/en/book/energy/index.txt b/data/pages/en/book/energy/index.txt deleted file mode 100644 index f7a7c81..0000000 --- a/data/pages/en/book/energy/index.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,8 +0,0 @@ -# Energy and equity - -* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:en|Online]] -* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Énergie et équité_ -* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1974 -* **#@LANG_comments@#:** was first written in French and published in Le Monde in May 1973 in three instalments. Developed and rewritten, with the help of Luce Giard and Vincent Bardet, it was the subject of a first edition in French in 1975, under the Éditions du Seuil. A longer and more detailed English version was established on this complete and enriched plot of works conducted at the CIDOC of Cuernavaca. - -~~NOTOC~~ diff --git a/data/pages/en/book/gender/index.md b/data/pages/en/book/gender/index.md deleted file mode 100644 index d41e4a7..0000000 --- a/data/pages/en/book/gender/index.md +++ /dev/null @@ -1,14 +0,0 @@ - ---- -title: "Gender" -author: "Ivan Illich" -abstract: "https://illich.test/en:book:gender:index?rev=1621567599" -date: "**1982" -lang: "ex" -titlepage: true -titlepage-color: "FFFFFF" -titlepage-text-color: "000000" -titlepage-rule-color: "CCCCCC" -titlepage-rule-height: 4 ---- - diff --git a/data/pages/en/book/gender/index.txt b/data/pages/en/book/gender/index.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 55c3e09..0000000 --- a/data/pages/en/book/gender/index.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,10 +0,0 @@ -# Gender - -* ** #@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:en|Online]] -* ** #@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1982 -* ** #@LANG_comments@#:** ... -* ** #@LANG_authors@#**: Ivan Illich - - - -~~NOTOC~~ diff --git a/data/pages/en/book/index.txt b/data/pages/en/book/index.txt new file mode 120000 index 0000000..9345bdb --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/book/index.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../contents/book/index.en.txt
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/book/unemployment/es.txt b/data/pages/en/book/unemployment/es.txt deleted file mode 120000 index 104cc11..0000000 --- a/data/pages/en/book/unemployment/es.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1 +0,0 @@ -../../../es/book/unemployment/es.txt
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/book/unemployment/index.txt b/data/pages/en/book/unemployment/index.txt deleted file mode 100644 index dada828..0000000 --- a/data/pages/en/book/unemployment/index.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,8 +0,0 @@ -# The Right to Useful Unemployment - -* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:en|Online]] -* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _The Right To Useful Unemployment And Its Professional Enemies_ -* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1978 -* **#@LANG_comments@#:** ... - -~~NOTOC~~ diff --git a/data/pages/en/index.txt b/data/pages/en/index.txt index fe8c59a..acadbb4 100644 --- a/data/pages/en/index.txt +++ b/data/pages/en/index.txt @@ -1,14 +1,12 @@ # English +## Books -## Original books series +* [[en:book:toynbee:index|1951 - Die philosophischen Grundlagen der Geschichtsschreibung bei Arnold Joseph +Toynbee]] _(The Philosophical Foundations of Historiography in Arnold Joseph Toynbee's Work)_ - -* 1951 - Die philosophischen Grundlagen der Geschichtsschreibung bei Arnold Joseph -Toynbee _(The Philosophical Foundations of Historiography in Arnold Joseph Toynbee's Work)_ - -* [[en:book:awareness:index|1970 - Celebration Of Awareness]] +* [[en:book:awareness:index|1970 - Celebration of Awareness]] * [[en:book:deschooling:index|1970 - Deschooling Society]] @@ -16,11 +14,13 @@ Toynbee _(The Philosophical Foundations of Historiography in Arnold Joseph Toynb * [[en:book:conviviality:index|1973 - Tools for Conviviality]] -* [[en:book:energy:index|1973 - Energy And Equity]] +* [[en:book:energy:index|1973 - Energy and Equity]] -* [[en:book:medical:index|1975 - Medical Nemesis-The Expropriation Of Health]] +* [[en:book:medicine:index|1976 - Limits to Medicine: Medical Nemesis, The Expropriation of Health]] -* [[en:book:unemployment:index|1978 - The Right To Useful Unemployment And Its Professional Enemies]] +* [[en:book:needs:index|1977 - Toward a History of Needs]] + +* [[en:book:unemployment:index|1978 - The Right to Useful Unemployment and its Professional Enemies]] * [[en:book:shadow:index|1981 - Shadow Work]] @@ -28,567 +28,38 @@ Toynbee _(The Philosophical Foundations of Historiography in Arnold Joseph Toynb * [[en:book:school:index|1984 - School into Museum]] -* [[en:book:h20:index|1985 - H2O And The Waters Of Forgetfulness]] - -* [[en:book:abc:index|1988 - ABC-The Alphabetization Of The Popular Mind]] - -* [[en:book:mirror:index|1992 - In The Mirror Of The Past-Lectures And Addresses, 1978-1990]] - -* [[en:book:vineyard:index|1993 - In The Vineyard Of The Text-A Commentary To Hugh's Didascalicon]] - -### Compilations +* [[en:book:h20:index|1985 - H2O and the Waters of Forgetfulness]] +* [[en:book:abc:index|1988 - ABC: The Alphabetization of the Popular Mind]] -* [[en:1977:index|1977 - Toward A History Of Needs]] ((includes "Energy And Equity" and "The Right To Useful Unemployment And Its Professional Enemies")) +* [[en:book:mirror:index|1992 - In the Mirror of the Past: Lectures and Addresses, 1978-1990]] -* [[en:1977b:index|1977 - Disabling professions]] ((includes only on text of Illich and from other authors)) +* [[en:book:vineyard:index|1993 - In the Vineyard of the text: A Commentary to Hugh's Didascalicon]] ## Articles -### 1950's - -* 1953 - Basic Policies for Courses of Missionary Formation - * Requested at: https://findingaids.library.uic.edu/sc/MSICUI89.xml - -* [[en:article:1955-the_american_parish:index|1955 - The American Parish]] - -* 1955 - Can a Catholic Get a Divorce? - * in Integrity, vol. 9, n. 7, aprile 1955, pp. 7-10; - * in Obras Completas Italianas 1 - -* 1955 - Sacred Virginity - -* 1956 - Puerto Ricans in New York - * En Celebration - * Otro titulo: Puerto Ricans in New York - -* 1956 - Rehearsal for Death - -* 1958 - The End of Human Life - -1958 - The Pastoral Care of Puerto Rican Migrants in New York - * in Social Compass, vol. 5, nn. 5-6, marzo 1958, pp. 256-260. - * in Obras Completas Italianas 1 - -### 1960's - -* 1960 - Missionary Silence - -* [[en:article:1961-bootcamp_for_urbanites:index|1961 - Boot Camp for Urbanites]] - -* 1961 - Brazil - * in Data for DECISION in Latin America, novembre 1961, - * in Obras Completas Italianas 1 - -* 1961 - Spiritual Poverty and the Missionary Character - -* 1962 - The Lay Missionary in Latin America - -* 1962 - Education and Economic Development - * in Data for DECISION in Latin America, maggio/giugno/luglio 1962, - * in Obras Completas Italianas 1 - -* 1963 - The Predicament of the Church and the Task of the Religious Orders - -* 1964 - Religion and the Universities: An Invitation to Discussion - * in CIF Reports, vol. 2, febbraio 1964, poi in «CIDOC Cuaderno No. 37», 1969, pp. 16-18, - * in Obras Completas Italianas 1 - -* 1964 - A Note from the Publisher - * in CIF Reports, vol. 2, n. 10, marzo 1964, pp. 3-4; poi in «CIDOC Cuaderno No. 37», 1969, pp. 10/3-4. I - * in Obras Completas Italianas 1 - -* 1964 - The Education of Submarginal People - * in Joseph P. Fitzpatrick (a c. di), Educational Planning and Socio-Economic Development in Latin America, «Sondeos No. 9», 1966, pp. 159-161. - * in Obras Completas Italianas 1 - -* 1965 - Dear Father Kevane - -* 1966 - Concerning Aesthetic and Religious Experience - -* [[en:article:1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks:index|1968 - The Redistribution of Educational Tasks between Schools and Other Organs of Society]] - -* 1967 - Dear Mary: Letter to an American Volunteer - -* 1967 - Yankee, Go Home: The American Do-Gooder in South America - -* 1967 - The Church, Change and Development - -* 1967 - The Seamy Side of Charity - * the powerless church - * Las sombras de la caridad - -* 1967 - The Vanishing Clergyman - * the powerless church - * la metamorfosis del clero - -* 1967 - To be perfectly frank - -* 1967 - The Secular City and the Structure of Religious Life: A Discussion Outline - * Cuernavaca 1967, in CIDOC Informa, gennaio-giugno 1968, «CIDOC Cuaderno No. 20», vol. 6, 1968, pp. 51a/1-9. - * in Obras Completas Italianas 1 - -* 1968 - Violence: A Mirror for Americans - -* 1968 - La escuela, esa vieja y gorda vaca sagrada - * 1969 - Commencement at the University of Puerto Rico - * 1968 - To Hell with Good Intentions - -* 1969 - Between Jail and Campus: The Chaplain’s Halfway House - -* 1969 - The need for counterfoil research. Address to the Canadian Institute of Public Affairs at Couchiching - * En CIDOC DOC - - -### 1970's - -* 1970 - Mission and Midwifery, Part I: Missionary Formation Based on Missiology - -* 1970 - Mission and Midwifery, Part II: Selection and Formation of the Missionary - -* 1970 - Missionary Poverty - -* 1970 - Missionary Silence - - -* 1970 - Beecher Lectures - * Cuadernos CIDOC ; No.1002 - -* 1970 - Ivan Illich Writes Pope Paul - -* 1970 - A Call to Celebration - -* 1973 - Abolishing schools 1 - * In New York Times, May 3, 1971. page 37. - -* 1971 - Draft for an address to the American Educational Research Association meeting in New York - * February 6, 1971. CIDOC, Doc. A/E 71/282. - -* 1971 - The Powerless Church - -* 1971 - De-schooling the Teaching Orders - -* 1971 - Por qué debemos abolir la trata escolar - * Cuaderno 66 - -* 1971 - Contra la religión de la escuela - * Cuaderno 66 - -* 1971 - The Alternative to Schooling - * In: "Saturday Review". 19 June 1971 - -* 1971 - The Breakdown of Schools: A Problem or a Symptom? - -* 1971 - Society and Imagination - -* **1971 - The Evolution of the School** - -* **1971 - The Roots of Human Liberation** - -* **1971 - This Book Is About Schools** - -* 1971 - The institutionalization of truth - * En Tradition and revolution, Lionel Rubinoff (solicitado a Harvard) - -* 1972 - How Will We Pass on Christianity? - -* 1972 - Foreword to Letters from the desert - -* **1972 - Education: Knowledge Capitalism** - * CIDOC. No. 39, - -* 1972 - A Center Conference: Toward a Society without Schools - * CIDOC DOCUMENTA Alternatives in Education V. 2, - -* 1972 - Identity and the nature of revolution - * In Latin America: The Dynamics of Social Change: https://hollis.harvard.edu/primo-explore/fulldisplay?docid=01HVD_ALMA211929995010003941&context=L&vid=HVD2&lang=en_US&search_scope=everything&adaptor=Local%20Search%20Engine&tab=everything&query=any,contains,Latin%20America:%20The%20Dynamics%20of%20Social%20Change&offset=0 - -* **1972 - Hacía una sociedad convivencial** - * In: CIDOC CUADERNO. No. 1021 - -* 1972 - Institutional Inversion - * In: CIDOC CUADERNO. No. 1017 - -* 1972 - Mr Chief Justice Burger and the disestablishment of schooling - * in CIDOC CUADERNO. No. 76 - -* 1972 - Anglo American Law and a convivial society - * In: CIDOC CUADERNO. No. 82 - -* 1972 - Gradual change or violent revolution in Latin America? - -* 1973 - After Deschooling, What? - * Un Mundo sin escuelas - -* **1973 - An Expansion of the Concept of Alienation** - -* 1973 - La necesidad de un techno común; el control social de latecnología. - -* 1973 0 Maintaining a Wattage Threshold. - * In: "The New York Times".; p. 33 - -* 1973 - Limits of Therapy - * Preparatory Documents for 1974 CIDOC - -* 1973 - Herramientas para la convivencia - * In: CIDOC CUADERNO. No. 1027 - -* 1973 - La escuela y la represion de nuestros hijos - -* 1973 - National Health Insurance and the People's - * In: CIDOC CUADERNO. No. 84 - -* 1973 - On the Political Uses of Natural Death - * In: CIDOC CUADERNO. No. 84 - -* 1973 - Para reencontrar la vida - * In: CIDOC CUADERNO. No. 84 - -* 1973 - Recycling the World - * In: CIDOC CUADERNO. No. 84 - -* 1973 - The illusion of unlimited Health Insurance - * In: CIDOC Documenta I/V, Julio 1971 - Agosto 1972. In: CIDOC CUADERNO. No. 82 - -* 1974 - Discurso en el Colegio de Abogados de San Juan, Puerto Rico, el 15 de abril de 1974 - * In: CIDOC DOCUMENTA I/V - -* 1974 - Lima Discourse - -* 1974 - The Annual Encyclopaedia Brittanica Lecture, Edinburgh - -* 1975 - Crisis en la didáctica, 2a parte. - -* 1975 - Introduction - * In: CIDOC CUADERNO. No. 90 - -* 1975 - La educación autocrítica - * and Paulo Freire - -* 1975 - Pilgrims of the Obvious: A Conversation with Ivan Illich and Paulo Freire - * In: "Risk" - -* 1975 - The industrialization of medicine - * In: "Ciba Found Symp" - -* 1975 - The medicalization of life - * In: "Journal of Medical Ethics. The Journal of the Society for the Study of Medical Ethics" - -* 1975 - The Recovery of Health - * In: "Cross Currents" - -* 1976 - Political Inversion - * Included in "Imprisoned in the Global Classroom" - -* 1976 - Medicine Is a Major Threat to Health - * [Co-author: Keen, Sam.] In: "Psychology Today" - -* 1976 - The age of professional dominance - * [A draft.] In: "TECNO-POLITICA". Doc. Cuernavaca, (México) - -* 1977 - Factors in Contemporary Medicine - -* 1978 - Alternativas de la educacion - * In: Coleccion Afluente. Ed. Apex: Buenos Aires; 116 - -* 1978 - In Lieu of Education - * In: Illich, Ivan: Toward a history of needs - -* 1978 - Tantalizing Needs - * In: Illich, Ivan: Toward a history of needs - -* 1978 - Introduction - * In: Doctors on trial. - -* 1978 - Taught Mother Tongue - * In Mirror - * Other name: Taught mother language and vernacular tongue - * In the book "Multilingualism and mother-tongue education" with Debi Prasanna Pattanayak - -* 1978 - Introduction to "The Inverse of Managed Health" - * [Co-author: Illich, Ivan.] In: "Social Alternatives". with Borremans, Valentina - -* [[en:article:1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut:index|1978 - The Message of Bapu’s Hut]] - -* 1979 - Preface - * In: Borremanns,Valentina: Guide to convivial tools - -* 1979 - The New Frontier for Arrogance: Colonization of the Informal Sector - -* 1979 - Vernacular Values and Education - -* 1979 - The Educational Sphere - * In Mirror - -### 1980's - -* 1980 - Alternativas del desarrollo. In: "El Viejo Topo". - -* 1980 - Los profesionales de la impotencia. - * In: "Construcción, Arquitectura y Urbanismo". 61, Col. Of. de Arquitectos Téc. y Aparejadores de Cataluña: Barcelona; - -* 1980 - Hugh - or, Science by People - -* 1980 - The De-linking of Peace and Development - * In Mirror - -* 1981 - Multilingualism and mother-tongue education (with Pattanayak, Debi Prasanna) - -* 1981 - On Education - * In: "New Education". - -* 1981 - La guerra contra la subsistencia: antología. - * In: Coleccion "Esta America". - * Otro titulo: La represión del ámbito vernáculo. - -* 1982 - Medicalization and primary care - * In: "The Journal of the Royal College of General Practitioners". - -* 1982 - Silence is a Commons. - * In mirror - * Otro titulo: La sociedad gestionada mediante computadoras - -* Draft for a lecture in Berlin - -* 1983 - I Too Have Decided to Keep Silent - * In Mirror - -* 1984 - Dwelling - * In Mirror - -* 1984 - Eco Paedagogics and the Commons - * In: "Education". no. 2, 6, p. 29-34 - -* 1985 - In the vineyard of text - * (primero en aleman?) - -* 1985 - Twelve Years after Medical Nemesis: A Plea for Body History - * Escribir la historia del cuerpo doce años después de Nemesis médica. In: "Archipiélago: cuadernos de crítica de la cultura". No 15, Archipiélago: Barcelona; p - -* 1986 - Education as a problem of scarcity of means - -* 1986 - A plea for body history - -* 1986 - A Plea for Research on Lay Literacy - * In Mirror - -* [[en:article:1986-disvalue:index|1986 - Disvalue]] - -* 1987 - El género del espacio. El hogar vernáculo - * In: "Av. Arquitectura y vivienda". 12, Soc.Estatal de Gestión para la Rehabilitación y Construcción de la Vivienda: Madrid - -* 1987 - Hospitality and Pain. - -* 1987 - Computer Literacy and the Cybernetic Dream. - * In Mirror - -* 1987 - Medical Ethics: A Call to De-bunk Bio-ethics. - * In Mirror - -* 1988 - Needs - -* 1988 - The Educational Enterprise in the Light of the Gospel - -* 1988 - Alternatives to Economics: Toward a History of Waste - * In Mirror - -* 1989 - Posthumous Longevity. An open letter to a cloistered community of Benedictine nuns, 1989. - -* 1989 - The Institutional Construction of a New Fetish: Human Life - * In Mirror - -* 1989 - The Shadow that the Future Throws - -* 1989 - Commentary on Robert J. Fox - -### 1990's - -* 1990 - A-mortality - -* 1990 - Introduction to A-mortality - -* 1990 - Drugs - -* 1990 - Declaration On Soil - -* 1990 - Health as One's Own Responsibility - No, Thank You! - -* 1990 - Mnemosyne: The Mold of Memory. 'The Object of Objects: An Elegy for the Anchored Text' - -* 1990 - The Loudspeaker on the Tower - -* 1990 - The Sad Loss of Gender - -* 1991 - Comment: The Last Modern Century - -* 1991 - Preface In: Arney, William Ray: Experts in the Age of Systems - -* 1991 - Mente letrada versus mente informática - * In: "Archipiélago: cuadernos de crítica de la cultura". No 7 - -* 1991 - Text and University - on the idea and history of a unique institution - -* 1991 - The Earthy Virtue of Place - -* 1992 - Autostop - -* 1992 - The loss of world and flesh - -* 1993 - Guarding the Eye in the Age of Show. - -* 1993 - Lectio divina. - -* 1993 - To Honor Jaques Ellul. - -* 1994 - An Address to "Master Jacques" - -* **1994 - Blasphemy: A Radical Critique of Technological Culture** - -* 1994 - Coping with sickness - -* 1994 - Brave New Biocracy: Health Care From Womb to Tomb - -* 1994 - La ilusión fundamental - * In: "Archipiélago: cuadernos de crítica de la cultura". No 18-19, Archipiélago: - -* 1994 - Pathogenesis, Immunity and the Quality of Health Care. - -* 1994 - The Wisdom of Leopold Kohr - -* 1994 - Unhappy paradoxes of medicine - -* 1995 - Death Undefeated: From Medicine to Medicalisation to Systematisation - -* 1995 - Statements by Jacques Ellul and Ivan Illich - * In: "Technology in Society". no. 2, 1995, volume 17, p. 231-235 - -* 1995 - The Scopic Past and the Ethics of the Gaze. A plea for the historical study of ocular perception - -* [[en:article:1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives:index|1995 - Foreword to "Deschooling Our Lives"]] - -* 1996 - Education in the Perspective of the Dropout - * In: "Bulletin of Science, Technology andSociety". - -* 1996 - Health - * In: "Bulletin of Science, Technology and Society". no. 5/6, 1996, v - -* 1996 - Living Off the Waste of Development. - * In: "New Perspectives Quarterly" no. 3, June 1996, 13, p. 10-11 - -* 1996 - Philosophy... Artifacts... Friendship - and the History of the Gaze - -* 1996 - Speed? What Speed? - * Same: "From Fast to Quick" - -* 1997 - The Image of Objectivity - -* 1997 - To Hell with Life - -* 1997 - Beauty in Proportion - * In: "Resurgence: an international forum for ecological and spiritual thinking". Issue 185, - -* 1997 - Homo educandus lost. Education and Technology: Asking the Right Questions - -* 1997 - Slow Is Beautiful. In: "New Perspectives Quarterly" - * Gardels, Nathan ed.; issue 1, volume 14 - -* 1997 - The Immorality of Bioethics - -* [[en:article:1998-conspiracy:index|1998 - The Cultivation of Conspiracy]] - -* 1998 - La reindinvicación de la casa - * In: "Archipiélago: cuadernos de crítica de la cultura". No 34-35, Archipiélago - -* 1998 - And do not lead us into diagnosis, but deliver us of the pursuit of health - -* 1999 - The Conditional Human - - -## Other resources - - -* [[en:videos:index|Videos]] - -* 1969 - A conversation with Ivan Illich. Illich, Ivan, 1926-2002; WCNY-TV (Television station) Syracuse, N.Y. Interviewer: Carl Illenberg. - -* 1970 - The Institutionalization of Truth - * This is a videotape of a lecture (about 55 minutes) delivered in the spring of 1970 at York University in Toronto, Canada. - -### Audios - -#### Available - - -* 1968 - "Yesterday I Could Not Sleep Because Yesterday I Wrote My Name..." Sept. 30, 1968. Tape No. AS7915-7916/R7. Center for the Study of Democratic Institutions Collection. Duration: 00:42:00 - -* 1968 - Education in Developing Countries, Sept. 30, 1968. Tape AS17029/R7. Center for the Study of Democratic Institutions Collection. Duration: 1:30:00. - -* 1969 - A Privileged Place. Apr. 25, 1969. - Tape No. AS8075/R7. Center for the Study of Democratic Institutions Collection. Duration: 21:09 - -* 1973 - Retooling Society, Feb. 26, 1973. Tape No. A20644/R7. Center for the Study of Democratic Institutions Collection. Duration: 2:34:43 - -* 1976 - Reflections on Medical Nemesis, Apr. 20, 1976. Tape No. AS20944/R7. Center for the Study of Democratic Institutions Collection. Duration: 2:05:53 - -* 1976 - Lecture: "The Art of Dying (Ars Moriendi)," Apr. 21, 1976. Tape No. A5838/R7. 1:34:40 - -* 1981 - In Conversation with Ivan Illich (2 tapes), Apr. 23-24, 1981. Tape No. AS21511-21512/R7. Center for the Study of Democratic Institutions Collection. Duration: 2:48:19 (Tape 1) and 2:22:32 (Tape 2). - -* 1989 - Cayley, David (1989): Part Moon Part Travelling Salesman: Conversations with Ivan Illich. - -* 2002 - Cayley, David; (Illich, Ivan) (2000/2002): The corruption of christianity. Ivan Illich on Gospel, -Church and Society. - - -#### Requested - -* 1971 - John Wilkinson - Discussions with Ivan Illich in Mexico [?], (4 tapes), 1971. Tape No. AS10964-10967/R7. Center for the Study of Democratic Institutions Collection. Duration: ? - -* 1971 - Telephone Conversation with Ivan Illich - * Requested to [[http://www.johnohliger.org/contact.html|Chris Wagner]] from John Ohliger Institue on 26/1/2022. - * Audio-tape of an amplified long distance telephone conversation with Illich made on April 16, 1971. For about 35 minutes students and faculty at Ohio State University in Columbus, Ohio questioned Illich in Cuernavaca, Mexico about his ideas on deschooling. (For information on availability write to John Ohliger at the address on the last page of this bibliography.) - -#### Missing - -* 1970 - Alternatives in Education - * Available here: https://librarysearch.library.utoronto.ca/permalink/01UTORONTO_INST/14bjeso/alma991106571535506196 - * Audiotape. About two hours. (Order at 775.00 from Reg Herman, Managing Editor, Conucenas, P.O. Box 250, Station F, Toronto 5, Ontario, Canada: This is a tape of a lecture delivered by Illich at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education on December 2, 1970. The chairman of the meeting announced that he hnd been informed by Illich that this was the last time he would talk on education and that he now hone: to move on to other things and leave the problems of education to other people or people he had managed to convert. Approximately the last half of the tare is devoted to a question and answer session with the audience. The tape is seven inch, 3 3/b i.p.s. half-track. - -* 1971 - Disestablishing education. Los Angeles, Calif. : Pacifica Tape Library. 2 cassettes (101 min.) - * Available at: https://librarysearch.library.utoronto.ca/permalink/01UTORONTO_INST/14bjeso/alma991106673061806196 - -* 1971 - Ivan Illich on educational alternatives. CBC. - * Available at: https://librarysearch.library.utoronto.ca/permalink/01UTORONTO_INST/14bjeso/alma991106005915006196 - -* 1975 - What Education Expresses. Pacifica Tape Library: Los Angeles; Audiocassette (Other/3553) - -* 1986 - On Literacy. Teach'em: Chicago; Audiocassette (Other/3549) - -* 1989 - The STS Curriculum. Infotainment Inc.: Ottawa, ON; Videocassette (Other/3550) - -* Illich, Ivan (19??): Askese des Blicks. In: Reihe Autobahn Universität. Vortrag auf Cassette. Carl-Auer-Systeme Verlag: Heidelberg; (Other/2504) - -* 1971 - Goodman, Paul; Illich, Ivan (19??): Authenticity and Change. Living Library Corporation: New York;Audiocassette (Other/3539) - * Available here: https://librarysearch.library.utoronto.ca/permalink/01UTORONTO_INST/14bjeso/alma991106590271806196 - - - -### Interviews (in text) +{{page>.:article:index}} -* 1972 - Barry Schwartz: Deschooling, an interview with Ivan Illich. In: "Affirmative Education" -* 1976 - De Santana, Hubert (1976): Interview with Ivan Illich. In: "Maclean's". p. 8-9 +## Interviews -* 1977 - Illich, Ivan (1977): Revolting Development: An Exchange with Ivan Illich. In: "International Development -Review". no. 4, 19, p. 303-315 +{{page>.:interview:index}} -* 1987 - Interview with Douglas Lummis +<html> +<style> -* 1996 - Land of Found Friends: Conversation among Ivan Illich, Jerry Brown, and Carl Mitcham. +li.level1 { + margin-bottom: 20px; +} +li.level2 { + font-size: 75%; +} -* 1997 - Twenty-Six Years Later: Majid Rahnema in conversation with Ivan Illich. (D/4042/135-0) +img.icon { + vertical-align: baseline; +} -* 1989 - Cayley, David (1989): Part Moon Part Travelling Salesman: Conversations with Ivan Illich. -* 2002 - Cayley, David; (Illich, Ivan) (2000/2002): The corruption of christianity. Ivan Illich on Gospel, -Church and Society. +</style> +</html> diff --git a/data/pages/en/interview/1970-qa_session_toronto/index.bib b/data/pages/en/interview/1970-qa_session_toronto/index.bib new file mode 120000 index 0000000..77c9f4d --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/interview/1970-qa_session_toronto/index.bib @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/interview/1970-qa_session_toronto/en.bib
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/interview/1970-qa_session_toronto/index.txt b/data/pages/en/interview/1970-qa_session_toronto/index.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..45f65d9 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/interview/1970-qa_session_toronto/index.txt @@ -0,0 +1,27 @@ +# Q & A Session in OISE of Toronto in December 1970 + +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Q & A Session in OISE of Toronto in December 1970_ +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# +* **#@LANG_authors@#:** Ivan Illich; Ontario Institute for Studies in Education +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1970-12-02 +* **#@LANG_versions@#:** +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** + * This session took place following Illich's talk to a meeting at the +Ontario Institute for Studies in Education on December 2, 1970. The +session won't make much sense without first listening to the talk on the tape. The title of the address was "Alternatives in Education". + +``` +@ARTICLE{Illich-1970-qa_session_toronto-en, + author = {Ivan Illich and Ontario Institute for Studies in Education}, + title = {Q & A Session in OISE of Toronto in December 1970}, + year = {1970}, + date = {1970-12-02}, + origdate = {1970-12-02}, + language = {en}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/en/interview/1970-qa_session_toronto:index} +} +``` +~~NOTOC~~ +{{tag>available}} diff --git a/data/pages/en/interview/1970-qa_session_toronto/notes.txt b/data/pages/en/interview/1970-qa_session_toronto/notes.txt new file mode 120000 index 0000000..2e3c076 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/interview/1970-qa_session_toronto/notes.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/interview/1970-qa_session_toronto/en.notes
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/interview/1970-qa_session_toronto/text.txt b/data/pages/en/interview/1970-qa_session_toronto/text.txt new file mode 120000 index 0000000..e1d6838 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/interview/1970-qa_session_toronto/text.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/interview/1970-qa_session_toronto/en.txt
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/interview/index.txt b/data/pages/en/interview/index.txt new file mode 120000 index 0000000..1000e3e --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/en/interview/index.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../contents/interview/index.en.txt
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/en/videos/index.txt b/data/pages/en/videos/index.txt deleted file mode 100644 index b0d75ee..0000000 --- a/data/pages/en/videos/index.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,11 +0,0 @@ -# Videos - -## Available - -* [[.:1972:index|1972 - Un Certain Regard]] -* [[.:1976:index|1976 - In the name of Progress: no respect for holy cows]] - -## Not available yet - -* 1970 - The Institutionalization of Truth - * This is a videotape of a lecture (about 55 minutes) delivered in the spring of 1970 at York University in Toronto, O.Inada. Tt is on 1/2 inch Shibaden tape. (For information on availability write to rr. Beg Herman, L"anaging Editor, Convergence, P.O. Box 250, Station F, 'Toronto 5, Ontario, Canada. This lecture places Illich's thoughts about schools within the context of his opposition to t'cle worldwide drive toward economic development.
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/es/article/1900-testing/index.bib b/data/pages/es/article/1900-testing/index.bib new file mode 120000 index 0000000..313a4f8 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/es/article/1900-testing/index.bib @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1900-testing/es.bib
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/es/article/1900-testing/index.txt b/data/pages/es/article/1900-testing/index.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..cfa3bff --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/es/article/1900-testing/index.txt @@ -0,0 +1,27 @@ +# Un titulo + +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _A non procesed title_ +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# +* **#@LANG_authors@#:** Ivan Illich; Barbara Duden +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1900 +* **#@LANG_versions@#:** + * Peter Canon, “The American Parish,” Integrity, June 1955, 5–16. +* **#@LANG_translators@#:** Margarita Padilla; Vicente Ruiz; Franco Augusto +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** + * Este artículo se incluyó originalmente como prólogo del libro "Deschooling Our Lives" (1995) y también se incluyó en "Everywhere All the Time: A New Deschooling Reader" (2008). + +``` +@ARTICLE{Illich-1900-testing-es, + author = {Ivan Illich and Barbara Duden}, + title = {Un titulo}, + year = {1900}, + date = {1900}, + origdate = {1900}, + language = {es}, + translator = {Margarita Padilla and Vicente Ruiz and Franco Augusto}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/article/1900-testing:index} +} +``` +~~NOTOC~~ +{{tag>pending}} diff --git a/data/pages/es/article/1900-testing/notes.txt b/data/pages/es/article/1900-testing/notes.txt new file mode 120000 index 0000000..b5147b5 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/es/article/1900-testing/notes.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1900-testing/es.notes
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/es/article/1900-testing/text.txt b/data/pages/es/article/1900-testing/text.txt new file mode 120000 index 0000000..3258f0d --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/es/article/1900-testing/text.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1900-testing/es.txt
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/es/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/index.bib b/data/pages/es/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/index.bib new file mode 120000 index 0000000..7916175 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/es/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/index.bib @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/es.bib
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/es/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/index.txt b/data/pages/es/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/index.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..78bcbcd --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/es/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/index.txt @@ -0,0 +1,25 @@ +# Discurso de Graduación en el Colegio de Agricultura y Artes Mecénucas + +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Discurso de Graduación en el Colegio de Agricultura y Artes Mecénucas_ +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_es@# +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1959 +* **#@LANG_versions@#:** + * HORIZONTES; Revista de la Universidad soy ra de Puerto Rico, Ponce, 3(5):58-64, + * CIDOC Sondeos 77, Ensayos sobre la trascendencia +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** + +``` +@ARTICLE{Illich-1959-discurso_de_graduacion-es, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Discurso de Graduación en el Colegio de Agricultura y Artes Mecénucas}, + year = {1959}, + date = {1959}, + origdate = {1959}, + language = {es}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion:index} +} +``` +~~NOTOC~~ +{{tag>pending}} diff --git a/data/pages/es/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/notes.txt b/data/pages/es/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/notes.txt new file mode 120000 index 0000000..2c9bf70 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/es/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/notes.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1959-discurso_de_graduacion/es.notes
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\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/es/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/index.bib b/data/pages/es/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/index.bib new file mode 120000 index 0000000..0b1f4a1 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/es/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/index.bib @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/es.bib
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/es/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/index.txt b/data/pages/es/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/index.txt index 8d4aebb..8022be8 100644 --- a/data/pages/es/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/index.txt +++ b/data/pages/es/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/index.txt @@ -2,11 +2,22 @@ * **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] * **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _The Message of Bapu’s Hut_ +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# * **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1978 * **#@LANG_versions@#:** - * ... * **#@LANG_comments@#:** - * Discurso inaugural para el Pratishthan del ashram de Sevagram Ouarda, Enero de 1978. - * Incluído en el libro "En el espejo del pasado" (1992) +``` +@ARTICLE{Illich-1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut-es, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {El mensaje de la choza de Gandhi}, + year = {1978}, + date = {1978}, + origdate = {1978}, + language = {es}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut:index} +} +``` ~~NOTOC~~ +{{tag>available}} diff --git a/data/pages/es/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/notes.txt b/data/pages/es/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/notes.txt new file mode 120000 index 0000000..542ab69 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/es/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/notes.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/es.notes
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/es/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/text.txt b/data/pages/es/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/text.txt index 251adfb..298de9b 100644..120000 --- a/data/pages/es/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/text.txt +++ b/data/pages/es/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/text.txt @@ -1,26 +1 @@ -# El mensaje de la choza de Gandhi - -Esta mañana, al estar en la choza donde vivió Mahatma Gandhi, traté de absorber el espíritu que presidió su concepción y empaparme de su mensaje. Hay dos cosas de este lugar que me impresionaron profundamente. Una es de orden espiritual y otra la que se refiere a sus enseres[^nota1]. Trataba de comprender el punto de vista de Gandhi cuando hizo la choza. Me gustaron muchísimo su sencillez, belleza y orden. La choza proclama el mensaje de amor e igualdad entre todos los seres. Como la casa en la que vivo en México se asemeja en muchas formas a esta choza, pude comprender su espíritu. Encontré que la choza tiene siete tipos de lugares. Al entrar hay uno en el que se colocan los zapatos y se prepara uno, física y mentalmente, para entrar en ella. Luego viene el cuarto central que es lo suficientemente amplio para alojar a una familia numerosa. Hoy, a las 4 de la mañana, mientras rezaba, había cuatro personas sentadas a mi lado, recargadas en una pared y, del otro lado, había suficiente espacio para otras cinco sentadas muy juntas. Éste es el cuarto al que todos pueden acudir para reunirse con los demás. El tercer espacio es donde Gandhi estaba y trabajaba. Hay otros dos cuartos, uno para visitas y el otro para enfermos. Hay una veranda abierta y también un espacioso baño. Todos estos espacios tienen entre ellos una relación intensamente orgánica. - -Siento que, si viniera gente rica a la choza, se burlaría de ella. Cuando veo las cosas desde el punto de vista de un indio común, no veo por qué una casa debería ser más grande que ésta. Está hecha de madera y de adobe. En su construcción no fue la máquina la que trabajó, sino las manos del hombre. La llamo “choza”, pero en realidad es un hogar. Hay una diferencia entre casa y hogar. La casa es donde un hombre guarda equipajes y mobiliarios. Se concibe para la seguridad y la conveniencia de los muebles más que para las del hombre mismo. En Delhi la casa donde me alojé tiene lo que se llama comodidad. El edificio está construido desde el punto de vista de lo que se requiere para alojar esos objetos cómodos. Está hecho de cemento y ladrillo y es como una caja en donde caben bien muebles y otros mobiliarios. - -Debemos entender que todos lo muebles y demás artículos que colectamos a lo largo de nuestras vidas nunca nos darán una fortaleza interior. Son, por decirlo así, como muletas. Mientras más objetos cómodos tengamos, mayor será nuestra dependencia de ellos y más restringida será nuestra vida. Por el contrario, el tipo de mobiliario que encontré en la choza de Gandhi es de un orden distinto y hay pocas razones para depender de ellos. Una casa instalada con todo tipo de objetos muestra que nuestro vigor nos abandona. En la medida en que perdemos la capacidad de vivir, dependemos más de los bienes que adquirimos. De la misma forma dependemos de los hospitales para conservar nuestra salud y de las escuelas para la educación de nuestros hijos. Desafortunadamente, tanto los hospitales como las escuelas no son un índice para medir el grado de salud ni la inteligencia de una nación. De hecho, el número de hospitales indica la mala salud de la gente y las escuelas hablan de su ignorancia. En forma similar, la multiplicidad de instalaciones de servicio para vivir reduce al mínimo la expresión de la creatividad de la vida del hombre. - -La triste paradoja de esta situación es que a los que tienen más comodidades se les considera como superiores. ¿No es inmoral la sociedad en la que la enfermedad tiene un estatuto eminente y donde se tiene en alto aprecio la ignorancia? Al estar en la choza de Gandhi sentí tristeza al ponderar esta perversión. He llegado a la conclusión de que nos equivocamos al pensar que la civilización industrial es el camino que conduce a la plenitud del hombre. Se ha demostrado que para el desarrollo económico no es necesario tener más y mayores herramientas para la producción ni tampoco más ingenieros, médicos y profesores; literalmente están en demasía. - -Estoy convencido de que son pobres de mente, cuerpo, estilo de vida los seres que desean un espacio más grande que esta choza en la que Gandhi vivió, y siento lástima por ellos. Se rindieron ellos mismos y su yo animado a una estructura inanimada. En el proceso perdieron la elasticidad de su cuerpo y la vitalidad de su existencia. Tienen escasa relación con la naturaleza y escasa cercanía con sus congéneres. - -Al preguntar a los planificadores de hoy por qué no comprenden el sencillo enfoque que nos enseñó Gandhi, dicen que su camino es muy difícil y que la gente no sería capaz de seguirlo. Pero la realidad es que, en virtud de que los principios de Gandhi no admiten la presencia de ningún intermediario o de un sistema centralizado, los planificadores, los gerentes y los políticos se sienten excluidos. ¿Cómo es que no se entiende ese principio tan sencillo de la verdad y de la no violencia? ¿Es porque la gente siente que la no verdad y la violencia los llevará al objetivo deseado? No, no es así. El hombre común comprende plenamente que los medios correctos lo llevarán al fin correcto. Únicamente quienes tienen intereses creados rehúsan comprenderlo. Es el caso de los ricos. Cuando digo “ricos” me refiero a todos los que tienen “artículos domésticos” en su comunidad, que no son accesibles a todos. Esos son “ricos” por su estilo de vida, su alimentación, sus desplazamientos; su modo de consumo es tal que están ciegos ante la verdad. Para estos ciegos, la enseñanza de Gandhi es una cuestión difícil de entender y de asimilar. La sencillez no tiene sentido alguno para ellos. Su condición no les permite ver la verdad. Sus vidas han llegado a ser demasiado complicadas para permitirse salir de la trampa en la que cayeron. Afortunadamente, la gran mayoría de la gente no tiene una situación tal de fortuna que los haga inmunes a la verdad de la sencillez, ni viven en tal penuria que carezcan de la capacidad de entender. Incluso cuando algunos ricos ven la verdad se niegan a plegarse a ella. Es porque perdieron el contacto con el espíritu de ese país. - -Sin embargo, es muy claro que la dignidad del hombre sólo es posible en una sociedad autosuficiente y que sufre ataques cuando se orienta hacia una industrialización progresiva. Esta choza encarna el gozo que es posible cuando se está a la par con la sociedad. Aquí la autosuficiencia es la regla del juego. Debemos captar que los productos de consumo y los bienes superfluos que posee un ser humano reducen su capacidad de sacar gozo de su entorno. Gandhi dijo en repetidas ocasiones que la productividad debe mantenerse en los límites de las necesidades. El modo de producción en la actualidad es tal que no tiene límites, y continúa aumentando sin freno. Todo esto ha sido tolerado hasta ahora, pero ha llegado el momento en que el hombre debe comprender que al depender más y más de las máquinas está avanzando hacia su propia destrucción. - -El mundo civilizado, en China o en México, ha empezado a comprender que, si queremos progresar, debemos actuar de otra manera. Los hombres deben captar que, para su bien personal y de la sociedad, es mejor que la gente conserve para sí sólo lo que es suficiente para sus necesidades inmediatas. Tenemos que encontrar un método en que este pensamiento pueda expresarse cambiando los valores del mundo actual. Este cambio no podrá producirse por los gobiernos o a través de instituciones centralizadas. Tiene que crearse una atmósfera de opinión pública que permita a la gente comprender aquello que constituye la sociedad de base. Hoy, el hombre que tiene un automóvil se considera superior al que tiene una bicicleta, pero cuando vemos esto desde el punto de vista de la norma común, la bicicleta es el vehículo de las masas. Por lo tanto, debe considerarse de primordial importancia que toda la planeación de carreteras y de transporte debiera hacerse con base en la bicicleta, mientras que el automóvil debiera ocupar un lugar secundario. - -No obstante, la situación es exactamente la inversa: todos los planes se hacen para beneficio de los automóviles y relegan a la bicicleta a un segundo plano. En esta forma se ignoran los requerimientos del hombre común en comparación con los de las clases superiores. Esta choza de Gandhi muestra al mundo cómo se puede elevar la dignidad del hombre común. También es un símbolo de la felicidad que nos llega cuando aplicamos los principios de sencillez, disponibilidad y autenticidad. Espero que en la conferencia que tendrán sobre las Técnicas para los pobres del Tercer Mundo ustedes conserven en mente este mensaje. - - ----- - - - -[^nota1:] Iván Illich emplea en este texto la palabra _amenities_ para referirse a lo que encontró dentro de la choza de Gandhi y _conveniences_ para aludir a los objetos que habitualmente se encuentran en las casas. No hay traducción del vocablo _amenities_ en este contexto. Hemos empleado _enseres_ por la resonancia de la palabra: es la realidad en la que el ser se objetiva, es una prolongación y expresión del ser, aunque conocemos que el término también está siendo usado para referirse a los “artículos para el hogar” industrialmente producidos. _Conveniences_ , que se refiere precisamente a ese tipo de objetos, ha sido traducido como “artículos domésticos”, con la idea de que la palabra “artículo” corresponde a un producto industrial y “doméstico” que alude a su uso en la “casa” y que Illich distingue del “hogar”. En la misma línea de pensamiento tradujimos _facilities_ como _instalaciones de servicio_ , para aludir a todas las construcciones que supuestamente “facilitan” la vida. (T.)] +../../../../../contents/article/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/es.txt
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\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/es/article/1986-disvalue/index.txt b/data/pages/es/article/1986-disvalue/index.txt index 470b12c..7d57a7a 100644 --- a/data/pages/es/article/1986-disvalue/index.txt +++ b/data/pages/es/article/1986-disvalue/index.txt @@ -1,89 +1,24 @@ # Desvalor -## El foro del profesor Tamanoi - -Esta primera reunión pública de la Entropy Society japonesa nos permite conmemorar al profesor Joshiro Tamanoi. La mayoría de nosotros fuimos sus amigos o sus alumnos. Las cuestiones que suscitó son las que congregan aquí a 600 participantes, físicos y biólogos, economistas y ecologistas. - -Cuando enseñaba economía en la universidad de Tokio, el profesor Tamanoi tradujo a Karl Polanyi en japonés. A través de su enseñanza y sus obras, le dio un sabor japonés único a la investigación ecológica uniendo dimensiones culturales y dimensiones físicas. Logró esto concentrándose en la interacción entre la ideología económica de una época y la matriz tierra-agua que corresponde a la vida social. Fue un militante activo de una política del medio ambiente y un maestro fuera de serie. Los que fueron sus amigos nunca olvidarán su delicadeza. - -## Designar un mal - -Casi no mantenía ilusiones. Con valentía, reflexionaba sobre la guerra moderna, la fealdad moderna y la injusticia social moderna, incluso confrontado a un horror casi insoportable. Pero nadie olvidará el equilibrio de Tamanoi-sensei. Su compasión, su humor sutil que nunca lo abandonaban. Me hizo conocer el mundo de los que sobrevivieron con las cicatrices de la bomba de Hiroshima, los _hibakusha_. Y en él veo a un _hibakusha_ mental. Vivió la “experiencia interior” bajo la sombra de Hiroshima y Minamata. Bajo esta nube forjó una terminología para vincular espacios históricos con lugares materiales. Para ello usaba la “entropía” como un _semeion_ , una señal de la amenaza inminente contra una percepción exquisitamente japonesa de la localidad que aparentemente no tiene un equivalente occidental, como por ejemplo el _fudo_. La entropía ocupaba el centro de nuestras conversaciones. En esta conferencia me propongo explorar los límites en los que la noción de entropía puede aplicarse con utilidad a fenómenos sociales comparándola con la noción de desecho. Sugeriré entonces la noción de “desvalor” que espero nos permita aprehender con mayor claridad el término “entropía” cuando se usa fuera de la física o de la teoría de la información. - -El término “entropía” se debe al físico alemán Clausius. En 1850, al estudiar la relación entre el calor y la presión en un sistema cerrado, buscó una palabra para designar esta función. Helenista aficionado, tomó del griego el término “entropía” en 1865. Desde entonces esta palabra designa el algoritmo que define un fenómeno que anteriormente no se había notado. Al elegir precisamente esta palabra, Clausius nos prestó un servicio. En griego clásico, _entrópeo_ significa ‘girar’, ‘torcer’, ‘pervertir” o ‘humillar’. Después de un siglo de su introducción en la física, el término griego sigue siendo capaz de traducir una desviación frustrante que anteriormente se desconocía, que pervierte nuestras mejores energías sociales e intenciones morales. - -En algunos años, esta palabra se volvió una llave maestra para designar una variedad de desviaciones paradójicas que tienen dos cosas en común: son tan nuevas que el lenguaje cotidiano no tiene un sentido tradicional preciso que darles, y tan exasperantes que la gente prefiere evitar mencionarlas. Para tabuizar su propia implicación en un consumo furioso de bienes y servicios, la gente se apropia de la no palabra “entropía” con el fin de que la degradación social aparezca como un caso, entre otros, de una ley natural general. - -Cuando la gente evoca el empobrecimiento cultural que se revela en la escuela embrutecedora, en la medicina iatrógena y en la aceleración devoradora de tiempo, habla de la perversión de las buenas intenciones, no de los flujos de energía o de información. A lo que apuntan es a los efectos nefastos de la búsqueda de metas sociales inapropiadas que no tienen nada de la inocencia del determinismo inexorable que asociamos en física con la entropía. La degradación de la diversidad cultural por la organización transnacional de los flujos monetarios no es una ley natural, sino el resultado de la codicia. La desaparición de las culturas de subsistencia ligadas con terruños es un aspecto histórico y dramático de la condición humana, _pero es reciente_. La desaparición de las “ideologías” que privilegian la matriz tierra-agua es el hecho de las empresas y de los esfuerzos del hombre. Lo que nos parece natural en este final del siglo XX no ha existido todo el tiempo. - -Tamanoi me hizo captar que es posible englobar el suelo, el agua y el sol en una antropología filosófica, hablar de una “filosofía de la tierra”. Después de nuestras conversaciones, redescubrí a Paracelso, que proponía el mismo enfoque. Una filosofía de la tierra parte de la certeza de que la razón es vana sin una elaboración recíproca de las normas y de la realidad tangible; que hay que _ver_ la entidad culturalmente elaborada al mismo tiempo que su “entorno”, tal y como se presenta en un tiempo y en un lugar concretos. Esta interacción procede tanto del modo moral y estético como de los “espíritus” que elaboran los rituales y las artes a partir de la matriz terrestre de un lugar. La desaparición de las matrices correspondientes de la tierra y de la sociedad es una cuestión que no podríamos explorar con demasiada atención. A este respecto, la comparación entre la devastación de la diversidad cultural y la degradación cósmica puede ser útil, pero sólo a condición de que entendamos claramente los límites en los que la ciencia todavía es susceptible de engendrar metáforas. En cuanto metáfora, la entropía puede ser reveladora. Pero, en cuanto análogo, sólo puede ser engañosa. - -## La entropía como metáfora en oposición a la entropía como análogo reductor - -La última plática que nos reunió al profesor Tamanoi y a mí tuvo lugar después de un recorrido por su isla natal de Okinawa. Me hizo visitar a sus amigos, campos de batalla, grutas refugio, refinerías. Desde un recodo sobre un camino de montaña contemplamos los equipos petroleros y la bahía actualmente abandonada. Las conchas, los jardines y la vida aldeana habían desaparecido. Nuestra conversación versó sobre el peligro de pasar, intelectualmente, de un árbol muerto a la contaminación del planeta. Ciertamente, la contaminación es un mal a escala mundial. Pero esta devastación y sus efectos tangibles nunca deben desviarnos de la tristeza que nos causa este árbol muerto, este paisaje, el parque de almejas, vacío, de este hombre. El lenguaje de los especialistas puede con facilidad debilitar nuestra muda cólera en relación con los pantanos que _conocimos_ y que desde hace poco están cubiertos con chapopote o con asfalto. Evocar la destrucción de la belleza como un ejemplo de entropía es difícil. La metáfora tiende a enmascarar la vil malignidad que, normalmente, deploraríamos, y en la que participa cualquier persona que conduce un automóvil o viaja en avión. Las palabras creadas a partir de nociones técnicas son notablemente impropias para un uso metafórico. Cuando los términos técnicos pasan a un discurso ético, eclipsan casi inevitablemente el significado moral. - -Las _palabras_ auténticas tienen un nimbo. Por el contrario, los _términos_ no tienen connotaciones. Un nimbo de connotaciones rodea las palabras, como la imagen del carillón de viento que la voz pone en movimiento. La “entropía” no está entre estas palabras, aunque muchos traten de usarla así. En este último caso, está limitada de dos maneras: pierde lo tajante que tenía en cuanto término, y nunca adquiere las armonías de una palabra fuerte. En un poema es una piedra, y en el discurso político, un garrote. - -Las palabras que la gente usa cuando quiere decir algo importante no se sacan arbitrariamente de una lengua muerta —por ejemplo, el griego antiguo— ni se cargan de sentido únicamente por su definición. Cualquier palabra auténtica tiene su cuna natal; está arraigada allí como una planta en una pradera. Algunos términos se despliegan como plantas rampantes, otros tienen la densidad del roble. Sin embargo, su efecto está bajo el control del locutor. Quien habla se esfuerza por hacer que sus palabras signifiquen lo que quiere decir. Pero ninguna definición clara se le da a la entropía cuando tiene otra acepción que no es la técnica. Nadie puede decir a la persona que pronuncia esta palabra que la maneja mal. No hay una manera justa de usar un término técnico en la conversación ordinaria. - -Cuando “entropía” se usa en el lenguaje corriente, pierde su poder de designar una fórmula; no encaja ni en la frase ni en el sistema. Pero también pierde el género de connotación que poseen las palabras fuertes. Desprende un halo evocador que, al contrario del sentido de las palabras fuertes, es vago y arbitrario. Cuando el término “entropía” aparece en una declaración política, falazmente toma un giro científico, mientras que de hecho probablemente no tiene sentido. Si convence, no es en virtud de su fuerza, sino de una seducción irracional. Enmascara una perversión moral que, de otra manera, descompondría al locutor, pues da la impresión de que lo que formula es científico y está cargado de sentido. - -Lo que veo, y me desconsuela y me turba en relación con esta isla degradada de Okinawa, es el resultado de la presunción, de la agresión y de la avidez de los seres humanos. La entropía evoca con fuerza una analogía estricta entre el reino de la dignidad y de la libertad humanas y las leyes del cosmos. Al hablar de agresión, de avidez y de desesperanza en este contexto de la entropía, disculpo el crimen y la despreocupación al invocar la necesidad cósmica. En lugar de confesar que, por mi modo de vida, promuevo un mal, sugiero que la eliminación de la belleza y de la diversidad es el trayecto ineluctable de la cultura y de la naturaleza. Ésta es la cuestión que ha tratado Tamanoi. Él definía la interacción local del hombre y de la tierra, moldeada ideológicamente, como el centro del cosmos. - -A pesar de esta ambigüedad, la “entropía” sigue siendo un término precioso. Usado como una metáfora evocadora y flexible, y no como un análogo reductor, sirve para alertar a algunos ante la degradación social, la pérdida de la belleza y la diversidad, la trivialidad y la sordidez crecientes. Nos ayuda a reconocer los ruidos parásitos, las ondas ineptas y desprovistas de significado que bombardean nuestros sentidos internos y externos. Si estuviera seguro que se conservan en la mente estas limitaciones, no quisiera renunciar a él. - -## El desvalor por oposición a la entropía - -Tomadas al pie de la letra, las metáforas son generadoras de absurdidades. Decir que el cerebro de mi hijo es una computadora expresa sólo la vanidad de un padre que pretende ser moderno. Sin embargo, la eficacia de una metáfora procede sobre todo del choque que provoca en el oyente una impropiedad intencional del lenguaje. La metáfora no opera más que cuando los dos terrenos entre los que navega esta metáfora son orillas accesibles al entendimiento del oyente. Ahora bien, cuando se usa el término “entropía” en un sentido metafórico se trata de ligar terrenos particularmente oscuros y alejados uno de otro. Para el oyente medio, el mundo de la ciencia es impresionante —por definición, su lenguaje matemático es ajeno al hombre de la calle—. Por otra parte, el terreno en el que la metáfora de la entropía se supone que sirve de guía —el universo de la contaminación organizada, de la seguridad apocalíptica, de la educación programada, de la enfermedad medicalizada, de la muerte informatizada y otras formas de sinsentido institucionales— es tan aterrador que sólo puedo considerarlo con el respeto que se debe al diablo; con el temor constante de perder la sensibilidad de mi corazón acostumbrándome al mal. - -Ahí está el peligro asociado con el término “entropía”, a causa de la desviación socioeconómica generalizada que pervierte moralmente casi la totalidad de los aspectos de la existencia posmoderna. Sin embargo, este término nos fue útil. Nos forzó a darnos cuenta de que nos quedamos sin voz ante una evolución social que da la impresión (falaz) de ser tan natural como el caos hipotético que resulta del curso irreversible del universo. - -El término que denomina esta desviación debería ser tal que denotara la naturaleza histórica y moral de nuestra tristeza, la perfidia y la depravación que causan la pérdida de la belleza, de la autonomía y de esta dignidad que da su valor al trabajo del hombre. La entropía implica que la devastación es una ley cósmica, que comenzó con el Big-Bang. Ahora bien, la degradación social que hay que designar no coexiste con el universo; es algo que, en la historia de la humanidad, tiene un inicio, y a la que entonces se le podría poner un fin. - -Propongo designar este fenómeno como “desvalor”. Puede ponerse en relación con la degradación del valor, así como la entropía se puso en relación con la degradación de la energía. La entropía es una medida de la transformación de la energía en una forma que ya no puede convertirse en “trabajo” físico. “Desvalor” es un término que traduce la destrucción de los ámbitos de comunidad y de las culturas, y que da como resultado que el trabajo tradicional se despoja de su capacidad de engendrar la subsistencia. En este punto, la analogía entre los dos conceptos es bastante cercana para justificar el salto metafórico que une la astronomía con los modos de vida modernos (e inversamente). - -La palabra “desvalor” no aparece en los diccionarios. Por su parte, al “valor” tenemos muchas ocasiones de encontrarlo. Algo puede ser devaluado o sobrevaluado; las acciones pierden valor; las monedas antiguas ganan en valor; el amor fingido no tiene valor. En todos estos usos, el “valor” se considera como algo evidente. En el lenguaje cotidiano, puede significar cualquier cosa o casi… De hecho, con frecuencia se usa para significar el bien. Procede de la disposición mental que, a mediados del siglo pasado, produjo igualmente “fuerza de trabajo”, “desecho”, “energía” y “entropía”. - -El concepto de desvalor permite mostrar las homologías y las contradicciones que existen entre la degradación social y la degradación física. Mientras que el “trabajo” físico tiende a aumentar la entropía, la productividad económica del trabajo descansa sobre la desvalorización anterior de las actividades tradicionales en el seno de una cultura. El desecho y la degradación se consideran habitualmente como efectos secundarios de la producción de valores. Precisamente la idea que avanzo es la idea inversa. Sostengo que el valor económico sólo se acumula a causa de la devastación anterior de la cultura, que también puede considerarse como una creación de desvalor. - -## La parábola de los desechos de méxico - -México ofrece al mundo un nuevo azote. Hoy es un lugar en el que las salmonelas y las amibas se transmiten normalmente por las vías respiratorias. Quien llegue al valle de Tenochtitlán, situado a 2 250 metros de altura y ceñido de montañas, busca su aliento en la atmósfera enrarecida. Hace medio siglo, en la ciudad de México el aire era vivo y puro. Actualmente, los pulmones sirven de depósito de un aire muy contaminado por un _smog_ que contiene una alta densidad de partículas sólidas, de las cuales muchas son agentes patógenos. Un conjunto particular de condiciones sociales incuba y dispersa las bacterias de la ciudad. Algunos ilustran la manera en que el derrumbe cultural, la ideología y los preconceptos tecnocráticos se conjugan para crear el desvalor. La evolución de la ciudad de México desde hace 30 años es un cuento moral que describe la sobreproducción del desvalor. - -En 40 años, la ciudad pasó de un millón de habitantes a más de 20 millones. La única experiencia que tienen en común, antes de su llegada, los que van ahí a aglomerarse, es el gozo de un espacio casi ilimitado. La agricultura precolombina no conocía el gran ganado doméstico. El buey, el caballo y el asno se trajeron de Europa. Las evacuaciones animales se apreciaban. El esparcimiento de los excrementos humanos era algo usual. Los recientes inmigrantes de la ciudad generalmente vienen de las zonas rurales. No tienen hábitos de higiene apropiados a una gran densidad de población. Y las nociones mexicanas relativas a la defecación jamás fueron modeladas por una atención comparable a la que presta a estas cuestiones el pensamiento hindú, musulmán o confuciano. No es entonces sorprendente que hoy, en la ciudad de México, entre cuatro y cinco millones de personas no tengan un lugar específico para depositar sus heces, su orina, su sangre. La ideología de los WC paraliza la urbanización cultural de las costumbres nativas de los inmigrantes. - -La ceguera elitista ante la naturaleza cultural de los excrementos, cuando éstos se producen en una ciudad moderna, se conjuga con las visiones extremadamente especializadas que las escuelas de pensamiento higienista internacionales implantaron en la mente de los burócratas mexicanos. El prejuicio anglosajón que bloquea fisiológicamente los movimientos peristálticos salvo si uno está sentado en el excusado, con el papel de baño a la mano, se volvió endémico en la élite gobernante de México. De ahí resulta que es singularmente ciega al verdadero problema que se plantea. Además, durante el _boom_ petrolero de inicios de los años setenta, esta élite se entusiasmó con proyectos megalómanos. Se emprendieron inmensos trabajos públicos que nunca terminaron, y las ruinas de los proyectos inacabados se consideran como símbolos de un desarrollo que arrancará muy pronto. Mientras que en las capas pobres de la población se las arreglan como pueden sabiendo que el final del desarrollo está ahí, el gobierno sigue hablando de una crisis económica temporal que momentáneamente detuvo el flujo de dólares y de agua. Su uso cotidiano de excusados, conjugado con la ilusión de atravesar una crisis de corta duración, vuelve ciegos a los planificadores y a los expertos en técnicas sanitarias frente a la evidencia de que los excrementos de sus cuatro millones de conciudadanos sin excusados seguirán expandiéndose, descomponiéndose y atomizándose en el aire rarificado de la alta planicie. - -## El terremoto de la ciudad de méxico - -Además, en septiembre de 1985, un sismo sacudió no sólo la capital del país, sino también la suficiencia de algunos profesionales. En países como México, los ingenieros y responsables de servicios de higiene forzosamente pertenecen a la clase que, por definición, usa excusados. Pero, en 1985, muchos de ellos se vieron privados de agua en su domicilio y en su trabajo durante varias semanas. Por primera vez en la prensa, editorialistas se preguntaron si la higiene significa inevitablemente la dilución de las heces y la producción de agua fangosa. Lo que debería haberse constatado desde hace largo tiempo se volvió bruscamente una evidencia para algunos: México no tiene la capacidad económica de proveer agua para varios millones de excusados suplementarios. Además, si hubiera incluso bastante dinero y si el uso de la caja de agua estuviera estrictamente reglamentado, la generalización de los excusados constituiría una seria y desastrosa agresión contra el México rural. El bombeo de millones de litros de agua necesarios devastaría a las comunidades agrícolas semiáridas en un radio de cerca de 200 kilómetros. Lo que forzaría a emigrar a la ciudad de México a millones suplementarios de individuos. Abandonadas, millones de hectáreas de suelos frágiles de las terrazas, de las cuales algunas se remontan más allá de la llegada de los españoles, serían barridas por los vientos y las lluvias. El centro de la meseta mesoamericana se volvería definitivamente desértico. Habría ahí un enorme desperdicio suscitado por una ideología que trata a los seres humanos como productores naturales de desechos. Animados con ideas diferentes, una nueva oposición política se constituyó, que eligió promover unidades de composta tanto para los ricos como para los pobres. - -Es interesante observar de qué manera un grupo restringido, pero potencialmente influyente, reaccionó sin retomar por su cuenta la ideología de los excusados. Para esos ciudadanos, el ideal de la _normalidad_,[^n01] que en español significa la perpendicularidad, voló en pedazos. Esta gente, que, aparte de algunos profesionales, forma parte de una capa muy pobre, prisionera de una de las más grandes megalópolis del mundo, rechazó los símbolos de la vida urbana, los rascacielos, las profundas vías subterráneas, los mercados gigantescos. Para ellas, el corazón de la ciudad de México en ruinas se volvió un signo de esperanza. Certidumbres en cuanto al agua y a los excrementos, hasta ese momento admitidas sin examen, se volvieron objeto de chistes. En las _pulquerías_,[^n02] volaban las bromas sobre el desarrollo. De forma manifiesta, el desarrollo no había llevado a una redistribución del valor acumulado, sino a la creación de un gigantesco mojón compuesto de cemento y plástico y que necesita mantenimiento por parte de servicios profesionales. Los desagües se volvieron el símbolo de los remedios requeridos en una ciudad erigida para el entrenamiento del _homo œconomicus_ en el uso de los excusados. - -## La historia del desecho - -La definición social de los excrementos, que en la mente de quienes los producen no pueden transformarse en composta, se volvió simbólica de la “depreciación” de la gente. La gente aprende que es tributaria de servicios incluso cuando actúa bajo la incitación de las necesidades más elementales. En esta óptica, el excusado es una máquina para instalar la costumbre de agacharse, de depreciarse, que prepara al ciudadano a depender de servicios escasos en otros terrenos. Hace nacer la percepción corporal del _homo_ generador de desecho. Cuando la gente capta que, varias veces al día, sus necesidades físicas de evacuación engendran una degradación del medio ambiente, es fácil convencerla de que, simplemente al existir, no puede dejar de contribuir a la “entropía”. - -El desecho no es una consecuencia natural de la existencia humana. El profesor Ludolf Kuchenbuch, que trabaja en una historia del desecho, reunió ampliamente las pruebas. El concepto que sin discusión tomamos por nuestra cuenta apareció sólo hacia 1830. Antes de esta fecha, el término inglés _waste_ [en español desecho, desperdicio], verbo y sustantivo, estaba ligado con la devastación, la destrucción, la desertificación, la degradación. Algo que no puede evacuarse. Los profesores Tamanoi y Murata construyeron su teoría sobre un presupuesto similar: si una cultura refuerza regularmente la interacción del sol, de la tierra y del agua, su contribución al cosmos es positiva. Las sociedades humanas que crean desechos son las que destruyen la matriz tierra-agua de su medio y se vuelven centros de expansión de la devastación de las sociedades que las rodean. La entropía constituye un resultado de la destrucción de las culturas y de sus ámbitos de comunidad. - -Es entonces injustificado atribuir a cualquier cultura la producción de desechos. Los miasmas y los tabúes no deben en absoluto considerarse como iguales a los contaminantes modernos: fundan reglas simbólicas que refuerzan la integración y protegen las culturas de subsistencia. El pretendido desarrollo es una desvalorización programada de estas protecciones. - -## El desvalor en oposición al desecho - -El desvalor permanece invisible mientras prevalecen dos condiciones. La primera reside en la creencia general de que las categorías económicas, cuya tarea es medir “valores”, pueden usarse en formulaciones en relación con comunidades cuyo “asunto” no es el valor, sino el bien. El bien forma parte de una “ideología” local ligada con una mezcla de elementos inherentes a un lugar específico —para hablar como Paracelso o como Tamanoi—, mientras que el valor es una medida que conviene a la ideología abstracta de la ciencia. La segunda fuente de ceguera ante el desvalor es la certeza obsesiva de la plausibilidad del progreso. Esta propensión a reducir la convivencialidad a la economía primitiva, junto a un horror de la tradición disfrazada como voluntad de contribuir al progreso de los otros, engendra la destrucción inconsiderada del pasado. Se llega a mirar a la tradición como una expresión histórica del desecho, de la que hay que deshacerse al mismo tiempo que de las inmundicias del pasado. - -Hace solamente 10 años todavía parecía posible hablar con seguridad del progreso del siglo XX. La economía se presentaba como una máquina que acrecienta el flujo monetario. La economía, la información y el dinero parecían obedecer a las mismas reglas —las leyes de la entropía se aplicaban por igual—. El desarrollo de la capacidad de producción, la multiplicación de trabajadores calificados y el aumento del ahorro se veían como elementos constitutivos del “crecimiento” que, tarde o temprano, repartiría más dinero a más gente. A pesar de una mayor desintegración social debida al crecimiento del flujo monetario, lo que se presentaba como la exigencia primera para satisfacer las necesidades fundamentales de más gente ¡era siempre más dinero! La entropía parecía entonces un análogo pertinente de la degradación social que resultaba de la circulación general del dinero. - -Mientras tanto, se anunciaba una cuestión nueva y radical de las verdades económicas. Hace sólo 20 años todavía no era ridículo imaginar una comunidad mundial fundada sobre una dignidad y una justicia iguales, que podría proyectarse siguiendo el modelo de los flujos de valor derivados de la termodinámica. Desde entonces no sólo la promesa de igualdad entre los hombres sino incluso la posibilidad de una oportunidad igual de sobrevivencia suenan vacías. A escala mundial es evidente que el crecimiento concentró los provechos económicos, desvalorizando simultáneamente a los seres y los lugares de manera tal que la sobrevivencia se volvió imposible fuera de la economía monetaria. Más gente está más desprovista e impotente como nunca en el pasado. Además, los privilegios que sólo pueden adquirir los que gozan de grandes percepciones son cada vez más apreciados, principalmente como un medio de escapar al desvalor que afecta la vida de todos. - -La ideología del progreso económico extiende una sombra de desvalor sobre casi todas las actividades modeladas culturalmente de manera separada del flujo monetario. Gente como los inmigrantes rurales de la ciudad de México, y nociones como las reglas de salud locales se devalúan mucho antes de que se les puedan dar excusados eficientes. La gente está obligada a entrar en una nueva topología mental en donde los lugares destinados a los movimientos peristálticos son escasos, al mismo tiempo que los recursos para crear estos lugares están fuera del alcance de la nueva economía en la que se encuentran. La ideología de la producción y del consumo en condiciones implícitas de escasez “natural” se apodera de su mente mientras que el dinero o el empleo remunerado están fuera de su alcance. La autodegradación, el autorrebajamiento, el autofracaso caracterizan la creación de las condiciones necesarias para el crecimiento legítimo de una economía monetaria. - -Aquí es donde Joshiro Tamanoi entra en escena. No sólo tradujo a Karl Polanyi, sino que también enseñó sus ideas. Retomó la distinción entre economía monetaria y economía de subsistencia que se remonta a Polanyi. Cuarenta años después de él, Tamanoi —de quien sólo conozco el pensamiento por nuestras conversaciones, pues sus obras están en japonés, lengua que ignoro— introdujo esta distinción en el Japón moderno. Puede usarse para resumir la tesis que expongo. La entropía es probablemente una metáfora eficaz para subrayar la depreciación en la economía monetaria. El flujo de la moneda o de la información puede, de cierta manera, compararse con el flujo del calor. Pero es evidente que la macroeconomía no nos dice nada de lo que la gente considera como bueno. La entropía no es pertinente para explicar la devastación de los contextos culturales de subsistencia gracias a los cuales la gente actúa fuera de la economía monetaria. En efecto, el “intercambio” de dones o las transacciones de bienes en la economía de subsistencia son, por su misma naturaleza, heterogéneos al modelo del flujo de valor postulado por la economía monetaria. Y, mientras que el modelo termodinámico del flujo se extiende, borra un modo de vida del que la entropía será para siempre ajena. - ------ - -Conferencia pronunciada durante la primera reunión pública de la Entropy Society, Keyo University, Tokio, 9 de noviembre de 1986. - -[^n01:] En español en el original. (T.)] - -[^n02:] En español en el original. (T.)] +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Disvalue_ +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1986 +* **#@LANG_versions@#:** + * _Beauty And The Junkyard_. 1991. In: "Whole earth review". No. 73, pp. 64 +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** + +``` +@ARTICLE{Illich-1986-disvalue-es, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Desvalor}, + year = {1986}, + date = {1986}, + origdate = {1986}, + language = {es}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/article/1986-disvalue:index} +} +``` +~~NOTOC~~ +{{tag>available}} diff --git a/data/pages/es/article/1986-disvalue/notes.txt b/data/pages/es/article/1986-disvalue/notes.txt new file mode 120000 index 0000000..a28d10c --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/es/article/1986-disvalue/notes.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1986-disvalue/es.notes
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\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/es/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/index.txt b/data/pages/es/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/index.txt index 40861b1..d8c0f85 100644 --- a/data/pages/es/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/index.txt +++ b/data/pages/es/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/index.txt @@ -1,30 +1,22 @@ # Prólogo de "Desescolarizando nuestras vidas" -Hojear las páginas de _Desescolarizar nuestras vidas_ me transporta al año 1970, cuando, junto con Everett Reimer en el Centro de Documentación Intercultural (CIDOC) de Cuernavaca, reuní a algunos de los más sesudos críticos de la educación (Paulo Freire, John Holt, Paul Goodman, Jonathan Kozol, Joel Spring, George Dennison y otros) para abordar la inutilidad de la escolarización -no sólo en América Latina, que ya era evidente- sino también en el llamado mundo desarrollado e industrializado. - -Los miércoles por la mañana, durante la primavera y el verano de ese año, distribuí borradores de ensayos que acabaron convirtiéndose en capítulos de mi libro, _La sociedad desescolarizada_. Mirando hacia atrás un cuarto de siglo, muchas de las opiniones y críticas que parecían tan radicales en 1970 parecen hoy bastante ingenuas. Aunque mis críticas a la escolarización en ese libro pueden haber ayudado a algunas personas a reflexionar sobre los efectos sociales secundarios no deseados de esa institución -y quizás a buscar alternativas significativas a la misma-, ahora me doy cuenta de que en gran medida estaba ladrando al árbol equivocado. Para entender por qué me siento así y tener una idea de dónde me encuentro hoy, invito a los lectores a acompañarme en el viaje que hice después de _La sociedad desescolarizada_. - -Mi cuaderno de viaje comienza hace veinticinco años, cuando _La sociedad desescolarizada_ estaba a punto de aparecer. Durante los nueve meses que el manuscrito estuvo en la editorial, cada vez estaba más insatisfecho con el texto, que, por cierto, no defendía la eliminación de las escuelas. Este malentendido se lo debo a Cass Canfield Sr., presidente de Harper's, que dio nombre al libro y con ello tergiversó mi pensamiento. El libro aboga por el desestablecimiento de las escuelas, en el sentido en que la Iglesia ha sido desestablecida en los Estados Unidos. Por desestructuración me refería, en primer lugar, a no pagar con dinero público y, en segundo lugar, a no conceder ningún privilegio social especial ni a los que van a la iglesia ni a los que van a la escuela. (Incluso sugerí que, en lugar de financiar las escuelas, deberíamos ir más allá de lo que hicimos con la religión y hacer que las escuelas pagaran impuestos, de modo que la escolarización se convirtiera en un objeto de lujo y fuera reconocida como tal). - -Pedí la desestructuración de las escuelas en aras de mejorar la educación y aquí, me di cuenta, radicó mi error. Mucho más importante que la disolución de las escuelas, empecé a ver, era la inversión de esas tendencias que hacen de la educación una necesidad apremiante en lugar de un regalo de ocio gratuito. Empecé a temer que la desestructuración de la iglesia educativa condujera a un renacimiento fanático de muchas formas de educación degradada y omnipresente, convirtiendo el mundo en una clase universal, una escuela global. La pregunta más importante se convirtió en: "¿Por qué tantas personas -incluso ardientes críticos de la escolarización- se vuelven adictas a la educación, como a una droga?" - -Norman Cousins publicó mi propia retractación en la Saturday Review durante la misma semana en que salió a la luz _La sociedad desescolarizada_. En ella argumentaba que la alternativa a la escolarización no era otro tipo de organismo educativo, ni el diseño de oportunidades educativas en todos los aspectos de la vida, sino una sociedad que fomente una actitud diferente de las personas hacia las herramientas. - -Amplié y generalicé este argumento en mi siguiente libro, _Herramientas para la convivencia_. - -En gran parte gracias a la ayuda de mi amigo y colega Wolfgang Sachs, llegué a ver que la función educativa ya estaba emigrando de las escuelas y que, cada vez más, se instituirían otras formas de aprendizaje obligatorio en la sociedad moderna. Se convertiría en obligatoria no por ley, sino por otros trucos, como hacer creer a la gente que aprende algo de la televisión, u obligar a la gente a asistir a cursos de formación continua, o conseguir que la gente pague enormes cantidades de dinero para que le enseñen a tener mejor sexo, a ser más sensible, a saber más sobre las vitaminas que necesita, a jugar, etc. Este discurso de "aprendizaje permanente" y "necesidades de aprendizaje" ha contaminado completamente la sociedad, y no sólo las escuelas, con el hedor de la educación. - -Luego vino la tercera etapa, a finales de los setenta y principios de los ochenta, en la que mi curiosidad y mis reflexiones se centraron en las circunstancias históricas en las que puede surgir la propia idea de las necesidades educativas. Cuando escribí _La sociedad desescolarizada_, los efectos sociales, y no la sustancia histórica de la educación, seguían siendo el centro de mi interés. Había cuestionado la escolarización como medio deseable, pero no había cuestionado la educación como fin deseable. Seguía aceptando que, fundamentalmente, las necesidades educativas de algún tipo eran un hecho histórico de la naturaleza humana. Hoy ya no lo acepto. - -Al reenfocar mi atención desde la escolarización hacia la educación, desde el proceso hacia su orientación, llegué a entender la educación como aprendizaje cuando tiene lugar bajo el supuesto de escasez en los medios que lo producen. La "necesidad" de la educación, desde esta perspectiva, aparece como resultado de las creencias y disposiciones sociales que hacen escasos los medios para la llamada socialización. Y, desde esta misma perspectiva, empecé a notar que los rituales educativos reflejaban, reforzaban y de hecho creaban la creencia en el valor del aprendizaje perseguido en condiciones de escasez. Llegué a ver que tales creencias, disposiciones y rituales podían sobrevivir y prosperar fácilmente bajo las rúbricas de desescolarización, escolarización libre o educación en casa (que, en su mayor parte, se limitan al encomiable rechazo de los métodos autoritarios). - -¿Qué tiene que ver la escasez con la educación? Si los medios para el aprendizaje (en general) son abundantes, en lugar de escasos, entonces la educación nunca surge -no es necesario hacer arreglos especiales para "aprender". Si, por el contrario, los medios para aprender son escasos, o se supone que son escasos, entonces surgen disposiciones educativas para "garantizar" que se "transmitan" ciertos conocimientos, ideas, habilidades, actitudes, etc., importantes. La educación se convierte entonces en una mercancía económica que se consume o, para usar el lenguaje común, que se "obtiene". La escasez surge tanto de nuestras percepciones, que son manipuladas por los profesionales de la educación que se dedican a imputar necesidades educativas, como de los acuerdos sociales reales que hacen que el acceso a las herramientas y a las personas cualificadas y con conocimientos sea difícil de conseguir, es decir, escaso. - -Si hubiera algo que pudiera desear a los lectores (y a algunos de los escritores) de _Desescolarizar nuestras vidas_, sería esto: Si la gente quiere pensar seriamente en desescolarizar sus vidas, y no sólo escapar de los efectos corrosivos de la escolarización obligatoria, no podría hacer nada mejor que desarrollar el hábito de poner un signo de interrogación mental al lado de todo el discurso sobre las "necesidades educativas" o "necesidades de aprendizaje" de los jóvenes, o sobre su necesidad de una "preparación para la vida". Me gustaría que reflexionaran sobre la historicidad de estas mismas ideas. Esta reflexión llevaría a la nueva cosecha de desescolarizadores un paso más allá de donde se encontraba el joven y algo ingenuo Iván, cuando nació el discurso de la "desescolarización". - - -Bremen, Alemania - Verano de 1995 - ----- - -Este artículo se incluyó originalmente como prólogo del libro _Desescolarizar nuestras vidas_ (1995) y también se incluyó en "Everywhere All the Time: A New Deschooling Reader" (2008). +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Foreword to "Deschooling Our Lives"_ +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1995 +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** + +``` +@ARTICLE{Illich-1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives-es, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {Prólogo de "Desescolarizando nuestras vidas"}, + year = {1995}, + date = {1995}, + origdate = {1995}, + language = {es}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives:index} +} +``` +~~NOTOC~~ +{{tag>available}} diff --git a/data/pages/es/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/notes.txt b/data/pages/es/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/notes.txt new file mode 120000 index 0000000..4cd3d3c --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/es/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/notes.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/es.notes
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\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/es/article/1998-conspiracy/index.txt b/data/pages/es/article/1998-conspiracy/index.txt index 08ee7c4..6c30386 100644 --- a/data/pages/es/article/1998-conspiracy/index.txt +++ b/data/pages/es/article/1998-conspiracy/index.txt @@ -1,103 +1,22 @@ # El cultivo de la conspiración -El 16 de noviembre de 1996, llegué al auditorio de la biblioteca de la Universidad de Bremen justo a tiempo para mi conferencia de la tarde. Durante cinco años, me había ocupado de comentar textos antiguos para trazar la larga historia de la _philia_ occidental, de la amistad. El tema de este semestre era la pérdida del sentido común, la pérdida de la proporcionalidad, el cambio decisivo en la proporción sensorial durante las vidas de John Locke, Gottfried Leibniz y Johann Sebastian Bach. Ese día me preparé para abordar el tema del sentido común como el órgano sensorial que se cree que reconoce lo «bueno», lo «adecuado» y lo «quinto» (desde la escala diatónica hasta las proporciones humanas). Lo contrastaba con el ideal emergente de la objetividad en la ciencia, en particular el paso de una objetividad perspectiva a una objetividad a-perspectiva; de la búsqueda de la verdad a la exigencia de la verificación y la prueba. Pero incluso antes de que pudiera empezar, tuve que parar: los doscientos auditores habían planeado celebrar una fiesta en lugar de una conferencia. Dos meses después de la fecha real, habían decidido celebrar mi septuagésimo cumpleaños, así que festejamos, reímos y bailamos hasta la medianoche. - -Los discursos inauguraron el asunto. Yo estaba sentado detrás de un ramo de flores, en primera fila, y escuché diecisiete intervenciones. Como prueba de reconocimiento, regalé una flor a cada uno de los panegiristas. La mayoría de los oradores eran mayores de cincuenta años, amigos que había hecho en cuatro continentes, algunos de los cuales aún guardaban recuerdos que se remontaban a la década de 1950 en Nueva York. Otros eran conocidos más recientes, gente que había conocido en los tiempos en que enseñaba en Kassel, Berlín, Marburgo, Oldemburgo y, desde 1991, en Bremen. Esforzándome por expresar mi gratitud adecuada a cada orador, me sentía como Hugo de San Víctor, mi amigo y maestro de París. En una carta, este monje del siglo XII se compara con un burro de carga: no se siente aplastado, sino elevado por el peso de las amistades reunidas durante el peregrinaje de la vida. - -Después de las _lauda_ _t_ _iones_ , cruzamos la plaza hasta el edificio de artes liberales, cuyos lúgubres pasillos de cemento tengo el hábito de evitar. Una metamorfosis se había producido en su atmósfera. Nos acomodamos en un café pintoresco con cerca de cinco docenas de mesas pequeñas, cada una con una vela encendida sobre una servilleta de color. Para la ocasión, el departamento de artes domésticas de la universidad había incluido en el presupuesto del semestre una olla lo suficientemente grande como para cocinar sopa de papa para toda una compañía. El canciller, ausente en ese momento por atender cuestiones oficiales en Pekín, había contratado un conjunto de klezmer. El profesor Ludolf Kuchenbuch, decano de los historiadores de una universidad cercana y saxofonista, se hizo cargo del jazz. Además, un par de payasos que actuaban en bicicleta nos entretuvieron con su parodia de mi libro _Energía y equidad_ de 1972. - -El alcalde-gobernador de la «ciudad-Estado» libre de Bremen había escogido una botella de Borgoña muy antiguo de los tesoros del _Rathskeller_. El alto y delgado funcionario me entregó el precioso regalo y expresó su placer «de que Illich a los setenta años —en sus propias palabras— hubiera encontrado en Bremen _einen Zipfel Heimat_ », algo así como «un rincón de hogar». De la boca del _Bürgermeister_ , la frase que yo mismo había usado me cautivó; ahora me parecía grotesca, pero aun así verdadera. Empecé a reflexionar: ¿qué podría haberme inducido a asociar la noción de hogar con los largos y oscuros inviernos con lluvia continua, donde camino a través de los pastos a lo largo del Wümme que son inundados dos veces al día por la marea del Atlántico Norte? Yo que, de niño, me había sentido exiliado en Viena, porque todos mis sentidos estaban ligados con nostalgia al sur, al azul del Adriático, a las montañas de piedra caliza de la Dalmacia de mi primera infancia. - -La ceremonia de hoy, sin embargo, es aún más sorprendente que las palabras del alcalde en las festividades del año anterior, porque su premio me hace sentir bienvenido por la ciudadanía y no sólo por las autoridades de la ciudad, dicho esto con el debido respeto a mi amigo el alcalde. La Villa Ichon es un testimonio de la civilidad de Bremen: un testimonio que no es ni de caridad privada ni de financiación pública. Ustedes, que son mis anfitriones en este lugar, se definen como ciudadanos comerciantes hanseáticos. El día de la solemne inauguración de la Villa Ichon, se negaron rotundamente a que un funcionario de la ciudad tocara las llaves de esta casa. Esto fue para subrayar la autonomía de la sociedad civil, basada en una respetuosa distancia con el gobierno de la ciudad, por más ejemplar que sea. Klaus Hübotter, quien inspiró la remodelación de esta casa del siglo XIX, se refiere a ella como una «casa flotante para los desamparados y los vulnerables entre nosotros». Me conmueve profundamente que su premio anual, destinado a honrar a un ciudadano de Bremen, se conceda hoy a un peregrino errante, pero que sabe apreciarlo. Como hijo mayor de una familia de comerciantes de una ciudad portuaria libre —atrapada entre las potencias adriáticas de Bizancio y Venecia—, nací en una tradición que, mientras tanto, se ha marchitado, pero no sin dejarme con una singular habilidad para saborear la hospitalidad hanseática que hoy recibo. - -La primera vez que oí hablar de Bremen fue a la edad de seis años, en las historias que me contaba mi profesora de dibujo, que venía de una de sus familias patricias y en Viena sentía nostalgia del norte. Adopté a la pequeña dama vestida de negro como Mama Pfeiffer-Kulenkampf. Un verano vino con nosotros a Dalmacia, a pintar; sus acuarelas todavía adornan el estudio de mi hermano, en Long Island. De ella aprendí a mezclar diferentes pigmentos para las atmósferas contrastantes de la costa mediterránea y la atlántica. - -Ahora, una larga vida después, me siento en casa en su clima gris salado. Y no sólo en casa; me imagino que mi presencia aquí ha añadido algo a la atmósfera de la Universidad de Bremen. Cuando el decano Johannes Beck me llevó desde la sala de conferencias a través de la plaza empapada de lluvia hasta el improvisado café, hizo un comentario que acepté como un regalo. «Ivan», dijo, «esto se siente como un desbordamiento de la casa de Barbara Duden». El decano Beck puso con éxito en palabras algo que había intentado decir por décadas: que la plétora de nuestra convivialidad en el comedor inspirara a un aula universitaria; el aura de hospitalidad en nuestra casa de la calle de Kreftingstraße se sentía más allá de su umbral. - -En 1991 Christian Marzahn, entonces vicerrector, vino a México para invitarme a la Universidad de Bremen. Antes de que empezara el semestre, Barbara Duden consiguió una casa en el barrio de Ostertor, más allá del viejo foso, justo al lado de la esquina de los drogadictos, el mercado de granjeros y el zoco turco. Con su alegre austeridad lo hizo hospitalario; todos nos maravillamos de la facilidad con la que, bajo su liderazgo, los jóvenes amigos, ya sea que se queden o estén de paso, se sienten como en casa y alimentan la conversación. Si, después de mi conferencia de los viernes, el tazón de espaguetis debe alimentar a más de las dos docenas que caben alrededor de la mesa hecha con parqués de madera, los invitados se ponen en cuclillas sobre los petates en la habitación de al lado. - -A lo largo de los años, Kreftingstraße ha fomentado una cercanía privilegiada en un trato respetuoso, disciplinado y crítico: amistades entre viejos conocidos que llegan de lejos y otros nuevos (tres o incluso cuatro décadas más jóvenes que mi compañero más viejo, Lee Hoinacki, que comparte su habitación con nuestras enciclopedias). La amistad hace que los vínculos sean únicos, pero algunos más que otros soportan la carga del anfitrión: Kassandra, que vive en otro lugar, con una llave de la casa, trae flores, y Matthias, el virtuoso baterista que vive abajo en una habitación con una puerta que se abre hacia el pequeño jardín. Ambos pertenecen a la docena de personas que graciosamente reciben al recién llegado en el umbral, agitan la sopa, orientan la conversación, lavan los platos y… corrigen mis manuscritos así como los de los demás. - -Considero que este obvio pero intangible clima civil es un regalo del _spiritus loci_ de Bremen, para el cual Barbara Duden ha creado el lugar apropiado. Veo esto como una oportunidad para reflexionar sobre la atmósfera y la cultura en la era de la Red y los teléfonos móviles. La hospitalidad aprendida y sosegada es el único antídoto para la postura de ingenio corrosivo que se adquiere en la búsqueda profesional de conocimiento objetivamente asegurado. Estoy seguro de que la búsqueda de la verdad no puede prosperar si no se alimenta de una atmósfera de confianza mutua, que sin este compromiso de amistad no se puede hacer la distinción misma entre búsqueda de la verdad y obtención o producción de un conocimiento objetivo. Por lo tanto, he tratado de identificar el ambiente que fomenta —pero también el aire «acondicionado» que impide— el aura de la amistad. - -Por supuesto que puedo recordar el sabor de las atmósferas fuertes de otras épocas de mi vida. En lugares tan distantes como Cuernavaca y State College, hemos cultivado la hospitalidad intelectual en nuestro círculo de amigos a través del respeto al Lugar, evitando el diagnóstico mutuo y tolerando las voces discordantes. Nunca he dudado —y es aún más cierto hoy en día— que un ambiente «monástico» es el prerrequisito para la independencia necesaria para un enjuiciamiento histórico de la sociedad. Sólo el compromiso gratuito de los amigos puede permitirme practicar el ascetismo necesario para enfrentar las cuasiparadojas modernas, como renunciar al análisis de sistemas mientras escribo en mi Toshiba. - -Mi temprana sospecha de que era necesaria una cierta atmósfera para el tipo de _studium_ al que me había dedicado se convirtió en una convicción a través de mi contacto con las universidades estadounidenses del periodo post-Sputnik. Después de sólo un año como vicerrector de una universidad en Puerto Rico, yo y algunos otros quisimos cuestionar la ideología del desarrollo a la que tanto Kennedy como Castro suscribieron. Puse todo el dinero que tenía —hoy el equivalente al premio que me acaban de dar— en la compra de una cabaña de madera de una habitación en las montañas que dan al Caribe. Con tres amigos, quería un lugar de estudio en el que cada uso del pronombre personal «nos-otros» se refiriera sinceramente a nosotros cuatro, y fuera accesible también a nuestros huéspedes; quería practicar el rigor que nos alejara del «nosotros» que invoca la seguridad que se encuentra a la sombra de una disciplina académica: nosotros como sociólogos, economistas, etc. Como dijo uno de nosotros, Charlie Rosario: «Todos los departamentos huelen a desinfectantes, en el mejor de los casos… y los venenos esterilizan el aura». La casita en el camino a las montañas de Adjuntas pronto se volvió tan desagradable que tuve que dejar la isla. - -Esto me liberó para iniciar un «pensatorio» en México, que cinco años más tarde se convirtió en el Centro Intercultural de Documentación o CIDOC. En su discurso inaugural para la celebración de hoy, el parlamentario del Bunderstag Freimut Duve les habló de ello. En aquellos lejanos años, Duve era editor en la editorial Rowohlt, se ocupaba de la publicación de mis libros en alemán y me visitó varias veces en Cuernavaca. Les habló del espíritu que prevalecía en ese lugar: un clima de tolerancia mutuamente atemperada. Fue esta aura, esta cualidad o aire, a través de la cual esta efímera aventura podía convertirse en una encrucijada mundial, un lugar de encuentro para aquellos que, mucho antes de que se pusiera de moda, cuestionaban la inocencia del «desarrollo». Sólo el estado de ánimo que Duve insinuó puede explicar la influencia desproporcionada que este pequeño centro ejerció al desafiar los beneficios del desarrollo socioeconómico. - -El CIDOC fue cerrado de común acuerdo el 1 de abril de 1976, diez años después del día de su fundación. Con música y bailes mexicanos celebramos su clausura. Duve les habló de Valentina Borremans, que había organizado y dirigido el CIDOC desde su fundación. Luego habló de su admiración por el estilo con el que ella terminó su trabajo con el consentimiento mutuo de sus sesenta y tres colaboradores. Se dio cuenta de que el alma de este pensatorio libre, independiente y ajeno al poder sería aplastado pronto por su creciente influencia. - -El CIDOC cerró sus puertas ante las críticas de sus amigos más serios, gente demasiado seria para comprender la paradoja de la atmósfera. Éstas eran principalmente personas para las que el clima hospitalario del CIDOC había proporcionado un foro único. Prosperaron en el aura del CIDOC, y rechazaron totalmente nuestra certeza de que la atmósfera invita a la institucionalización que terminará corrompiéndola. Nunca se sabe qué es lo que nutrirá y fortalecerá el espíritu de la _philia_ , pero pueden estar seguros de qué es lo que lo asfixiará. El espíritu emerge por sorpresa, y es un milagro cuando permanece; es asfixiado por cada intento de asegurarlo; es pervertido cuando se intenta aprovecharlo para obtener riquezas, poder o influencia. - -Pocos entienden esto. En México, recientemente abrí la botella de Borgoña del alcalde con Valentina para brindar por uno de ellos. Bebimos el vino en memoria de Alejandro del Corro, un jesuita argentino fallecido que vivió y trabajó conmigo a principios de la década de 1960. Con su Leica viajó por toda América del Sur, colaborando con los guerrilleros para salvar sus archivos para la posteridad. Alejandro era un maestro en la moderación del aura. Cuando presidía, su cuidadosa atención —ya fuera hacia un funcionario estadounidense, un recolector de basura, un guerrillero o un profesor— ayudaba a que cada uno se sintiera en casa con el otro alrededor de la mesa del CIDOC. Alejandro sabía que no se puede poseer el aura; sabía de la evanescencia, de la vulnerabilidad de la atmósfera. - -Hablo de una hospitalidad sencilla y generosa, sin nada fabricado ni moralizante. Pero sólo aquí en Bremen, en el curso de estos cuarenta años, el aura de la mesa del desayuno se ha extendido a la sala de la biblioteca donde, los viernes por la tarde, tengo el privilegio de hablar. Sólo aquí en Bremen se ha desarrollado una atmósfera en la que un puñado de hombres y mujeres de la mitad de mi edad se han embarcado en una investigación disciplinada sobre la historia de la proporcionalidad, una empresa que he comenzado, pero que nunca podré concluir, a pesar de las promesas que le hice a usted, Wolfgang Beck, cuando tomó la iniciativa de reeditar mis libros. En cierto modo, el _genius loci_ de Bremen me permitió verificar una vieja intuición: hoy más que nunca, el renacimiento de una búsqueda iluminada de la verdad se nutre de una amistad austera más que de sistemas. - -Tengo la intención de usar el dinero que acompaña al premio que se me ha concedido para hacer que nuestras discusiones sean más conviviales. Esto permitirá a una de nuestras estudiantes residentes, Silja Samerski, someter las actas y notas de nuestras reuniones a las críticas de los amigos ausentes. - -Hablo de atmósfera, _faute de mieux_. En griego, la palabra se usa para referirse a la emanación de una estrella, o la constelación que gobierna un lugar; los alquimistas la adoptaron para hablar de las capas que rodean nuestro planeta. Maurice Blondel refleja su uso francés mucho más tardío para _bouquet des esprits_ , el perfume que los presentes traen a una reunión. Utilizo la palabra para algo frágil y a menudo desestimado, el aire que teje, ondea y evoca recuerdos, como los que están unidos a esta botella de Borgoña mucho tiempo después de haber sido vaciada. - -Para percibir un aura, se necesita una nariz. La nariz, enmarcada por los ojos, se extiende debajo del cerebro. Lo que la nariz inhala termina en las entrañas; todo yogui y hesicasta lo sabe. La nariz desciende en una curva en medio de la cara. Todo judío piadoso es consciente de la imagen, ya que cuando los cristianos dicen «caminar ante los ojos de Dios», en hebreo se habla de «pasear bajo la nariz y el aliento de Dios». Para saborear la atmósfera de un lugar, uno debe confiar en su nariz; para confiar en otro, uno debe primero olerlo. - -En sus inicios, la cultura cívica occidental oscilaba entre la desconfianza cultivada y la confianza simpatética. Platón creía que sería peligroso para los ciudadanos atenienses dejar que sus entrañas se vieran afectadas por la pasión de los actores en el teatro; quería que la audiencia no fuera más allá de una reflexión sobre las palabras. Aristóteles modificó respetuosamente la opinión de su maestro. En la _Poética_ , pide a los espectadores que dejen que los gestos y la mímica, el ritmo y la melodía de la respiración, lleguen a sus entrañas. Los ciudadanos deben asistir al teatro, no sólo para entender, sino para ser afectados por los demás. Según Aristóteles, no puede haber ninguna transformación, ninguna catarsis purificadora, sin esa apasionante mímesis. Sin la experiencia visceral del otro, sin compartir su aura, uno no puede salvarse a sí mismo. - -Algo de ese sentido de mímesis aparece en un viejo adagio alemán: _Ich kann dich gut riechen_ , «puedo olerte bien». Es una expresión que todavía se usa y se entiende. Pero no es algo que se diga a cualquiera; es una expresión que sólo se permite cuando uno se siente cercano, cuenta con la confianza y está dispuesto a ser herido. Supone la verdad de otro dicho alemán: _Ich kann dich gut leiden_ , «puedo sufrirte bien». Aquí se puede ver que las palabras relacionadas con la nariz no han desaparecido por completo del habla coloquial, incluso en la era de los regaderazos diarios. - -Recuerdo mi vergüenza cuando, después de años de disciplina ascética, me di cuenta de que todavía no había establecido la conexión entre la nariz y el corazón, el olor y el afecto. Estaba en Perú a mediados de la década de 1950, camino de encontrarme con Carlos, que me acogió en su modesta cabaña por tercera vez. Pero para llegar a la cabaña, tuve que cruzar el río Rímac, la cloaca abierta de Lima. La idea de dormir durante una semana en este miasma me daba náuseas. Esa noche, con un shock, comprendí de repente lo que Carlos me había estado diciendo todo el tiempo: «Ivan, no te engañes; no te imagines que puedes ser amigo de gente a la que no puedes oler». Esa sacudida me descongestionó la nariz; me permitió sumergirme en el aura de la casa de Carlos y mezclar la atmósfera que llevaba conmigo en el ambiente de su casa. - -Este descubrimiento a través de mi nariz del aroma del espíritu ocurrió hace cuarenta años, en la época del DC-4, la creencia en los programas de desarrollo y el aparentemente benigno Cuerpo de Paz. Era la época en que el DDT era todavía demasiado caro para los habitantes de los barrios bajos de América Latina, cuando la mayoría de la gente tenía que aguantar las pulgas y los piojos en la piel, así como a los ancianos, los lisiados y los idiotas en sus casas. Esto fue antes de los días de las Xerox, el fax y el correo electrónico. Pero también fue antes del smog y el sida. En ese momento se me consideraba un derrotista o un excéntrico porque preveía los efectos secundarios no deseados del desarrollo, porque hablaba con los sindicatos sobre el desempleo tecnogénico y con los izquierdistas sobre la polarización creciente entre ricos y pobres a raíz de la expansión de la dependencia de las mercancías. Lo que parecía ser histeria ha sido confirmado desde entonces en forma de hechos bien documentados. Algunos de estos hechos son demasiado terribles para afrontarlos. Es necesario exorcizarlos, expurgarlos a través de la investigación, asignar su gestión a agencias especializadas y conjurarlos a través de programas de prevención. Pero mientras que el agotamiento de las formas de vida, la creciente inmunidad de los patógenos, los cambios climáticos, la desaparición de la cultura del trabajo y la violencia incontrolable constituyen ahora los efectos secundarios admitidos del crecimiento económico, la terrible amenaza que la vida moderna supone para la supervivencia de las atmósferas es apenas perceptible. - -Ésta es la razón por la que me atrevo a molestarlos con el recuerdo de ese paseo al atardecer con la nariz saturada de los olores de la orina y las heces que emanan del Rímac. Ese paisaje ya no existe; los coches ahora llenan una autopista que esconde las aguas residuales. La piel y el cuero cabelludo de los indios ya no son nidos de piojos; ahora las alergias producidas por los productos químicos industriales causan la comezón. Las casuchas improvisadas han sido sustituidas por viviendas públicas; cada departamento tiene sus redes de tubería y cada miembro de la familia una cama separada: el huésped es consciente de las molestias que causa. El hedor del Rímac se ha convertido en un recuerdo en una ciudad asfixiada por el smog industrial. Yuxtapongo el entonces y el ahora porque esto me permite argumentar que la inminente pérdida del espíritu, del alma, de lo que llamo atmósfera, podría pasar desapercibida. - -Sólo las personas que se encaran en confianza pueden permitir su aparición. El buqué de la amistad varía con cada respiración, pero cuando está ahí no necesita ser nombrado. Durante mucho tiempo creí que no había un sustantivo para decirlo, ni un verbo para expresarlo. Cada vez que probaba una palabra, me desanimaba; todos los sinónimos fueron sustituidos por falsificaciones sintéticas: modas producidas en masa y estados de ánimo ingeniosamente comercializados, sentimientos chic, presunciones soberbias y gustos de moda. La industria proporciona a la vida diaria un aura, con cosas que están llenas de atmósfera sintética. Al igual que las vitaminas, los hormigueos emocionales se distribuyen de forma similar, con _styling_ , diseño, sugestiones subliminales. No sólo las cremas para la piel, los cigarros y los viajes, sino también los programas escolares y el baño emiten vapores sintéticos. A partir de la década de 1970, las dinámicas de grupo y toda la parafernalia que las acompaña, los retiros y el entrenamiento psíquico, diseñados para generar una «atmósfera», se convirtieron en un enorme negocio. El silencio discreto sobre el tema que estoy planteando parecía preferible a causar un malentendido. - -Entonces, treinta años después de aquella noche sobre el Rímac, me di cuenta repentinamente de que sí hay un palabra muy simple que dice lo que aprecio y trato de alimentar, y esa palabra es _paz_. La paz, sin embargo, no en los significados en los que se comercializa internacionalmente hoy en día, sino la paz en su peculiar significado posclásico, europeo. La paz, en este sentido, es la única palabra fuerte para nombrar apropiadamente la atmósfera de amistad creada entre iguales; y entonces «pacífico» significa mucho más que no-violento. Pero para abrazarla, uno tiene que llegar a entender el origen de esta paz en la _conspiratio_ , un curioso comportamiento ritual casi olvidado hoy en día. - -Así es como esta intuición llegó a mí. En 1986, unas pocas docenas de grupos de investigación sobre la paz en África y Asia se preparaban para abrir un centro de recursos comunes. La asamblea de fundación se iba a celebrar en Japón, y los líderes buscaban un orador del Tercer Mundo. Sin embargo, por razones de delicadeza, querían a alguien que no fuera ni asiático ni africano, y me tomaron por un latinoamericano; luego me presionaron para que fuera. Así que empaqué mi guayabera en mi maleta y me fui a Oriente. - -En Yokohama me dirigí al grupo hablando como historiador. Sobre todo, quería desmantelar cualquier concepto universal de paz; quería subrayar la reivindicación de cada _ethnos_ de su propia paz, el derecho de cada comunidad a ser dejada en su paz. Me pareció importante dejar claro que la paz no es una condición abstracta, sino un espíritu muy específico que debe ser disfrutado en su particular e incomunicable unicidad por cada comunidad. - -Mi objetivo en Yokohama era doble: quería examinar no sólo el significado sino también la historia y la perversión de la paz en ese apéndice de Asia y África que llamamos Europa. Después de todo, la mayor parte del mundo en el siglo XX sufre de la aceptación entusiasta de las ideas europeas, incluido el concepto europeo de paz. La asamblea en Japón me dio la oportunidad de contrastar el espíritu único de paz que nació en la Europa cristiana con su perversión y falsificación cuando, en la jerga de la política internacional, se crea un vínculo ideológico entre el desarrollo y la paz; cuando el crecimiento económico, la instrucción escolar, el diagnóstico médico y la gestión global erradican lo que una vez se entendió por paz en la tradición europea. Argumenté que sólo desvinculando la _pax_ (paz) del desarrollo podría revelarse la gloria hasta ahora insospechada que se oculta en esta _pax_. Pero lograr esto ante una audiencia japonesa era difícil. - -Los japoneses tienen un ideograma para algo que nosotros no tenemos, ni decimos, ni sentimos: _fūdo_. Mi anfitrión y maestro, el profesor Yoshiro Tamanoy, me lo describió así: «la frescura inimitable que surge de la mezcla de un suelo particular con las aguas apropiadas». Confiando en mi docto guía pacifista, ahora fallecido, empecé con el concepto de _fūdo_. No fue difícil explicar que tanto la _philia_ ateniense como la _pax romana_ , por muy diferentes que sean la una de la otra, son incomparables con el _fūdo_. La _philia_ ateniense habla de la amistad entre los hombres libres de una ciudad, y la _pax romana_ habla del estatuto administrativo de una región en cuyo suelo la Legión había plantado sus estandartes. Con la ayuda del profesor Tamanoy, fue fácil elaborar las contradicciones y las diferencias entre estas dos nociones, y conseguir que el público comentara las heterogeneidades similares en el significado cultural de la paz en la India o entre grupos vecinos de Tanzania. Todas las encarnaciones caleidoscópicas de la paz se referían a una atmósfera particular y altamente deseable. Hasta aquí la conversación resultó sencilla. - -Sin embargo, hablar de la _pax_ en la época protocristiana resultó ser un asunto delicado, porque alrededor del año 300 _pax_ se convirtió en una palabra clave en la liturgia cristiana. Se convirtió en el eufemismo para un beso de boca a boca entre los fieles que asistían a los servicios. La _pax_ se convirtió en el camuflaje para el _osculum_ (de la palabra _os_ , boca), para la _conspiratio_ , una mezcla de respiraciones. Mi amigo sintió que no sólo me estaba exponiendo a un malentendido, sino quizá ofendiendo, al evocar públicamente tal contacto cuerpo a cuerpo. El gesto sigue siendo repugnante para los japoneses hoy en día. - -En latín la palabra _osculum_ no es ni muy antigua ni muy frecuente. Es una de las tres palabras que pueden ser traducidas por el castellano «beso». En comparación con el tierno _basium_ y el lascivo _suavium_ , _osculum_ fue un término tardío en el latín clásico, y fue usado en una sola circunstancia como un gesto ritual. En el siglo II, se convirtió en la señal que un soldado a punto de marcharse daba a una mujer, una forma de reconocer al hijo esperado como su descendencia. - -En la liturgia cristiana del primer siglo, el _osculum_ asumió una nueva función. Se convirtió en uno de los dos puntos culminantes de la celebración de la Eucaristía. La _conspiratio_ , el beso en la boca, se convirtió en el solemne gesto litúrgico por el que los participantes en la acción de culto compartían su aliento o espíritu con los demás. Llegó a significar su unión en el Espíritu Santo, la comunidad que toma forma en el aliento de Dios. La _ecclesia_ surgió a través de una acción ritual pública, la liturgia y el alma de esta liturgia eran la _conspiratio_. Explícitamente, corporalmente, la celebración cristiana central se entendía como una co-respiración, una co-inspiración: la producción de una atmósfera común, un entorno divino. - -El otro momento eminente de la celebración fue, por supuesto, la _comestio_ , la comunión de la carne, la incorporación del creyente en el cuerpo del Verbo Encarnado, pero la _communio_ estaba teológicamente vinculada a la _con-spiratio_ precedente. La _con-spiratio_ se convirtió en la expresión somática más fuerte, clara e inequívoca para la creación totalmente no jerárquica de un espíritu fraternal en la preparación de la comida unificadora. A través del acto de comer, los compañeros conspiradores se transformaban en un «nosotros», una reunión que en griego significa _ecclesia_. Además, creían que el «nosotros» es también el «yo» de alguien; se nutrían de la sombra del «yo» del Verbo Encarnado. Las palabras y las acciones de la liturgia no son sólo palabras y acciones mundanas, sino acontecimientos que ocurren después del Verbo, es decir, después de la Encarnación. La paz como una mezcla del suelo y las aguas es una imagen que me parece agradable; pero la paz como resultado de la _conspiratio_ exige una intimidad demandante, hoy casi inimaginable. - -La práctica del _osculum_ no estuvo exenta de controversia. Los documentos muestran que la _conspiratio_ causó un escándalo desde el principio. Tertuliano el africano y rigorista Padre de la Iglesia, consideraba que una matrona decente no debía ser expuesta a ninguna posible vergüenza por este rito y quería eliminarlo de la Cena del Señor. La práctica continuó, pero no bajo el mismo nombre; la ceremonia requería un eufemismo. A partir de finales del siglo III, el _osculum pacis_ se denominaba simplemente _pax_ , y el gesto se suavizaba a menudo hasta el punto de ser reducido a un roce ligero para significar la mezcla espiritual de las entrañas que crea una atmósfera fraternal. Hoy en día, la _pax_ que precede a la comunión, llamada «el beso de la paz», sigue siendo una parte integrante de la misa en los rituales romanos, eslavos, griegos y sirios, aunque a menudo se reduce a un fugaz apretón de manos. - -Al igual que en Yokohama, no puedo evitar contar esta historia hoy en Bremen. ¿Por qué? Porque la idea misma de la paz entendida como hospitalidad que se extiende al extranjero, y de una asamblea libre que surge en la práctica de la hospitalidad, no puede ser entendida sin la referencia a la liturgia cristiana del beso en la boca, que da a la comunidad local un carácter «espiritual». - -Sin embargo, así como los antecedentes de la paz entre nosotros no pueden entenderse sin referencia a la _conspiratio_ , la unicidad histórica del clima, la atmósfera o el espíritu de una ciudad también requiere esta referencia. La idea europea de paz, que es sinónimo de la incorporación somática de los iguales en una comunidad, no tiene análogos en otros lugares. En nuestra tradición europea, la comunidad no es resultado de un acto de fundación autorizado, ni un regalo de la naturaleza o sus dioses, ni siquiera el resultado de la gestión, la planificación y el diseño, sino la consecuencia de una _conspiración_ , un regalo deliberado, mutuo, somático y gratuito de unos a otros. El prototipo de esa conspiración reside en la celebración de la liturgia de los primeros cristianos en la que, sin importar su origen, hombres y mujeres, griegos y judíos, esclavos y ciudadanos, todos engendran una realidad física que los trasciende, un espíritu de amistad. El aliento compartido, la _con-spiratio_ , es la paz, entendida como la comunidad que surge de ella. - -Los historiadores han señalado a menudo que la idea del contrato social, que domina el pensamiento político en Europa desde el siglo XIV, tiene sus orígenes concretos en la forma en que los fundadores de las ciudades medievales concebían las civilidades urbanas. Estoy totalmente de acuerdo con esto. Sin embargo, al centrar la atención en la sociedad medieval tardía entendida como una composición de corporaciones que resultan de un contrato social, puede distraerse la atención del bien que tales corporaciones debían proteger, a saber, la paz resultante de una _conspiratio_. Puede pasarse por alto el absurdo pretencioso de intentar asegurar contractualmente una atmósfera tan fugaz y viva, tan tierna y robusta, como la _pax_. - -Los comerciantes y artesanos medievales que se establecieron al pie del castillo de un señor feudal sintieron la necesidad de convertir la conspiración que los unía en una asociación segura y duradera. No estaban dispuestos a construir sobre la base de un espíritu eternamente tenue. ¿Cuánto tiempo duraría? Para garantizar su seguridad general, recurrieron a un dispositivo, la _conjuratio_ , una promesa mutua confirmada por un juramento que toma a Dios como testigo, una forma de asegurar la durabilidad y la estabilidad de la atmósfera creada por la conspiración. La mayoría de las sociedades conocen el juramento, pero el uso del nombre de Dios para hacerlo valer aparece primero como un dispositivo legal en la codificación del derecho romano hecha por el emperador cristiano Teodosio. La conjuración, la coincidencia en un juramento común confirmado por la invocación a Dios, justo como el _osculum_ litúrgico, es de origen cristiano. La _conjuratio_ que usa a Dios a modo de resina para el vínculo social asegura presumiblemente la estabilidad y la durabilidad de la atmósfera engendrada por la _conspiratio_ de los ciudadanos. En este nexo entre _conspiratio_ y _conjuratio_ , se entrelazan dos conceptos igualmente únicos heredados del primer milenio de la historia cristiana, pero la formalidad contractual pronto eclipsó la sustancia espiritual. - -Nuestro universo político occidental contemporáneo se basa en un llamado a la paz que está en la base de la forma histórica profundamente nueva de la ciudad medieval de la Europa central. La _conjuratio conspirativa_ , un solemne tratado _cum_ espíritu, hace que la urbanidad europea sea distinta de los modos urbanos de otros lugares. También implica una tensión dinámica singular entre la atmósfera de la _conspiratio_ y su constitución legal, contractual. Idealmente, el clima espiritual es la fuente de la vida de la ciudad, que florece en una jerarquía, como una concha o armazón, para proteger su orden. - -El vínculo entre un juramento ( _conjuratio_ ) y la _conspiratio_ debe verse a la luz de mil años de historia eclesiástica, en la que los dos componentes no pueden confundirse entre sí. En la medida en que se entiende que la ciudad se origina en una _conspiratio_ , debe su existencia social a la _pax_ , el aliento, compartido por igual entre todos. Esta génesis es incomparable con el nacimiento de los atenienses de la matriz bajo la Acrópolis, incomparable con la ciudad concebida como el regalo de un dios a los inmigrantes jonios, incomparable con la descendencia común de un antepasado mítico. - -El vínculo entre _conspiratio_ y _conjuratio_ reúne dos conceptos igualmente únicos heredados del primer milenio de la cristiandad. Aquí hay un olor a rata. Mi nariz me dice que «algo está podrido» en el estado de Occidente. En el segundo milenio, el uso de Dios como testigo para sacrificar el contrato social crea el marco dentro del cual es posible abusar de la _pax_ como un ideal que justifica la imposición de nuestro tipo de orden en el mundo entero. - -Otras fuentes de esta teoría y práctica son numerosas: una conciencia de sí mismo mejor definida, como ilustra la doctrina de Abelardo; una nueva confianza en los instrumentos como medios para alcanzar un fin, como lo demuestra la proliferación de molinos de viento y el aumento de la producción agrícola y textil; una novedosa concepción del matrimonio como una relación contractual en la que dos seres humanos, un hombre y una mujer, se comprometen libremente. - -La parábola de Klaus Hübotter de la Villa Ichon como una casa flotante me hizo pensar en la esencia de la atmósfera, y al hacerlo llegamos a esta larga historia del origen de la ciudad gracias a la «paz» entre los ciudadanos que son hospitalarios entre sí de una manera única. Y no sólo entre ellos… ¡Han invitado a este vagabundo a deambular por aquí! Esta larga reflexión sobre los precedentes históricos del cultivo de la atmósfera en el Bremen de finales del siglo XX me parecía necesaria para defender su naturaleza intrínsecamente conspirativa. Quería mostrar por qué la crítica independiente del orden establecido de nuestra sociedad moderna, tecnógena y centrada en la información, sólo puede surgir de un entorno de intensa hospitalidad: el arte de la hospitalidad y el arte de ser invitado. - -Como estudioso, he sido moldeado por las tradiciones monásticas y la interpretación de los textos medievales. Desde muy temprano concluí que la principal condición para una atmósfera propicia para el pensamiento independiente es la hospitalidad cultivada por el anfitrión: una hospitalidad que excluye la condescendencia tan escrupulosamente como la seducción; una hospitalidad que por su simplicidad vence el miedo al plagio tanto como el del clientelismo; una hospitalidad que por su apertura disuelve la intimidación tan cuidadosamente como el servilismo; una hospitalidad que exige de los huéspedes tanta generosidad como la que impone al anfitrión. He sido bendecido con una gran parte de ella, con el sabor de un ambiente relajado, humorístico y a veces grotesco, entre compañeros mayormente ordinarios pero a veces extraños, entre personas que son pacientes entre sí. Más en Bremen que en cualquier otro lugar. - -Bremen, Alemania y Ocotepec, México - ----- - -Traducción: Miranda Martínez y Alan Cruz - -Discurso pronunciado en la Villa Ichon de Bremen, Alemania, cuando recibí el Premio de Cultura y Paz de la Ciudad de Bremen el 14 de marzo de 1998. Al preparar la versión inglesa, preparé y mejoré el original alemán. Los cambios que he realizado son esencialmente referencias al gran estudio de la historia del juramento de Paolo Prodi, que me permitió aclarar la oposición entre _conspiratio_ y _conjuratio_. ( _Cf_. Paolo Prodi, _Il sacramento del potere. Il giuramento politico nella storia costituzionale dell’Occidente_ , Bolonia, Il Mulino, 1992). - -_N. de TT_.: La presente traducción retoma las diferentes versiones supervisadas por Illich: «Das Geschenk der _conspiratio_ », reedición ampliada de 2001, «The Cultivation of Conspiracy», en Lee Hoinacki y Carl Mitcham (eds.), _The Challenges of Ivan Illich_ , Nueva York, State University of New York Press, 2002, pp. 233-242; y «La culture de la conspiration», en Ivan Illich, _La perte des sens. Inédit_ , París, 2004, Fayard, pp. 337-352. +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _The Cultivation of Conspiracy_ +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1998 +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** + +``` +@ARTICLE{Illich-1998-conspiracy-es, + author = {Ivan Illich}, + title = {El cultivo de la conspiración}, + year = {1998}, + date = {1998}, + origdate = {1998}, + language = {es}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/article/1998-conspiracy:index} +} +``` +~~NOTOC~~ +{{tag>pending}} diff --git a/data/pages/es/article/1998-conspiracy/notes.txt b/data/pages/es/article/1998-conspiracy/notes.txt new file mode 120000 index 0000000..cdb3b8b --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/es/article/1998-conspiracy/notes.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1998-conspiracy/es.notes
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/es/article/1998-conspiracy/text.txt b/data/pages/es/article/1998-conspiracy/text.txt new file mode 120000 index 0000000..76b6612 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/es/article/1998-conspiracy/text.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/article/1998-conspiracy/es.txt
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/es/article/index.txt b/data/pages/es/article/index.txt new file mode 120000 index 0000000..58e2956 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/es/article/index.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../contents/article/index.es.txt
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/es/book/abc/index.bib b/data/pages/es/book/abc/index.bib new file mode 120000 index 0000000..2767488 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/es/book/abc/index.bib @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/book/abc/es.bib
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/es/book/abc/index.txt b/data/pages/es/book/abc/index.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..7ef93b7 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/es/book/abc/index.txt @@ -0,0 +1,26 @@ +# ABC - La alfabetización de la Mente Popular + +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _ABC - The Alphabetization of the Popular Mind_ +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1969 +* ** #@LANG_authors@#**: Ivan Illich, Barrie Sanders +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** +* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@# + + +{{tag>pending}} + +``` +@ARTICLE{Illich-abc-es, + author = {: Ivan Illich, Barrie Sanders}, + title = {ABC - La alfabetización de la Mente Popular}, + year = {abc/}, + date = {1969}, + origdate = {1969}, + language = {es}, + translator = {}, + url = {https://illich.acerv.uz/es/book/abc:index} +} +``` +~~NOTOC~~ +{{tag>pending}} diff --git a/data/pages/es/book/abc/notes.txt b/data/pages/es/book/abc/notes.txt new file mode 120000 index 0000000..fca67b1 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/es/book/abc/notes.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/book/abc/es.notes
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\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/es/book/awareness/en.txt b/data/pages/es/book/awareness/en.txt deleted file mode 120000 index f321ee4..0000000 --- a/data/pages/es/book/awareness/en.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1 +0,0 @@ -../../../en/book/awareness/en.txt
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/es/book/awareness/index.txt b/data/pages/es/book/awareness/index.txt deleted file mode 100644 index fa29537..0000000 --- a/data/pages/es/book/awareness/index.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,8 +0,0 @@ -# Alternativas - -* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:es|Online]] -* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Alternativas_ -* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1973 -* **#@LANG_comments@#:** ... - -~~NOTOC~~ diff --git a/data/pages/es/book/conviviality/en.txt b/data/pages/es/book/conviviality/en.txt deleted file mode 120000 index 3485526..0000000 --- a/data/pages/es/book/conviviality/en.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1 +0,0 @@ -../../../en/book/conviviality/en.txt
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/es/book/conviviality/fr.txt b/data/pages/es/book/conviviality/fr.txt deleted file mode 120000 index 43441b9..0000000 --- a/data/pages/es/book/conviviality/fr.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1 +0,0 @@ -../../../fr/book/conviviality/fr.txt
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/es/book/conviviality/index.txt b/data/pages/es/book/conviviality/index.txt deleted file mode 100644 index fca159c..0000000 --- a/data/pages/es/book/conviviality/index.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,8 +0,0 @@ -# La convivencialidad - -* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:es|Online]] -* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _La convivencialidad_ -* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1973 -* **#@LANG_comments@#:** Traducción directa de la versión francesa, _"La convivialité"_. - -~~NOTOC~~ diff --git a/data/pages/es/book/deschooling/en.txt b/data/pages/es/book/deschooling/en.txt deleted file mode 120000 index bcd4886..0000000 --- a/data/pages/es/book/deschooling/en.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1 +0,0 @@ -../../../en/book/deschooling/en.txt
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/es/book/deschooling/es.pdf b/data/pages/es/book/deschooling/es.pdf Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index f24cf7e..0000000 --- a/data/pages/es/book/deschooling/es.pdf +++ /dev/null diff --git a/data/pages/es/book/deschooling/es.tex b/data/pages/es/book/deschooling/es.tex deleted file mode 100644 index 2fdb137..0000000 --- a/data/pages/es/book/deschooling/es.tex +++ /dev/null @@ -1,5770 +0,0 @@ -\documentclass[spanish,]{article} - -% For redefining the \chapter command -\usepackage[explicit]{titlesec} - -% To make the headers nicer (lowercase) -\usepackage{fancyhdr} -\renewcommand{\chaptermark}[1]{\markboth{#1}{}} -\renewcommand{\sectionmark}[1]{\markright{#1}} -\pagestyle{fancy} -\fancyhf{} -\fancyhead[LE,RO]{\thepage} -\fancyhead[LO]{\itshape\nouppercase{\rightmark}} -\fancyhead[RE]{\itshape\nouppercase{\leftmark}} -\renewcommand{\headrulewidth}{0pt} - -\usepackage{lmodern} -\usepackage{amssymb,amsmath} -\usepackage{ifxetex,ifluatex} -\usepackage{fixltx2e} % provides \textsubscript -\ifnum 0\ifxetex 1\fi\ifluatex 1\fi=0 % if pdftex - \usepackage[T1]{fontenc} - \usepackage[utf8]{inputenc} -\else % if luatex or xelatex - \ifxetex - %\usepackage{mathspec} - \else - \usepackage{fontspec} - \fi - \defaultfontfeatures{Ligatures=TeX,Scale=MatchLowercase} -\fi -% use upquote if available, for straight quotes in verbatim environments -\IfFileExists{upquote.sty}{\usepackage{upquote}}{} -% use microtype if available -\IfFileExists{microtype.sty}{% -\usepackage{microtype} -\UseMicrotypeSet[protrusion]{basicmath} % disable protrusion for tt fonts -}{} -\usepackage{hyperref} -\hypersetup{unicode=true, - pdftitle={La sociedad desescolarizada}, - pdfauthor={Ivan Illich}, - pdfborder={0 0 0}, - breaklinks=true} -\urlstyle{same} % don't use monospace font for urls -\ifnum 0\ifxetex 1\fi\ifluatex 1\fi=0 % if pdftex - \usepackage[shorthands=off,main=spanish]{babel} -\else - \usepackage{polyglossia} - \setmainlanguage[]{spanish} -\fi -\IfFileExists{parskip.sty}{% -\usepackage{parskip} -}{% else -\setlength{\parindent}{0pt} -\setlength{\parskip}{6pt plus 2pt minus 1pt} -} -\setlength{\emergencystretch}{3em} % prevent overfull lines -\providecommand{\tightlist}{% - \setlength{\itemsep}{0pt}\setlength{\parskip}{0pt}} -\setcounter{secnumdepth}{0} -% Redefines (sub)paragraphs to behave more like sections -\ifx\paragraph\undefined\else -\let\oldparagraph\paragraph -\renewcommand{\paragraph}[1]{\oldparagraph{#1}\mbox{}} -\fi -\ifx\subparagraph\undefined\else -\let\oldsubparagraph\subparagraph -\renewcommand{\subparagraph}[1]{\oldsubparagraph{#1}\mbox{}} -\fi -% Overwrite \begin{figure}[htbp] with \begin{figure}[H] -\usepackage{float} -\let\origfigure=\figure -\let\endorigfigure=\endfigure -\renewenvironment{figure}[1][]{% -\origfigure[H] -}{% -\endorigfigure -} -\title{La sociedad desescolarizada} -\author{Ivan Illich} -\date{1970} - -\begin{document} -\maketitle -\begin{abstract} -https://illich.test/es:book:deschooling:es?rev=1621776698 -\end{abstract} - - -% Redefine chapter title after table of contents -\titleformat{\chapter}[display]{\normalfont\bfseries}{}{0pt}{\huge\thechapter.\,#1} - -\hypertarget{introducciuxf3n}{% -\section{Introducción}\label{introducciuxf3n}} - -Debo a Everett Reimer el interés que tengo por la educación pública -hasta el día de 1958 en que nos conocimos en Puerto Rico jamás había yo -puesto en duda el valor de hacer obligatoria la escuela para todos. -Conjuntamente, hemos llegado a percatarnos de que para la mayoría de los -seres humanos, el derecho a aprender se ve restringido por la obligación -de asistir a la escuela. - -Desde 1966 en adelante, Valentina Borremans, cofundadora y directora del -CIDOC (Centro Intercultural de Documentación) de Cuernavaca, organizó -anualmente dos seminarios alrededor de mi diálogo con Reimer. Centenares -de personas de todo el mundo participaron en estos encuentros. Quiero -recordar en este lugar a dos de ellos que contribuyeron particularmente -a nuestro análisis y que en el entretiempo murieron: Augusto Salazar -Bondy y Paul Goodman. Los ensayos escritos para el boletín \emph{Cidoc -Informa} y reunidos en este libro se desarrollaron a partir de mis notas -de seminario. El último capítulo contiene ideas que me surgieron después -de mis conversaciones con Erich Fromm en torno al Mutterrecht de -Bachofen. - -Durante estos años Valentina Borremans constantemente me urgía a poner a -prueba nuestro pensar enfrentándolo a las realidades de América Latina y -de África. Este libro refleja su convencimiento de que no sólo las -instituciones sino el \emph{ethos} de la sociedad deben ser -``desescolarizados''. - -La educación universal por medio de la escolarización no es factible. No -sería más factible si se intentara mediante instituciones alternativas -construidas según el estilo de las escuelas actuales. Ni nuevas -actitudes de los maestros hacia sus alumnos, ni la proliferación de -nuevas herramientas y métodos físicos o mentales (en el aula o en el -dormitorio), ni, finalmente, el intento de ampliar la responsabilidad -del pedagogo hasta que englobe las vidas completas de sus alumnos, dará -por resultado la educación universal. La búsqueda actual de nuevos -\emph{embudos} educacionales debe revertirse hacia la búsqueda de su -antípoda institucional: \emph{tramas} educacionales que aumenten la -oportunidad para que cada cual transforme cada momento de su vida en un -momento de aprendizaje, de compartir, de interesarse. Confiamos en estar -aportando conceptos necesarios para aquellos que realizan -investigaciones sobre la educación ---y asimismo para aquellos que -buscan alternativas para otras industrias de servicio establecidas---. - -Me propongo examinar algunas cuestiones inquietantes que surgen una vez -que adoptamos como hipótesis que la sociedad puede desescolarizarse, -buscar pautas que puedan ayudarnos a discernir instituciones dignas de -desarrollo por cuanto apoyan el aprendizaje en un medio desescolarizado, -y esclarecer las metas personales que ampararían el advenimiento de una -Edad de Ocio \emph{(schole)} opuesta como tal a una economía dominada -por las industrias de servicio. - -IVÁN ILLICH - -\emph{Ocotepec, Morelos, enero de 1978} - -\hypertarget{por-quuxe9-debemos-privar-de-apoyo-oficial-a-la-escuela}{% -\section{Por qué debemos privar de apoyo oficial a la -escuela}\label{por-quuxe9-debemos-privar-de-apoyo-oficial-a-la-escuela}} - -Muchos estudiantes en especial los que son pobres saben intuitivamente -qué hacen por ellos las escuelas los adiestran a confundir proceso y -sustancia. Una vez que estos dos términos se hacen indistintos, se -adopta una nueva lógica: cuanto más tratamiento haya, tanto mejor serán -los resultados. Al alumno se le ``escolariza'' de ese modo para -confundir enseñanza con saber, promoción al curso siguiente con -educación, diploma con competencia, y fluidez con capacidad para decir -algo nuevo. A su imaginación se la ``escolariza'' para que acepte -servicio en vez de valor. Se confunde el tratamiento médico tomándolo -por cuidado de la salud, el trabajo social por mejoramiento de la vida -comunitaria, la protección policiaca por tranquilidad, el equilibrio -militar por seguridad nacional, la mezquina lucha cotidiana por trabajo -productivo. La salud, el saber, la dignidad, la independencia y el -quehacer creativo quedan definidos como poco más que el desempeño de las -instituciones que afirman servir a estos fines, y su mejoramiento se -hace dependiente de la asignación de mayores recursos a la -administración de hospitales, escuelas y demás organismos -correspondientes. - -En estos ensayos mostraré que la institucionalización de los valores -conduce inevitablemente a la contaminación física, a la polarización -social y a la impotencia psicológica: tres dimensiones en un proceso de -degradación global y de miseria modernizada. Explicaré cómo este proceso -de degradación se acelera cuando unas necesidades no materiales se -transforman en demanda de bienes; cuando a la salud, a la educación, a -la movilidad personal, al bienestar o a la cura psicológica se las -define como el resultado de servicios o de ``tratamientos''. Hago esto -porque creo que la mayoría de las investigaciones actualmente en curso -acerca del futuro tienden a abogar por incrementos aún mayores en la -institucionalización de valores y que debemos definir algunas -condiciones que permitieran que ocurriese lo contrario. Precisamos -investigaciones sobre el posible uso de la tecnología para crear -instituciones que atiendan a la acción recíproca, creativa y autónoma -entre personas y a la emergencia de valores que los tecnócratas no -puedan controlar sustancialmente. Necesitamos investigación en líneas -generales para la futurología actual. - -Quiero suscitar la cuestión general acerca de la mutua definición, de la -naturaleza del hombre y de la naturaleza de las instituciones modernas, -que caracteriza nuestra visión del mundo y nuestro lenguaje. Para -hacerlo, he elegido a la escuela como mi paradigma, y por consiguiente -trato sólo indirectamente de otros organismos burocráticos del Estado -corporativo: la familia consumidora, el partido, el ejército, la -Iglesia, los medios informativos. Mi análisis del currículum oculto de -la escuela debería poner en evidencia que la educación pública se -beneficiaría con la desescolarización de la sociedad, tal como la vida -familiar, la política, la seguridad, la fe y la comunicación se -beneficiarían con un proceso análogo. - -Quiero comenzar este estudio esforzándome en hacer comprender qué es lo -que la desescolarización de una sociedad escolarizada podría significar. -En este contexto debiera ser más fácil entender mi elección de los cinco -aspectos específicos pertinentes respecto de este proceso, los cuales -abordaré en los capítulos siguientes. - -No sólo la educación sino la propia realidad social se han escolarizado. -Cuesta más o menos lo mismo escolarizar tanto al rico como al pobre en -igual dependencia. El gasto anual por alumno en los arrabales y los -suburbios ricos de cualquiera de 20 ciudades de Estados Unidos está -comprendido dentro de unos mismos márgenes ---y hasta es favorable al -pobre en ciertos casos---.\footnote{Penrose B. Jackson, \emph{Trends in - Elementary Education Expenditures. Central City and Suburban - Comparisons 1965 to 1968} , U. S. Office of Education, Office of - Program and Planning Evaluation, junio de 1969.} - -Tanto el pobre como el rico dependen de escuelas y hospitales que guían -sus vidas, forman su visión del mundo y definen para ellos qué es -legítimo y qué no. Ambos consideran irresponsable medicarse uno mismo, y -ven a la organización comunitaria, cuando no la pagan quienes detentan -la autoridad, como una forma de agresión y subversión. Para ambos -grupos, apoyarse en el tratamiento institucional hace sospechoso el -logro independiente. El subdesarrollo progresivo de la confianza en sí -mismo y en la comunidad es incluso más típico en Westchester que en el -norte de Brasil. Por doquiera, no tan sólo la educación sino la sociedad -en conjunto, necesitan ``desescolarización''. - -Las burocracias del bienestar social pretenden un monopolio profesional, -político y financiero sobre la imaginación social, fijando normas sobre -qué es valedero y qué es factible. Este monopolio está en las raíces de -la modernización de la pobreza. Cada necesidad simple para la que se -halla una respuesta institucional permite la invención de una nueva -clase de pobres y una nueva definición de la pobreza. Hace 10 años, lo -normal en México era nacer y morir en su propia casa, y ser enterrado -por sus amigos. Sólo las necesidades del alma las atendía la Iglesia -institucionalizada. Ahora, comenzar y acabar la vida en casa se -convierten en \emph{signos} , ya sea de pobreza, ya sea de privilegio -especial. El morir y la muerte han quedado bajo la administración -institucional del médico y de los empresarios de pompas fúnebres. - -Una vez que una sociedad ha convertido ciertas necesidades básicas en -demandas de bienes producidos científicamente, la pobreza queda definida -por normas que los tecnócratas pueden cambiar a voluntad. ``Pobre'' es -quien no llega a satisfacer ciertas normas del consumo obligatorio. En -México son pobres aquellos que carecen de tres años de escolaridad, y en -Nueva York aquellos que carecen de doce. - -Los pobres siempre han sido socialmente impotentes. Apoyarse cada vez -más en la atención y el cuidado institucionales agrega una nueva -dimensión a su indefensión: la impotencia psicológica, la incapacidad de -valerse por sí mismos. Los campesinos del altiplano andino son -explotados por el terrateniente y el comerciante ---una vez que se -asientan en Lima llegan a depender, además, de los jefazos políticos y -están desarmados por su falta de escolaridad---. La pobreza moderna -conjuga la pérdida del poder sobre las circunstancias con una pérdida de -la potencia personal. Esta modernización de la pobreza es un fenómeno -mundial y está en el origen del subdesarrollo contemporáneo. Adopta -aspectos diferentes, por supuesto, en países ricos y países pobres. - -Probablemente se siente más intensamente en las ciudades estadunidenses. -En ninguna otra parte se da un tratamiento más costoso a la pobreza. En -ninguna otra parte el tratamiento de la pobreza produce tanta -dependencia, ira, frustración y nuevos requerimientos. Y en ninguna otra -parte es tan evidente que la pobreza ---una vez modernizada--- ha -llegado a hacerse resistente al tratamiento con dólares y requiere de -una revolución institucional. - -Hoy en día, en Estados Unidos, el negro y hasta el vagabundo pueden -aspirar a un nivel de tratamiento profesional que habría sido -inconcebible hace dos generaciones y que a la mayoría de la gente del -Tercer Mundo le parece grotesca. Por ejemplo, los pobres de Estados -Unidos pueden contar con un vigilante escolar que lleve a sus hijos de -regreso a la escuela hasta que lleguen a los 17 años o con un médico que -les remita a una cama de hospital que cuesta 60 dólares diarios ---el -equivalente al ingreso de tres meses para la mayor parte de la gente en -el mundo---. Pero ese cuidado los hace sólo más dependientes de un -tratamiento ulterior, y los hace cada vez más incapaces de organizar sus -propias vidas en torno a sus propias experiencias y recursos dentro de -sus propias comunidades. - -Los estadunidenses pobres están en una posición singular para hablar -sobre el predicamento que amenaza a todos los pobres de un mundo en vías -de modernización. Están descubriendo que no hay cantidad alguna de -dólares que pueda eliminar la destructividad inherente de las -instituciones de bienestar social, una vez que las jerarquías -profesionales de estas instituciones han convencido a la sociedad de que -sus servicios son moralmente necesarios. Los pobres de los núcleos -urbanos centrales de Estados Unidos pueden demostrar con su propia -experiencia la falacia sobre la que está construida la legislación -social en una sociedad ``escolarizada''. - -William O. Douglas, miembro de la Suprema Corte de Justicia, hizo la -observación de que ``la única manera de establecer una observación es -financiarla''. El corolario es asimismo verdadero. Sólo al desviar los -dólares que ahora afluyen a las instituciones que actualmente tratan la -salud, la educación y el bienestar social, podrá detenerse el progresivo -empobrecimiento que ahora proviene del aspecto paralizante de las mismas -instituciones. - -Debemos tener esto presente al evaluar los programas de ayuda federales. -A modo de ejemplo: entre 1965 y 1968, en las escuelas de Estados Unidos -se gastaron más de 3 000 millones de dólares para compensar las -desventajas de unos seis millones de niños. Al programa se le conoce con -el nombre de \emph{Title One} (Artículo Primero). Es el programa -compensatorio más costoso que jamás se haya intentado en parte alguna en -materia de educación y, sin embargo, no es posible discernir ningún -mejoramiento significativo en el aprendizaje de estos niños -``desfavorecidos''. En comparación con sus condiscípulos del mismo curso -que provienen de hogares de ingresos medios, han quedado aún más -retrasados. Por lo demás, a lo largo de este programa, los profesionales -descubrieron otros 10 millones de niños que se esforzaban sometidos a -desventajas económicas y educativas. Se dispone ahora de nuevas razones -para reclamar nuevos fondos federales. - -Este fracaso total en el intento de mejorar la educación de los pobres a -pesar de un tratamiento más costoso puede explicarse de tres maneras: - -\emph{1)} Tres mil millones de dólares son insuficientes para mejorar el -aprovechamiento de seis millones de niños de modo apreciable; o bien, - -\emph{2)} el dinero se gastó de manera incompetente: se requieren -diferentes planes de estudio, una mejor administración, una -concentración aún mayor de fondos sobre el niño pobre, y más -investigaciones. Con ello se lograría el objetivo: o bien, - -\emph{3)} la desventaja educativa no puede curarse apoyándose en una -educación dentro de la escuela. - -Lo primero es sin duda cierto en cuanto que el dinero se ha gastado a -través del presupuesto escolar. El dinero se destinó efectivamente a las -escuelas donde estaban la mayoría de los niños desfavorecidos, pero no -se gastó en los niños mismos. Estos niños, a los que estaba destinado el -dinero, constituían sólo alrededor de la mitad de los que asistían a las -escuelas que añadieron el subsidio federal a sus presupuestos. De modo -que el dinero se gastó en inspección y custodia, en indoctrinación y -selección de papeles sociales, como también en educación, todo ello -inextricablemente mezclado con los edificios e instalaciones, planes de -estudio, profesores, administradores y otros componentes básicos de -estas escuelas y, por consiguiente, con sus presupuestos. - -Los fondos adicionales permitieron a las escuelas atender -desproporcionadamente a los niños relativamente más ricos que estaban -``desfavorecidos'' por tener que asistir a la escuela en compañía de los -pobres. En el mejor de los casos, una pequeña proporción de cada dólar -destinado a remediar las desventajas del niño pobre en su aprendizaje -podía llegar hasta ese niño a través del presupuesto de la escuela. - -Podría ser igualmente cierto que el dinero se gastó de manera -incompetente. Pero ni siquiera la incompetencia poco común puede superar -la del sistema escolar. Las escuelas resisten, por su estructura misma, -la concentración del privilegio en quienes son, por otra parte, -desfavorecidos. Los planes especiales de estudio, las clases separadas o -más horas de estudio constituyen tan sólo más discriminación a un coste -más elevado. - -Los contribuyentes no se han acostumbrado aún a ver que 3 000 millones -de dólares se desvanezcan en el Ministerio de Salud, Educación y -Bienestar como si se tratara del Pentágono. El gobierno actual tal vez -estime que puede afrontar la ira de los educadores. Los estadunidenses -de clase media no tienen nada que perder si se interrumpe el programa. -Los padres pobres creen que sí pierden, pero, más todavía, están -exigiendo el control de los fondos destinados a sus hijos. Un sistema -lógico de recortar el presupuesto y, sería de esperar, de aumentar sus -beneficios, consistiría en un sistema de becas escolares como el -propuesto por Milton Friedman y otros. Los fondos se canalizarían al -beneficiario, permitiéndole comprar su parte de escolaridad que elija. -Si dicho crédito se limitara a unas compras que se ajustasen a un plan -escolar de estudios, tendería a proporcionar una mayor igualdad de -tratamiento, pero no aumentaría por ello la igualdad de las exigencias -sociales. - -Debería ser obvio que incluso con escuelas de igual calidad un niño -pobre rara vez se pondrá a la par de uno rico. Incluso si asisten a las -mismas escuelas y comienzan a la misma edad, los niños pobres carecen de -la mayoría de las oportunidades educativas que, al parecer, dispone el -niño de clase media. Estas ventajas van desde la conversación y los -libros en el hogar hasta el viaje de vacaciones y un sentido diferente -de sí mismo, y actúan, para el niño que goza de ellas, tanto dentro de -la escuela como fuera de ella. De modo que el estudiante más pobre se -quedará atrás en tanto dependa de la escuela para progresar o aprender. -Los pobres necesitan fondos que les permitan aprender y no obtener -certificados del tratamiento de sus deficiencias presuntamente -desproporcionadas. - -Todo esto es válido para naciones tanto ricas como pobres, pero aparece -con aspecto diferente. En las naciones pobres, la pobreza modernizada -afecta a más gente y más visiblemente, pero también ---por ahora--- más -superficialmente. Dos de cada tres del total de niños latinoamericanos -dejan la escuela antes de terminar el quinto grado, pero estos -\emph{desertores}\footnote{En español en el original.} no están tan mal, -como lo estarían en Estados Unidos. - -Hoy en día son pocos los países víctimas de la pobreza clásica, que era -estable y menos paralizante. La mayoría de los países de América Latina -han llegado al punto de ``despegue'' hacia el desarrollo económico y el -consumo competitivo y, por lo tanto, hacia la pobreza modernizada: sus -ciudadanos aprenden a pensar como ricos y a vivir como pobres. Sus leyes -establecen un periodo escolar obligatorio de seis a 10 años. No sólo en -Argentina, sino también en México o en Brasil, el ciudadano medio define -una educación adecuada según las pautas estadunidenses, aun cuando la -posibilidad de lograr esa prolongada escolarización esté restringida a -una diminuta minoría. En estos países la mayoría ya está enviciada con -la escuela, es decir, ha sido ``escolarizada'' para sentirse inferior -respecto de quienes tienen una mejor escolaridad. Su fanatismo en favor -de la escuela hace posible explotarlos por partida doble: permite -aumentar la asignación de fondos públicos para la educación de unos -pocos y aumentar la aceptación del control social por parte de la -mayoría. - -Es paradójico que la creencia en la escolarización universal se mantenga -más firme en los países en que el menor número de personas ha sido ---y -será--- servido por las escuelas. Sin embargo, en América Latina la -mayoría de los padres y de los hijos podrían seguir aún senderos -diferentes hacia la educación. La proporción del ahorro nacional -invertido en escuelas y maestros tal vez sea mayor que en los países -ricos, pero estas inversiones son totalmente insuficientes para atender -a la mayoría haciendo posible siquiera cuatro años de asistencia a la -escuela. Fidel Castro habla como si quisiese avanzar directo a la -desescolarización, cuando promete que para 1980 Cuba estará en -condiciones de disolver su universidad, puesto que toda la vida cubana -será una \emph{experiencia educativa}. Sin embargo, en los niveles de -primaria y secundaria, Cuba, al igual que otros países latinoamericanos, -actúa como si el paso a través de un periodo definido como ``la edad -escolar'' fuese una meta incuestionable para todos, sólo postergada por -una escasez momentánea de recursos. - -Los dos engaños gemelos de un tratamiento más a fondo, tal como de hecho -se proporciona en Estados Unidos ---y como tan sólo se promete en -América Latina--- se complementan entre sí. Los pobres del Norte están -siendo tullidos por el mismo tratamiento de 12 años cuya carencia marca -a los pobres del Sur como irremediablemente retrasados. Ni en -Norteamérica ni en América Latina logran los pobres igualdad a partir de -escuelas obligatorias. Pero en ambas partes la sola existencia de la -escuela desanima al pobre y lo invalida para asir el control de su -propio aprendizaje. En todo el mundo la escuela tiene un efecto -antieducacional sobre la sociedad: se le reconoce como la institución -que se especializa en educación. La mayoría de las personas considera -los fracasos de la escuela como una prueba de que la educación es una -tarea muy costosa, muy compleja, siempre arcana y frecuentemente casi -imposible. - -La escuela se apropia del dinero, de los hombres y de la buena voluntad -disponibles para educación, y fuera de eso desalienta a otras -instituciones respecto a asumir tareas educativas. El trabajo, el tiempo -libre, la política, la vida ciudadana e incluso la vida familiar -dependen de las escuelas, en lo concerniente a los hábitos y -conocimientos que presuponen, en vez de convertirse ellos mismos en -medios de educación. Tanto las escuelas como las otras instituciones que -dependen de aquéllas llegan simultáneamente a tener un precio imposible. - -En Estados Unidos, los costes per cápita de la escolaridad han aumentado -casi con igual rapidez que el coste del tratamiento médico. Pero este -tratamiento más completo impartido por doctores y maestros ha mostrado -resultados en continua declinación. Los gastos médicos concentrados -sobre los mayores de 45 años se han duplicado varias veces durante un -periodo de 40 años, dando como fruto un aumento de 3\% en las -probabilidades de vida de los varones. El incremento de los gastos -educativos ha producido resultados aún más extraños; de otra manera el -presidente Nixon no se habría sentido inclinado a prometer esta -primavera que todo niño tendrá pronto el ``derecho a leer'' antes de -dejar la escuela. - -En Estados Unidos se precisarían 80 000 millones de dólares por año para -proporcionar lo que los educadores consideran como tratamiento -igualitario para todos en escuelas primaria y secundaria. Esto es -bastante más del doble de los 36 000 millones que se están gastando -ahora. Las predicciones de costes preparadas de modo independiente en el -Ministerio de Salud, Educación y Bienestar y en la Universidad de -Florida indican que para 1974 las cifras comparables serán de 107 000 -millones contra los 45 000 millones proyectados ahora, y estas cifras -omiten totalmente los enormes costes de lo que se denomina ``educación -superior'', cuya demanda está creciendo de manera más veloz. Estados -Unidos, que en 1969 gastó casi 80 000 millones de dólares en -``defensa'', incluyendo su despliegue en Vietnam, es obviamente -demasiado pobre como para proporcionar igual escolaridad. El comité -nombrado por el presidente para el estudio del financiamiento de las -escuelas debiera preguntar no cómo mantener o cómo recortar tales -costes, crecientes, sino cómo evitarlos. - -La escuela igual y obligatoria para todos debiera reconocerse por lo -menos como algo económicamente impracticable. En América Latina, la -cantidad de erario que se gasta en cada estudiante graduado oscila entre -350 y 1 500 veces el monto gastado en el ciudadano medio (es decir, el -ciudadano que está en un término medio entre el más pobre y el más -rico). En Estados Unidos la discrepancia es menor, pero la -discriminación más aguda. Los padres más ricos, cerca de 10\%, pueden -permitirse proporcionar a sus hijos educación privada y ayudarles a -beneficiarse de las donaciones de fundaciones. Pero además consiguen 10 -veces el monto per cápita de fondos públicos si éste se compara con el -gasto per cápita que se efectúa en los hijos de 10\% de los más pobres. -Las razones principales de que esto ocurra son que los muchachos ricos -permanecen más tiempo en la escuela, que un año de universidad es -desproporcionadamente más costoso que un año de escuela secundaria, y -que la mayoría de las universidades privadas dependen ---al menos -indirectamente--- de un financiamiento derivado de desgravámenes. - -La escuela obligatoria polariza inevitablemente a una sociedad y -califica asimismo a las naciones del mundo según un sistema -internacional de castas. A los países se los califica como castas cuya -dignidad la determina el promedio de años de escolaridad de sus -ciudadanos, tabla de calificación que se relaciona íntimamente con el -producto nacional bruto per cápita y es mucho más dolorosa. - -La paradoja de las escuelas es evidente: el gasto creciente hace -aumentar su destructividad en su propio país y en el extranjero. Esta -paradoja debe convertirse en tema de debate público. Hoy por hoy se -reconoce de manera general que el medio ambiente físico quedará -destruido dentro de poco por la contaminación bioquímica a menos que -invirtamos las tendencias actuales de producción de bienes físicos. -Debería reconocerse asimismo que la vida social y personal está -igualmente amenazada por la contaminación del Ministerio de Salud, -Educación y Bienestar, subproducto inevitable del consumo obligatorio y -competitivo del bienestar. - -La escalada de las escuelas es tan destructiva como la de las armas, si -bien de manera menos visible. En todo el mundo, los costes de la escuela -han aumentado con mayor velocidad que las matrículas y más velozmente -por el producto nacional bruto (PNB); en todas partes los gastos en la -escuela se quedan cada vez más cortos frente a las expectativas de -padres, maestros y alumnos. Por doquiera, esta situación desalienta -tanto la motivación como el financiamiento para una planificación en -gran escala del aprendizaje no escolar. Estados Unidos está demostrando -al mundo que ningún país puede ser lo bastante rico como para permitirse -un sistema escolar que satisfaga las demandas que este mismo sistema -crea con sólo existir, porque un sistema escolar que logre su meta -escolariza a padres y alumnos en el valor supremo de un sistema escolar -aún mayor, cuyo coste crece desproporcionadamente conforme se crea una -demanda de grados superiores y éstos se hacen escasos. - -En vez de decir que una escolaridad pareja es impracticable por el -momento, debemos reconocer que, en principio, es económicamente absurda, -y que intentarla es intelectualmente castrante, socialmente polarizante -y destruye la verosimilitud del sistema político que la promueve. - -La ideología de la escolaridad obligatoria no admite límites lógicos. La -Casa Blanca proporcionó hace poco un buen ejemplo. El doctor -Hutschnecker, el ``psiquiatra'' que atendió al señor Nixon antes de que -fuese admitido como candidato, recomendó al presidente que todos los -niños de seis a ocho años fueran examinados profesionalmente para cazar -a aquellos que tuviesen tendencias destructivas, y que se les -proporcionase a éstos tratamiento obligatorio. En caso necesario se -exigiría su reeducación en instituciones especiales. Este memorándum -enviado al presidente por su doctor pasó al Ministerio de Salud, -Educación y Bienestar para que examinaran su valía. En efecto, unos -campos de concentración preventivos para predelincuentes serían un -adelanto lógico respecto del sistema escolar. - -El que todos tengan iguales oportunidades de educarse es una meta -deseable y factible, pero identificar con ello la escolaridad -obligatoria es confundir la salvación con la Iglesia. La escuela ha -llegado a ser la religión del proletariado modernizado, y hace promesas -huecas a los pobres de la era tecnológica. La nación-Estado la ha -adoptado, reclutando a todos los ciudadanos dentro de un currículum -graduado que conduce a diplomas consecutivos no distintos a los rituales -de iniciación y promociones hieráticas de antaño. El Estado moderno se -ha arrogado el deber de hacer cumplir el juicio de sus educadores -mediante vigilantes bien intencionados y cualificaciones exigidas para -conseguir trabajos, de modo muy semejante al que siguieron los reyes -españoles que hicieron cumplir los juicios de sus teólogos mediante los -conquistadores y la Inquisición. - -Hace dos siglos Estados Unidos dio al mundo la pauta en un movimiento -para privar de apoyo oficial al monopolio de una sola Iglesia. Ahora -necesitamos la separación constitucional respecto del monopolio de la -escuela quitando de esa manera el apoyo oficial a un sistema que conjuga -legalmente el prejuicio con la discriminación. El primer artículo de una -Declaración de los Derechos del Hombre apropiada para una sociedad -moderna, humanista, concordaría con la Primera Enmienda de la -Constitución de Estados Unidos: ``El Estado no dictará ley alguna -respecto del establecimiento de la educación''. No habrá ningún ritual -obligatorio para todos. - -Para poner en vigencia esta separación entre Estado y escuela, -necesitamos una ley que prohíba la discriminación en la contratación de -personal, en las votaciones o en la admisión a los centros de enseñanza -fundados en la previa asistencia a algún plan de estudios. Esta garantía -no excluiría pruebas de competencia para una función o cargo, pero -eliminaría la absurda discriminación actual en favor de una persona que -aprende una destreza determinada con el mayor de los gastos del erario -público o ---lo que es igualmente probable--- que ha podido obtener un -diploma que no tiene relación con ninguna habilidad o trabajo útiles. -Una separación constitucional del Estado y la escuela puede llegar a ser -psicológicamente eficaz sólo si protege al ciudadano de la posibilidad -de ser descalificado por cualquier aspecto de su carrera escolar. - -Con la escolaridad no se fomenta ni el deber ni la justicia porque los -educadores insisten en aunar la instrucción y la certificación. El -aprendizaje y la asignación de funciones sociales se funden en la -escolarización. No obstante que aprender significa adquirir una nueva -habilidad o entendimiento, la promoción depende de la opinión que otros -se hayan formado de uno. Aprender es con frecuencia el resultado de una -instrucción, pero ser elegido para una función o categoría en el mercado -del trabajo depende cada vez más del tiempo que se ha asistido a un -centro de instrucción. - -Instrucción es la selección de circunstancias que facilitan el -aprendizaje. Las funciones se asignan fijando un currículum de -condiciones que el candidato debe satisfacer para pasar la valla. La -escuela vincula la instrucción ---pero no el aprendizaje--- con estas -funciones. Esto no es ni razonable ni liberador. No es razonable porque -no liga unas cualidades o competencias sobresalientes con las funciones -por desempeñar, sino con el proceso mediante el cual se supone que -habrán de adquirirse dichas cualidades. No libera ni educa porque la -escuela reserva la instrucción para aquellos cuyos pasos en el -aprendizaje se ajustan a unas medidas aprobadas de control social. - -El currículum se ha empleado siempre para asignar el rango social. En -ocasiones podía ser prenatal: el karma le adjudica a uno a determinada -casta y el linaje a la aristocracia. El currículum podía adoptar la -forma de un ritual de ordenaciones sacras y secuenciales, o bien podía -consistir en una sucesión de hazañas guerreras o cinegéticas, o bien las -promociones ulteriores podían depender de una serie de previos favores -regios. La escolaridad universal tenía por objeto separar la -adjudicación de las funciones de la historia personal de cada uno: se -ideó para dar a todos una oportunidad igual de obtener cualquier cargo. -Aún ahora muchos creen erróneamente que la escuela asegura que la -confianza pública dependa de unos logros sobresalientes en el saber. -Pero en vez de haber igualado las posibilidades, el sistema escolar ha -monopolizado su distribución. - -Para separar la competencia del currículum, debe convertirse en tabú -toda indagación acera del historial de aprendizaje de cada persona, tal -como las indagaciones acerca de su filiación política, su asistencia a -la iglesia, linaje, hábitos sexuales o antecedentes raciales. Deben -dictarse leyes que prohíban la discriminación basada en una previa -escolaridad. Evidentemente, las leyes no pueden impedir el prejuicio -contra el no escolarizado ---ni se pretende con ellas obligar a nadie a -casarse con un autodidacta---, pero pueden desaprobar la discriminación -justificada. - -Otra gran ilusión en la que se apoya el sistema escolar es la creencia -de que la mayor parte del saber es el resultado de la enseñanza. La -enseñanza puede, en verdad, contribuir a ciertos tipos de aprendizaje en -ciertas circunstancias. Pero la mayoría de las personas adquieren la -mayor parte de su conocimiento fuera de la escuela, y cuando este -conocimiento se da en ella, sólo es en la medida en que, en unos cuantos -países ricos, la escuela se ha convertido en el lugar de confinamiento -de las personas durante una parte cada vez mayor de sus vidas. - -Lo principal del aprendizaje sobreviene casualmente, e incluso el -aprendizaje más intelectual no es el resultado de una instrucción -programada. Los niños normales aprenden su lenguaje de manera informal, -aunque con mayor rapidez si sus padres les prestan atención. La mayoría -de las personas que aprenden bien un segundo idioma lo hacen a -consecuencia de circunstancias aleatorias y no de una enseñanza -ordenada. Llegan a vivir con sus abuelos, o viajan o se enamoran de -algún extranjero. La lectura fácil proviene con igual frecuencia de la -escuela o de actividades extracurriculares de este tipo. La mayoría de -quienes leen profusamente y con placer tan sólo creen que aprendieron a -hacerlo en la escuela; cuando se les discute esto, descartan fácilmente -este espejismo. - -Pero el hecho de que aún ahora gran parte del aprendizaje parece suceder -al azar y como subproducto de alguna otra actividad definida como -trabajo u ocio no significa que el aprendizaje planificado no beneficie -la instrucción planificada. Al estudiante poderosamente motivado que se -enfrenta con la tarea de adquirir una habilidad nueva y compleja puede -aprovecharle mucho la disciplina que hoy en día se asocia mentalmente -con el maestro de viejo cuño que antaño enseñaba lectura, hebreo, -catecismo o multiplicación de memoria. La escuela ha hecho que este tipo -de enseñanza rutinaria sea escasa y mal reputada; no obstante hay muchas -destrezas que un estudiante motivado puede dominar en pocos meses si se -le enseña de este modo tradicional. Esto vale tanto para los códigos -como para su desciframiento; tanto para los segundos o terceros idiomas -como para la lectura y la escritura, e igualmente para lenguajes -especiales como el álgebra, la programación de computadoras, el análisis -químico, o para destrezas manuales como la mecanografía, la relojería, -la fontanería, las instalaciones domésticas de electricidad, la -reparación de televisores, o para bailar, conducir vehículos y bucear. - -En algunos casos, ser aceptado en un programa de aprendizaje dirigido a -una determinada habilidad podría presuponer competencia en alguna otra -habilidad, pero ciertamente no se haría depender del proceso mediante el -cual se hubieran adquirido tales habilidades previamente requeridas. La -reparación de televisores presupone saber leer y algo de matemáticas; el -bucear, ser buen nadador, y el conducir, muy poco de ambas cosas. - -El progreso en el aprendizaje es mensurable. Es fácil calcular los -recursos óptimos de tiempo y materiales que un adulto corriente motivado -necesita. El coste de enseñar un segundo idioma europeo occidental hasta -un elevado nivel de fluidez oscila entre 400 y 600 dólares en Estados -Unidos, y para una lengua oriental el tiempo requerido de instrucción -podría duplicarse. Esto sería todavía poquísimo en comparación con el -coste de 12 años de escolaridad en la ciudad de Nueva York (condición -para ingresar en el Departamento de Higiene) ---casi 15 000 dólares---. -Sin duda no sólo el maestro, sino también el impresor y el farmacéutico -protegen sus oficios mediante el espejismo público de que el -adiestramiento para aprenderlos es muy costoso. - -En la actualidad, las escuelas se apropian de antemano de la mayor parte -de los fondos para educación. La instrucción rutinaria, que cuesta menos -que una escolarización comparable, es ahora un privilegio de quienes son -lo bastante ricos como para pasarse por alto las escuelas, y de aquellos -a quienes el ejército o las grandes firmas les proporcionan un -adiestramiento en el trabajo mismo. En un programa de desescolarización -progresiva para Estados Unidos, en un comienzo habría escasez de -recursos para el adiestramiento rutinario. Pero finalmente no habría -impedimento alguno para cualquiera que en cualquier momento de su vida -quisiese elegir una instrucción entre centenares de habilidades -definibles y a cargo del Estado. - -Ahora mismo podrían proporcionarse calificaciones educativas aceptables -en cualquier centro de enseñanza de oficios en cantidades limitadas para -personas de cualquier edad, y no sólo para pobres. Yo concibo dicha -calificación (o crédito) en forma de un pasaporte educativo o de una -``tarjeta de educrédito'' entregada a cada ciudadano al nacer. A fin de -favorecer a los pobres, que probablemente no usarían sus cuotas anuales -a temprana edad, podría estipularse que los usuarios tardíos de tales -``títulos'' acumulados ganasen interés. Dichos créditos permitirían a la -mayoría adquirir las habilidades de mayor demanda, cuando les conviene, -de manera mejor, más rápida, más barata y con menos efectos subsidiarios -desfavorables que en la escuela. - -Se me objetará la falta de profesores, pero esto es plantear mal el -problema, pues, por una parte, la demanda de una habilidad crece sólo al -ponerse en práctica en una comunidad y, por otra, un hombre que ejerza -una habilidad puede también enseñarla. Pero, actualmente, aquellos que -usan una habilidad que está en demanda y que precisan un profesor humano -tienen estímulos negativos para compartir con otros estas habilidades. -Esto lo hacen o maestros que monopolizan las licencias, o sindicatos que -protegen sus intereses gremiales. Unos centros de enseñanza de oficios o -habilidades a los que los clientes juzgaran por sus resultados, y no por -el personal que empleasen o por el proceso que se utilizasen, abrirían -oportunidades insospechables de trabajo, frecuentemente incluso para -aquellos que hoy se consideran inempleables. Verdaderamente no hay -motivo para que tales centros no estuviesen en el lugar mismo de -trabajo; el patrono y su personal proporcionarían tanto la instrucción -como trabajos a quienes eligiesen utilizar sus créditos educativos de -esta manera. - -En 1956 se suscitó la necesidad de enseñar rápidamente español a varios -centenares de maestros, trabajadores sociales y curas de la -arquidiócesis de Nueva York, de modo que pudiesen comunicarse con los -puertorriqueños. Mi amigo Gerry Morris anunció en español por una -radioemisora que necesitaba hispanohablantes nativos que viviesen en -Harlem. Al día siguiente unos 200 adolescentes se alineaban frente a su -oficina; de entre ellos eligió cuatro docenas ---muchos de ellos -desertores escolares---. Los instruyó en el uso del Manual de -Instrucción del Instituto del Servicio Exterior de Estados Unidos, para -español, concebido para el uso de lingüistas con licenciatura, y al cabo -de una semana sus profesores se manejaban solos ---cada uno de ellos a -cargo de cuatro neoyorkinos que querían hablar el idioma---. En el plazo -de seis meses se había cumplido la misión. El cardenal Spellman podía -afirmar que tenía 127 parroquias en cada una de las cuales había por lo -menos tres miembros de su personal que podían conversar en español. -Ningún programa escolar podría haber logrado iguales resultados. - -Los profesores de habilidades escasean por la creencia en el valor de -los títulos. La certificación es una manera de manipular el mercado y es -concebible sólo para una mente escolarizada. La mayoría de los -profesores de artes y oficios son menos diestros, tienen menor inventiva -y son menos comunicativos que los mejores artesanos y maestros. La -mayoría de los profesores de español o de francés de bachillerato no -hablan esos idiomas con la corrección con que lo harían alumnos después -de un semestre de rutinas competentes. Unos experimentos llevados a cabo -por Ángel Quintero en Puerto Rico sugieren que muchos adolescentes, si -se les dan los adecuados incentivos, programas y acceso a las -herramientas, son mejores que la mayoría de los maestros de escuela para -iniciar a los de su edad en la exploración científica de las plantas, -las estrellas y la materia, y en el descubrimiento de cómo y por qué -funciona un motor o un radio. - -Las oportunidades para el aprendizaje de habilidades pueden -multiplicarse enormemente si abrimos el ``mercado''. Esto depende de -reunir al maestro correcto con el alumno correcto cuando éste está -altamente motivado dentro de un programa inteligente, sin la restricción -del currículum. - -La instrucción libre y rutinaria es una blasfemia subversiva para el -educador ortodoxo. Ella desliga la adquisición de destrezas de la -educación ``humana'', que la escuela empaca conjuntamente, y fomenta así -el aprendizaje sin título no menos que la enseñanza sin título para -fines imprevisibles. - -Hay actualmente una propuesta registrada que a primera vista parece -sumamente sensata. La preparó Christopher Jencks, del Center for the -Study of Public Policy, y está patrocinada por la Office of Economic -Opportunity. Propone poner unos ``bonos'' o ``títulos'' educativos o -donaciones, para pagar el coste de los estudios, en manos de padres y -estudiantes para que los gasten en las escuelas que elijan. Tales bonos -individuales podrían ser un importante avance en la dirección correcta. -Necesitamos que se garantice a cada ciudadano el derecho a una parte -igual de los recursos educativos derivados de los impuestos, el derecho -a verificar esa parte, y el derecho a entablar juicio si le es denegada. -Es una forma de garantía contra la tributación regresiva. - -Pero la propuesta de Jencks comienza con la ominosa declaración de que -``los conservadores, los liberales y los radicales se han quejado en una -u otra ocasión de que el sistema educativo estadunidense da a los -educadores profesionales un incentivo demasiado pequeño para que -proporcionen una educación de gran calidad a la mayoría de los niños''. -La propuesta se condena sola al proponer donaciones para pagar unos -estudios que tendrían que gastar en escolarizarse. - -Esto es como dar a un inválido un par de muletas, advirtiéndole que las -use sólo si les amarra los extremos. En su forma actual, la propuesta de -estos bonos educativos hace el juego no sólo a los educadores -profesionales sino también a los racistas, a los promotores de escuelas -religiosas y a otros cuyos intereses son socialmente disociantes. Sobre -todo, los bonos educativos, cuyo uso se restrinja a las escuelas, hace -el juego de quienes quieren continuar viviendo en una sociedad en la que -el progreso social está ligado no al conocimiento comprobado, sino al -historial de aprendizaje mediante el cual presuntamente se adquiere. -Esta discriminación en favor de las escuelas que domina la exposición de -Jencks sobre el refinamiento de la educación podría desacreditar uno de -los principios que más perentoriamente se precisan para la reforma -educativa: el retorno de la iniciativa y la responsabilidad del -aprendizaje al aprendiz o a su tutor más inmediato. - -La desescolarización de la sociedad implica el reconocimiento de la -naturaleza ambivalente del aprendizaje. La insistencia en la sola rutina -podría ser un desastre; igual énfasis debe hacerse en otros tipos de -aprendizaje. Pero si las escuelas son el lugar inapropiado para aprender -una destreza, son lugares aún peores para adquirir una educación. La -escuela realiza mal ambas tareas, en parte porque no distingue entre -ellas. La escuela es ineficiente para instruir en destrezas por ser -curricular. En la mayoría de las escuelas, un programa cuyo objetivo es -mejorar una habilidad está siempre concatenado con otra tarea no -pertinente. La historia está amarrada al derecho de usar el patio de -juegos. - -Las escuelas son todavía menos eficientes en la creación de -circunstancias que alienten el uso irrestricto, exploratorio, de -habilidades adquiridas, para lo cual reservaré el término de ``educación -liberal''. El principal motivo es que la escuela es obligatoria y llega -a convertirse en la escolaridad por la escolaridad: una estadía forzosa -en compañía de profesores, que paga con el dudoso privilegio de -continuar en dicha compañía. Así como la instrucción de destrezas debe -ser liberada de restricciones curriculares, a la educación liberal debe -desligársela de la asistencia obligatoria. Mediante dispositivos -institucionales puede ayudarse tanto al aprendizaje de habilidades como -a la educación encaminada a un comportamiento creativo e inventivo, pero -ambas cosas son de naturaleza diferente y frecuentemente contraria. - -La mayoría de las destrezas pueden adquirirse y perfeccionarse mediante -rutinas; porque la destreza o habilidad implica el dominio de una -conducta definible y predecible. La instrucción de una destreza puede -apoyarse, por consiguiente, en la simulación de las circunstancias en -que se utilizará dicha destreza. En cambio, la educación en el empleo -exploratorio y creativo de destrezas no puede descansar en sistemas -rutinarios. La educación puede ser el resultado de la instrucción, -aunque de una instrucción fundamentalmente opuesta a la rutina. Se apoya -en la relación entre asociaciones que ya poseen algunas de la llaves que -dan acceso a memorias almacenadas en la comunidad y por la comunidad. Se -apoya en la sorpresa de la pregunta inesperada que abre nuevas puertas -al cuestionario y a su asociado. - -El instructor de destrezas utiliza un conjunto de condiciones dadas que -permiten al aprendiz desarrollar ciertas reacciones o respuestas -precisas y definidas. El guía o maestro en educación se ocupa de ayudar -a unos asociados a que se reúnan de modo que se dé el aprendizaje. Reúne -a personas que parten de sus propias y no resueltas interrogantes. A lo -más, ayuda al alumno a formular su perplejidad puesto que sólo un -planteamiento claro le dará el poder de encontrar a su pareja, moverse -como ella, explorar en ese momento la misma cuestión en el mismo -contexto. - -En un comienzo parecería más difícil imaginar unos asociados o -compañeros para fines educativos que hallar instructores de destrezas y -compañeros para un juego. Una de las razones de que esto ocurra es el -profundo temor que la escuela nos ha inculcado, un miedo que nos pone -criticones. El intercambio intitulado de destrezas ---a menudo destrezas -inconvenientes--- es más predecible y por tanto parece menos peligroso -que las oportunidades ilimitadas de reunión para personas que comparten -una cuestión en debate que es, en ese momento, social, intelectual y -emocionalmente importante para ellas. - -El profesor brasileño Paulo Freire sabe esto por experiencia. Descubrió -que cualquier adulto puede comenzar a leer en cosa de 40 horas si las -primeras palabras que descifra están cargadas de significado político. -Freire adiestra a sus maestros para trasladarse a una aldea y descubrir -las palabras que designan asuntos actuales importantes, tales como el -acceso a un pozo, o el interés compuesto de las deudas que han contraído -con el \emph{patrón}. Por la tarde, los aldeanos se reúnen para -conversar sobre esas palabras clave. Comienzan a percatarse de que cada -palabra permanece en el pizarrón incluso después de haberse desvanecido -su sonido. Las letras continúan abriendo, como llaves, la realidad y -haciéndola manejable como problema. Frecuentemente he presenciado cómo -en unos participantes crece la conciencia social y cómo se ven impelidos -a actuar políticamente con la misma velocidad con que aprenden a leer. -Parecen tomar la realidad en sus manos conforme la escriben. - -Recuerdo a un hombre que se quejó del peso de los lápices: eran -difíciles de manipular porque no pesaban como una pala, y recuerdo a -otro que camino al trabajo se detuvo con sus compañeros y escribió con -su azadón en el suelo la palabra de la que venía conversando: -\emph{agua}.\footnote{\emph{Agua} , \emph{tierra} , \emph{casa} son - algunas de las palabras generadoras que Paulo Freire incluye en la - relación educador-educando.} Desde 1962, mi amigo Freire ha pasado de -exilio en exilio, principalmente porque rehúsa llevar a cabo sus -sesiones en torno a palabras que hayan sido preseleccionadas por -educadores aprobados y prefiere utilizar aquellas que los participantes -llevan consigo a las clases. - -La reunión de personas con fines educativos sólo es posible cuando se -han beneficiado de una verdadera escolaridad. Los que no necesitan de -esa ayuda son una minoría, incluso entre aquellos que leen revistas -serias. La mayoría no puede ni debe ser congregada en torno a una -consigna, a una palabra, a una imagen, sino en torno a un problema -elegido y definido por iniciativa de los participantes. El aprendizaje -creativo, exploratorio, requiere sujetos de igual perplejidad ante los -mismos términos o problemas. Las grandes universidades realizan el vano -intento de aparejarlos multiplicando sus cursos y por lo general -fracasan en la medida en que están ligados al currículum, a la -estructura de cursos y a una administración burocrática. En las -escuelas, tal como en las universidades, la mayoría de los recursos se -gasta en comprar el tiempo y la motivación de un número reducido de -personas para encarar problemas predeterminados en un escenario definido -de forma ritual. La alternativa más radical para la escuela sería una -red o servicio que diera a cada hombre la misma oportunidad de compartir -sus intereses actuales con otros motivados por iguales cuestiones. - -Permítaseme dar, como ejemplo de mi planteamiento, una descripción de -cómo podría funcionar esta ``unión'' intelectual en la ciudad de Nueva -York. Cada hombre, en cualquier momento y a un precio mínimo, podría -identificarse ante una computadora con su dirección y su número de -teléfono, indicando libro, artículos, película o grabación acerca de los -cuales busca un compañero con el cual conversar. En un plazo de días -podría recibir por correo la lista de otros que hubieran tomado -recientemente la misma iniciativa. Esta lista le permitiría concertar -por teléfono una reunión con personas que inicialmente se conocerían -exclusivamente por el hecho de haber solicitado un diálogo sobre el -mismo tema. - -Juntar personas de acuerdo con el interés que tengan sobre un título -dado es radicalmente simple. Permite la identificación sobre la base de -un deseo mutuo de conversar sobre una afirmación registrada por un -tercero, y deja al individuo la iniciativa de concertar la reunión. -Normalmente se hacen tres objeciones contra esta pureza esquelética. Las -recojo no sólo para esclarecer la teoría que quiero ilustrar mediante mi -propuesta ---pues destacan la acendrada resistencia a desescolarizar la -educación, a separar el aprendizaje del control social---, sino también -porque pueden ayudar a sugerir unos recursos que no se emplean ahora -para fines de aprendizaje. - -La primera objeción es: ¿por qué no podría la identificación de cada uno -basarse en una idea o en un tema de debate? Ciertamente dichos términos -subjetivos podrían usarse también en un sistema informático. Los -partidos políticos, Iglesias, sindicatos, clubes, centros vecinales y -sociedades profesionales organizan ya sus actividades educativas de este -modo y, en efecto, actúan como escuelas. Todos ellos reúnen personas con -el fin de explorar ciertos ``temas'', que se abordan en cursos, -seminarios y planes de estudio en los que unos presuntos ``intereses -comunes'' están preen-vasados. Dicha ``reunión por tema'' está, por -definición, centrado en el profesor: precisa una presencia autoritaria -para definir ante los participantes el punto de partida de su debate. - -Por el contrario, reunirse para hablar de un libro, de una película, -etc., sin otra explicación que un título o una referencia, deja al autor -definir el lenguaje especial, los términos y el marco de referencia -dentro del cual se plantea un determinado problema o hecho, y permite a -quienes acepten este punto de partida identificarse uno con otro. Por -ejemplo, reunir gente en torno a la idea de ``revolución cultural'' -conduce generalmente o a la confusión o a la demagogia. Por otra parte, -reunir a quienes se interesen en ayudarse mutuamente a entender un -determinado artículo de Mao, Marcuse, Freud o Goodman se inscribe en la -gran tradición del aprendizaje liberal, desde los \emph{Diálogos} de -Platón, que están construidos en torno a presuntas declaraciones de -Sócrates, hasta los comentarios de Tomás de Aquino sobre Pedro Lombardo. -La idea de reunir a las personas alrededor de un título es pues -radicalmente diferente de la teoría sobre la que se fundaban, por -ejemplo, los clubes de los ``Grandes Libros'': en vez de apoyarse en la -selección realizada por algunos catedráticos de Chicago, cualquier par -de personas puede, como compañero de juego, elegir cualquier libro para -analizarlo. - -La segunda objeción pregunta: ¿por qué la identificación de quienes -buscan compañero no podría incluir información sobre edad, antecedentes, -visión del mundo, competencia, experiencia y otras características -definitorias? No hay en este caso razón alguna para que tales -restricciones discriminatorias no pudiesen (y no debiesen) incorporarse -en algunas de las numerosas universidades ---con o sin muros--- que -podrían usar la reunión alrededor de títulos como el dispositivo básico -para organizarse. Puedo imaginar un sistema ideal para fomentar las -reuniones de personas interesadas en las que el autor del libro elegido -podría estar presente o representado, o un sistema que garantice la -presencia de un asesor competente, o uno al que tuviesen acceso sólo -estudiantes matriculados en una facultad o escuela, o personas capaces -de presentar una investigación específica sobre la obra que se discute. -Cada una de estas restricciones, se me dirá, serviría a metas -específicas de aprendizaje. Pero me temo que, en la mayoría de los -casos, el motivo real para proponer tales restricciones es el desdén que -proviene de presuponer que la gente es ignorante: los educadores quieren -evitar que el ignorante se junte con el ignorante en torno a un texto -que podrían no entender y que leen \emph{sólo} porque están interesados -en él. - -La tercera objeción: ¿por qué no proporcionar a quienes buscan compañero -una ayuda incidental que facilite sus reuniones ---espacio, horarios, -selección de participantes, protección---? Esto lo hacen actualmente las -escuelas con toda la ineficiencia que caracteriza a las grandes -burocracias. Si dejáramos la iniciativa de las reuniones a los -interesados en reunirse, unas organizaciones que nadie clasifica hoy -como educativas harían mucho mejor este trabajo. Pienso en dueños de -restaurantes, editores, servicios de recados telefónicos, directivos de -trenes suburbanos que podrían promover sus servicios al hacerlos -atractivos para reuniones educativas. - -En una primera reunión en, digamos, un café, los interesados podrían -establecer sus identidades colocando el libro en debate junto a sus -tazas. Las personas que tomaran la iniciativa de concertar tales -reuniones aprenderían pronto qué elementos citar para encontrarse con la -gente que buscan. El riesgo de que una conversación que uno mismo ha -elegido le lleve a una pérdida de tiempo, a una decepción, e incluso a -un desagrado es ciertamente menor que el riesgo que corre quien solicita -ingresar en una universidad. Una reunión concertada por computadora para -debatir un artículo de una revista de circulación nacional, celebrada en -un café de la Cuarta Avenida, no obligaría a ninguno de los -participantes a permanecer en compañía de sus nuevos conocidos por más -tiempo del necesario para beber una taza de café, ni tendría que -encontrarse con ellos de nuevo. La probabilidad de que ello le ayudara a -disipar la opacidad de la vida en una ciudad moderna, a fomentar nuevas -amistades, a abrir nuevos horizontes y profundizar en un trabajo -elegido, es elevada. (El hecho de que de este modo el FBI podría -conseguir un registro de las reuniones y lecturas que se hacen es -innegable; el que esto pueda aún preocupar a alguien en 1970 es sólo -divertido para un hombre libre, quien, quiéralo o no, aporta su cuota -para ahogar a los espías en las nimiedades que recolectan.) - -Tanto el intercambio de destrezas como el encuentro con copartícipes se -fundan en el supuesto de que educación \emph{para todos} significa -educación \emph{por parte de todos}. No es el reclutamiento en una -institución especializada, sino sólo la movilización de toda la -población lo que puede conducir a una cultura popular. Los maestros -titulados se han apropiado del derecho que todo hombre tiene de ejercer -su competencia para aprender e instruir igualmente. La competencia del -maestro está a su vez restringida a lo que pueda hacerse en la escuela. -Además, el trabajo y el tiempo libre están, a consecuencia de ello, -alienados el uno del otro: tanto del trabajador como del espectador se -espera que lleguen al lugar de trabajo prestos a encajar en una rutina -preparada para ellos. La adaptación en forma de diseño, instrucción y -publicidad de un producto los moldea para desempeñar su papel de modo -muy semejante a como lo hace la educación mediante la escolaridad. Una -alternativa radical para una sociedad escolarizada exige no sólo -mecanismos para la adquisición formal de destrezas y el uso educativo de -éstas, implica un nuevo modo de encarar la educación informal o -incidental. - -La educación incidental ya no puede regresar a las formas que el -aprendizaje adoptó en la aldea o en la ciudad medieval. Mientras la -sociedad tradicional se asemejaba más a un grupo de círculos -concéntricos de estructuras significativas, el hombre moderno debe -aprender cómo hallar significación en muchas estructuras con las que -está relacionado de manera sólo marginal. En la aldea, el lenguaje, la -arquitectura, el trabajo, la religión y las costumbres familiares eran -compatibles entre sí, se explicaban y reforzaban mutuamente. -Desarrollarse en una implicaba un desarrollo en las otras. Incluso el -aprendizaje especializado era el subproducto de actividades -especializadas, tales como la fabricación de zapatos o el canto de los -salmos. Si un aprendiz no llegaba jamás a ser maestro o erudito, -contribuía sin embargo a la fabricación de zapatos o a hacer solemnes -los servicios litúrgicos. La educación no competía en tiempo ni con el -trabajo ni con el ocio. Casi toda la educación era compleja, vitalicia y -no planificada. - -La sociedad contemporánea es el resultado de diseños e intenciones -conscientes, y las oportunidades educativas han de ser incorporadas a -esos diseños. Ahora disminuirá la confianza que depositamos en la -instrucción especializada y de tiempo completo a través de la escuela, y -hemos de hallar nuevas maneras de aprender y enseñar: la calidad -educativa de todas las instituciones debe aumentar una vez más. Pero -ésta es una previsión muy ambigua. Podría significar que los hombres de -la ciudad moderna serán cada día más las víctimas de un proceso eficaz -de instrucción total y manipulación una vez que estén privados incluso -del tenue asomo de independencia crítica que proporcionan hoy en día las -escuelas liberales, cuando menos a algunos de sus alumnos. - -Podría significar también que los hombres se escudarán menos tras -certificados adquiridos en la escuela y adquirirán así valor para ser -``respondones'' y controlar e instruir de ese modo a las instituciones -en que participen. Para lograr esto último debemos darnos cuenta del -valor social del trabajo y del ocio por el intercambio educativo que -permiten. La participación efectiva en la política de una calle, de un -puesto de trabajo o de un hospital es por lo tanto el mejor patrón para -evaluar el valor de las diferentes instituciones en el plan de la -educación. - -Hace poco dirigí la palabra a un grupo de estudiantes de los primeros -años de bachillerato, empeñados en organizar un movimiento de -resistencia a su enrolamiento obligatorio en la clase siguiente. Tenían -por consigna ``participación-no simulación''. Les decepcionaba que esto -se entendiera como una petición de menos educación en vez de lo -contrario, y me hicieron recordar la resistencia que opuso Karl Marx a -un párrafo en el programa de Gotha que ---hace 100 años--- quería hacer -ilegal el trabajo infantil. Se opuso a la proposición diciendo que la -ecuación de los jóvenes solo podía producirse en el trabajo. Si el mayor -fruto del trabajo del hombre debiera ser la educación que se deriva de -éste y la oportunidad que el trabajo le da para iniciar la educación de -otros, entonces la alimentación de la sociedad moderna en un sentido -pedagógico es aún peor que su alienación económica. - -El mayor obstáculo en el camino de una sociedad que educa verdaderamente -lo definió muy bien un amigo mío, negro de Chicago, quien me dijo que -nuestra imaginación estaba ``totalmente escuelada''. Permitimos al -Estado verificar las deficiencias educativas universales de sus -ciudadanos y establecer un organismo especializado para tratarlos. -Compartimos así la ilusión de que podemos distinguir entre qué es -educación necesaria para otros y qué no lo es, tal como generaciones -anteriores establecieron leyes que definían qué era sagrado y qué -profano. - -Durkheim reconoció que esta capacidad para dividir la realidad social en -dos ámbitos era la esencia misma de la religión formal. Existen ----razonó--- religiones sin lo sobrenatural y religiones sin Dios, pero -no hay ninguna que no subdivida el mundo en cosas, tiempo y personas que -son sagradas y en otras que por consecuencia son profanas. Este -penetrante alcance de Durkheim puede aplicarse a la sociología de la -educación, pues la escuela es radicalmente divisoria de manera parecida. - -La existencia misma de las escuelas obligatorias divide cualquier -sociedad en dos ámbitos: ciertos lapsos, procesos, tratamientos y -profesiones son ``académicos'' y ``pedagógicos'', y otros no lo son. -Así, el poder de la escuela para dividir la realidad social no conoce -límites: la educación se hace no terrenal, en tanto que el mundo se hace -no educacional. - -A partir de Bonhoeffer, los teólogos contemporáneos han señalado la -confusión que reina hoy en día entre el mensaje bíblico y la religión -institucionalizada. Señalan la experiencia que la libertad y la fe -cristianas suelen ganar con la secularización. Sus afirmaciones suenan -inevitablemente blasfemas para muchos clérigos. En incuestionable que el -proceso educativo ganará con la desescolarización de la sociedad aun -cuando esta exigencia les suene a muchos escolares como una traición a -la cultura. Pero es la cultura misma la que está siendo apagada hoy en -las escuelas. - -La secularización de la fe cristiana depende de la dedicación que pongan -en ello los cristianos arraigados en la Iglesia. De manera muy parecida, -la desescolarización de la educación depende del liderazgo de quienes se -criaron en las escuelas. El currículum que cumplieron no puede servirles -como excusa para la tarea: cada uno de nosotros sigue siendo responsable -de lo que se ha hecho por él, aun cuando puede que no sea capaz sino de -aceptar esta responsabilidad y servir de advertencia para otros. - -\hypertarget{fenomenologuxeda-de-la-escuela}{% -\section{Fenomenología de la -escuela}\label{fenomenologuxeda-de-la-escuela}} - -Algunas palabras llegan a ser tan flexibles que pierden cualquier -significación precisa y se usan para cualquier cosa entre éstas se -cuentan ``escuela'' y ``enseñanza''. Se filtran, como una amiba, por -cualquier intersticio del lenguaje. Así, decimos que el ABM\footnote{\emph{Atomic - Ballistic Missile}. (T.)} enseñará a los rusos, la IBM enseñará a los -niños negros, y el ejército puede llegar a ser la escuela de la nación. - -Por consiguiente, la búsqueda de alternativas en educación debe comenzar -por un acuerdo acerca de lo que entendemos por ``escuela''. Esto puede -hacerse de varias maneras. Podemos comenzar por anotar las funciones -latentes desempeñadas por los sistemas escolares modernos, tales como -los de custodia, selección, adoctrinamiento y aprendizaje. Podríamos -hacer un análisis de clientela y verificar cuál de estas funciones -latentes favorece o desfavorece a maestros, patronos, niños, padres o a -las profesiones. Podríamos repasar la historia de la cultura occidental -y la información reunida por la antropología a fin de encontrar -instituciones que desempeñaron un papel semejante al que hoy cumple la -escolarización. Podríamos finalmente recordar los numerosos dictámenes -normativos que se han hecho desde el tiempo de Comenius, o incluso desde -Quintiliano, y descubrir a cuál de éstos se aproxima más el moderno -sistema escolar. Pero cualquiera de estos enfoques nos obligaría a -comenzar con ciertos supuestos acerca de una relación entre escuela y -educación. - -Para crear un lenguaje en el que podamos hablar sobre la escuela sin ese -incesante recurrir a la educación, he querido comenzar por algo que -podría llamarse fenomenología de la escuela pública. Con este objeto -definiré ``escuela'' como el proceso que especifica edad, se relaciona -con maestros y exige asistencia de tiempo completo y un currículum -obligatorio. - -1. \emph{Edad}. La escuela agrupa a las personas según sus edades. Este -agrupamiento se funda en tres premisas indiscutidas. A los niños les -corresponde estar en la escuela. Los niños aprenden en la escuela. A los -niños puede enseñárseles solamente en la escuela. Creo que estas tres -premisas no sometidas a examen merecen ser seriamente puestas en duda. - -Nos hemos ido acostumbrando a los niños. Hemos decidido que deberían ir -a la escuela, hacer lo que se les dice y no tener ingresos propios. -Esperamos que sepan el lugar que ocupan y se comporten como niños. -Recordamos, ya sea con nostalgia o con amargura, el tiempo en que -también fuimos niños. Se espera de nosotros que toleremos la conducta -infantil de los niños. La humanidad es, para nosotros, una especie -simultáneamente atribulada y bendecida con la tarea de cuidar niños. No -obstante, olvidamos que nuestro actual concepto de ``niñez'' sólo se -desarrolló recientemente en Europa occidental, y hace aún menos en -América.\footnote{Respecto a las historias paralelas del capitalismo - moderno y la niñez moderna véase Philippe Ariès, \emph{L'Enfant et la - vie familiale sous l'Ancien Régime,} Seuil, 1973.} - -La niñez como algo diferente de la infancia, la adolescencia o la -juventud fue algo desconocido para la mayoría de los periodos -históricos. Algunos siglos del cristianismo no tuvieron ni siquiera una -idea de sus proporciones corporales. Los artistas pintaban al niño como -un adulto en miniatura sentado en el brazo de su madre. Los niños -aparecieron en Europa junto con el reloj de bolsillo y los prestamistas -cristianos del Renacimiento. Antes de nuestro siglo ni los ricos ni los -pobres supieron nada acerca de vestidos para niños, juegos para niños o -de la inmunidad del niño ante la ley. Esas ideas comenzaron a -desarrollarse en la burguesía. El hijo del obrero, el del campesino y el -del noble vestían todos como lo hacían sus padres, jugaban como éstos y -eran ahorcados igual que ellos. Después de que la burguesía descubriera -la ``niñez'', todo esto cambió. Sólo algunas Iglesias continuaron -respetando por algún tiempo la dignidad y la madurez de los menores. -Hasta el Concilio Vaticano II, se le decía a cada niño que un cristiano -llega a tener discernimiento moral y libertad a la edad de siete años y -a partir de entonces es capaz de caer en pecados por los cuales podrá -ser castigado por toda una eternidad en el infierno. A mediados de este -siglo, los padres de clase media comenzaron a tratar de evitar a sus -niños el impacto de esta doctrina, y su modo de pensar sobre los niños -es el que hoy prevalece en la Iglesia. - -Hasta el siglo pasado, los ``niños'' de padres de clase media se -fabricaban en casa con la ayuda de preceptores y escuelas privadas. Sólo -con el advenimiento de la sociedad industrial la producción en masa de -la ``niñez'' comenzó a ser factible y a ponerse al alcance de la -multitud. El sistema escolar es un fenómeno moderno, como lo es la niñez -que lo produce. - -Puesto que hoy en día la mayoría de las personas viven fuera de las -ciudades industriales, la mayoría de la gente no experimenta la niñez. -En los Andes, uno labra la tierra cuando ha llegado a ser ``útil''. -Antes de esa edad, uno cuida las ovejas. Si se está bien nutrido, debe -llegar a ser útil hacia los 11 años de edad, y de otro modo a los 12. -Estaba yo conversando hace poco con Marcos, mi celador nocturno, sobre -su hijo de 11 años que trabaja en una barbería. Hice en español la -observación de que su hijo era todavía un \emph{niño}. Marcos, -sorprendido, contestó con inocente sonrisa: ``Don Iván, creo que usted -tiene razón''. Percatándome de que hasta el momento de mi observación -Marcos había pensado en el muchacho en primer lugar como su ``hijo'', me -sentí culpable de haber hecho surgir el fantasma de la niñez entre dos -personas sensatas. Naturalmente que si yo fuese a decir a un habitante -de los barrios bajos de Nueva York que su hijo que trabaja es todavía un -``niño'', no mostraría ninguna sorpresa. Sabe muy bien que a su hijo de -11 años debería permitírsele su niñez, y se resiente de que no sea así. -El hijo de Marcos no ha sido afectado aún por el anhelo de tener niñez, -el hijo del neoyorkino se siente desposeído. - -Así pues, la mayoría de la gente en el mundo o no quiere o no puede -conceder una niñez moderna a sus críos. Pero también parece que la niñez -es una carga para esos pocos a quienes se les concede. A muchos -simplemente se les obliga a pasar por ella y no están en absoluto -felices de desempeñar el papel de niños. Crecer pasando por la niñez -significa estar condenado a un proceso de conflicto inhumano entre la -conciencia de sí y el papel que impone una sociedad que está pasando por -su propia edad escolar. Ni Stephen Dédalus ni Alexander Portnoy gozaron -de la niñez y, según sospecho, tampoco nos gustó a muchos de nosotros -ser tratados como niños. - -Si no existiese una institución de aprendizaje obligatorio y para una -edad determinada, la ``niñez'' dejaría de fabricarse. Los menores de los -países ricos se librarían de su destructividad, y los países pobres -dejarían de rivalizar con la niñería de los ricos. Para que la sociedad -pudiese sobreponerse a su edad de la niñez, tendría que hacerse vivible -para los menores. La disyunción actual entre una sociedad adulta que -pretende ser humanitaria y un ambiente escolar que remeda la realidad no -puede seguir manteniéndose. - -El hecho de privar de apoyo oficial a las escuelas podría terminar -también con la discriminación contra los nenes, los adultos y los -ancianos en favor de los niños durante su adolescencia y juventud. Es -probable que la decisión social de asignar recursos educativos -preferentemente a aquellos ciudadanos que han dejado atrás la -extraordinaria capacidad de aprendizaje de sus primeros años y no han -llegado a la cúspide de su aprendizaje automotivado parezca grotesca -cuando se vea retrospectivamente. - -La sabiduría institucional nos dice que los niños necesitan la escuela. -La sabiduría institucional nos dice que los niños aprenden en la -escuela. Pero esta sabiduría institucional es en sí el producto de -escuelas, porque el sólido sentido común nos dice que sólo a niños se -les puede enseñar en la escuela. Sólo segregando a los seres humanos en -la categoría de la niñez podremos someterlos alguna vez a la autoridad -de un maestro de escuela. - -2. \emph{Profesores y alumnos}. Por definición, los niños son alumnos. -La demanda por el medio ambiente escolar crea un mercado ilimitado para -los profesores titulados. La escuela es una institución construida sobre -el axioma de que el aprendizaje es el resultado de la enseñanza. Y la -sabiduría institucional continúa aceptando este axioma, pese a las -pruebas abrumadoras en sentido contrario. - -Todos hemos aprendido la mayor parte de lo que sabemos fuera de la -escuela. Los alumnos hacen la mayor parte de su aprendizaje sin sus -maestros y, a menudo, a pesar de éstos. Lo que es más trágico es que a -la mayoría de los hombres las escuelas les enseñan su lección, aun -cuando nunca vayan \emph{a} la escuela. - -Toda persona aprende a vivir fuera de la escuela. Aprendemos a hablar, a -pensar, a amar, a sentir, a jugar, a blasfemar, a politiquear y a -trabajar sin la interferencia de un profesor. Ni siquiera los niños que -están día y noche bajo la tutela de un maestro constituyen excepciones a -la regla. Los huérfanos, los cretinos y los hijos de maestros de escuela -aprenden la mayor parte de lo que aprenden fuera del proceso -``educativo'' programado para ellos. Los profesores han quedado mal -parados en sus intentos de aumentar el aprendizaje entre los pobres. A -los padres pobres que quieren que sus hijos vayan a la escuela no les -preocupa tanto lo que aprendan como el certificado y el dinero que -obtendrán. Y los padres de clase media confían sus hijos a un profesor -para evitar que aprendan aquello que los pobres aprenden en la calle. -Las investigaciones sobre educación están demostrando cada día más que -los niños aprenden aquello que sus maestros pretenden enseñarles, no de -éstos, sino de sus iguales, de las tiras cómicas, de la simple -observación al pasar y, sobre todo, del solo hecho de participar en el -ritual de la escuela. Las más de las veces los maestros obstruyen el -aprendizaje de materias de estudio conforme se dan en la escuela. - -La mitad de la gente en nuestro mundo jamás ha estado en una escuela. No -se han topado con profesores y están privados del privilegio de llegar a -ser desertores escolares. No obstante, aprenden eficazmente el mensaje -que la escuela enseña: que deben tener escuela y más y más escuela. La -escuela les instruye acerca de su propia inferioridad mediante el -cobrador de impuestos que les hace pagar por ella, mediante el demagogo -que les suscita las esperanzas de tenerla, o bien mediante sus niños -cuando éstos se ven enviciados por ella. De modo que a los pobres se les -quita su respeto por sí mismos al suscribirse a un credo que concede la -salvación sólo a través de la escuela. La Iglesia les da al menos la -posibilidad de arrepentirse en la hora de su muerte. La escuela les deja -con la esperanza (una esperanza falsificada) de que sus nietos la -conseguirán. Esa esperanza es, por cierto, otro aprendizaje más que -proviene de la escuela, pero no de los profesores. - -Los alumnos jamás han atribuido a sus maestros lo que han aprendido. -Tanto los brillantes como los lerdos han confiado siempre en la -memorización, la lectura y el ingenio para pasar sus exámenes, movidos -por el garrote o por la obtención de una carrera ambicionada. - -Los adultos tienden a crear fantasías románticas sobre su periodo de -escuela. Atribuyen retrospectivamente su aprendizaje al maestro cuya -paciencia aprendieron a admirar. Pero esos mismos adultos se preocuparán -por la salud mental de un niño que corriera a casa a contarles qué ha -aprendido de cada uno de sus profesores. Las escuelas crean trabajos -para maestros de escuela, independientemente de lo que aprendan de ellos -sus alumnos. - -3. \emph{Asistencia a jornada completa}. Cada mes veo una nueva lista de -propuestas que hace al AID\footnote{Agency for International - Development: organismo del Departamento de Estado de Estados Unidos. - (T.)} alguna industria estadunidense, sugiriéndole reemplazar a los -``practicantes del aula'' latinoamericanos por unos disciplinados -administradores de sistemas o simplemente por la televisión. Pero, -aunque el profesor sea una maestra de primaria o un equipo de tipos con -delantales blancos, y que logren enseñar la materia indicada en el -catálogo o fracasen en el intento, el maestro profesional crea un -entorno sagrado. - -La incertidumbre acerca del futuro de la enseñanza profesional pone al -aula en peligro. Si los educadores profesionales se especializan en -fomentar el aprendizaje tendrían que abandonar un sistema que exige -entre 750 y 1 500 reuniones por año. Pero naturalmente los profesores -hacen mucho más que eso. La sabiduría institucional de la escuela dice a -los padres, a los alumnos y a los educadores que el profesor, para que -pueda enseñar, debe ejercer su autoridad en un recinto sagrado. Esto es -válido incluso para profesores cuyos alumnos pasan la mayor parte de su -tiempo escolar en un aula sin muros. - -La escuela, por su naturaleza misma, tiende a reclamar la totalidad del -tiempo y las energías de sus participantes. Esto a su vez hace del -profesor un custodio, un predicador y un terapeuta. - -El maestro funda su autoridad sobre una pretensión diferente en cada uno -de estos tres papeles. \emph{El profesor-como-custodio} actúa como -maestro de ceremonias que guía a sus alumnos a lo largo de un ritual -dilatado y laberíntico. Es árbitro del cumplimiento de las normas y -administra las intrincadas rúbricas de iniciación a la vida. En el mejor -de los casos, monta la escena para la adquisición de una habilidad como -siempre han hecho los maestros de escuela. Sin hacerse ilusiones acerca -de producir ningún saber profundo, somete a sus alumnos a ciertas -rutinas básicas. - -El \emph{profesor-como-moralista} reemplaza a los padres, a Dios, al -Estado. Adoctrina al alumno acerca de lo bueno y lo malo, no sólo en la -escuela, sino en la sociedad en general. Se presenta \emph{in loco -parentis} para cada cual y asegura así que todos se sientan hijos del -mismo Estado. - -El \emph{profesor-como-terapeuta} se siente autorizado a inmiscuirse en -la vida privada de su alumno a fin de ayudarle a desarrollarse como -persona. Cuando esta función la desempeña un custodio y predicador, -significa por lo común que persuade al alumno a someterse a una -domesticación de su visión de la verdad y de su sentido de lo justo. - -La afirmación de que una sociedad liberal puede basarse en la escuela -moderna, es paradójica. Todas las defensas de la libertad individual -quedan anuladas en los tratos de un maestro de escuela con su alumno. -Cuando el maestro funde en su persona las funciones de juez, ideólogo y -médico, el estilo fundamental de la sociedad es pervertido por el -proceso mismo que debiera preparar para la vida. Un maestro que combine -estos tres poderes contribuye mucho más a la deformación del niño que -las leyes que dictan su menor edad legal o económica, o que restringen -su libertad de reunión o de vivienda. - -Los maestros no son en absoluto los únicos en ofrecer servicios -terapéuticos. Los psiquiatras, los consejeros vocacionales y laborales, -y hasta los abogados ayudan a sus clientes a decidir, a desarrollar sus -personalidades y a aprender. Pero el sentido común le dice al cliente -que dichos profesionales deben abstenerse de imponer sus opiniones sobre -lo bueno y lo malo, o de obligar a nadie a seguir su consejo. Los -maestros de escuelas y los curas son los únicos profesionales que se -sienten con derecho para inmiscuirse en los asuntos privados de sus -clientes al mismo tiempo que predican a un público obligado. - -Los niños no están protegidos ni por la Primera ni por la Quinta -Enmienda\footnote{El autor se refiere a las Enmiendas a la Constitución - de Estados Unidos (1971), que establecen, respectivamente: \emph{a)} - las libertades de religión, expresión, reunión y de ser oídos para - pedir justicia, y \emph{b)} de no ser llamado a responder por delitos - graves sin ser declarado reo, de no ser condenado dos veces a muerte - por una misma causa, ni a testimoniar contra sí mismo, de no ser - privado de la libertad o de las propiedades sin un debido proceso - legal, ni a ser expropiado sin justa compensación. (T.)} cuando están -frente a ese sacerdote secular, el profesor. El niño tiene que -enfrentarse con un hombre que usa una triple corona invisible y que, -como la tiara papal, es el símbolo de la triple autoridad conjugada en -una persona. Para el niño, el maestro pontifica como pastor, profeta y -sacerdote ---es a un mismo tiempo guía, maestro y administrador de un -ritual sagrado---. Conjuga las pretensiones de los papas medievales en -una sociedad constituida bajo la garantía de que tales pretensiones no -serán jamás ejercidas conjuntamente por una institución establecida y -obligatoria ---la Iglesia o el Estado---. - -Definir a los niños como alumnos a jornada completa permite al profesor -ejercer sobre sus personas una especie de poder que está mucho menos -limitado por restricciones constitucionales o consuetudinarias que el -poder detentado por el guardián de otros enclaves sociales. La edad -cronológica de los niños los descalifica respecto de las salvaguardas -que son de rutina para adultos situados en un asilo moderno ---un -manicomio, un monasterio o una cárcel---. - -Bajo la mirada autoritaria del maestro, los valores se confunden y las -diferencias se borran. Las distinciones entre moralidad, legalidad y -valor personal se difuminan y eventualmente se eliminan. Se hace sentir -cada transgresión como un delito múltiple. Se cuenta con que el -delincuente sienta que ha quebrantado una norma, que se ha comportado de -modo inmoral y se ha abandonado. A un alumno que ha conseguido -hábilmente ayuda en un examen se le dice que es un delincuente, un -corrompido y un mequetrefe. - -La asistencia a clases saca a los niños del mundo cotidiano de la -cultura occidental y los sumerge en un ambiente mucho más primitivo, -mágico y mortalmente serio. La escuela no podría crear un enclave como -éste, dentro del cual se suspende físicamente a los menores durante -muchos años sucesivos de las normas de la realidad ordinaria, si no -tuviera el poder de encarcelar físicamente a los menores durante esos -años en su territorio sagrado. La norma de asistencia posibilita que el -aula sirva de útero mágico, del cual el niño es dado periódicamente a -luz al terminar el día escolar y el año escolar, hasta que es finalmente -lanzado a la vida adulta. Ni la niñez universalmente prolongada ni la -atmósfera sofocante del aula podrían existir sin las escuelas. Sin -embargo, las escuelas, como canales obligatorios de aprendizaje, podrían -existir sin ninguna de ambas y ser más represivas y destructivas que -todo lo que hayamos podido conocer hasta la fecha. Para entender lo que -significa desescolarizar la sociedad y no tan sólo reformar el sistema -educativo establecido, debemos concentrarnos ahora en el currículum -oculto de la escolarización. No nos ocupamos en este caso, y -directamente, del currículum oculto de las calles del gueto, que deja -marcado al pobre, o del currículum camuflado de salón, que beneficia al -rico. Nos interesa más bien llamar la atención sobre el hecho de que el -ceremonial o ritual de la escolarización misma constituye un currículum -escondido de este tipo. Incluso el mejor de los maestros no puede -proteger del todo a sus alumnos contra él. Este currículum oculto de la -escolarización añade inevitablemente prejuicio y culpa a la -discriminación que una sociedad practica contra algunos de sus miembros -y realza el privilegio de otros con un nuevo título con el cual tener en -menos a la mayoría. De modo igualmente inevitable, este currículum -oculto sirve como ritual de iniciación a una sociedad de consumo -orientada hacia el crecimiento, tanto para ricos como para pobres. - -\hypertarget{ritualizaciuxf3n-del-progreso}{% -\section{Ritualización del -progreso}\label{ritualizaciuxf3n-del-progreso}} - -El graduado en una universidad ha sido escolarizado para cumplir un -servicio selectivo entre los ricos del mundo sean cuales fueren sus -afirmaciones de solidaridad con el Tercer Mundo, cada estadunidense que -ha conseguido su título universitario ha tenido una educación que cuesta -una cantidad cinco veces mayor que los ingresos medios de toda una vida -en el seno de la mitad desheredada de la humanidad. A un estudiante -latinoamericano se le introduce en esta exclusiva fraternidad -acordándole para su educación un gasto por lo menos 350 veces mayor que -el de sus conciudadanos de clase media. Salvo muy raras excepciones, el -graduado universitario de un país pobre se siente más a gusto con sus -colegas norteamericanos o europeos que con sus compatriotas no -escolarizados, y a todos los estudiantes se les somete a un proceso -académico que les hace sentirse felices sólo en compañía de otros -consumidores de los productos de la máquina educativa. - -La universidad moderna sólo confiere el privilegio de disentir a -aquellos que han sido comprobados y clasificados como fabricantes de -dinero o detentadores de poder en potencia. A nadie se le conceden -fondos provenientes de impuestos para que tengan así tiempo libre para -autoeducarse o el derecho de educar a otros, a menos que al mismo tiempo -puedan certificarse sus logros. Las escuelas eligen para cada nivel -superior sucesivo a aquellos que en las primeras etapas del juego hayan -demostrado ser buenos riesgos\footnote{Buen riesgo: en el lenguaje de - los aseguradores, el que tiene muy pocas oportunidades de concretarse - en una pérdida. (T.)} para el orden establecido. Al tener un monopolio -sobre los recursos para el aprendizaje y sobre la investidura de los -papeles por desempeñar en la sociedad, la universidad invita a sus filas -al descubridor y al disidente en potencia. Un grado siempre deja su -tinta indeleble con el precio en el currículum de su consumidor. Los -graduados universitarios diplomados encajan sólo en un mundo que pone un -marbete con el precio en sus cuellos dándoles así el poder de pertenecer -a un mundo donde todo recibe un valor mercantil. En cada país, el monto -que consume el graduado universitario fija la pauta para todos los -demás; si fueran gente civilizada con trabajo o cesantes habrán de -aspirar al estilo de vida de los graduados universitarios. - -De este modo, la universidad tiene por efecto imponer normas de consumo -en el trabajo o en el hogar, y lo hace en todo el mundo y bajo todos los -sistemas políticos. Cuanto menos graduados universitarios hay en un -país, tanto más sirven de modelo para el resto de la población sus -ilustradas exigencias. La brecha entre el consumo de un graduado -universitario y el de un ciudadano corriente es incluso más ancha en -Rusia, China y Argelia que en Estados Unidos. Los coches, los viajes en -avión y los magnetófonos confieren una distinción más notoria en un país -socialista en donde únicamente un título, y no tan sólo el dinero, puede -procurarlos. - -La capacidad de la universidad para fijar metas de consumo es algo -nuevo. En muchos países la universidad adquirió este poder sólo en la -década de los años sesenta, conforme la ilusión de acceso parejo a la -educación pública comenzó a difundirse. Antes de entonces la universidad -protegía la libertad de expresión de un individuo, pero no convertía -automáticamente su conocimiento en riqueza. Durante la Edad Media, ser -un estudioso significaba ser pobre y hasta mendicante. En virtud de su -vocación, el estudioso medieval aprendía latín, se convertía en un -\emph{outsider} digno tanto de la mofa como de la estimación del -campesino y del príncipe, del burgués y del clérigo. - -Para triunfar en el mundo, el escolástico tenía que ingresar primero en -él, entrando en la carrera funcionaria, preferiblemente la eclesiástica. -La universidad antigua era una zona liberada para el descubrimiento y el -debate de ideas nuevas y viejas. Los maestros y los estudiantes se -reunían para leer los textos de otros maestros, muertos mucho antes, y -las palabras vivas de los maestros difuntos daban nuevas perspectivas a -las falacias del mundo presente. La universidad era entonces una -comunidad de búsqueda académica y de inquietud endémica. - -En la universidad multidisciplinaria moderna esta comunidad ha huido -hacia las márgenes, en donde se junta en un apartamento, en la oficina -de un profesor o en los aposentos del capellán. El propósito estructural -de la universidad moderna guarda poca relación con la búsqueda -tradicional. Desde los días de Gutenberg, el intercambio de la -indagación disciplinada y crítica se ha trasladado en su mayor parte de -la ``cátedra'' a la imprenta. La universidad moderna ha perdido por -incumplimiento su posibilidad de ofrecer un escenario simple para -encuentros que sean autónomos y anárquicos, enfocados hacia un interés y -sin embargo espontáneos y vivaces, y ha elegido en cambio administrar el -proceso mediante el cual se produce lo que ha dado en llamarse -investigación y enseñanza. - -Desde el \emph{Sputnik} , la universidad estadunidense ha estado -tratando de ponerse a la par con el número de graduados que sacan los -soviéticos. Ahora los alemanes están abandonando su tradición académica -y están construyendo unos \emph{campus} para ponerse a la par con los -estadunidenses. Durante esta década quieren aumentar sus erogaciones en -escuelas primarias y secundarias de 14 000 a 59 000 millones de marcos -alemanes y triplicar los desembolsos para la instrucción superior. Los -franceses se proponen elevar para 1980 a 10\% de su PNB el monto gastado -en escuelas, y la Fundación Ford ha estado empujando a países pobres de -América Latina a elevar sus desembolsos per cápita para los graduados -``respetables'' a los niveles estadunidenses. Los estudiantes consideran -sus estudios como la inversión que produce el mayor rédito monetario, y -las naciones los ven como un factor clave para el desarrollo. - -Para la mayoría que va en pos de un grado universitario, la universidad -no ha perdido prestigio, pero desde 1968 ha perdido notoriamente -categoría entre sus creyentes. Los estudiantes se niegan a prepararse -para la guerra, la contaminación y la perpetuación del prejuicio. Los -profesores les ayudan en su recusación de la legitimidad del gobierno, -de su política exterior, de la educación y del sistema de vida -norteamericano. No pocos rechazan títulos y se preparan para una vida en -una contracultura, fuera de la sociedad diplomada. Parecen elegir la vía -de los Fraticelli medievales o de los Alumbrados de la Reforma, que -fueron los \emph{hippies} y desertores escolares de su época. Otros -reconocen el monopolio de las escuelas sobre los recursos que ellos -necesitan para construir una contrasociedad. Buscan apoyo el uno en el -otro para vivir con integridad mientras se someten al ritual académico. -Forman, por así decirlo, focos de herejía en medio de la jerarquía. - -No obstante, grandes sectores de la población general miran al místico -moderno y al heresiarca moderno con alarma. Éstos amenazan la economía -consumista, el privilegio democrático y la imagen que de sí mismo tiene -Estados Unidos. Pero no es posible eliminarlos con sólo desearlo. Son -cada vez menos aquellos a los que es posible reconvertir y reincorporar -en las filas mediante sutilezas ---como, por ejemplo, darles el cargo de -enseñar como profesores su herejía---. De aquí la búsqueda de medios que -hagan posible ya sea librarse de disidentes, ya sea disminuir la -importancia de la universidad que les sirve de base para protestar. - -A los estudiantes y a la facultad que ponen en tela de juicio la -legitimidad de la universidad, y lo hacen pagando un alto costo -personal, no les parece por cierto estar fijando normas de consumo ni -favoreciendo un sistema determinado de producción. Aquellos que han -fundado grupos tales como el Committee of Concerned Asian Scholars y el -North American Congress of Latin America (NACLA) han sido de los más -eficaces para cambiar radicalmente la visión que millones de personas -jóvenes tenían de países extranjeros. Otros más han tratado de formular -interpretaciones marxistas de la sociedad norteamericana o han figurado -entre los responsables de la creación de comunas. Sus logros dan nuevo -vigor al argumento de que la existencia de la universidad es necesaria -para una crítica social sostenida. - -No cabe duda de que en este momento la universidad ofrece una -combinación singular de circunstancias que permite a algunos de sus -miembros criticar el conjunto de la sociedad. Proporciona tiempo, -movilidad, acceso a los iguales y a la información, así como cierta -impunidad ---privilegios de que no disponen igualmente otros sectores de -la población---. Pero la universidad permite esta libertad sólo a -quienes ya han sido profundamente iniciados en la sociedad de consumo y -en la necesidad de alguna especie de escolaridad pública obligatoria. - -El sistema escolar de hoy en día desempeña la triple función que ha sido -común a las Iglesias poderosas a lo largo de la historia. Es -simultáneamente el depósito del mito de la sociedad, la -institucionalización de las contradicciones de ese mito y el lugar donde -ocurre el ritual que reproduce y encubre las disciplinas entre el mito y -la realidad. El sistema escolar, y en particular la universidad, -proporciona hoy grandes oportunidades para criticar el mito y para -rebelarse contra las perversiones institucionales. Pero el ritual que -exige tolerancia para con las contradicciones fundamentales entre mito e -institución pasa todavía por lo general sin ponerse en tela de juicio, -pues ni la crítica ideológica ni la acción social pueden dar a luz una -nueva sociedad. Sólo el desencanto del ritual social central, el -desligarse del mismo y reformarlo pueden llevar a cabo un cambio -radical. - -La universidad estadunidense ha llegado a ser la etapa final del rito de -iniciación más global que el mundo haya conocido. Ninguna sociedad -histórica ha logrado sobrevivir sin ritual o mito, pero la nuestra es la -primera que ha necesitado una iniciación tan aburrida, morosa, -destructiva y costosa a su mito. La civilización mundial contemporánea -es también la primera que estimó necesario racionalizar su ritual -fundamental de iniciación en nombre de la educación. No podemos iniciar -una reforma de la educación a menos que entendamos primero que ni el -aprendizaje individual ni la igualdad social pueden acrecentarse -mediante el ritual de la escolarización. No podremos ir más allá de la -sociedad de consumo a menos que entendamos primero que las escuelas -públicas obligatorias reproducen inevitablemente dicha sociedad, -independientemente de lo que se enseñe en ellas. - -El proyecto de desmitologización que propongo no puede limitarse tan -sólo a la universidad. Cualquier intento de reformar la universidad sin -ocuparse del sistema del que forma parte integral es como tratar de -hacer la reforma urbana en Nueva York, desde el piso decimosegundo hacia -arriba. La mayor parte de las reformas introducidas en la enseñanza -superior, equivalen a rascacielos construidos sobre chozas. Sólo una -generación que se críe sin escuelas obligatorias será capaz de recrear -la universidad. - -\hypertarget{el-mito-de-los-valores-institucionalizados}{% -\subsection{El mito de los valores -institucionalizados}\label{el-mito-de-los-valores-institucionalizados}} - -La escuela inicia asimismo el Mito del Consumo Sin Fin. Este mito -moderno se funda en la creencia según la cual el sistema de producción -produce inevitablemente algo de valor y que, por consiguiente, la -producción produce necesariamente demanda. La escuela nos enseña que la -instrucción produce aprendizaje. La existencia de las escuelas produce -la demanda de escolaridad. Una vez que hemos aprendido a necesitar la -escuela, todas nuestras actividades tienden a tomar la forma de -relaciones de clientes respecto de otras instituciones especializadas. -Una vez que se ha desacreditado al hombre o a la mujer autodidactos, -toda actividad no profesional se hace sospechosa. En la escuela se nos -enseña que el resultado de la asistencia es un aprendizaje valioso; que -el valor del aprendizaje aumenta con el monto de la información de -entrada y, finalmente, que este valor puede medirse y documentarse -mediante grados y diplomas. - -De hecho, el aprendizaje es la actividad humana que menos manipulación -de terceros necesita. La mayor parte del aprendizaje no es la -consecuencia de una instrucción. Es más bien el resultado de una -participación a la que no se estorba en un entorno significativo. La -mayoría de la gente aprende mejor ``metiendo la cuchara'' y, sin -embargo, la escuela les hace identificar su desarrollo cognoscitivo -personal con una programación y una manipulación complicadas. - -Una vez que un hombre o una mujer ha aceptado la necesidad de la -escuela, es presa fácil de otras instituciones. Una vez que los jóvenes -han permitido que a su imaginación la forme la instrucción curricular, -están condicionados para las planificaciones institucionales de toda -especie. La ``institución'' les ahoga el horizonte imaginativo. No se -les puede traicionar, sólo engañar en el precio, porque se les ha -enseñado a reemplazar la esperanza por las expectativas. Para bien o -para mal, ya no serán sorprendidos por terceros, pues se les ha enseñado -qué pueden esperar de cualquier otra persona que ha sido enseñada como -ellos. Esto es válido para el caso de otra persona o de una máquina. - -Esta transferencia de responsabilidad desde sí mismo a una institución -garantiza la regresión social, especialmente desde el momento en que se -ha aceptado como una obligación. Así, los rebeldes contra el \emph{Alma -Mater} a menudo ``la consiguen'' e ingresan en su facultad en vez de -desarrollar la valentía de infectar a otros con su enseñanza personal y -de asumir la responsabilidad de las consecuencias de tal enseñanza. Esto -sugiere la posibilidad de una nueva historia de Edipo ---Edipo Profesor, -que ``consigue'' a su madre a fin de engendrar hijos de ella---. El -hombre adicto a ser enseñado busca su seguridad en la enseñanza -compulsiva. La mujer que experimenta su conocimiento como el resultado -de un proceso quiere reproducirlo en otros. - -\hypertarget{el-mito-de-la-mediciuxf3n-de-los-valores}{% -\subsection{El mito de la medición de los -valores}\label{el-mito-de-la-mediciuxf3n-de-los-valores}} - -Los valores institucionalizados que infunde la escuela son valores -cuantificados. La escuela inicia a los jóvenes en un mundo en el que -todo puede medirse, incluso su imaginación y hasta el hombre mismo. - -Pero el desarrollo personal no es una entidad mensurable. Es crecimiento -en disensión disciplinada, que no puede medirse respecto a ningún -cartabón, a ningún currículum, ni compararse con lo logrado por algún -otro. En ese aprendizaje podemos emular a otros sólo en el empeño -imaginativo, y seguir sus huellas más bien que remedar sus maneras de -andar. El aprendizaje que yo aprecio es una recreación inmensurable. - -Las escuelas pretenden desglosar el aprendizaje en ``materias'', para -incorporar en el alumno un currículum hecho con estos ladrillos -prefabricados y para medir el resultado con una escala internacional. -Las personas que se someten a la norma de otros para la medida de su -propio desarrollo personal pronto se aplican el mismo cartabón a sí -mismos. Ya no es necesario ponerlos en su lugar, pues se colocan solos -en sus casilleros correspondientes, se comprimen en el nicho que se les -ha enseñado a buscar y, en el curso de este mismo proceso, colocan -asimismo a sus prójimos en sus lugares, hasta que todo y todos encajan. - -Las personas que han sido escolarizadas hasta su talla dejan que la -experiencia no mensurada se les escape entre los dedos. Para ellas, lo -que no puede medirse se hace secundario, amenazante. No es necesario -robarles su creatividad. Con la instrucción, han desaprendido a -``hacer'' lo suyo o a ``ser'' ellas mismas, y valoran sólo aquello que -ha sido fabricado o podría fabricarse. - -Una vez que se ha escolarizado a las personas con la idea de que los -valores pueden producirse y medirse, tienden a aceptar toda clase de -clasificaciones jerárquicas. Existe una escala para el desarrollo de las -naciones, otra para la inteligencia de los nenes, e incluso el avance -hacia la paz puede medirse según un recuento de personas. En un mundo -escolarizado, el camino hacia la felicidad está pavimentado con un -índice de precios para el consumidor. - -\hypertarget{el-mito-de-los-valores-envasados}{% -\subsection{El mito de los valores -envasados}\label{el-mito-de-los-valores-envasados}} - -La escuela vende currículum: un atado de mercancías hecho con el mismo -proceso y con la misma estructura que cualquier otra mercancía. La -producción del currículum para la mayoría de las escuelas comienza con -la investigación presuntamente científica; fundados en ella los -ingenieros de la educación predicen la demanda futura y las herramientas -para la línea de montaje, dentro de los límites establecidos por -presupuestos y tabúes. El distribuidor-profesor entrega el producto -terminado al consumidor-alumno, cuyas reacciones son cuidadosamente -estudiadas y tabuladas a fin de proporcionar datos para la investigación -que servirán para preparar el modelo siguiente que podrá ser -``desgraduado'', ``concebido para alumnado'', ``concebido para un -trabajo en equipo'', ``con ayudas visuales'' o ``centrado en temas''. - -El resultado del proceso de producción de un currículum se asemeja a -cualquier otro artículo moderno de primera necesidad. Es un paquete de -significados planificados, una mercancía cuyo ``atractivo equilibrado'' -la hace comercializable para una clientela lo bastante grande como para -justificar su elevado coste de producción. A los consumidores-alumnos se -les enseña a ajustar sus deseos a valores comercializables. De modo que -se les hace sentir culpables si no se comportan en conformidad con los -resultados de los análisis de mercado y si no obtienen los grados y -diplomas que los colocarán en la categoría laboral que se les ha -inducido a esperar. - -Los educadores pueden justificar unos currícula más costosos fundándose -en lo que han observado, a saber, que las dificultades de aprendizaje se -elevan en proporción al costo del currículum. Ésta es una aplicación de -aquella ley de Parkinson que dice que una labor se expande junto con los -recursos disponibles para ejecutarla. Esta ley puede verificarse en -todos los niveles de la escuela: por ejemplo, las dificultades de -lectura han sido un tema principal de debate en que los grados per -cápita en ellas se han aproximado a los niveles estadunidenses de 1950 ----año en el cual las dificultades para aprender a leer llegaron a ser -tema de importancia en las escuelas de Estados Unidos. - -De hecho, los estudiantes saludables redoblan su resistencia a la -enseñanza conforme se ven más cabalmente manipulados. Su resistencia no -se debe al estilo autoritario de una escuela pública o al estilo -seductor de algunas escuelas libres, sino al planteamiento fundamental -común a todas las escuelas ---la idea de que el juicio de una persona -debiera determinar qué y cuándo debe aprender otra persona---. - -\hypertarget{el-mito-del-progreso-que-se-perpetuxfaa-a-suxed-mismo}{% -\subsection{El mito del progreso que se perpetúa a sí -mismo}\label{el-mito-del-progreso-que-se-perpetuxfaa-a-suxed-mismo}} - -Los crecientes costes per cápita de la instrucción, aun cuando vayan -acompañados por réditos de aprendizaje decrecientes, aumentan -paradójicamente el valor del alumno o alumna ante sus propios ojos y su -valor en el mercado. La escuela, casi al coste que sea, iza a empellones -al alumno hasta el nivel del consumo curricular competitivo, hasta -meterlo en el progreso hacia unos niveles cada vez más elevados. Los -gastos que motivan al alumno a permanecer en la escuela se desbocan -conforme asciende la pirámide. En niveles más altos adoptan el disfraz -de nuevos estadios de futbol o programas llamados de Educación -Internacional. Aunque no enseña ninguna otra cosa, la escuela enseña al -menos el valor de la escalada: el valor de la manera estadunidense de -hacer las cosas. - -La guerra de Vietnam se ajusta a la lógica prevaleciente. Su éxito se ha -medido por el número de personas efectivamente tratadas con balas -baratas descargadas a un coste inmenso, y a este cálculo salvaje se le -llama desvergonzadamente ``recuento de cuerpos''. Así como los negocios -son los negocios, la acumulación inacabable de dinero, así también la -guerra es el matar, la acumulación inacabable de cuerpos muertos. De -manera semejante, la educación es escolarización, y este proceso sin -término se cuenta en alumnos-hora. Los diferentes procesos son -irreversibles y se justifican por sí mismos. Según las normas -económicas, el país se hace cada vez más rico. Según las normas de la -contabilidad mortal, la nación continúa ganando perennemente sus -guerras. Y conforme a las normas escolares, la población se va haciendo -cada vez más educada. - -El programa escolar está hambriento de un bocado cada vez mayor de -instrucción, pero aun cuando esta hambre conduzca a una absorción -sostenida, nunca da el gozo de saber algo a satisfacción. Cada tema -llega envasado con la instrucción de continuar consumiendo una -``oferta'' tras otra, y el envase del año anterior es siempre anticuado -para el consumidor del año en curso. El fraudulento negocio de los -libros de texto está construido sobre esta demanda. Los reformadores de -la educación prometen a cada generación lo último y lo mejor, y al -público se le escolariza para pedir lo que ellos ofrecen. Tanto el -desertor, a quien se le hace recordar a perpetuidad lo que se perdió, -como el graduado, a quien se le hace sentir inferior a la nueva casta de -estudiantes, saben exactamente dónde están situados en el ritual de -engaños crecientes, y continúan apoyando una sociedad que, para -denominar la brecha cada vez más ancha de frustración, usa el eufemismo -de ``revolución de expectativas crecientes''. - -Pero el crecimiento concebido como un consumo sin términos ---el -progreso eterno--- no puede conducir jamás a la madurez. El compromiso -con un ilimitado aumento cuantitativo vicia la posibilidad de un -desarrollo orgánico. - -\hypertarget{el-juego-ritual-y-la-nueva-religiuxf3n-mundial}{% -\subsection{El juego ritual y la nueva religión -mundial}\label{el-juego-ritual-y-la-nueva-religiuxf3n-mundial}} - -En las naciones desarrolladas, la edad para salir de la escuela excede -el aumento de los años de vida probable. Dentro de una década se -cortarán ambas curvas y crearán un problema para Jessica Mitford y para -los profesionales que se interesan por la ``educación terminal''. Me -hace recordar la Edad Media tardía, cuando la demanda por los servicios -de la Iglesia sobrepasó la duración de la vida, y se creó el -``purgatorio'' para purificar a las almas bajo el control papal antes de -que pudiesen ingresar en la paz eterna. Lógicamente, esto condujo -primero a un tráfico de indulgencias y luego a un intento de Reforma. El -Mito del Consumo Sin Fin ocupa ahora el lugar de la creencia en la vida -eterna. - -Arnold Toynbee señaló que la decadencia de una gran cultura suele ir -acompañada por el surgimiento de una nueva Iglesia Universal que lleva -la esperanza al proletariado interior mientras atiende al mismo tiempo -las necesidades de una nueva casta guerrera. La escuela parece -eminentemente apta para ser la Iglesia Universal de nuestra decadente -cultura. Ninguna institución podría ocultar mejor a sus participantes la -profunda discrepancia entre los principios sociales y la realidad social -en el mundo de hoy. Secular, científica y negadora de la muerte, se ciñe -estrechamente al ánimo moderno. Su apariencia clásica, crítica, la hace -aparecer, si no antirreligiosa, al menos pluralista. Su currículum -define la ciencia y la define a ella misma mediante la llamada -investigación científica. Nadie completa la escuela ---todavía---. No -cierra sus puertas a nadie sin antes ofrecerle una oportunidad más: -educación de recuperación, para adultos y de continuación. - -La escuela sirve como una eficaz creadora y preservadora del mito social -debido a su estructura como juego ritual de promociones graduadas. La -introducción a este ritual es mucho más importante que el asunto -enseñado o el cómo se enseña. Es el juego mismo el que escolariza, el -que se mete en la sangre y se convierte en hábito. Se inicia a una -sociedad entera en el Mito del Consumo Sin Fin de servicios. Esto ocurre -hasta tal punto que la formalidad de participar en el ritual sin término -se hace obligatoria y compulsiva por doquier. La escuela ordena una -rivalidad ritual en forma de juego internacional que obliga a los -competidores a achacar los males del mundo a aquellos que no pueden o no -quieren jugar. La escuela es un ritual de iniciación que introduce al -neófito en la sagrada carrera del consumo progresivo, un ritual -propiciatorio cuyos sacerdotes académicos son mediadores entre los -creyentes y los dioses del privilegio y del poder, un ritual de -expiación que sacrifica a sus desertores, marcándolos a fuego como -chivos expiatorios del subdesarrollo. - -Incluso aquellos que en el mejor de los casos pasan unos pocos años en -la escuela ---y éste es el caso de la abrumadora mayoría en América -Latina, Asia y África--- aprenden a sentirse culpables debido a su -subconsumo de escolarización. En México es obligatorio aprobar seis -grados de escuela. Los niños nacidos en el tercio económico inferior -tienen sólo dos posibilidades sobre tres de aprobar el primer grado. Si -lo aprueban, tienen cuatro probabilidades sobre 100 de terminar la -escolaridad obligatoria en el sexto grado. Si nacen en el tercio medio, -sus probabilidades aumentan a 12 sobre 100. Con estas pautas, México ha -tenido más éxito que la mayoría de las otras 26 repúblicas -latinoamericanas en cuanto a proporcionar educación pública. - -Todos los niños saben, en todas partes, que se les ha dado una -posibilidad, aunque desigual, en una lotería obligatoria, y la supuesta -igualdad de la norma internacional realza ahora la pobreza original de -esos niños con la discriminación autoinfligida que el desertor acepta. -Se les ha escolarizado en la creencia de las expectativas crecientes y -pueden racionalizar ahora su creciente frustración fuera de la escuela -aceptando el rechazo de la gracia escolástica que les ha caído en -suerte. Se les expulsa del paraíso porque, habiendo sido bautizados, no -fueron a la Iglesia. Nacidos en pecado original, se les bautiza en el -primer grado, pero van al Gehenna (que en hebreo significa -``conventillo'') debido a sus faltas personales. Así como Max Weber -examinó los efectos sociales de la creencia en que la salvación -pertenecía a quienes acumulaban riqueza, podemos observar ahora que la -gracia está reservada para aquellos que acumulan años de escuela. - -\hypertarget{el-reino-venidero-la-universalizaciuxf3n-de-las-expectativas}{% -\subsection{El reino venidero la universalización de las -expectativas}\label{el-reino-venidero-la-universalizaciuxf3n-de-las-expectativas}} - -La escuela conjuga las expectativas del consumidor expresadas en sus -pretensiones, con las creencias del productor expresadas en su ritual. -Es una expresión litúrgica del \emph{cargocult}\footnote{Culto creado - por indígenas de Nueva Guinea, que atribuye un origen mágico a los - artículos occidentales (aviones, radios, relojes, plásticos, etc.). - (T.)} que recorrió la Melanesia en la década de 1940-1950, que -inyectaba en sus cultores la creencia de que si se colocaban una corbata -negra sobre el torso desnudo, Jesús llegaría en un vapor trayendo una -nevera, un par de pantalones y una máquina de coser para cada creyente. - -La escuela funde el crecimiento en humillante dependencia de un maestro -con el crecimiento en el vano sentido de omnipotencia que es tan típico -del alumno que quiere ir a enseñar a todas las naciones a salvarse. El -ritual está moldeado según los severos hábitos de trabajo de los obreros -de la construcción, y su finalidad es celebrar el mito de un paraíso -terrestre de consumo sin fin, que es la única esperanza del desgraciado -y el desposeído. - -A lo largo de la historia ha habido epidemias de insaciables -expectativas en este mundo, especialmente entre grupos colonizados y -marginales en todas las culturas. Los judíos tuvieron durante el Imperio -romano sus Esenios y Mesías judíos, los siervos en la Reforma tuvieron -su Thomas Münzer, los desposeídos indios desde el Paraguay hasta Dakota -sus contagiosos bailarines. Estas sectas estaban siempre dirigidas por -un profeta, y limitaban sus promesas a unos pocos elegidos. En cambio la -espera del reino a que induce la escuela es impersonal más que -profética, y universal más que local. El hombre ha llegado a ser el -ingeniero de su propio Mesías y promete las limitadas recompensas de la -ciencia a aquellos que somete a una progresiva tecnificación para su -reino. - -\hypertarget{la-nueva-alienaciuxf3n}{% -\subsection{La nueva alienación}\label{la-nueva-alienaciuxf3n}} - -La escuela no sólo es la Nueva Religión Mundial. Es también el mercado -de trabajo de crecimiento más veloz del mundo. La tecnificación de los -consumidores ha llegado a ser el principal sector de crecimiento de la -economía. Conforme el coste de la producción disminuye en las naciones -ricas, se produce una concentración creciente de capital y trabajo en la -vasta empresa de equipar al hombre para un consumo disciplinario. -Durante la década pasada las inversiones de capital relacionadas -directamente con el sistema escolar aumentaron con velocidad incluso -mayor que los gastos para defensa. El desarme tan sólo aceleraría el -proceso por el cual la industria del aprendizaje se encamina al centro -de la economía nacional. La escuela proporciona oportunidades ilimitadas -para el derroche legitimizado, mientras su destructividad pasa -inadvertida y crece el coste de los paliativos. - -Si a quienes asisten a jornada completa agregamos los que enseñan a -jornada completa, nos percatamos de que esta llamada superestructura ha -llegado a ser el principal patrono de la sociedad. En Estados Unidos hay -62 millones en la escuela y 80 millones trabajando en otras cosas. Esto -a menudo lo han olvidado los analistas neomarxistas cuando dicen que el -proceso de desescolarización debe posponerse o dejarse pendiente hasta -que otros desórdenes, considerados tradicionalmente como más -importantes, los haya corregido una revolución económica y política. -Pero hay que comprender que la escuela es una industria antes de querer -edificar una estrategia revolucionaria realista. Para Marx, el coste de -producir las demandas de bienes apenas si era significativo. -Actualmente, la mayor parte de la mano de obra está empleada en la -producción de demandas que puede satisfacer la industria que hace un uso -intenso del capital. La mayor parte de este trabajo se realiza en la -escuela. - -En el esquema tradicional, la alienación era una consecuencia directa de -que el trabajo se convirtiera en labor asalariada que privaba al hombre -de su oportunidad para crear y recrearse. Ahora a los menores los -prealienan las escuelas que los aíslan del mundo mientras juegan a ser -productores y consumidores de su propio conocimiento, al que se concibe -como una mercancía en el mercado en la escuela. La escuela hace de la -alienación una preparación para la vida, privando así a la educación de -realidad y al trabajo de creatividad. La escuela prepara para la -alienante institucionalización de la vida al enseñar la necesidad de ser -enseñado. Una vez que se aprende esta lección, la gente pierde su -incentivo para desarrollarse con independencia; ya no encuentra -atractivos en relacionarse y se cierra a las sorpresas que la vida -ofrece cuando no está predeterminada por la definición institucional. La -escuela emplea directa o indirectamente a una mayor parte de la -población. La escuela o bien guarda a la gente de por vida o asegura el -que encaje en alguna otra institución. - -La Nueva Iglesia Mundial es la industria del conocimiento, proveedora de -opio y banco de trabajo durante un número creciente de años de la vida -de un individuo. La desescolarización es por consiguiente fundamental -para cualquier movimiento de liberación del hombre. - -\hypertarget{la-potencialidad-revolucionaria-de-la-desescolarizaciuxf3n}{% -\subsection{La potencialidad revolucionaria de la -desescolarización}\label{la-potencialidad-revolucionaria-de-la-desescolarizaciuxf3n}} - -La escuela no es de ningún modo, por cierto, la única institución -moderna cuya finalidad primaria es moldear la visión de la realidad en -el hombre. El currículum escondido de la vida familiar, de la -conscripción militar, del llamado profesionalismo o de los medios -informativos desempeña un importante papel en la manipulación -institucional de la visión del mundo que tiene el hombre, de su lenguaje -y de sus demandas. Pero la escuela esclaviza más profunda y -sistemáticamente, puesto que sólo a ella se le acredita la función -principal de formar el juicio crítico y, paradójicamente, trata de -hacerlo haciendo que el aprender sobre sí mismo, sobre los demás y sobre -la naturaleza dependa de un proceso preempacado. La escuela nos alcanza -de manera tan íntima que ninguno puede esperar liberarse de ella -mediante algo externo. - -Muchos de los que se autodenominan revolucionarios son víctimas de la -escuela. Incluso ven la ``liberación'' como el producto de algo -institucional. Sólo al librarse uno mismo de la escuela se disipa esa -ilusión. El descubrimiento de que la mayor parte del aprendizaje no -requiere enseñanza no puede ser ni manipulado ni planificado. Cada uno -de nosotros es responsable de su propia desescolarización, y sólo -nosotros tenemos el poder de hacerlo. No puede excusarse a nadie si no -logra liberarse de la escolarización. El pueblo no pudo liberarse de la -Corona sino hasta que al menos algunos de ellos se liberaron de la -Iglesia establecida. No pueden liberarse del consumo progresivo hasta -que no se liberen de la escuela obligatoria. - -Todos estamos metidos en la escolarización, tanto desde el aspecto de la -producción como desde el del consumo. Estamos supersticiosamente -convencidos de que el buen aprendizaje puede y debería producirse en -nosotros ---y de que podemos producirlo en otros---. Nuestro intento de -desligarnos del concepto de escuela hará surgir las resistencias que -hallamos en nosotros mismos cuando tratamos de renunciar al consumo -ilimitado y a la ubicua suposición de que a los otros se les puede -manipular por su propio bien. Nadie está totalmente exento de explotar a -otros en el proceso de escolarización. - -La escuela es el más grande y más anónimo de todos los patrones. De -hecho es el mejor empleo de un nuevo tipo de empresa, sucesora del -gremio, de la fábrica y de la sociedad anónima. Las empresas -multinacionales que han dominado la economía están siendo complementadas -ahora, y puede que algún día sean suplantadas por organismos de servicio -con planificación supranacional. Estas empresas presentan sus servicios -de manera que hacen que todos los hombres se sientan obligados a -consumirlos. Se rigen por una normativa internacional, redefiniendo el -valor de sus servicios periódicamente y por doquiera a un ritmo -aproximadamente parejo. - -El ``transporte'' que se apoya en nuevos coches y supercarreteras -atiende a la misma necesidad institucionalmente envasada de comodidad, -prestigio, velocidad y equipamiento, independientemente de que sus -componentes los produzca o no el Estado. El aparato de la ``atención -médica'' define una especie peculiar de salud, poco importa que sea el -individuo o el Estado quien pague el servicio. La promoción graduada a -fin de obtener diplomas ajusta al estudiante para ocupar un lugar en la -misma pirámide internacional de mano de obra cualificada, -independientemente de quien dirija la escuela. - -En todos estos casos el empleo es un beneficio oculto: el chofer de un -automóvil privado, el paciente que se somete a hospitalización o el -alumno en el aula deben considerase como parte de una nueva clase de -``empleados''. Un movimiento de liberación que se inicie en la escuela -y, sin embargo, esté fundado en maestros y alumnos como explotados y -explotadores simultáneamente, podría anticiparse a las estrategias -revolucionarias del futuro; pues un programa radical de -desescolarización podría adiestrar a la juventud en el nuevo estilo de -revolución necesaria para desafiar a un sistema social que exhibe una -``salud'', una ``riqueza'' y una ``seguridad'' obligatorias. - -Los riesgos de una rebelión contra la escuela son imprevisibles, pero no -son tan horribles como los de una revolución que se inicie en cualquier -otra institución principal. La escuela no está todavía organizada para -defenderse con tanta eficacia como una nación-Estado, o incluso como una -gran sociedad anónima. La liberación de la opresión de las escuelas -podría ser incruenta. Las armas del vigilante escolar\footnote{\emph{Truant - officer}. El que lleva a la escuela a quienes deben cumplir con la - instrucción legal obligatoria. (T.)} y de sus aliados en los -tribunales y en las agencias de empleo podrían tomar medidas muy crueles -contra el o la delincuente individual, especialmente si fuese pobre, -pero podrían ser a su vez impotentes si surgiera un movimiento de masas. - -La escuela se ha convertido en un problema social; se le ataca por todas -partes, y los ciudadanos y los gobiernos patrocinan experimentos no -convencionales en todo el mundo. Recurren a insólitos expedientes -estadísticos a fin de preservar la fe y salvar las apariencias. El ánimo -que existe entre algunos educadores es muy parecido al ánimo de los -obispos católicos después del Concilio Vaticano. Los planes de estudio -de las llamadas ``escuelas libres'' se parecen a las liturgias de las -misas con música folclórica y rock. Las exigencias de los estudiantes de -bachillerato para tener voz y voto en la elección de sus profesores son -tan estridentes como las de los feligreses que exigen seleccionar a sus -párrocos. Pero para la sociedad está en juego algo mucho mayor si una -minoría significativa pierde su fe en la escolaridad. Esto pondría en -peligro la supervivencia no sólo del orden económico construido sobre la -coproducción de bienes y demandas, sino igualmente del orden político -construido sobre la nación-Estado dentro del cual los estudiantes son -dados a la luz por la escuela. - -Nuestras alternativas posibles son harto claras. O continuamos creyendo -que el aprendizaje institucionalizado es un producto que justifica una -inversión ilimitada, o redescubrimos que la legislación, la -planificación y la inversión, si de alguna manera encajan en la -educación formal, debieran usarse principalmente para derribar las -barreras que ahora obstaculizan las posibilidades de aprendizaje, el -cual sólo puede ser una actividad personal. - -Si no ponemos en tela de juicio el supuesto de que el conocimiento -valedero es una mercancía que en ciertas circunstancias puede metérsele -a la fuerza al consumidor, la sociedad se verá cada día más dominada por -siniestras seudoescuelas y totalitarios administradores de la -información. Los terapeutas pedagógicos drogarán más a sus alumnos a fin -de enseñarles mejor, y los estudiantes se drogarán más a fin de -conseguir aliviarse de las presiones de los profesores y de la carrera -por diplomas. Ejércitos cada día mayores de burócratas presumirán de -maestros. El lenguaje del escolar ya se lo ha apropiado el publicista. -Ahora el general y el policía tratarán de dignificar sus profesiones -disfrazándose de educadores. En una sociedad escolarizada, las guerras y -la represión civil encuentran una justificación racional educativa. La -guerra pedagógica al estilo Vietnam se justificará cada vez más como la -única manera de enseñar a la gente el valor superior del progreso -inacabable. - -La represión se considerará como un empeño de misioneros por apresurar -la venida del Mesías mecánico. Más y más países recurrirán a la tortura -pedagógica puesta ya en práctica en Brasil y Grecia. Esta tortura -pedagógica no se usa para extraer información o para satisfacer las -necesidades psíquicas de unos sádicos. Se apoya en el terror aleatorio -para romper la integridad de toda una población y convertirla en un -material plástico para las enseñanzas inventadas por tecnócratas. La -naturaleza totalmente destructiva y en constante progreso de la -instrucción obligatoria cumplirá cabalmente su lógica final a menos que -comencemos a librarnos desde ahora de nuestra \emph{hybris} pedagógica, -nuestra creencia de que el hombre puede hacer lo que no puede Dios, a -saber, manipular a otros para salvarlos. - -Muchos comienzan recientemente a darse cuenta de la inexorable -destrucción que las tendencias actuales de producción implican para el -medio ambiente, pero las personas aisladas tienen un poder muy -restringido para cambiar estas tendencias. La manipulación de hombres y -mujeres iniciada en la escuela ha llegado también a un punto sin -retorno, y la mayoría de las personas aún no se han percatado de ello. -Fomentan todavía la reforma escolar, tal como Henry Ford II propone unos -nuevos automóviles ponzoñosos. - -Daniel Bell dice que nuestra época se caracteriza por una extrema -disyunción entre las estructuras cultural y social; una dedicada a -actitudes apocalípticas y la otra a la toma tecnocrática de decisiones. -Esto es sin duda verdadero respecto de muchos reformadores de la -educación que se sienten impulsados a condenar casi todo aquello que -caracteriza a las escuelas modernas ---y proponen simultáneamente nuevas -escuelas---. - -En su \emph{Estructura de las revoluciones científicas} , Thomas Kuhn -aduce que dicha disonancia precede inevitablemente a la aparición de un -nuevo paradigma cognoscitivo. Los hechos que informaban aquellos que -observaban la caída libre, aquellos que volvían del otro lado de la -Tierra y aquellos que usaban el nuevo telescopio, no se ajustaban a la -visión cósmica tolemaica. Súbitamente, se aceptó el paradigma -newtoniano. La disonancia que caracteriza a muchos jóvenes de hoy no es -tanto cognoscitiva como un asunto de actitudes ---un sentimiento acerca -de cómo \emph{no} puede ser una sociedad tolerable---. Lo sorprendente -respecto de esta disonancia es la capacidad de un número muy grande de -personas para tolerarla. - -La capacidad para ir tras metas incongruentes exige una explicación. -Según Max Gluckman, todas las sociedades poseen procedimientos para -ocultar tales disonancias de sus miembros. Los rituales pueden ocultar a -sus participantes incluso discrepancias y conflictos entre principio -social y organización social. Mientras un individuo no sea -explícitamente consciente del carácter ritual del proceso a través del -cual se le inició en las fuerzas que moldean su cosmos, no puede romper -el conjuro y moldear un nuevo cosmos. Mientras no nos percatemos del -ritual a través del cual la escuela moldea al consumidor progresivo ----el recurso principal de la economía---, no podremos romper el conjuro -de esta economía y dar forma a una nueva. - -\hypertarget{espectro-institucional}{% -\section{Espectro institucional}\label{espectro-institucional}} - -La mayoría de los esquemas utópicos y escenarios futurísticos requieren -nuevas y costosas tecnologías que habrían de venderse a las naciones -ricas y pobres por igual. Herman Kahn ha encontrado alumnos en -Venezuela, Argentina y Colombia. Las fantasías de Sergio Bernardes para -su Brasil del año 2000 centellean con más maquinaria nueva de la que hoy -posee Estados Unidos, que para entonces estará recargado con los -obsoletos emplazamientos para misiles, aeropuertos para reactores y -ciudades de las décadas de los años sesenta-setenta. Los futuristas -inspirados en Buckminster Fuller se apoyarían más bien en dispositivos -más baratos y exóticos. Cuentan con que se acepte una tecnología nueva -pero posible, que al parecer nos permitiría hacer más con menos ----monorrieles ligeros en vez de transporte supersónico, viviendas -verticales en vez de dispersión horizontal---. Todos los planificadores -futuristas de hoy tratan de hacer económicamente factible lo -técnicamente posible, negándose a la vez a enfrentar las inevitables -consecuencias sociales: el creciente anhelo de todos los hombres por -bienes y servicios que seguirán siendo privilegio de unos pocos. - -Creo que un futuro deseable depende, en primer lugar, de nuestra -voluntad de elegir una vida de acción en vez de una vida de consumo, de -que engendremos un estilo de vida que nos permita ser espontáneos, -independientes y, sin embargo, relacionarnos uno con otro, en vez de -mantener un estilo de vida que sólo nos permite hacer y deshacer, -producir y consumir ---un estilo de vida que es sólo una estación en el -camino hacia el agotamiento y la contaminación del entorno---. El futuro -depende más de nuestra elección de instituciones que mantengan una vida -de acción y menos de que desarrollemos nuevas ideologías y tecnologías. -Necesitamos un conjunto de pautas que nos permitan reconocer aquellas -instituciones que apoyan el desarrollo personal en vez del -enviciamiento, como también la voluntad de dedicar nuestros recursos -tecnológicos preferentemente a dichas instituciones de desarrollo. - -La elección se sitúa entre dos tipos institucionales radicalmente -opuestos, ejemplificados ambos en ciertas instituciones existentes, -aunque uno de esos tipos caracteriza de tal manera la época -contemporánea que casi la define. A este tipo dominante yo propondría -llamarlo la institución manipulativa. El otro tipo existe, pero sólo -precariamente. Las instituciones que se ajustan a él son más humildes y -menos notorias. No obstante, las tomo como modelos de un futuro más -deseable. Las llamo ``convivenciales'' y sugiero colocarlas a la -izquierda institucional, para mostrar que hay instituciones situadas -entre ambos extremos y para ilustrar cómo las instituciones históricas -pueden cambiar de color conforme se desplazan desde un facilitar la -actividad a un organizar la producción. - -Dicho espectro, que se desplaza de izquierda a derecha, se ha usado por -lo general para caracterizar a los hombres y sus ideologías, y no a -nuestras instituciones sociales y a sus estilos. Esta categorización de -los hombres, sea como individuos o como grupos, suele producir más calor -que luz. Pueden suscitarse poderosas objeciones contra el uso de una -convención corriente, pero al hacerlo espero desplazar los términos del -debate de un plano estéril a uno fértil. Se evidenciará que los hombres -de izquierda no siempre se caracterizan por su oposición a las -instituciones manipulativas, a las que coloco en el extremo derecho del -espectro. - -Las instituciones modernas más influyentes se agolpan al lado derecho -del espectro. Hacia él se ha desplazado la coerción legal, conforme ha -pasado de las manos del \emph{sheriff} a las del FBI y del Pentágono. La -guerra moderna se ha convertido en una empresa sumamente profesional -cuyo negocio es matar. Ha llegado al punto en que su eficiencia se mide -por el recuento de cuerpos. Sus capacidades pacificadoras dependen de su -poder para convencer a amigos y enemigos de la ilimitada potencia letal -de la nación. Las balas y los productos químicos modernos son tan -eficaces que a un ínfimo precio son capaces de matar o mutilar -infaliblemente al ``cliente''. Pero los costos de entrega aumentan -vertiginosamente; el coste de un vietnamita muerto subió de 360 000 -dólares en 1967 a 450 000 dólares en 1969. Sólo economías a una escala -cercana al suicidio de la raza harían económicamente eficiente el arte -militar moderno. Se está haciendo más obvio el efecto \emph{boomerang} -en la guerra: cuanto mayor es el recuento de cuerpos de vietnamitas -muertos, tantos más enemigos consigue Estados Unidos por todo el mundo; -asimismo, tanto más debe gastar Estados Unidos en crear otra institución -manipulativa ---motejada cínicamente como de ``pacificación''--- en un -vano intento por absorber los efectos secundarios de la guerra. - -En este mismo lado del espectro hallamos también organismos sociales que -se especializan en la manipulación de sus clientes. Semejante a la -organización militar, tienden a crear efectos contrarios a sus objetivos -conforme crece el ámbito de sus operaciones. Estas instituciones -sociales son igualmente contraproductivas, pero lo son de manera menos -evidente. Muchas adoptan una imagen simpática y terapéutica para -encubrir este efecto paradójico. Por ejemplo, hasta hace un par de -siglos, las cárceles servían como medio para detener a las personas -hasta que se les sentenciaba, se les mutilaba, se les mataba o se les -exiliaba; en ocasiones se usaban deliberadamente como forma de tortura. -Sólo recientemente comenzamos a pretender que encerrar a la gente en -jaulas tendrá un efecto benéfico sobre su carácter y comportamiento. -Ahora, más que unos pocos están empezando a entender que la cárcel -incrementa tanto la calidad de los criminales como su cantidad, que es -perfectamente capaz de hacer de un simple inconforme un criminal -endurecido. No obstante, es mucho menor el número de los que al parecer -entienden que las clínicas psiquiátricas, hogares de reposo y orfanatos -hacen algo muy parecido. Estas instituciones proporcionan a sus clientes -la destructiva autoimagen del psicótico, del excedido en años o del niño -abandonado, y proveen la justificación lógica para la existencia de -ciertas profesiones, tal como las cárceles poseen sus guardias. La -afiliación a instituciones que se encuentran en este extremo del -espectro se consigue de dos maneras, ambas coercitivas: mediante -compromiso obligado o mediante servicio selectivo. - -En el extremo opuesto del espectro se sitúan unas instituciones que se -distinguen por el uso espontáneo ---las instituciones -``convivenciales''---. Las conexiones telefónicas, las líneas de metro, -los recorridos de los carteros, los mercados y lonjas no tienen -necesidad de convencernos de su necesidad. Los sistemas de -alcantarillado, de agua potable, los parques y veredas son instituciones -que los hombres usan sin tener que estar institucionalmente convencidos -de que les conviene hacerlo. Todas las instituciones exigen, por cierto, -cierta reglamentación. Pero el funcionamiento de instituciones que -existen para usarse más que para producir algo, requiere de normas cuya -índole es totalmente diferente de la que exigen las -instituciones-tratamiento, que son manipulativas. Las normas que rigen a -las instituciones para uso tienen por fin principal evitar abusos que -frustrarían su accesibilidad general. Las veredas deben mantenerse -libres de obstrucciones, el uso industrial de agua potable debe -someterse a ciertos límites y el juego de pelota debe restringirse a -zonas especiales dentro de un parque. Actualmente necesitamos una -legislación especial para evitar el abuso de nuestras líneas telefónicas -por parte de computadoras, el abuso del servicio de correo por parte de -los anunciantes y la contaminación de nuestros sistemas de -alcantarillado por los desechos industriales. La reglamentación de las -instituciones convivenciales fija límites para su empleo; conforme uno -pasa del extremo convivencial del espectro al manipulativo, las normas -van exigiendo cada vez más un consumo o participación no queridos. El -diferente coste de la adquisición de clientes es precisamente una de las -características que distingue a las instituciones conviviales de las -manipulativas. - -En ambos extremos del espectro encontramos instituciones de servicio, -pero a la derecha, el servicio es una manipulación impuesta y al cliente -se le convierte en víctima de la publicidad, la agresión, el -adoctrinamiento, la prisión o el electrochoque. A la izquierda, el -servicio es una mayor oportunidad de límites definidos formalmente, -mientras el cliente sigue siendo un agente libre. Las instituciones del -ala derecha tienden a procesos de producción altamente complejos y -costosos en los que gran parte de la complicación y el gasto se ocupan -en convencer a los consumidores de que no pueden vivir sin el producto o -tratamiento ofrecido por la institución. Las instituciones del ala -izquierda tienden a redes que facilitan la composición o cooperación -iniciada por el cliente. - -Las instituciones manipulativas de la derecha son formadoras de hábito, -``adictivas'', social y psicológicamente. La adicción social, o -escalada, consiste en la tendencia a prescribir un tratamiento -intensificado si dosis menores no han rendido los resultados deseados. -La adicción psicológica, o habituamiento, se produce cuando los -consumidores se envician con la necesidad de una cantidad cada vez mayor -del proceso o del producto. Las instituciones de la izquierda que uno -mismo pone en actividad tienden a autolimitarse. Al revés de los -procesos de producción que identifican la satisfacción con el mero acto -del consumo, estas redes sirven a un objetivo que va más allá de su uso -repetido. Una persona levanta el teléfono cuando quiere decir algo a -otra, y cuelga una vez terminada la comunicación deseada. A excepción -hecha de los adolescentes, no usa el teléfono por el puro placer de -hablar ante el receptor. Si el teléfono no es el mejor modo de ponerse -en comunicación, las personas escribirán una carta o harán un viaje. Las -instituciones de la derecha, como podemos ver claramente en el caso de -las escuelas, invitan compulsivamente al uso repetitivo y frustran las -maneras alternativas de lograr resultados similares. - -Hacia la izquierda del espectro institucional, pero no en el extremo -mismo, podemos colocar a las empresas que compiten entre sí en la -actividad que les es propia, pero que no han empezado a ocupar la -publicidad de manera notable. Encontramos aquí las lavanderías manuales, -las pequeñas panaderías, los peluqueros y, para hablar de profesionales, -algunos abogados y profesores de música. Son por consiguiente -característicamente del ala izquierda las personas que han -institucionalizado sus servicios, pero no su publicidad. Consiguen -clientes mediante su contacto personal y la calidad relativa de sus -servicios. - -Los hoteles y las cafeterías se acercan algo más al centro. Las grandes -cadenas hoteleras como la Hilton que gastan inmensas cantidades en -vender su imagen, a menudo se comportan como si estuvieran dirigiendo -instituciones de la derecha. No obstante, las empresas Hilton y Sheraton -no ofrecen nada más ---de hecho dan frecuentemente menos--- que -alojamientos de precio similar y dirigidos independientemente. En lo -esencial, un letrero de hotel atrae al viajero como lo hace un signo -caminero. Dice más bien: ``Detente, aquí hay una cama para ti'', y no: -``¡Deberías preferir una cama de hotel a una banca en el parque!'' - -Los productores de artículos de primera necesidad y de la mayoría de los -bienes efímeros pertenecen a la parte central de nuestro espectro. -Satisfacen demandas genéricas y agregan al costo de producción y -distribución todo lo que el mercado soporte en costos publicitarios, en -anuncios y envases. Cuanto más básico sea el producto ---trátese de -bienes o de servicios--- tanto más tiende la competencia a limitar el -costo de venta del artículo. - -La mayoría de los fabricantes de bienes de consumo se han ido mucho más -a la derecha. Tanto directa como indirectamente, producen demandas de -accesorios que hinchan el precio real de compra muy por encima del coste -de producción. La General Motors y la Ford producen medios de -transporte, pero también, y esto es más importante, manipulan el gusto -del público de manera tal que la necesidad de transporte se expresa como -una demanda de coches privados y no de autobuses públicos. Venden el -deseo de controlar una máquina, correr a grandes velocidades con lujosa -comodidad, al tiempo que ofrecen el espejismo de la evasión. Pero lo que -venden no es tan sólo un asunto de motores inútilmente poderosos, de -artilugios superfluos o de suplementos nuevos que los fabricantes han -tenido que agregar obligados por Ralph Nader y los grupos que presionan -en pro de un aire limpio. La lista de precios incluye dispositivos -anticontaminantes, cinturones de seguridad, climatización; pero también -comprende otros costes que no se le declaran abiertamente al conductor: -los gastos de publicidad y de ventas de la empresa, el combustible, el -mantenimiento y las refacciones, el seguro, el interés sobre el crédito, -como también costes menos tangibles, como la pérdida de tiempo, el buen -humor y el aire respirable en nuestras congestionadas ciudades. - -Un corolario particularmente interesante de nuestro examen de -instituciones socialmente útiles es el sistema de carreteras -``públicas''. Este importante elemento del coste total de los -automóviles merece un análisis más dilatado, pues conduce directamente a -la institución derechista en la que estoy más interesado, a saber, la -escuela. - -\hypertarget{falsos-servicios-de-utilidad-puxfablica}{% -\subsection{Falsos servicios de utilidad -pública}\label{falsos-servicios-de-utilidad-puxfablica}} - -El sistema de carreteras es una red para la locomoción a través de -distancias relativamente grandes. En su condición de red, parecería -corresponderle estar a la izquierda en el espectro institucional. Pero -en este caso debemos hacer una distinción que esclarecerá tanto la -naturaleza de las carreteras como la naturaleza de los verdaderos -servicios de utilidad pública. Los caminos que son genuinamente para -todos, son verdaderos servicios de utilidad pública. Las supercarreteras -son cotos privados, cuyo coste se le encaja parcialmente al público. - -Los sistemas de teléfonos, correos y caminos son redes, y ninguno es -gratis. El acceso a la red de teléfonos está limitado por cobros sobre -tiempo ocupado en cada llamada. Estas tarifas son relativamente bajas y -podrían reducirse sin cambiar la naturaleza del sistema. El uso del -sistema telefónico no está en absoluto limitado por lo que se transmita, -aunque lo emplean mejor quienes pueden hablar frases coherentes en el -lenguaje del interlocutor, una capacidad que poseen todos los que desean -usar la red. El franqueo suele ser barato. El uso del sistema postal se -ve ligeramente limitado por el precio de la pluma y el papel, y algo más -por la capacidad de escribir. Aún así, cuando alguien que no sabe -escribir tiene un pariente o un amigo a quien pueda dictarle una carta, -el sistema postal está a su disposición, tal como lo está si quiere -despachar una cinta grabada. - -El sistema de carreteras no llega a estar disponible de manera similar -para alguien que tan sólo aprenda a conducir. Las redes telefónica y -postal existen para servir a quienes deseen usarlas, mientras el sistema -de carreteras sirve principalmente como accesorio del automóvil privado. -Las primeras son verdaderos servicios de utilidad pública, mientras el -último es un servicio público para los dueños de coches, camiones y -autobuses. Los servicios de utilidad pública existen en pro de la -comunicación entre los hombres: las carreteras, como otras instituciones -de la derecha, existen en pro de un producto. Tal como hicimos notar, -los fabricantes de automóviles \emph{producen} simultáneamente tanto los -coches como la demanda de coches. Asimismo \emph{producen} la demanda de -carreteras de varias vías, puentes y campos petrolíferos. El coche -privado es el foco de una constelación de instituciones del ala derecha. -El elevado coste de cada elemento lo dicta la complicación del producto -básico, y vender el producto básico es enviciar a la sociedad en el -paquete conjunto. - -Planificar un sistema vial como un verdadero servicio de utilidad -pública discriminaría a aquellos para quienes la velocidad y el confort -individualizado son los valores primarios de transporte, y favorecería a -aquellos que valoran la fluidez y el lugar de destino. Es la diferencia -entre una red extendidísima con acceso máximo para los viajeros y otra -que ofrezca sólo un acceso privilegiado a una zona restringida. - -La transferencia de una institución moderna a las naciones en desarrollo -permite probar esto con mejor claridad. En los países muy pobres, los -caminos suelen ser apenas lo bastante buenos como para permitir el -tránsito mediante camiones especiales de eje elevado, cargados de -víveres, reses o personas. Este tipo de país debería usar sus limitados -recursos para construir una telaraña de pistas que llegaran a todas sus -regiones y debería restringir la importancia de vehículos a dos o tres -modelos diferentes muy duraderos que puedan transitar por malos caminos -a baja velocidad. Esto simplificaría el mantenimiento continuo de estos -vehículos y proporcionaría una máxima fluidez y elección de puntos de -destino a todos los ciudadanos. Esto exigiría proyectar vehículos para -todo servicio con la simplicidad del Ford T, utilizando las aleaciones -más modernas para garantizar su durabilidad, con un límite de velocidad -incorporado de unos 25 kilómetros por hora a lo más, y lo bastante firme -como para rodar por el terreno más áspero. No se ofrecen estos vehículos -en el mercado porque no hay demanda de ellos. De hecho sería preciso -cultivar esa demanda, muy posiblemente al amparo de una legislación -estricta. Actualmente, cada vez que una demanda de esta especie se hace -sentir un poco, se le descarta rápida y desdeñosamente mediante una -publicidad contraria, encaminada a la venta universal de las máquinas -que extraen hoy de los contribuyentes estadunidenses el dinero necesario -para construir supercarreteras. - -Para ``mejorar'' el transporte, todos los países, hasta los más pobres, -proyectan ahora sistemas viales concebidos para coches de pasajeros y -remolques de alta velocidad que se ajustan a la minoría, pendiente del -velocímetro, compuesta por productores y consumidores en las clases -selectas. Este planteamiento a menudo se justifica racionalmente -pintándolo como un ahorro del recurso más precioso de un país pobre: el -tiempo del médico, del inspector escolar o del funcionario público. -Estos hombres, naturalmente, sirven casi exclusivamente a la misma gente -que posee un coche o espera tenerlo algún día. Los impuestos locales y -las escasas divisas se derrochan en \emph{falsos servicios de utilidad -pública}. - -La tecnología ``moderna'' transferida a los países pobres puede -dividirse en tres categorías: bienes, fábricas que los hacen e -instituciones de servicios ---principalmente escuelas--- que convierten -a los hombres en productores y consumidores modernos. La mayor parte de -los países gastan la mayor proporción de su presupuesto, y con mucho, en -escuelas. Los graduados fabricados con escuelas crean entonces una -demanda de otros servicios conspicuos de utilidad pública, tales como -potencia industrial, carreteras pavimentadas, hospitales modernos y -aeropuertos, y éstos crean a su vez un mercado para los bienes hechos -para países ricos y, al cabo de un tiempo, la tendencia a importar -fábricas anticuadas para producirlos. - -De todos los ``falsos servicios de utilidad pública'', la escuela es el -más insidioso. Los sistemas de carreteras producen sólo demanda de -coches. Las escuelas crean una demanda para el conjunto completo de -instituciones modernas que llenan el extremo derecho del espectro. A un -hombre que pusiera en duda la necesidad de carreteras se le tacharía de -romántico; al que ponga en tela de juicio la necesidad de escuelas se le -ataca de inmediato: un ser sin entrañas o un imperialista. - -\hypertarget{las-escuelas-como-falsos-servicios-de-utilidad-puxfablica}{% -\subsection{Las escuelas como falsos servicios de utilidad -pública}\label{las-escuelas-como-falsos-servicios-de-utilidad-puxfablica}} - -Al igual que las carreteras, las escuelas dan a primera vista la -impresión de estar igualmente abiertas para todos los interesados. De -hecho están abiertas sólo para quienes renueven sin cejar sus -credenciales. Así como las carreteras crean la impresión de que su nivel -actual de costes anuales es necesario para que la gente pueda moverse, -así se supone que las escuelas son indispensables para alcanzar la -competencia que exige una sociedad que use la tecnología moderna. Hemos -expuesto las autopistas como servicios de utilidad pública espurios -observando cómo dependen de los automóviles privados. Las escuelas se -fundan en la hipótesis igualmente espuria de que el aprendizaje es el -resultado de la enseñanza curricular. - -Las carreteras son las consecuencias del deseo y la necesidad de -movilizarse que se pervierten para convertirlos en demanda de coches -privados. Las escuelas pervierten la natural inclinación a desarrollarse -y aprender convirtiéndola en demanda de instrucción. La demanda de una -madurez manufacturada es mucho más la abnegación de la actividad -iniciada por uno mismo que la demanda de bienes manufacturados. Las -escuelas no sólo están a la derecha de las carreteras y los coches, -tienen su lugar cerca del extremo del espectro institucional ocupado por -los asilos totales. Incluso los productores de recuentos de cuerpos -matan solamente cuerpos. Al hacer que los hombres abdiquen de la -responsabilidad de su propio desarrollo, la escuela conduce a muchos a -una especie de suicidio espiritual. - -Las carreteras las pagan en parte quienes las utilizan, puesto que los -peajes e impuestos al combustible se obtienen sólo de los conductores. -La escuela, en cambio, es un sistema perfecto de tributación regresiva, -en el que los privilegios cabalgan sobre el lomo de todo público -pagador. La escuela fija un gravamen por cabeza sobre la promoción. El -subconsumo de distancias recorridas por carretera no es nunca tan -costoso como el subconsumo de escolarización. El hombre que no posea un -coche en Los Ángeles posiblemente esté casi inmovilizado, pero si se -ingenia de algún modo para llegar a su lugar de trabajo, podrá conseguir -y conservar un empleo. El desertor escolar carece de vía alternativa. El -habitante suburbano en su Lincoln nuevo y su primo campesino que conduce -una vieja carcacha se aprovechan más o menos igual de la carretera, -aunque el vehículo del uno cueste 30 veces más que el del otro. El valor -de la escolarización de un hombre es función del número de años que ha -permanecido en escuelas y de la carestía de éstas. La ley no obliga a -conducir, en cambio obliga a ir a la escuela. - -El análisis de las instituciones según su actual emplazamiento en un -espectro continuo izquierda-derecha me permite esclarecer mi convicción -de que el cambio social fundamental debe comenzar con un cambio en la -conciencia que se tiene de las instituciones y explicar por qué la -dimensión de un futuro viable recae en el rejuvenecimiento del estilo -institucional. - -Durante la década 1960-1970, unas instituciones, nacidas en diversas -épocas después de la Revolución francesa, llegaron a su vejez; los -sistemas de escuelas públicas fundados en la época de Jefferson o de -Atatürk, junto con otros que se iniciaron después de la segunda Guerra -Mundial, se hicieron todos burocráticos, autojustificantes y -manipulativos. Lo mismo les ocurrió a los sistemas de seguridad social, -a los sindicatos, a las principales Iglesias y cuerpos diplomáticos, a -la atención de los ancianos y a los servicios funerarios. - -Por ejemplo, hoy en día hay un mayor parecido ente los sistemas -escolares de Colombia, Inglaterra, la Unión Soviética y Estados Unidos, -que entre las escuelas de este último de fines del siglo pasado y las de -hoy o las de Rusia en ese tiempo. Las escuelas son hoy obligatorias, sin -término definido y competitivo. Esa misma convergencia en el estilo -institucional afecta la atención médica, la comercialización, la -administración de personal y la vida política. Todos estos procesos -institucionales tienden a apilarse en el extremo manipulativo del -espectro. - -La consecuencia de esta convergencia de instituciones es la fusión de -burocracias mundiales. El estilo, el sistema de ordenamiento jerárquico -y la parafernalia (desde el libro de texto a la computadora) se -normalizan en los consejos de planificación de Costa Rica o de -Afganistán, según los modelos de Europa occidental. - -Las burocracias parecen centrarse en todas partes en la misma tarea: -promover el crecimiento de las instituciones de la derecha. Se ocupan de -la fabricación de cosas, la fabricación de normas rituales y la -fabricación ---y remodelación--- de la ``verdad ejecutiva'', la -ideología o el \emph{fiat} que establece el valor presente que debiera -atribuirse a lo que ellas producen. La tecnología proporciona a estas -burocracias un poder creciente a la mano derecha de la sociedad. La mano -izquierda parece marchitarse y no porque la tecnología sea menos capaz -de aumentar el ámbito de la actividad humana y de proporcionar tiempo -para el despliegue de la imaginación individual y para la creatividad -personal, sino porque ese uso de la tecnología no aumenta el poder de la -élite que la administra. El director de correos no tiene control sobre -el uso esencial de ese servicio; la telefonista o el directivo de la -compañía telefónica carecen de poder para impedir que se preparen -adulterios, asesinatos o subversiones usando sus líneas. - -En la elección entre la derecha y la izquierda institucional está en -juego la naturaleza misma de la vida humana. El hombre debe elegir entre -ser rico en cosas o tener libertad para usarlas. Debe elegir entre -estilos alternativos de vida y programas conexos de producción. - -Aristóteles ya había descubierto que ``hacer y actuar'' son diferentes, -y de hecho tan diferentes que lo uno jamás incluye lo otro. ``Porque ni -es el actuar una manera de hacer, ni el hacer una manera del verdadero -actuar. La arquitectura \emph{techne} es una manera de hacer\ldots{} dar -nacimiento a algo cuyo origen está en su hacedor y no en la cosa. El -hacer siempre tiene una finalidad que no es él mismo, y no así la -acción, puesto que la buena acción es en sí misma un fin. La perfección -en el hacer es un arte; la perfección en el actuar, una -virtud.''\footnote{\emph{Ética a Nicómaco} , 1140.} La palabra que -Aristóteles usó para hacer fue \emph{poesis} , y la que usó para actuar, -\emph{praxis}. El movimiento hacia la derecha de una institución indica -que se la está reestructurando para aumentar su capacidad de ``hacer'', -mientras que si se desplaza hacia la izquierda indica que se la está -reestructurando para permitir un mayor ``actuar'' o ``praxis''. La -tecnología moderna ha aumentado la capacidad del hombre para dejar a las -máquinas el ``hacer'' cosas y ha aumentado el tiempo que puede dedicar a -``actuar''. El ``hacer'' las cosas cotidianas imprescindibles ha dejado -de ocupar su tiempo. El desempleo es la consecuencia de esta -modernización: es la ociosidad del hombre para quien no hay nada que -``hacer'' y que no sabe cómo ``actuar''. El desempleo es la triste -ociosidad del hombre que, al revés de Aristóteles, cree que hacer cosas -o trabajar es virtuoso y que la ociosidad es mala. El desempleo es la -experiencia del hombre que ha sucumbido a la ética protestante. Según -Weber, el hombre necesita el ocio para poder trabajar. Según -Aristóteles, el trabajo es necesario para poder tener ocio. - -La tecnología proporciona al hombre tiempo discrecional que puede llenar -ya sea haciendo, ya sea actuando. Toda nuestra cultura tiene abierta -ahora la opción entre un triste desempleo o un ocio feliz. Depende del -estilo institucional que la cultura elija. Esta elección habría sido -inconcebible en una cultura antigua fundada en la agricultura campesina -o en la esclavitud. Ha llegado a ser inevitable para el hombre -posindustrial. - -Una manera de llenar el tiempo disponible es estimular mayores demandas -de consumo de bienes y, simultáneamente, de producción de servicios. Lo -primero implica una economía que proporciona una falange cada vez mayor -de cosas siempre novedosas que pueden hacerse, consumirse y someterse a -reciclaje. Lo segundo implica el vano intento de ``hacer'' acciones -virtuosas, haciendo aparecer como tales los productos de las -instituciones de ``servicios''. Esto conduce a la identificación de la -escolaridad con la educación, del servicio médico con la salud, de los -programas con la recreación, de la velocidad con la locomoción eficaz. -La primera opción lleva ahora el apodo de \emph{desarrollo.} - -La manera radicalmente alternativa de llenar el tiempo disponible -consiste en una gama limitada de bienes más durables y en proporcionar -acceso a instituciones que puedan aumentar la oportunidad y apetencia de -las acciones humanas recíprocas. - -Una economía de bienes duraderos es exactamente lo contrario de una -economía fundada en la obsolescencia programada. Una economía de bienes -duraderos significa una restricción en la lista de mercancías. Los -bienes habrían de ser de tal especie que diesen un máximo de oportunidad -para ``actuar'' en algo con ellos: artículos hechos para montarlos uno -mismo, para autoayudarse, para su reempleo y reparación. - -El complemento de una lista de bienes durables, reparables y -reutilizables no es un aumento de servicios producidos -institucionalmente, sino más bien una estructura institucional que -eduque constantemente en la acción, en la participación, en la -autoayuda. El movimiento de nuestra sociedad desde el presente ---en el -que todas las instituciones gravitan hacia una burocracia -posindustrial--- a un futuro de convivencialidad posindustrial ---en el -que la intensidad de la acción sería preponderante sobre la -producción--- debe comenzar con una renovación del estilo de las -instituciones de servicio y, antes que nada, por una renovación de la -educación. Un futuro deseable y factible depende de nuestra disposición -a invertir nuestro saber tecnológico en el desarrollo de instituciones -convivenciales. En el terreno de las investigaciones sobre educación, -esto equivale a exigir que se trastroquen las tendencias actuales. - -\hypertarget{compatibilidades-irracionales}{% -\section{Compatibilidades -irracionales}\label{compatibilidades-irracionales}} - -\footnote{Este capítulo fue presentado originalmente en una sesión de la - American Educational Research Association, en la ciudad de Nueva York, - el 6 de febrero de 1971.} Creo que la crisis contemporánea de la -educación nos obliga más bien a modificar la idea de un aprendizaje -públicamente prescrito y no los métodos usados para hacerlo cumplir. La -proporción de desertores ---especialmente de alumnos de los primeros -años de bachillerato y de maestros de primaria--- señala que las bases -están pidiendo un enfoque totalmente nuevo. Al ``practicante del aula'' -que se estima un profesor liberal se le ataca cada vez más por todos -lados. El movimiento pro escuela libre, que confunde disciplina con -adoctrinamiento, le ha adjudicado el papel de elemento destructivo y -autoritario. El tecnólogo educativo demuestra sostenidamente la -inferioridad del profesor para medir y modificar la conducta. Y la -administración escolar para la que trabaja lo obliga a inclinarse tanto -ante Summerhill como ante Skinner, poniendo en evidencia que el -aprendizaje obligatorio no puede ser una empresa liberal. No debe -asombrar que el índice de maestros desertores esté superando el de los -alumnos. - -El compromiso que Estados Unidos ha contraído de educar obligatoriamente -a sus menores se demuestra tan vano como el pretendido compromiso -norteamericano de democratizar obligatoriamente a los vietnamitas. Las -escuelas convencionales obviamente no pueden hacerlo. El movimiento pro -escuela libre seduce a los educadores no convencionales, pero en -definitiva lo hace en apoyo de la ideología convencional de la -escolarización. Y lo que prometen los tecnólogos de la educación, a -saber, que sus investigaciones y desarrollo ---si se les dota de fondos -suficientes--- pueden ofrecer alguna especie de solución final a la -resistencia de la juventud contra el aprendizaje obligatorio, suena tan -confiado y demuestra ser tan fatuo como las promesas hechas por los -tecnólogos militares. - -Las críticas dirigidas contra el sistema escolar estadunidense por parte -de los conductistas, y las que provienen de la nueva raza de educadores -raciales, parecen diametralmente opuestas. Los conductistas aplican las -investigaciones sobre educación a la ``inducción de instrucción -autotélica mediante paquetes de aprendizaje individualizados''. El -estilo conductista choca con la idea de hacer que los jóvenes ingresen -por voluntad propia en unas comunas liberadas que les invitan a -ingresar, las cuales estarían supervisadas por adultos. No obstante, -bajo una perspectiva histórica, ambas no son sino manifestaciones -contemporáneas de las metas, aparentemente contradictorias, pero en -verdad complementarias, del sistema escolar público. Desde los comienzos -de este siglo, las escuelas han sido protagonistas del control social -por una parte y de la cooperación libre por la otra, poniéndose ambos -aspectos al servicio de la ``buena sociedad'' a la que se concibe como -una estructura corporativa altamente organizada y de suave -funcionamiento. Sometidos al impacto de una urbanización intensa, los -niños se convierten en un recurso natural que las escuelas han de -moldear para luego alimentar la máquina industrial. Las políticas -progresistas y el culto a la eficiencia coincidieron con el crecimiento -de la escuela pública estadunidense.\footnote{Véase Joel Spring, - \emph{Education and the Rise of the Corporate State} , Cuaderno núm. - 50, Centro Intercultural de Documentación, Cuernavaca, México, 1971.} -La orientación vocacional y la \emph{junior highschool}\footnote{Equivalente - a los grados primero, segundo y tercero de secundaria, o los antiguos - tres primeros años de bachillerato ---cuando había seis---. (T.)} -fueron dos importantes resultados de este tipo de conceptos. - -Parece, por consiguiente, que el intento de producir cambios específicos -en el comportamiento, que puedan medirse y de los que pueda -responsabilizarse al encargado del proceso, es sólo el anverso de la -medalla, cuyo reverso es la pacificación de la nueva generación dentro -de enclaves especialmente proyectados que los inducirán a entrar en el -sueño de sus mayores. Estos seres pacificados en sociedad están bien -descritos por Dewey, quien quiere que ``hagamos de cada una de nuestras -escuelas una vida comunitaria en embrión, activa, con tipos de -ocupaciones que reflejen la vida de la sociedad en pleno, y la -\emph{impregnen} con el espíritu del arte, de la historia, de la -ciencia''. Bajo esta perspectiva histórica, sería un grave error -interpretar la actual controversia a tres bandas entre el -establecimiento escolar, los tecnólogos de la educación y las escuelas -libres como el preludio de una revolución en la educación. Esta -controversia refleja más bien una etapa de un intento para convertir a -grandes trancos un viejo sueño en hecho y convertir finalmente todo -aprendizaje valedero en el resultado de una enseñanza profesional. La -mayoría de las alternativas educativas propuestas convergen hacia metas -que son inmanentes a la producción del hombre cooperativo cuyas -necesidades individuales se satisfacen mediante su especialización en el -sistema estadunidense: están orientadas hacia el mejoramiento de lo que -yo llamo ---a falta de una mejor expresión--- la sociedad escolarizada. -Incluso los críticos aparentemente radicales del sistema escolar no -están dispuestos a abandonar la idea de que tienen una obligación para -con los jóvenes, especialmente para con los pobres, la obligación de -hacerlos pasar por el proceso, sea mediante amor o mediante odio, para -meterlos en una sociedad que necesita especialización disciplinada tanto -de sus productores como de sus consumidores y, asimismo, el pleno -compromiso de todos ellos con la ideología que antepone a todo el -crecimiento económico. - -La disensión enmascara la contradicción inherente a la idea misma de -escuela. Los sindicatos establecidos de profesores, los brujos de la -tecnología y los movimientos de liberación escolar refuerzan el -compromiso de la sociedad entera con los axiomas fundamentales de un -mundo escolarizado, más o menos del modo en que muchos movimientos -pacifistas y de protesta refuerzan el compromiso de sus miembros ---sean -negros, mujeres, jóvenes o pobres--- con la búsqueda de justicia -mediante el crecimiento del ingreso nacional bruto. - -Es fácil anotar algunos de los postulados que ahora pasan inadvertidos a -la crítica. En primer lugar está la creencia compartida de que la -conducta que se ha adquirido ante los ojos de un pedagogo es de especial -valor para el alumno y de especial provecho para la sociedad. Esto está -relacionado con el supuesto de que el hombre social nace sólo en la -adolescencia, y que nace adecuadamente sólo si madura en la -escuela-matriz, que algunos desean hacer dulce mediante el -\emph{laissez-faire,}\footnote{En francés, en el original.} otros -quieren llenar de artilugios mecánicos y unos terceros buscan barnizar -con una tradición liberal. Está finalmente una visión común de la -juventud, psicológicamente romántica y políticamente conservadora. Según -esta visión, los cambios de la sociedad deben llevarse a cabo agobiando -a los jóvenes con la responsabilidad de transformarla ---pero sólo -después de que en su momento se han liberado de la escuela---. Para una -sociedad fundada en tales postulados es fácil ir creando un sentido de -su responsabilidad respecto de la educación de la nueva generación, y -esto inevitablemente significa que algunos hombres pueden fijar, -especificar y evaluar las metas personales de otros. En un ``párrafo -tomado de una enciclopedia china imaginaria'' Jorge Luis Borges trata de -evocar el mareo que debe producir ese intento. Nos dice que los animales -están divididos en las clases siguientes: `` \emph{a)} pertenecientes al -Emperador, \emph{b)} embalsamados, \emph{c)} amaestrados, \emph{d)} -lechones, \emph{e)} sirenas, \emph{f)} fabulosos, \emph{g)} perros -sueltos, \emph{h)} incluidos en esta clasificación, \emph{i)} que se -agitan como locos, \emph{j)} innumerables, \emph{k)} dibujados con un -pincel finísimo de pelo de camello, \emph{l)} etcétera, \emph{m)} que -acaban de romper el jarrón, \emph{n)} que de lejos parecen moscas''. -Ahora bien, semejante taxonomía no aparece a menos que alguien estime -que puede servir para sus fines: en este caso, supongo, ese alguien era -un cobrador de impuestos. Para él, al menos, esta taxonomía bestiaria -\emph{tiene} que haber tenido sentido, tal como la taxonomía de -objetivos educativos tiene sentido para los autores científicos. - -La visión de hombres dotados de una lógica tan inescrutable, y -autorizados para evaluar su ganado, debe haber producido en el campesino -un helado sentimiento de impotencia. Los estudiantes, por motivos -parecidos, tienden a sentirse paranoicos cuando se someten seriamente a -un currículum. Inevitablemente se asustan aún más que mi imaginario -campesino chino, porque no es su ganado, sino sus objetivos vitales los -que están siendo marcados con un signo inescrutable. - -Este pasaje de Borges es fascinante, porque evoca la lógica de la -\emph{compatibilidad irracional} que hace a las burocracias de Kafka y -de Koestler tan siniestras y no obstante tan evocadoras de la vida -cotidiana. El encadenamiento implacable de las reglas parece embrujar a -quienes se vuelven cómplices de ellas y los empuja a hacer prueba de una -disciplina todavía más ciega. Es la lógica creada por la conducta -burocrática. Y se convierte en la lógica de una sociedad que exige que a -los administradores de sus instituciones educativas se les considere -públicamente responsables de la modificación del comportamiento que -producen en sus clientes. Los estudiantes a los que se puede motivar -para valorar los paquetes educativos que sus profesores les obligan a -consumir son comparables a los campesinos chinos que pueden ajustar sus -rebaños al formulario de impuestos que ofrece Borges. - -Durante el transcurso de las dos últimas generaciones triunfó en algún -momento en la cultura norteamericana un compromiso con la terapia, y -vino a considerarse a los profesores como los terapeutas cuyas recetas -todos los hombres necesitan, si es que desean gozar de la libertad y la -igualdad con las cuales, según la Constitución, han nacido. - -Ahora los profesores-terapeutas siguen adelante al proponer como paso -siguiente el tratamiento educativo vitalicio. El \emph{estudio} de este -tratamiento está sujeto a discusión: ¿debiera adoptar la forma de una -asistencia constante de los adultos al aula? ¿O la de éxtasis -electrónico? ¿O de sesiones periódicas de sensibilización? Todos los -educadores están prontos a conspirar para extender los muros del aula y -agrandarla, con la meta de transformar la cultura completa en una -escuela. - -Detrás de la retórica y del alboroto, la controversia sobre el futuro de -la educación que tiene lugar en Estados Unidos es más conservadora que -el debate en otros ámbitos de la política común. Respecto de las -relaciones exteriores, por lo menos, una minoría organizada nos recuerda -constantemente que el país debe renunciar a su papel de policía del -mundo. Los economistas radicales, y ahora incluso sus profesores, menos -radicales, ponen en duda la convivencia del crecimiento conjunto como -meta. Hay grupos de presión para favorecer la medicina preventiva y no -la curativa y otros propugnan por la fluidez en vez de la velocidad en -el transporte. Sólo en el ámbito de la educación permanecen dispersas -las voces articuladas que piden una desescolarización radical de la -sociedad. Existe una carencia de argumentación persuasiva y de un -liderazgo maduro encaminados a quitar el apoyo oficial a todas y cada -una de las instituciones que tienen por fin el \emph{aprendizaje} -obligatorio. Por el momento, la desescolarización radical de la sociedad -es todavía una causa sin partido. Esto sorprende especialmente en un -periodo de resistencia creciente, aunque caótica, a todas las formas de -instrucción planificada institucionalmente, por parte de los jóvenes de -12 a 17 años. - -Los innovadores educativos siguen suponiendo que las instituciones -educativas funcionan como embudos para los programas que ellos envasan. -Para los fines de mi argumento da lo mismo que estos embudos tengan la -forma de un aula, de un transmisor de televisión o de una ``zona -liberada''. Es igualmente ajeno al asunto si los envases suministrados -son ricos o pobres, calientes o fríos, duros y mensurables (como -Matemáticas III) o imposibles de evaluar (como la sensibilización). Lo -que interesa es que se suponga que la educación es el resultado de un -proceso institucional dirigido por el educador. Mientras las relaciones -continúen siendo aquellas que existen entre un proveedor y un -consumidor, el trabajo de investigación sobre educación continuará -siendo un proceso circular. Acumulará pruebas científicas en apoyo de la -necesidad de más paquetes educativos y del perfeccionamiento de los -métodos de entrega, tal como cierta rama de las ciencias sociales puede -probar la necesidad de acrecentar la distribución de los productos de la -institución militar. - -Una revolución educativa se apoya en una doble inversión: una nueva -orientación del trabajo de investigación y una nueva comprensión del -estilo educativo de una contracultura emergente. - -La investigación operativa trata ahora de optimizar la eficiencia de una -estructura heredada ---un marco de referencia que jamás se pone en tela -de juicio---. Este marco de referencia tiene la estructura sintáctica de -un embudo para paquetes de enseñanza. La alternativa sintáctica respecto -del mismo es una red o trama educativa para el montaje autónomo de -recursos bajo el control personal de cada aprendiz. Esta estructura -alternativa de una institución educativa yace ahora en el punto ciego -conceptual de nuestra investigación operativa. Si la investigación se -enfocara en él, ello constituiría una auténtica revolución científica. - -El punto ciego de los trabajos de investigación en educación refleja la -parcialidad cultural de una sociedad en la que el crecimiento -tecnológico se ha confundido con el control tecnocrático. Para el -tecnócrata, el valor de un entorno aumenta conforme pueda programarse un -mayor número de contactos entre un hombre y su medio ambiente. Es este -mundo, las elecciones abiertas para el observador o el planificador -deben estar acordes con los deseos de quienes están sometidos a una -observación y a quienes se denomina los ``beneficiarios''. La libertad -se reduce a la elección entre unas mercancías envasadas. - -La contracultura emergente afirma los valores del contenido semántico -por encima de la eficiencia de una sintaxis mayor y más rígida. Valora -la riqueza de la connotación por encima del poder de la sintaxis para -producir riquezas. Valora la consecuencia imprevisible de la instrucción -profesional. Esta reorientación hacia la sorpresa personal, y no hacia -los valores producidos por la institución, es capaz de perturbar el -orden establecido hasta que podamos separar la creciente disponibilidad -de las herramientas tecnológicas que facilitan el encuentro del -creciente control del tecnócrata sobre lo que ocurre cuando la gente se -reúne. - -Nuestras actuales instituciones educativas están al servicio de las -metas del profesor. Las estructuras de relación que necesitamos son las -que permitan a cada hombre definirse él mismo aprendiendo y -contribuyendo al aprendizaje de otros. - -\hypertarget{tramas-del-aprendizaje}{% -\section{Tramas del aprendizaje}\label{tramas-del-aprendizaje}} - -En un capítulo anterior examiné aquello que se está convirtiendo en una -queja común acerca de las escuelas una queja que se hace sentir por -ejemplo, en un informe reciente de la Carnegie Commission: en las -escuelas los alumnos matriculados se someten ante maestros diplomados a -fin de obtener sus propios diplomas; ambos quedan frustrados y ambos -culpan a los recursos insuficientes ---dinero, tiempo o edificios--- de -su mutua frustración. - -Una crítica semejante conduce a muchos a pensar si no será posible -concebir un estilo diferente de aprendizaje. Paradójicamente, si a esas -mismas personas se les insta a especificar cómo adquirieron lo que saben -y estiman, admitirán prontamente que con mayor frecuencia lo aprendieron -fuera y no dentro de la escuela. Su conocimiento de hechos, lo que -entienden de la vida y de su trabajo les vino de la amistad o del amor, -de leer, del ejemplo de sus iguales o de la incitación de un encuentro -callejero. O tal vez aprendieron lo que saben por medio del ritual de -iniciación de una pandilla callejera, de un hospital, de la redacción de -un periódico, de un taller de fontanería o de una oficina de seguros. La -alternativa a la dependencia respecto de las escuelas no es el uso de -recursos públicos para algún nuevo dispositivo que ``haga'' aprender a -la gente; es más bien la creación de un nuevo estilo de relación -educativa entre el hombre y su medio. Para propiciar este estilo será -necesaria una modificación de la idea que nos hacemos del crecimiento, -de los útiles necesarios para aprender y de la calidad y estructura de -la vida cotidiana. - -Las actitudes ya están cambiando. Ha desaparecido la orgullosa -dependencia respecto de la escuela. En la industria del conocimiento se -acrecienta la resistencia del consumidor. Muchos profesores y alumnos, -contribuyentes y patronos, economistas y policías, preferirían no seguir -dependiendo de las escuelas. Lo que impide que su frustración dé forma a -otras instituciones es una carencia no sólo de imaginación, sino -también, con frecuencia, de un lenguaje apropiado y de un interés -personal ilustrado. No pueden visualizar ya sea una sociedad -desescolarizada, ya sean unas instituciones educativas en una sociedad -que haya privado de apoyo oficial a la escuela. - -En este capítulo me propongo mostrar que lo contrario de la escuela es -posible: que podemos apoyarnos en el aprendizaje automotivado en vez de -contratar profesores para sobornar u obligar al estudiante a hallar el -tiempo y la voluntad de aprender, que podemos proporcionar al aprendiz -nuevos vínculos con el mundo en vez de continuar canalizando todos los -programas educativos por medio del profesor. Examinaré algunas de las -características que distinguen la escolarización del aprendizaje y -esbozaré cuatro categorías principales de instituciones que serían -atractivas no sólo para muchas personas, sino también para muchos grupos -de intereses comunes. - -\hypertarget{una-objeciuxf3n-a-quiuxe9n-pueden-servirle-unos-puentes-hacia-la-nada}{% -\subsection{Una objeción a quién pueden servirle unos puentes hacia la -nada}\label{una-objeciuxf3n-a-quiuxe9n-pueden-servirle-unos-puentes-hacia-la-nada}} - -Estamos acostumbrados a considerar las escuelas como una variable que -depende de la estructura política y económica. Si podemos cambiar el -estilo de la dirección política o promover los intereses de una clase u -otra, suponemos que el sistema escolar cambiará también. En cambio, las -instituciones educativas que propondré están ideadas para servir a una -sociedad que no existe ahora, aunque la actual frustración respecto de -las escuelas tiene en sí el potencial de una fuerza importante para -poner en movimiento un cambio hacia nuevas configuraciones sociales. -Contra este planteamiento se ha suscitado una objeción de peso: ¿por qué -canalizar energías para construir puentes hacia ninguna parte, en vez de -organizarlas primero para cambiar no las escuelas, sino el sistema -político y económico? - -No obstante, esta objeción subestima la naturaleza política y económica -del sistema escolar en sí, así como el potencial político inherente a -cualquier oposición eficaz a ella. - -En un sentido fundamental, las escuelas han dejado de ser dependientes -de la ideología profesada por cualquier gobierno u organización de -mercados. Otras instituciones pueden diferir de un país a otro: la -familia, el partido, la Iglesia, la prensa. Pero el sistema escolar -tiene por doquier la misma estructura, y en todas partes el currículum -oculto tiene el mismo efecto. De modo invariable, modela al consumidor -que valora los bienes institucionales sobre los servicios no -profesionales de un prójimo. - -El currículum oculto de la escolarización inicia en todas partes al -ciudadano en el mito de que algunas burocracias guiadas por el -conocimiento científico son eficientes y benevolentes. Por doquiera, -este mismo currículum inculca en el alumno el mito de que la mayor -producción proporcionará una vida mejor. Y por doquiera crea el hábito ----que se contradice a sí mismo--- de consumo de servicios y de -producción enajenante, la tolerancia ante la dependencia institucional y -el reconocimiento de los escalafones institucionales. El currículum -oculto sustenta la tolerancia ante la dependencia institucional, el -reconocimiento por los profesores y cualquiera que sea la ideología -preponderante. - -En otras palabras, las escuelas son fundamentalmente semejantes en todos -los países, sean éstos fascistas, democráticos o socialistas, grandes o -pequeños, ricos o pobres. La identidad del sistema escolar nos obliga a -reconocer la profunda identidad en todo el mundo, del mito, del modo de -producción y del método de control social, pese a la gran variedad de -mitologías en las cuales encuentra expresión el mito. - -En vista de esta identidad, es ilusorio pretender que las escuelas son, -en algún sentido profundo, unas variables dependientes. Esto significa -que esperar un cambio social o económico concebido convencionalmente, es -también una ilusión. Más aún, esta ilusión concede a la escuela ---el -órgano de reproducción de la sociedad de consumo--- una inmunidad casi -indiscutida. - -Al llegar a este punto es cuando adquiere importancia el ejemplo de -China. Durante tres milenios, China protegió el aprendizaje superior por -medio de un divorcio total entre el proceso del aprendizaje y el -privilegio conferido por los exámenes para optar a altos cargos -públicos. Para llegar a ser una potencia mundial y una nación-Estado -moderno, China tuvo que adoptar el estilo internacional de -escolarización. Sólo una mirada retrospectiva nos permitirá descubrir si -la Gran Revolución Cultural resultará haber sido el primer intento -logrado de desescolarizar las instituciones de la sociedad. - -Incluso la creación a retazos de nuevos organismos educativos que fuesen -lo inverso de la escuela sería un ataque sobre el eslabón más sensible -de un fenómeno ubicuo, el cual es organizado por el Estado en todos los -países. Un programa político que no reconozca explícitamente la -necesidad de la desescolarización no es revolucionario; es demagogia que -pide más de lo mismo. Todo programa político importante de esta década -debiera medirse con este rasero: ¿hasta dónde es claro afirmar la -necesidad de la desescolarización ---y qué directrices ofrece para -asignar la calidad educativa de la sociedad hacia la cual se -encamina---? - -La lucha contra el dominio que ejercen el mercado mundial y la política -de las grandes potencias puede estar fuera del alcance de ciertas -comunidades o países pobres, pero esta debilidad es una razón más para -hacer hincapié en la importancia que tiene liberar a cada sociedad -mediante una inversión de su estructura educativa, cambio este que no -está más allá de los medios de ninguna sociedad. - -\hypertarget{caracteruxedsticas-generales-de-unas-nuevas-instituciones-educativas-formales}{% -\subsection{Características generales de unas nuevas instituciones -educativas -formales}\label{caracteruxedsticas-generales-de-unas-nuevas-instituciones-educativas-formales}} - -Un buen sistema educativo debería tener tres objetivos: proporcionar a -todos aquellos que lo quieren el acceso a recursos disponibles en -cualquier momento de sus vidas; dotar a todos los que quieran compartir -lo que saben del poder de encontrar a quienes quieran aprender de ellos, -y, finalmente, dar a todo aquel que quiera presentar al público un tema -de debate la oportunidad de dar a conocer su argumento. Un sistema como -éste exigiría que se aplicaran a la educación unas garantías -constitucionales. Los aprendices no podrían ser sometidos a un -currículum obligatorio o a una discriminación fundada en la posesión o -carencia de un certificado o diploma. Ni se obligaría tampoco al público -a mantener, mediante una retribución regresiva, un gigantesco aparato -profesional de educadores y edificios que de hecho disminuye las -posibilidades que el público tiene de acceder a los servicios que la -profesión está dispuesta a ofrecer en el mercado. Debería usar la -tecnología moderna para lograr que la libre expresión, la libre reunión -y la prensa libre fuesen universales y, por consiguiente, plenamente -educativas. - -Las escuelas están proyectadas a partir del supuesto de que cada cosa en -la vida tiene un secreto; de que la calidad de la vida depende de -conocer ese secreto; de que los secretos pueden conocerse en ordenadas -sucesiones, y de que sólo los profesores pueden revelar adecuadamente -esos secretos. Una persona de mente escolarizada concibe el mundo como -una pirámide de paquetes clasificados accesible sólo a aquellos que -llevan los rótulos apropiados. Las nuevas instituciones educativas -destrozarían esta pirámide. Su propósito debe ser facilitar el acceso al -aprendiz, permitirle mirar al interior de la sala de control o del -parlamento, si no puede entrar por la puerta. Además, esas nuevas -instituciones deberían ser canales a los que el aprendiz tuviese acceso -sin credenciales ni títulos de linaje ---espacios públicos en los que -iguales y mayores situados fuera de su horizonte inmediato se harían -accesibles---. - -Pienso que no más de cuatro ---y posiblemente hasta tres--- ``canales'' -distintos o centros de intercambio podrían contener todos los recursos -necesarios para el aprendizaje real. El niño crece en un mundo de cosas, -rodeado de personas que sirven de modelos para habilidades y valores. -Encuentra seres como él, sus iguales, que le incitan a discutir, a -competir, a cooperar, a entender, y si el niño es afortunado, se ve -expuesto a la confrontación o a la crítica de un mayor experimentado que -realmente se preocupe. Cosas, modelos, iguales y mayores son cuatro -recursos, cada uno de los cuales requiere un tipo diferente de -ordenamiento para asegurar que todos tengan acceso a él. - -Usaré las palabras ``trama de oportunidad'' en vez de ``red'' para -designar las maneras específicas de proporcionar acceso a cada uno de -los cuatro conjuntos de recursos. Desafortunadamente, ``red'' se emplea -con frecuencia para designar los canales reservados a los materiales -seleccionados por terceros para el adoctrinamiento, la instrucción y la -recreación. Pero también puede usarse para los servicios postal o -telefónico, que son primariamente accesibles para personas que quieren -enviarse mensajes entre sí. Ojalá tuviésemos otra palabra para designar -tales estructuras reticulares a fin de tener un acceso recíproco, una -palabra que no evocase tanto una trampa, menos degradada por el uso -corriente, y que sugiriese más el hecho de que cualquier ordenamiento de -esta especie abarca aspectos legales, organizativos y técnicos. No -habiendo hallado dicho término, trataré de redimir el único disponible, -usándolo como sinónimo de ``trama educativa''. - -Lo que se precisa son nuevas redes, de la cuales el público pueda -disponer fácilmente y que estén concebidas para difundir una igualdad de -oportunidades para aprender y enseñar. - -Para dar un ejemplo: en la televisión y en los magnetófonos se usa el -mismo nivel de tecnología. Todos los países latinoamericanos han -introducido la televisión: en Bolivia, el gobierno financió una estación -transmisora de televisión, que se construyó hace siete años, y no hay -más de 7 000 televisores para cuatro millones de ciudadanos. El dinero -empozado hoy en instalaciones de televisión por toda América Latina -podría haber dotado de magnetófonos a un ciudadano de cada cinco. -Además, el dinero habría bastado para proporcionar un número casi -ilimitado de cintas grabadas, con puestos de entrega incluso en aldeas -perdidas, como también para un amplio suministro de cintas no grabadas. - -Esta red de magnetófonos sería, por supuesto, radicalmente diferente de -la red actual de televisión. Proporcionaría oportunidades a la libre -expresión: letrados y analfabetos podrían, por igual, registrar, -preservar, difundir y repetir sus opiniones. La inversión actual en -televisión, en cambio, proporciona a los burócratas, sean políticos o -educadores, el poder de rociar el continente con programas producidos -institucionalmente, que ellos ---o sus patrocinadores--- deciden que son -buenos para el pueblo o que éste los pide. - -\hypertarget{cuatro-redes}{% -\subsection{Cuatro redes}\label{cuatro-redes}} - -El planteamiento de nuevas instituciones educativas no debiera comenzar -por las metas administrativas de un rector director, ni por las metas -pedagógicas de un educador profesional, ni por las metas de aprendizaje -de una clase hipotética de personas. No debe iniciarse con la pregunta: -``¿Qué debiera aprender alguien?'', sino con la pregunta: ``¿Con qué -tipos de cosas y personas podrían querer ponerse en contacto los que -buscan aprender a fin de aprender?'' - -Alguien que quiera aprender sabe que necesita tanto información como -reacción crítica respecto del uso de esta información por parte de otra -persona. La información puede almacenarse en personas y en cosas. En un -buen sistema educativo el acceso a las cosas debiera estar disponible -con sólo pedirlo el aprendiz, mientras el acceso a los informantes -requeriría además el conocimiento de terceros. La crítica puede asimismo -provenir de dos direcciones: de los iguales o de los mayores, esto es, -de compañeros de aprendizaje cuyos intereses inmediatos concuerden con -los míos, o de aquellos que me concederán una parte de su experiencia -superior. Los iguales pueden ser colegas con quienes suscitar un debate, -compañeros para una caminata o lectura juguetona y deleitable (o ardua), -retadores en cualquier clase de juegos. Los mayores pueden ser asesores -acerca de qué destreza aprender, qué método usar, qué compañía buscar en -un momento dado. Pueden ser guías respecto a la pregunta correcta que -hay que plantear entre iguales y a la deficiencia de las respuestas a -que lleguen. La mayoría de estos recursos son abundantes. Pero -convencionalmente ni se les percibe como recursos educativos, ni es -fácil el acceso a ellos para fines de aprendizaje, especialmente para -los pobres. Debemos idear nuevas estructuras de relación que se monten -con el deliberado propósito de facilitar el acceso a estos recursos para -el uso de cualquiera que esté motivado a buscarlos para su educación. -Para montar estas estructuras tramadas se requieren disposiciones -administrativas, tecnológicas y especialmente legales. - -Los recursos educativos suelen rotularse según las metas curriculares de -los educadores. Propongo hacer lo contrario, y rotular cuatro enfoques -diferentes que permitan al estudiante conseguir el acceso a cualquier -recurso educativo que pueda ayudarle a definir y lograr sus propias -metas: - -\emph{1}. Servicios de referencia respecto de Objetos Educativos. Que -faciliten el acceso a cosas o procesos usados para el aprendizaje -formal. Algunas de estas cosas pueden reservarse para ese fin, -almacenadas en bibliotecas, agencias de alquiler, laboratorios y salas -de exposición, tales como museos y teatros; otras pueden estar en uso -cotidiano en fábricas, aeropuertos o puestas en granjas, pero a -disposición de estudiantes como aprendices o en horas de descanso. - -\emph{2}. Servicios de habilidades. Que permitan a unas personas hacer -una lista de sus habilidades, las condiciones según las cuales están -dispuestas a servir de modelos a otros que quieran aprender esas -habilidades y las direcciones en que se les puede hallar. - -\emph{3}. Servicio de búsqueda de Compañero. Una red de comunicaciones -que permita a las personas describir la actividad de aprendizaje a la -que desean dedicarse, con la esperanza de hallar un compañero para la -búsqueda. - -\emph{4}. Servicios de referencia respecto de Educadores Independientes, -los cuales pueden figurar en un catálogo que indique las direcciones y -las descripciones ---hechas por ellos mismos--- de profesionales, -paraprofesionales e independientes, conjuntamente con las condiciones de -acceso a sus servicios. Tales educadores, como veremos, podrían elegirse -mediante encuestas o consultando a sus clientes anteriores. - -\hypertarget{servicios-de-referencia-respecto-de-objetos-educativos}{% -\subsection{Servicios de referencia respecto de objetos -educativos}\label{servicios-de-referencia-respecto-de-objetos-educativos}} - -Las cosas son recursos básicos para aprender. La calidad del entorno y -la relación de una persona con él determinarán cuánto aprenderá -incidentalmente. El aprendizaje formal exige el acceso especial a cosas -corrientes, por una parte o, por la otra, el acceso fácil y seguro a -cosas especiales hechas con fines educativos. Un ejemplo del primer caso -es el derecho especial a hacer funcionar o a desarmar una máquina en un -garaje. Un ejemplo del segundo caso es el derecho general a usar un -ábaco, una computadora, un libro, un jardín botánico o una máquina -retirada de la producción y puesta a plena disposición de unos -estudiantes. - -En la actualidad, la atención se centra en la disparidad entre niños -ricos y pobres en cuanto a su acceso a cosas y en la manera en que -pueden aprender de ellas. La OEO\footnote{Office of Economic - Opportunity, organismo oficial en Estados Unidos. (T.)} y otros -organismos, siguiendo este planteamiento, se concentran en igualar las -posibilidades de cada cual, tratando de proveer de un mayor instrumental -educativo a los pobres. Un punto de partida más radical sería reconocer -que, en la ciudad, a ricos y pobres se les mantiene igualmente alejados -de manera artificial de las cosas que los rodean. Los niños nacidos en -la era de los plásticos y de los expertos en eficiencia deben traspasar -dos barreras que obstaculizan sus entendimientos: una incorporada a las -cosas y la otra construida en torno a las instituciones. El diseño -industrial crea un mundo de cosas que ofrecen resistencia a la -comprensión de su naturaleza interna, y las escuelas tapian al aprendiz -respecto del mundo de las cosas en su escenario significativo. - -Después de una breve visita a Nueva York, una mujer de una aldea -mexicana me dijo que le había impresionado que las tiendas vendiesen -``solamente productos muy maquillados con cosméticos''. Entendí que ella -quería decir que los productos industriales ``hablan'' a sus clientes -acerca de sus encantos y no acerca de su naturaleza. La industria ha -rodeado a la gente de artefactos hechos de manera que sólo a los -especialistas les está permitido entender su mecanismo interno. Al no -especialista que intenta hacer marchar el reloj o hacer sonar el -teléfono o hacer funcionar la máquina de escribir, se le desalienta con -la advertencia de que se romperá si lo intenta. Puede que se le diga qué -hace funcionar un radio de transistores, pero no puede descubrirlo por -sí mismo. Este tipo de diseño tiende a reforzar una sociedad no -inventiva, en la que los expertos encuentran cada vez más fácil -esconderse detrás de su pericia y más allá de una evaluación. - -El entorno creado por el hombre ha llegado a ser tan inescrutable como -la naturaleza lo es para el primitivo. Al mismo tiempo, los materiales -educativos los ha monopolizado la escuela. Los objetos educativos -simples han sido costosamente empacados por la industria del -conocimiento. Se han convertido en herramientas especializadas para los -educadores profesionales, y se ha inflado su coste al obligarles a -estimular ya sea entornos, ya sea profesores. - -El profesor es celoso del libro de texto al que define como su -instrumento profesional. El estudiante puede llegar a odiar el -laboratorio porque lo asocia con tareas escolares. El administrador -racionaliza su actitud protectora hacia la biblioteca como una defensa -de un instrumental público costoso contra quienes quisieran jugar con -ella más bien que aprender. En esta atmósfera, el estudiante usa con -excesiva frecuencia el mapa, el laboratorio, la enciclopedia o el -microscopio sólo en los escasos momentos en que el currículum le dice -que debe hacerlo. Incluso los grandes clásicos se convierten en arte de -la ``novatada'' universitaria, en vez de señalar una nueva dirección en -la vida de una persona. La escuela aparta las cosas del uso cotidiano al -rotularlas como instrumentos educativos. - -Para que podamos desescolarizar será preciso invertir ambas tendencias. -El entorno físico general debe hacerse accesible, y aquellos recursos -físicos de aprendizaje que han sido reducidos a instrumentos de -enseñanza deben llegar a estar disponibles para el aprendizaje -autodirigido. Usar cosas sólo como partes de un currículum puede tener -un efecto incluso peor que apartarlas del entorno general. Puede -corromper las actitudes de los alumnos. - -Los juegos son un caso de este tipo. No me refiero a los ``juegos'' del -departamento de educación física (tales como el futbol o el baloncesto), -que las escuelas usan para generar ingresos y prestigio y en los que han -hecho sustanciosas inversiones de capital. Como lo saben muy bien los -mismos atletas, estas empresas, que adoptan la forma de torneos -guerreros, han minado el aspecto juguetón de los deportes y se usan para -reforzar la naturaleza competitiva de las escuelas. Hablo más bien de -los juegos educativos que pueden proporcionar una manera singular de -entender los sistemas formales. Un amigo mío fue a un mercado mexicano -con un juego llamado \emph{Wff'n Proff} , que consta de varios dados en -los que están impresos 12 símbolos lógicos. Mostró a unos niños qué -combinaciones formaban una frase bien hecha ---unas dos o tres de las -muchas posibles--- e, inductivamente, al cabo de la primera hora, -algunos mirones también captaron el principio. A las pocas horas, -jugando pruebas lógicas formales, algunos niños eran capaces de iniciar -a otros en las pruebas formales de la lógica de proposiciones. Los otros -simplemente se fueron. - -Para algunos niños dichos juegos son en efecto una forma especial de -liberar la educación, puesto que les permite descubrir que los sistemas -formales se fundan en axiomas mutables y que las operaciones -conceptuales tienen un carácter lúdico. Son asimismo simples, baratos y -en buena parte pueden organizarlos los jugadores mismos. Cuando se usan -fuera del currículum, tales juegos dan una oportunidad para identificar -y desarrollar el talento poco común, mientras que el psicólogo escolar -identificará a menudo a quienes posean dicho talento como a personas en -peligro de llegar a ser antisociales, enfermas o desequilibradas. Dentro -de la escuela, cuando se usan en forma de torneos, a los juegos no sólo -se les saca de la esfera de la recreación, a menudo se convierten en -instrumentos para transformar al alumno juguetón en un espíritu -competitivo y la falta de razonamiento abstracto en signo de -inferioridad. Un ejercicio que para ciertos tipos de carácter es -liberador, se convierte en camisa de fuerza para otros. - -El control de la escuela sobre el instrumental educativo tiene además -otro efecto. Aumenta enormemente el coste de esos materiales baratos. -Una vez que su uso se restringe a unas horas programadas, se paga a -profesionales que supervisen su adquisición, almacenamiento y uso. -Entonces los estudiantes descargan su rabia contra la escuela sobre el -instrumental, que es preciso adquirir nuevamente. - -Algo paralelo a la intocabilidad de los útiles educativos es la -impenetrabilidad de la moderna chatarra. En la década de 1930 cualquier -muchacho que se respetara sabía reparar un automóvil, pero ahora los -fabricantes de coches multiplican los alambres y apartan los manuales de -todo el que no sea un mecánico especializado. En un periodo anterior un -radio viejo contenía suficientes bobinas y condensadores como para -construir un transmisor que hiciera chillar por realimentación a todos -los radios del vecindario. Los radios de transistores son más -portátiles, pero nadie se atreve a desarmarlos. En los países altamente -industrializados sería inmensamente difícil cambiar esto, pero al menos -en los países del Tercer Mundo debemos insistir en ciertas cualidades -educativas incorporadas al objeto. - -Para ilustrar mi argumento, permítaseme presentar un modelo: gastando 10 -millones de dólares sería posible conectar 40 000 aldeas de un país como -Perú mediante una telaraña de pistas de un metro ochenta de ancho y -mantenerlas funcionando; además, dotar al país de 200 000 burros -mecánicos de tres ruedas ---cinco por aldea como promedio---. Pocos -países pobres de ese tamaño gastan menos de esa cantidad cada año en -coches y caminos, cuyo uso, el de ambos, se limita principalmente a los -ricos y a sus empleados, mientras la gente pobre queda atrapada en sus -aldeas. Cada uno de estos pequeños vehículos, simples pero duraderos, -equipados con un motor de seis caballos de fuerza, costaría 125 dólares. -Un ``burro'' podría andar a 24 kilómetros por hora, y trasladaría cargas -de unos 400 kilogramos (es decir, la mayoría de las cosas que suelen -moverse, aparte de troncos y vigas de acero). - -El atractivo político que dicho sistema de transporte tendría para el -campesinado es obvio. Igualmente obvio es el motivo por el cual quienes -detentan el poder ---y por tanto poseen, automáticamente, un coche--- no -están interesados en gastar dinero en pistas semejantes y en obstruir -los caminos con burros motorizados. El burro universal podría funcionar -sólo si los dirigentes de un país impusieran un límite de, digamos, 40 -kilómetros por hora y adaptaran sus instituciones públicas a ese límite. -El modelo no podría funcionar si estuviese concebido sólo como un -parche. - -No es éste el lugar apropiado para examinar en detalle la factibilidad -política, social, económica, financiera y técnica de este modelo. Deseo -solamente indicar que los considerandos educativos pueden ser de -primordial importancia cuando se elige una alternativa semejante frente -a un transporte que usa relativamente más capital que mano de obra. -Aumentando el coste unitario de cada burro 20\% se haría posible -planificar la producción de todas sus piezas de modo que, hasta donde -fuera posible, cada futuro dueño pasase de uno a dos meses haciendo y -entendiendo su máquina y fuese capaz de repararla. Con este coste -adicional sería asimismo posible descentralizar la producción en -fábricas dispersas. Las ventajas adicionales provendrían no sólo de -incluir los costes educativos en el proceso de construcción. Más -significativo todavía, un motor duradero que prácticamente cualquiera -podría aprender a reparar y que podría usar como arado y como bomba -aquel que lo entendiera, produciría unos beneficios educativos mucho más -elevados que los inescrutables motores de los países avanzados. - -No sólo la chatarra, sino los lugares presuntamente públicos de la -ciudad moderna se han vuelto impenetrables. En la sociedad estadunidense -se excluye a los niños de la mayoría de las cosas y lugares con el -argumento de que son privados. Pero incluso en las sociedades que han -declarado el fin de la propiedad privada se aparta a los niños de las -mismas cosas y lugares porque estos últimos se consideran un ámbito -especial y peligroso para el no iniciado. A partir de la pasada -generación el patio de los ferrocarriles se hizo tan inaccesible como el -cuartel de bomberos. Sin embargo, con un poco de ingenio no sería -difícil eliminar los peligros en esos lugares. El desescolarizar los -artefactos de la educación haría necesario poner a disposición los -artefactos y procesos ---y reconocer su valor educativo---. Algunos -trabajadores, sin duda, encontrarían molesto hacerlos accesibles a los -aprendices, pero esta molestia debe valorarse comparándola con las -ventajas educativas. - -Los automóviles privados podrían desterrarse de Manhattan. Hace cinco -años esto era impensable. Ahora, ciertas calles de Nueva York se cierran -a ciertas horas, y esta tendencia probablemente continuará. De hecho, la -mayoría de las calles transversales deberían cerrarse al tránsito -automotriz y el estacionamiento debería prohibirse en todas partes. En -una ciudad abierta al pueblo, los materiales de enseñanza, que ahora se -encierran en almacenes y laboratorios, podrían diseminarse en depósitos -abiertos a la calle y gestionarse de manera independiente para que los -adultos y los niños pudiesen visitarlos sin peligro de que los -atropellen. - -Si las metas de la educación ya no estuviesen dominadas por las escuelas -y los maestros de escuela, el mercado para los aprendices sería mucho -más variado y la definición de ``artefactos educativos'' sería menos -restrictiva. Podría haber talleres de herramientas, bibliotecas, -laboratorios y salas de juegos. Los laboratorios fotográficos y prensas -offset permitirían el florecimiento de diarios vecinales. Algunos -centros de aprendizaje abiertos a la calle podrían contener cabinas para -mirar programas de televisión en circuito cerrado, otros podrían poseer -útiles de oficina para usar y para reparar. Los tocadiscos del tipo -tragamonedas y de tipo corriente serían de uso diario, especializándose -algunos en música clásica, otros en melodías folclóricas -internacionales, otros en jazz. Las filmotecas competirían entre sí y -con la televisión comercial. Los locales de museos abiertos al público -podrían ser redes para poner en circulación muestras de arte antiguo y -moderno, originales y reproducciones, tal vez administradas por los -diversos museos metropolitanos. - -El personal profesional necesario para esta red se parecería mucho más a -unos custodios, guardias de museo o bibliotecarios de servicio público -que a unos profesores. Desde la tienda de biología de la esquina podrían -dirigir a sus clientes a la colección de caracoles del museo o -señalarles cuándo habría una exhibición de videocintas de biología en -determinadas cabinas de televisión. Podrían dar indicaciones para el -control de plagas, dietas y otras clases de medicina preventiva. Podrían -remitir a quienes necesitaran consejos a ``mayores'' que pudiesen -proporcionarlo. - -El financiamiento de una red de ``objetos de aprendizaje'' puede -encararse de dos maneras. Una comunidad podría fijar un presupuesto -máximo para este fin y disponer que todas las partes de la red -estuviesen abiertas a todos los visitantes a ciertas horas razonables. O -bien la comunidad podría decidir proporcionar a los ciudadanos unos -bonos o derechos limitados, según sus edades, que les darían acceso -especial a ciertos materiales costosos y escasos, dejando en cambio -otros materiales más simples a disposición de todos. - -Encontrar recursos para materiales hechos específicamente para educar es -sólo un aspecto ---y tal vez el menos costoso--- de la construcción de -un mundo educativo. El dinero que hoy se gasta en la parafernalia -sagrada del ritual escolar podría liberarse para proporcionar a todos -los ciudadanos un mejor acceso a la vida real de la ciudad. Podrían -otorgarse incentivos tributarios especiales a quienes emplearan niños de -ocho a 14 años durante un par de horas diarias si las condiciones de -empleo fuesen humanas. Deberíamos volver a la tradición de la \emph{bar -mitzvah} o de la confirmación. Quiero decir con esto que debiéramos -primero restringir y luego eliminar la privación de derechos y deberes -civiles de los menores, y permitir que un muchacho de 12 años llegue a -ser plenamente responsable de su participación en la vida de la -comunidad. Muchas personas de ``edad escolar'' saben más acerca de su -vecindario que los trabajadores sociales o los concejales. Naturalmente -que hacen también preguntas más incómodas y proponen soluciones que -amenazan a la burocracia. Debería permitírseles llegar a la mayoría de -edad de modo que pusieran sus conocimientos y capacidad de indagación al -servicio de un gobierno popular. - -Hasta hace poco era fácil subestimar los peligros de la escuela en -comparación con los peligros de un periodo de aprendizaje en la policía, -en el cuerpo de bomberos o en la industria del espectáculo. Este -argumento deja de ser válido con gran frecuencia. Visité recientemente -una iglesia metodista de Harlem ocupada por un grupo de los llamados -\emph{Young Lords} como protesta por la muerte de Julio Rodan, un -muchacho puertorriqueño al que se encontró ahorcado en su celda -carcelaria. Yo conocía a los líderes del grupo, que habían pasado un -semestre en Cuernavaca. Cuando me sorprendí al no hallar a uno de ellos, -Juan, en el grupo, me dijeron: ``Volvió a la heroína y a la Universidad -del Estado''. - -Para desencadenar el potencial educativo encerrado en la gigantesca -inversión de nuestra sociedad en instalaciones y útiles pueden usarse el -planteamiento, los incentivos y la legislación. No existirá el acceso -pleno a los objetos educativos mientras se permita a empresas -comerciales conjugar las defensas legales que la Carta Fundamental -reserva a la vida privada de las personas con el poder económico que les -confieren sus millones de clientes y miles de empleados, accionistas y -proveedores. Una parte considerable de los conocimientos prácticos y -teóricos del mundo y la mayoría de sus procesos y equipos de producción -están encerrados entre los muros de firmas comerciales, apartados de sus -clientes, empleados y accionistas, como también del público en general, -cuyas leyes e instalaciones les permiten funcionar. El dinero que se -gasta en publicidad en los países capitalistas podrían canalizarse hacia -la educación en y por parte de la General Electric, NBC-TV o cervezas -Budweiser. Es decir, las fábricas y oficinas deberían reorganizarse de -forma tal que su funcionamiento cotidiano fuese más accesible al público -y de maneras que hiciesen posible el aprendizaje, y, en verdad, podrían -hallarse modos de pagar a las compañías lo que la gente aprendiese en -ellas. - -Es posible que un conjunto de objetos e informaciones científicas aún -más valioso esté apartado del acceso general ---e incluso de los -científicos competentes--- bajo el pretexto de la seguridad nacional. -Hasta hace poco la ciencia era el único foro que funcionaba como el -sueño de un anarquista. Cada hombre capaz de realizar investigaciones -tenía más o menos las mismas oportunidades que otros en cuanto a acceso -a su instrumental y a ser escuchado por la comunidad de iguales. Ahora -la burocratización y la organización han puesto a gran parte de la -ciencia fuera del alcance del público. En efecto, lo que solía ser una -red internacional de información científica ha sido escindida en una lid -de grupos competidores. Tanto a los miembros como a los artefactos de la -comunidad científica se les ha encerrado en programas nacionales y -corporativos para logros prácticos y para el radical empobrecimiento de -los hombres que mantienen estas naciones y corporaciones. - -En un mundo que controlan y poseen naciones y compañías, nunca será -posible sino un acceso limitado a los objetos educativos. Pero un mejor -acceso a aquellos objetos que pueden compartirse para fines educativos -puede ilustrarnos lo suficiente como para traspasar estas barreras -políticas finales. Las escuelas públicas transfieren el control sobre -los usos educativos de los objetos de manos privadas a manos -profesionales. La inversión institucional de las escuelas podría dar al -individuo el poder de volver a exigir el derecho a usarlos para su -educación. Si el control privado o corporativo sobre el aspecto -educativo de las ``cosas'' se lograse extinguir gradualmente, podría -comenzar a aparecer un tipo de propiedad realmente pública. - -\hypertarget{servicios-de-habilidades}{% -\subsection{Servicios de habilidades}\label{servicios-de-habilidades}} - -Al revés de lo que ocurre con una guitarra, a un profesor de ese -instrumento no se le puede clasificar en un museo, ni lo puede poseer el -público, ni se le puede tomar en alquiler en un almacén de elementos -educativos. Los profesores de habilidades pertenecen a una clase de -recursos que es diferente de la de los objetos necesarios para aprender -una habilidad. Esto no quiere decir que sean indispensables en todos los -casos. Puedo alquilar no sólo una guitarra, sino también lecciones de -guitarra grabadas en cintas y gráficos que ilustren los acordes, y con -estos elementos puedo enseñarme yo mismo a tocar la guitarra. De hecho, -este sistema puede presentar ventajas si las cintas disponibles son -mejores que los profesores disponibles, o si las únicas horas en que -puedo aprender guitarra son nocturnas o si las melodías que quiero -interpretar son desconocidas en mi país o si soy tímido y prefiero meter -la pata sin testigos. - -El canal que se usa para registrar a los profesores de habilidades y -comunicarse con ellos debe ser diferente al descrito para objetos. Una -cosa está disponible a petición del usuario ---o podría estarlo--- -mientras una persona llega formalmente a ser una fuente de enseñanza de -habilidades sólo cuando considere serlo y pueda asimismo restringir la -ocasión, el lugar y el método a su tamaño. - -Es también necesario distinguir a los profesores de los iguales de los -que uno desearía aprender. Los iguales que desean seguir una búsqueda -común deben partir de capacidades o intereses comunes; se juntan para -ejercitar o mejorar una habilidad que comparten: baloncesto, baile, -construcción de un campamento, debate sobre las próximas elecciones. Por -otra parte, la primera transmisión de una habilidad supone el reunir a -alguien que posea una destreza con alguien que no la posea y quiera -adquirirla. - -Un ``modelo de habilidad'' es una persona que posee una habilidad y está -dispuesta a demostrar su práctica. Frecuentemente el aprendiz en -potencia precisa el recurso de una demostración de esta clase. Los -inventos modernos nos permiten registrar demostraciones en cinta, en -película o en gráficos; no obstante, sería de esperar que la -demostración personal continuase gozando de gran demanda, especialmente -en las habilidades de comunicación. En nuestro Centro, en Cuernavaca, -han aprendido español unos 10 000 adultos ---en su mayoría personas muy -motivadas que deseaban obtener una cuasi-fluidez en un segundo -idioma---. Cuando se les plantea la elección entre una instrucción -cuidadosamente programada en un laboratorio de idiomas o sesiones -rutinarias con otros dos estudiantes y una persona cuyo idioma nativo es -el español y que se ciñe a una rutina rígida, la mayoría prefiere la -segunda alternativa. - -Respecto de la mayor parte de las habilidades ampliamente compartidas, -que una persona demuestre su habilidad es el único recurso humano que -llegamos a necesitar u obtener. Ya sea para hablar o para conducir, para -cocinar o para usar equipos de comunicaciones, a menudo apenas nos damos -cuenta de la instrucción y el aprendizaje formales, especialmente -después de nuestra primera experiencia con los materiales en cuestión. -No veo razón por la cual no pudiesen aprenderse de igual manera otras -habilidades complejas, tales como los aspectos mecánicos de la cirugía, -tocar el violín, leer o usar listas y catálogos. - -Un estudiante bien motivado que no lucha contra una desventaja -determinada a menudo no necesita más ayuda humana que la que puede -proporcionar alguien que puede demostrar a quien lo solicite cómo hacer -lo que el aprendiz quiere hacer. Aquello de insistir a personas diestras -en que antes de demostrar su habilidad certifiquen que son pedagogos es -el resultado de la insistencia de una de dos alternativas: o que la -gente aprenda lo que no quiere saber, o bien que todos ---incluso -quienes sufren de alguna desventaja especial--- aprendan ciertas cosas, -en un momento dado de sus vidas, y preferentemente en circunstancias -específicas. - -Lo que crea una escasez de habilidades en el mercado educativo de hoy es -el requisito institucional de que quienes pueden demostrarlas no pueden -hacerlo a menos de otorgárseles pública confianza por medio de un -certificado. Insistimos en que aquellos que ayudan a terceros a adquirir -una habilidad habrían de saber también diagnosticar las dificultades de -aprendizaje y ser capaces de motivar a la gente a aprender habilidades. -En resumen, les exigimos ser pedagogos. Habría abundancia de personas -que pueden demostrar habilidades tan pronto aprendiéramos a reconocerlas -fuera de la profesión de la enseñanza. - -Cuando se está enseñando a unos principitos, es comprensible, aunque ha -dejado de ser justificable, la insistencia de sus padres en que el -profesor y la persona dotada de habilidades se conjuguen en una misma -persona. Pero el que todos los padres aspiren a tener un Aristóteles -para su Alejandro es obviamente insostenible. Las personas que pueden -inspirar a los estudiantes y demostrar una técnica son tan escasas, y -tan difíciles de reconocer, que hasta los principitos consiguen con -mayor frecuencia un sofista y no un verdadero filósofo. - -Una demanda de habilidades escasas puede satisfacerse rápidamente aun -cuando hay un número pequeño de personas que las demuestren, pero debe -facilitarse el acceso a dichas personas. Durante la década de 1940-1950, -los reparadores de radios, la mayoría de los cuales no estudiaron su -trabajo en escuelas, penetraron en el interior de América con no más de -dos años de retraso respecto a la llegada de los radios a la región. -Permanecieron allí hasta que los radios de transistores, baratos e -imposibles de reparar, los dejaron cesantes. Las escuelas técnicas no -logran realizar lo que algunos reparadores de radios podrían hacer sin -problemas: restauraciones útiles y duraderas. - -Ciertos intereses privados y convergentes conspiran hoy para impedir que -una persona comparta su habilidad. A quien posee la habilidad le -beneficia su escasez y no su reproducción. Al maestro que se especializa -en transmitir la habilidad le beneficia la renuencia del artesano a -ofrecer su propio taller para aprendices. Al público se le adoctrina con -la creencia de que las habilidades son valiosas y de fiarse sólo si son -el resultado de una escolarización formal. El mercado de trabajo depende -de hacer escasas las habilidades y de mantenerlas escasas, ya sea -proscribiendo su uso a transmisión no autorizada, o bien haciendo cosas -que puedan operar y reparar sólo quienes tengan acceso a herramientas o -informaciones que se mantienen en déficit. - -De este modo, las escuelas producen escasez de personas especializadas. -Un buen ejemplo de esto es el número decreciente de enfermeras en -Estados Unidos, debido al rápido aumento de programas universitarios de -cuatro años en ese ramo. Las mujeres de familias más pobres que -anteriormente se habrían alistado en un programa de dos o tres años, se -han alejado por completo de dicha profesión. - -Otra manera de mantener la escasez de habilidades es insistir en -maestros diplomados. Si se alentara a las enfermeras a adiestrar a otras -enfermeras, y si a las enfermeras se les empleara de acuerdo con su -habilidad demostrada para poner inyecciones, trazar gráficos y dar -medicinas, pronto se terminaría la escasez de enfermeras capacitadas. -Los certificados tienden hoy a coartar la libertad de la educación al -convertir el derecho civil de compartir conocimientos en el privilegio -de la libertad académica que ahora se confiere sólo a los empleados de -alguna escuela. Para garantizar el acceso a un intercambio eficaz de -habilidades necesitamos leyes que generalicen la libertad académica. El -derecho a enseñar cualquier habilidad debería estar amparado por la -libertad de expresión. Una vez que se eliminen las restricciones sobre -la enseñanza, pronto desaparecerán también las relativas al aprendizaje. - -El profesor de habilidades necesita algún incentivo para otorgar sus -servicios a un alumno. Hay por lo menos dos maneras sencillas de -comenzar a canalizar fondos públicos hacia profesores no diplomados. Una -sería institucionalizar los servicios de habilidades mediante la -creación de centros de habilidades, libres y abiertos al público. Dichos -centros podrían y deberían establecerse en zonas industriales, al menos -para habilidades que son un requisito indispensable para ingresar en -ciertos noviciados o aprendizajes ---habilidades tales como la lectura, -la mecanografía, la contabilidad, los idiomas extranjeros, la -programación de computadoras y la manipulación de números, la lectura de -lenguajes especiales (como el de los circuitos eléctricos), la -manipulación de ciertas máquinas, etc.---. Otro planteamiento sería -proporcionar a ciertos grupos de la población una moneda educativa -válida para asistir a centros de habilidades en los que otros clientes -habrían de pagar tarifas comerciales. - -Un planteamiento mucho más radical consistiría en crear un ``banco'' -para el intercambio de habilidades. A cada ciudadano se le abriría un -crédito básico con el que pudiese adquirir habilidades fundamentales. -Luego, se beneficiaría con créditos adicionales enseñando, ya fuera en -centros de habilidades organizados, en casa o sobre la marcha. Sólo -aquellos que hubiesen enseñado a otros durante un lapso equivalente -podrían solicitar el tiempo de profesores más avanzados. Se promovería -una élite enteramente nueva, una élite formada por quienes hubiesen -ganado su educación compartiéndola. - -¿Deberían los padres tener el derecho a ganar crédito educativo para sus -hijos? Como una disposición de este tipo daría nuevas ventajas a las -clases privilegiadas, podría compensarse otorgando un crédito mayor a -los desfavorecidos. El funcionamiento de un servicio de habilidades -dependería de la existencia de organismos que facilitarían el desarrollo -de información ---listas de personas--- y asegurarían su uso libre y -barato. Dicho organismo podría proporcionar servicios auxiliares de -prueba y certificación y ayudaría a poner en vigor la legislación -necesaria para quebrar e impedir las prácticas monopólicas. - -La libertad de un servicio universal de habilidades podría estar -garantizada fundamentalmente por leyes que permitiesen la discriminación -sólo de acuerdo con habilidades verificadas y no según el historial -educativo. Una garantía semejante requiere inevitablemente un control -público sobre las pruebas que puedan usarse para determinar quiénes -están capacitados para el mercado laboral. De otra manera sería posible -reintroducir subrepticiamente complejas baterías de \emph{test} en el -lugar mismo de trabajo que servirían para selección social. Mucho podría -hacerse a fin de lograr objetividad en las pruebas de competencia en -habilidades, como por ejemplo permitir que se comprobara sólo el manejo -de máquinas o sistemas específicos. Las pruebas de mecanografía (en las -que se mediría la velocidad, el número de errores y se valoraría el -saber tomar dictados), el dominio de un sistema contable o de una grúa -hidráulica, la codificación en Cobol,\footnote{Lenguaje usado en - informática para fines comerciales. (T.)} etc., pueden fácilmente -hacerse objetivas. - -De hecho, muchas de las verdaderas habilidades de importancia práctica -pueden verificarse de ese modo. Y para los fines de administración de -personal es mucho más útil una prueba sobre el nivel presente de -competencia en determinada habilidad que la información sobre el hecho -de que 20 años atrás una persona dejó satisfecho a su profesor respecto -de un currículum en el que se enseñaba mecanografía, taquigrafía y -contabilidad. Naturalmente puede ponerse en duda la necesidad misma de -una comprobación oficial de habilidades: yo tengo la convicción de que -el hecho de imponer ciertas restricciones constituye una mejor garantía -para el derecho que un hombre tiene a que su reputación no sufra daños -indebidos provenientes de una rotulación, que la garantía lograda al -prohibir pruebas de competencia. - -\hypertarget{servicio-de-buxfasqueda-de-compauxf1ero}{% -\subsection{Servicio de búsqueda de -compañero}\label{servicio-de-buxfasqueda-de-compauxf1ero}} - -En el peor de los casos, las escuelas reúnen condiscípulos en la misma -habitación y los someten a la misma secuencia de tratamiento en -matemáticas, educación cívica y lenguaje. En el mejor, permiten a cada -estudiante elegir un curso de entre un número limitado de ellos. En -cualquier caso, se forman grupos de iguales en torno a las metas de los -profesores. Un sistema conveniente de educación permitiría a cada -persona especificar la actividad para la cual busca un compañero. - -La escuela ofrece efectivamente a los niños una oportunidad para escapar -de sus casas y encontrar nuevos amigos. Pero al mismo tiempo, este -proceso inculca en ellos la idea de que deberían elegir sus amigos entre -aquellos con quienes han sido congregados. El invitar a los menores -desde su más tierna infancia a conocer, evaluar y buscar a otros los -prepararía para mantener durante toda su vida el interés por buscar -nuevos asociados para nuevos empeños. - -A un buen jugador de ajedrez siempre le gusta hallar un buen adversario, -y a un novato le alegra hallar otro. Los clubes les sirven para este -fin. Las personas que quieren conversar sobre determinados libros o -artículos probablemente pagarían por hallar compañeros de debate. Los -que quieren practicar juegos, ir de excursión, construir estanques para -peces o motorizar bicicletas se tomarán molestias considerables para -hallar compañeros para ello. El premio de sus esfuerzos es encontrar -esos compañeros. Las buenas escuelas tratan de poner al descubierto los -intereses comunes de los estudiantes matriculados en los mismos -programas. Lo inverso de la escuela sería una institución que aumentase -las posibilidades de que las personas que en un determinado momento -compartiesen el mismo interés específico, pudiesen encontrarse -independientemente de que tuviesen otra cosa en común. - -La enseñanza de habilidades no proporciona beneficios iguales a ambas -partes, como lo hace la reunión de iguales. Tal como he señalado, al -profesor de habilidades debe ofrecérsele algún otro incentivo aparte de -las satisfacciones de enseñar. La enseñanza de habilidades es un asunto -de repetir una y otra vez ciertas rutinas y de hecho es más tediosa para -los alumnos que más la necesitan. Un servicio de habilidades necesita -dinero o créditos u otros incentivos tangibles para funcionar, aun -cuando el servicio mismo produjese su propia moneda. Un sistema de -búsqueda de compañero no precisaría tales incentivos, sino sólo una red -de comunicaciones. - -Las cintas, los sistemas de informática, la instrucción programada y la -reproducción de formas y de sonidos tienden a disminuir la necesidad de -recurrir a profesores humanos para muchas habilidades; aumentan la -eficiencia de los profesores y el número de habilidades que uno puede -conseguir a lo largo de su vida. Paralelamente a este aspecto se ha -creado la necesidad creciente de encontrarse con gente interesada en -disfrutar de la habilidad recientemente adquirida. Una estudiante que -haya aprendido griego antes de sus vacaciones querrá conversar en griego -sobre política cretense cuando regrese. Un mexicano de Nueva York quiere -hallar a otros lectores de la revista \emph{Siempre!} o de \emph{Los -Agachados} , la más popular de las historietas. Algún otro quiere -encontrar compañeros que, como él, desearían aumentar su interés en la -obra de James Baldwin o de Bolívar. - -El funcionamiento de una red para búsqueda de compañeros sería simple. -El usuario se identificaría por su nombre y dirección y describiría la -actividad para la cual estuviese buscando compañero. Una computadora le -remitiría los nombres y direcciones de todos aquellos que hubiesen -introducido la misma descripción. Es asombroso que un servicio público -tan sencillo no se haya usado nunca en gran escala para actividades de -valor público. - -En su forma más rudimentaria, la comunicación entre cliente y -computadora podría establecerse por correo. En las grandes ciudades, -unas máquinas de escribir conectadas a una computadora podrían -proporcionar respuestas instantáneas. La única manera de conseguir que -la computadora entregase un nombre y dirección sería anotar una -actividad para la cual se buscase un compañero. Las personas que -utilizasen el sistema llegarían a ser conocidas únicamente por sus -posibles compañeros de actividad. - -Un complemento de la computadora podría ser una red de pizarras o -cuadros de anuncios y de avisos clasificados de periódico, consistentes -en listas de actividades para las cuales no se hubiese hallado compañero -mediante la computadora. No sería necesario dar nombres. Los lectores -interesados introducirían entonces sus nombres en el sistema. Es posible -que un sistema de búsqueda de compañero, con patrocinio público, sea la -única manera de garantizar la libertad de reunión y de adiestrar a la -gente en el ejercicio de esta actividad cívica tan fundamental. - -El derecho a la libre reunión ha sido reconocido políticamente y -aceptado socialmente. Deberíamos entender ahora que este derecho está -restringido por leyes que hacen obligatorias ciertas formas de reunión. -Éste es en particular el caso de las instituciones que reclutan según -edad, clase o sexo, y que consumen muchísimo tiempo. El ejército es un -ejemplo. La escuela es otro aún más ofensivo. - -Desescolarizar significa abolir el poder de una persona para obligar a -otra a asistir a una reunión. Significa también reconocer el derecho de -cualquier persona, de cualquier edad o sexo, a convocar una reunión. -Este derecho se ha visto drásticamente disminuido por la -institucionalización de las reuniones. ``Reunión'' se refería -originalmente al resultado del acto individual de juntarse. Ahora se -refiere al producto institucional de algún organismo. - -La capacidad de las instituciones de servicio para adquirir clientes ha -sobrepasado con mucho la capacidad de las personas para ser oídas con -independencia de los medios de información institucional, que reaccionan -ante personas individuales sólo si son noticias vendibles. Deberían -existir servicios de búsqueda de compañero para personas que quisiesen -reunir a otras, de modo que fuese tan fácil como la campana de la aldea -que convocaba a los aldeanos a un cabildo. Los edificios escolares ----dudosamente adaptables para otros fines--- podrían cumplir en muchos -casos este objetivo. - -De hecho, el sistema escolar puede encontrarse pronto con un problema -que las Iglesias han enfrentado anteriormente: qué hacer con el espacio -sobrante que ha quedado con la defección de los fieles. Las escuelas son -difíciles de vender como templos. Una manera de continuar manteniéndolas -en uso sería entregar esos edificios al vecindario. Cada cual podría -manifestar lo que haría en el aula y cuándo, y algunos anuncios pondrían -los programas disponibles en conocimiento de quien indagara. El acceso a -``clase'' sería gratis ---o se compraría con bonos educativos---. El -``profesor'' podría incluso pagarse según el número de alumnos que -atrajese por cualquier periodo completo de dos horas. Me imagino que los -líderes muy jóvenes y los grandes educadores serían los dos tipos de -persona más destacados en semejante sistema. Podría seguirse igual -planteamiento respecto de la educación superior. Podría dotarse a los -estudiantes de bonos educativos que los hicieran acreedores a 10 horas -anuales de consulta con el profesor de su elección y, para el resto de -su aprendizaje, se apoyaría en la biblioteca, la red para búsqueda de -compañeros y los periodos de aprendiz. - -Naturalmente, debemos reconocer la probabilidad de que se abuse de esos -dispositivos públicos de búsqueda para fines inmorales y de explotación, -tal como se ha abusado de los teléfonos y del correo. Se requeriría -cierta protección semejante a la que se usa para esas redes. En otras -páginas he propuesto un sistema de búsqueda de compañero que permitiría -usar sólo una información impresa pertinente, más el nombre y la -dirección del averiguador. Un sistema de esta especie sería -prácticamente a prueba de abusos. Otra medida sería permitir que se -agregase cualquier libro, película, programa de televisión u otro -artículo que figurase en un catálogo especial. La preocupación acerca de -los peligros del sistema no debe hacernos perder de vista sus -beneficios, tanto mayores. - -Algunos que comparten mi preocupación por la libertad de expresión y la -reunión alegarán que el sistema de búsqueda de compañero es un medio -artificial de juntar personas y que no lo utilizarían los pobres ---que -son quienes más lo necesitan---. Hay personas que auténticamente se -alborotan cuando uno sugiere montar encuentros \emph{ad hoc} que no -tengan su raíz en la vida de una comunidad local. Otros reaccionan -cuando uno sugiere usar una computadora para entresacar y conjuntar -intereses que algunos clientes del sistema hayan definido. No es posible -reunir a las personas de una manera tan impersonal, dicen. La búsqueda -en común debe estar arraigada en una historia de experiencias -compartidas a muchos niveles, y debe nacer de esta experiencia ---el -desarrollo de instituciones vecinales, por ejemplo---. - -Simpatizo con estas objeciones, pero creo que no comprenden el verdadero -sentido de lo que persigo y no dan tampoco con lo que ellos mismos -persiguen. En primer lugar, el retorno a la vida vecinal como centro -primario de expresión creativa podría de hecho ser contraproducente para -volver a establecer los vecindarios como unidades políticas. Centrar las -demandas sobre el barrio o vecindario podría, en efecto, descuidar un -importante aspecto liberador de la vida urbana ---el que una persona -pueda participar simultáneamente en varios grupos de sus iguales---. -Además, existe un sentido importante: personas que jamás han vivido -juntas en una comunidad física pueden tener ocasionalmente muchas más -experiencias por compartir que quienes se han conocido desde la -infancia. Las grandes religiones han reconocido siempre la importancia -de estos encuentros lejanos, y los fieles han hallado siempre libertad -mediante ellos: los peregrinajes, el monacato y el mutuo apoyo de -templos y santuarios son reflejos de este reconocimiento. La conjunción -de iguales podría ayudar significativamente a hacer explícitas las -numerosas comunidades en potencia, aunque reprimidas, que existen en la -ciudad. - -Las comunidades locales son valiosas. Son también una realidad que se -desvanece conforme los hombres dejan que las instituciones definan cada -vez más sus círculos de relación social. En un libro reciente, Milton -Kotler mostró que el imperialismo del ``centro'' de la ciudad priva al -barrio de su significación política. El intento proteccionista de -resucitar la barriada como unidad cultural sólo sirve de apoyo a este -imperialismo burocrático. Lejos de apartar artificialmente a la gente de -su contexto local para unirla con grupos abstractos, el servicio de -búsqueda de compañero alentaría un renacer de la vida local en las -ciudades de las cuales está desapareciendo hoy en día. Un hombre que -recupere su iniciativa para llamar a sus prójimos a sostener una -conversación significativa, puede dejar de conformarse con estar -separado de ellos por el protocolo oficinesco o por la etiqueta -suburbana. Habiendo visto por una vez que el hacer cosas en conjunto -depende del decidir hacerlo, la gente posiblemente insista incluso en -que su comunidad local se haga más abierta al intercambio político -creativo. - -Debemos reconocer que la vida urbana tiende a hacerse inmensamente -costosa conforme a los habitantes de la ciudad se les enseña a confiar -en complejos servicios institucionales para satisfacer cada una de sus -necesidades. Es extraordinariamente costoso incluso mantenerla en un -nivel mínimo de habitabilidad. El servicio de búsqueda de compañero de -aprendizaje en la ciudad podría ser un primer paso para romper la -dependencia de los ciudadanos respecto de servicios burocráticos. - -Sería también una medida esencial para proporcionar nuevos medios de -establecer la confianza pública. En una sociedad escolarizada hemos -llegado a confiar cada día más en el juicio profesional de educadores -sobre el efecto de su propia labor para decidir en quién podemos o no -confiar: vamos al médico, al abogado o al psicólogo porque confiamos en -que cualquiera que ha tenido la cantidad requerida de tratamiento -educativo especializado a manos de otros colegas merece nuestra -confianza. - -En una sociedad desescolarizada, los profesionales ya no pueden reclamar -la confianza de sus clientes a partir de su historial curricular o -asegurar su prestigio con sólo remitir a sus clientes a otros -profesionales que dieron aprobación a su escolarización. En vez de -depositar su confianza en profesionales, debería ser posible, en -cualquier momento, que cualquier presunto cliente consultase con otros -clientes experimentados sobre la calidad del servicio prestado por un -profesional mediante otra red de comunicación de intereses comunes -fácilmente montada en una computadora o mediante muchos otros medios. -Podría considerarse a tales redes como servicios de utilidad pública que -permitiesen a los estudiantes elegir a sus profesores o a los pacientes, -sus médicos. - -\hypertarget{educadores-profesionales}{% -\subsection{Educadores profesionales}\label{educadores-profesionales}} - -Conforme los ciudadanos tengan nuevas posibilidades de elección, nuevas -posibilidades de aprendizaje, su disposición a buscar directivos debiera -aumentar. Podemos contar con que experimentarán más hondamente tanto su -propia independencia como su necesidad de guía. Conforme estén liberados -de la manipulación por parte de terceros, debieran aprender a -beneficiarse de la disciplina que otros han adquirido durante toda su -vida. El desescolarizar la educación debiera más bien aumentar, y no -ahogar, la búsqueda de hombres de sabiduría práctica que estuviesen -dispuestos a apoyar al recién llegado en su aventura educativa. Conforme -los maestros en su arte abandonan la pretensión de ser informantes -superiores o modelos de habilidades, comenzará a parecer verdadera la -sabiduría superior que parecen poseer. - -Al aumentar la demanda de maestros debiera aumentar también la oferta. -Conforme se desvanezca el maestro de escuela, se suscitarán condiciones -que harán aparecer la vocación del educador independiente. Esto puede -parecer casi contradictorio; a tal punto han llegado a ser -complementarios escuelas y profesores. Sin embargo éste es exactamente -el resultado a que tendería el desarrollo de los primeros servicios -educativos ---y lo que se precisaría para hacer posible el aprovecharlos -plenamente---, pues los padres y otros ``educadores naturales'' -necesitan un guía, las personas que aprenden necesitan ayuda, y las -redes necesitan personas que las hagan funcionar. - -Los padres necesitan orientación para dirigir a sus hijos por el camino -que conduce a la independencia educativa responsable. Los aprendices -necesitan líderes experimentados cuando se topan con un terreno arduo. -Estas dos necesidades son muy distintas: la primera es una necesidad de -pedagogía, la segunda una necesidad de dirección intelectual en todas -las demás ramas del conocimiento. La primera exige conocimiento del -aprendizaje humano y de los recursos educativos, la segunda exige -sabiduría fundada en la experiencia en cualquier clase de exploración. -Ambos tipos de experiencia son indispensables para una empresa educativa -eficaz. Las escuelas envasan estas funciones en un solo papel ---y hacen -que el ejercicio independiente de cualquiera de ellas se vuelva, si no -algo lleno de desdoro, al menos sospechoso---. - -De hecho deberían distinguirse tres tipos de competencia educativa -especial: una, crear y manejar los tipos de servicios o redes educativas -esbozadas aquí; otra, guiar a estudiantes y padres en el uso de estas -redes, y una tercera, actuar como \emph{primus inter pares} al emprender -difíciles viajes de exploración intelectual. Sólo las dos primeras -pueden concebirse como ramas de una profesión independiente: -administradores educativos y consejeros pedagógicos. No se precisaría -mucha gente para proyectar y gestionar las redes que he estado -describiendo, pero sí gente con un profundo entendimiento de la -educación y la administración, con una perspectiva muy diferente y hasta -opuesta a la de las escuelas. - -Si bien una profesión educativa independiente de esta especie daría la -bienvenida a muchas personas que las escuelas excluyen, excluiría -asimismo a muchas que las escuelas declaran aptas. El establecimiento y -gestión de redes educativas precisaría de algunos proyectistas y -administradores, pero no en la cantidad ni del tipo que exige la -administración de escuelas. La disciplina estudiantil, las relaciones -públicas, la contratación, supervisión y despido de profesores no -tendrían lugar ni equivalente en las redes que he estado describiendo. -Tampoco la creación de currícula, la compra de libros de texto, el -entretenimiento de lugares e instalaciones, ni la supervisión de -competencias atléticas interescolares. La custodia de niños, el -planteamiento de lecciones y la anotación de datos archivables, que -ocupan ahora tanto tiempo de los profesores, tampoco figurarían en la -gestión de las redes educativas. En cambio, para el funcionamiento de -las tramas de aprendizaje se necesitarían algunas de las habilidades y -actitudes que se esperan actualmente del personal de un museo, de una -biblioteca, de una agencia para contratación de directivos o de un -\emph{maître d'hôtel}.\footnote{En el francés, en el original.} - -Los administradores educativos de hoy en día se preocupan de controlar a -profesores y estudiantes de modo que queden satisfechos unos terceros ----fideicomisarios, legislaturas y jefes de empresas---. Los -constructores y administradores de las redes antedichas tendrían que -demostrar tener genio para ponerse a sí mismos y a terceras personas -donde no estorbasen a la gente, para facilitar encuentros entre -estudiantes, modelos de habilidades, líderes educativos y objetos -educativos. Muchas de las personas a las que hoy atrae la enseñanza son -profundamente autoritarias y no serían capaces de hacerse cargo de esta -tarea: construir servicios o bolsas de intercambio educativo -significaría facilitar a la gente ---en especial a los jóvenes--- el ir -en pos de metas que pudieren contradecir los ideales del gerente que -hiciese posible tal empeño. - -Si pudiesen hacer su aparición las redes que he descrito, el recorrido -educativo que siguiese cada estudiante sería cosa suya o propia, y sólo -mirado retrospectivamente podría adquirir las características de un -programa reconocible. El estudiante sensato buscaría periódicamente el -consejo profesional: ayuda para fijarse una nueva meta, comprensión -penetrante de las dificultades habidas, elección entre algunos métodos -posibles. Incluso ahora, la mayoría de las personas admitirán que los -servicios importantes que les prestaron sus profesores fueron consejos o -asesoramiento de esta especie, dados en una reunión casual o durante una -conversación personal. En un mundo desescolarizado, los pedagogos -también harían valer sus métodos y serían capaces de realizar aquello -que los profesores frustrados pretenden emprender hoy en día. - -Mientras los administradores de redes se concentrarían principalmente en -la construcción y el mantenimiento de cambios que dieran acceso a -recursos, el pedagogo ayudaría al estudiante a hallar el sendero que le -pudiese conducir a mayor velocidad hacia su meta. Si un estudiante -quisiese aprender cantonés hablado de un vecino chino, el pedagogo -estaría a mano para juzgar el aprovechamiento y pericia de ambos y para -ayudarles a elegir el libro de texto y los métodos más adecuados para -sus talentos, caracteres y tiempo disponible para estudiar. Podría -aconsejar al mecánico de aviación en ciernes sobre los mejores lugares -para practicar como aprendiz. Podría recomendar libros o alguno que -quisiese hallar compañeros con garra para debatir sobre historia de -África. Al igual que el administrador de redes, el consejero pedagógico -se vería a sí mismo como un educador profesional. El acceso a cualquiera -de ambos podrían lograrlo las personas usando sus bonos educativos. - -El papel del iniciador o líder educativo, del maestro o ``verdadero'' -líder es algo más elusivo que el de administrador profesional o de -pedagogo. Esto se debe a que el liderazgo es en sí algo difícil de -definir. En la práctica, una persona es un líder si la gente sigue su -iniciativa y se convierten en aprendices de sus descubrimientos -progresivos. Esto frecuentemente presupone una visión profética de -normas enteramente nuevas ---muy comprensibles en el presente--- en las -cuales el ``error'' actual se convertirá en ``acierto''. En una sociedad -que respetaría el derecho a convocar asambleas a través del sistema de -búsqueda de compañero, la capacidad de tomar la iniciativa educativa -sobre un tema específico sería tan amplia como el acceso mismo al -aprendizaje. Pero, naturalmente, hay una enorme diferencia entre la -iniciativa que toma alguien para convocar una provechosa reunión para -debatir este ensayo y la capacidad de alguien para servir de líder en la -exploración sistemática de sus implicaciones. - -El liderazgo tampoco depende del hecho de estar en lo cierto. Tal como -señala Thomas Kuhn, en un periodo de paradigmas en constante variación, -la mayoría de los más distinguidos líderes tiene la probabilidad de -haber incurrido en error cuando se someten a una prueba retrospectiva. -La condición de líder intelectual se funda en una disciplina intelectual -y una imaginación superiores, y en la disposición a asociarse con otros -en el ejercicio de aquéllas. Por ejemplo, el aprendiz puede pensar que -existe una analogía entre el Movimiento Antiesclavista de Estados Unidos -o la Revolución cubana y lo que está ocurriendo en Harlem. El educador -que sea al mismo tiempo historiador podría mostrarle cómo advertir las -fallas de dicha analogía. Puede recorrer de nuevo su camino como -historiador. Puede invitar al aprendiz a participar en las -investigaciones que realice. En ambos casos iniciará a su alumno en el -aprendizaje de un arte crítico ---que es escaso en la escuela--- y que -no puede comprarse ni con dinero ni con favores. - -La relación entre maestro y discípulo no se limita a la disciplina -intelectual. Tiene su equivalente en las artes, en física, en religión, -en psicoanálisis y en pedagogía. Encaja en el montañismo, en la platería -y en política, en ebanistería y en administración de personal. Lo que es -común en todas las verdaderas relaciones maestro-discípulo es el hecho -de que ambos tienen conciencia de que su mutua relación es literalmente -inapreciable y de maneras muy diferentes constituye un privilegio para -ambos. - -Los charlatanes, los demagogos, los proselitistas, los maestros -corrompidos, los sacerdotes simoniacos, los pillos, los taumaturgos y -los mesías han demostrado ser capaces de asumir el papel de líderes y -han demostrado así los peligros que para un discípulo tiene la -dependencia respecto del maestro. Las diversas sociedades han adoptado -diversas medidas para protegerse de estos maestros falsificados. Los -hindúes se apoyaron en el sistema de castas. Los judíos orientales, en -la condición de discípulo espiritual de los rabinos, los grandes -periodos de la cristiandad en una vida ejemplar de virtud monástica, y -otros periodos en el orden jerárquico. Nuestra sociedad confía en los -certificados dados por escuelas. Es dudoso que ese procedimiento -constituya una criba más eficaz, pero si se pretendiese que lo es, -podría alegarse en contra que lo hace al costo de casi hacer desaparecer -la condición de discípulo personal. - -En la práctica el límite entre el profesor de habilidades y los líderes -educadores antes señalados será siempre confuso, y no hay razones -prácticas para que no pueda lograrse el acceso a ciertos líderes -descubriendo al ``maestro'' en el profesor rutinario que inicia a unos -estudiantes en su disciplina. - -Por otra parte, lo que caracteriza la verdadera relación -maestro-discípulo es su carácter de inapreciable. Aristóteles dice de -ella: ``Es un tipo de amistad moral, no fundada en términos fijos: hace -un regalo, o hace lo que hace, como a un amigo''. Tomás de Aquino dice -de este tipo de enseñanza que inevitablemente es un acto de amor y de -compasión. Este tipo de enseñanza es siempre un lujo para el profesor y -una forma de recreación (en griego, \emph{schole}) para él y para su -discípulo: una actividad significativa para ambos, sin propósito -ulterior. - -Contar con que haya personas dotadas dispuestas a proveer una auténtica -dirección intelectual es obviamente necesario incluso en nuestra -sociedad, pero podría dictarse como norma ahora. Debemos construir -primero una sociedad en la cual los actos profesionales mismos recuperen -un valor más elevado que el de hacer cosas y manipular gente. En una -sociedad así, la enseñanza exploratoria, inventiva, creativa, se -contaría lógicamente entre las formas más elevadas del ``ocio''. Pero no -es necesario esperar hasta el advenimiento de la utopía. Incluso ahora, -una de las consecuencias más importantes de la desescolarización y del -establecimiento de sistemas para búsqueda de compañero sería la -iniciativa que algunos ``maestros'' pudiesen tomar para congregar -discípulos que congeniasen. Daría también, como hemos visto, -oportunidades amplias para que los discípulos en potencia compartiesen -informaciones o seleccionasen un maestro. - -Las escuelas no son las únicas instituciones que pervierten una -profesión al meter en un solo paquete varios papeles por desempeñar. Los -hospitales hacen cada vez más imposible la atención en el hogar ---y -luego justifican la hospitalización como un beneficio para el -enfermo---. Simultáneamente, la legitimidad y las posibilidades de -ejercer de un médico vienen a depender de modo creciente de su -asociación con un hospital, si bien su dependencia es mucho menor que la -de los profesores respecto de las escuelas. Igual cosa podría decirse de -los tribunales, que atiborran sus calendarios conforme nuevas -transacciones adquieren solemnidad legal, demorando así la justicia. En -cada uno de estos casos el resultado es un servicio escaso a un coste -mayor, y un mayor ingreso para los miembros menos competentes de la -profesión. - -Mientras las profesiones más antiguas monopolicen los mayores ingresos y -prestigio, será difícil reformarlas. La profesión de maestro de escuela -debiera ser fácil de reformar, no sólo debido a su origen más reciente. -La profesión educativa pretende ahora un monopolio global; reclama ser -la única competente para impartir el aprendizaje no sólo a sus propios -novicios sino también a los de otras profesiones. Esta expansión -excesiva la hace vulnerable ante cualquier otra profesión que reclame el -derecho a enseñar a sus propios aprendices. Los maestros de escuela -están abrumadoramente mal pagados y frustrados por la estrecha -fiscalización del sistema escolar. Los más emprendedores y dotados de -entre ellos hallarían probablemente un trabajo más simpático, una mayor -independencia y hasta mejores ingresos al especializarse como modelos de -habilidades, administradores de redes o especialistas en orientación. - -Finalmente, es más fácil romper la dependencia del alumno matriculado -respecto del profesor diplomado que su dependencia de otros -profesionales ---por ejemplo, que la de un paciente hospitalizado -respecto de su médico---. Si las escuelas dejaran de ser obligatorias, -aquellos profesores cuya satisfacción reside en el ejercicio de la -autoridad pedagógica en el aula se quedarían sólo con los alumnos para -quienes fuese atractivo ese estilo. La desaparición de nuestra actual -estructura profesional podría comenzar con la deserción del maestro de -escuela. - -La desaparición de las escuelas ocurriría inevitablemente ---y ocurriría -a velocidad sorprendente---. No puede postergarse por más tiempo, y no -hace ninguna falta promoverlo vigorosamente, porque ya está ocurriendo. -Lo que vale la pena es tratar de orientarla en una dirección -prometedora, pues puede dirigirse en dos direcciones diametralmente -opuestas. - -La primera sería la ampliación del mandato del pedagogo y su control -creciente sobre la sociedad, incluso fuera de la escuela. Con la mejor -intención y tan sólo ampliando la retórica usada hoy como en las aulas, -la crisis actual de las escuelas podría proporcionar a los educadores la -excusa para usar todas las redes de la sociedad contemporánea para -enviarnos sus mensajes ---para nuestro bien---. La desescolarización que -no podemos detener, podría significar el advenimiento de un ``mundo -feliz'' dominado por algunos bien intencionados administradores de -instrucción programada. - -Por otra parte, el hecho de que tanto los gobiernos como los empleados, -los contribuyentes, los pedagogos despiertos y los administradores -escolares advierten con creciente claridad que la enseñanza graduada de -currícula en pro de unos certificados se ha hecho perjudicial, podría -ofrecer a grandes masas humanas una oportunidad única: la de preservar -el derecho de tener un acceso parejo a los instrumentos tanto para -aprender, como para competir con otros lo que saben o creen. Pero esto -exigiría que la revolución educativa estuviese guiada por ciertas metas: - -\emph{1.} Liberar el acceso a las cosas, mediante la abolición del -control que hoy ejercen unas personas e instituciones sobre sus valores -educativos. - -\emph{2.} Liberar la coparticipación de habilidades al garantizar la -libertad de enseñarlas o de ejercitarlas a pedido. - -\emph{3.} Liberar los recursos críticos y creativos de la gente por -medio de un regreso a la capacidad de las personas para convocar y -organizar reuniones ---capacidad crecientemente monopolizada por -instituciones que afirman estar al servicio del público---. - -\emph{4.} Liberar al individuo de la obligación de moldear sus -expectativas según los servicios ofrecidos por cualquier profesión -establecida ---proporcionándole la oportunidad de aprovechar la -experiencia de sus iguales y de confiarse al profesor, guía, consejero o -curandero de su elección---. La desescolarización de la sociedad -difuminará inevitablemente las distinciones entre economía, educación y -política, sobre las que se funda ahora la estabilidad del orden mundial -y de las naciones. - -Nuestra reseña de las instituciones educativas nos lleva a modificar -nuestra imagen del hombre. La criatura que las escuelas necesitan como -cliente no tiene ni la autonomía ni la motivación para crecer por su -cuenta. Podemos reconocer la escolarización como la culminación de una -empresa prometeica, y hablar acerca de su alternativa refiriéndonos a un -mundo adecuado para que en él viva un hombre epimeteico. Ya que nos es -posible imaginar el reemplazo del embudo escolástico por una trama de -intercambios y hacer que el mundo vuelva a ser visible mediante -múltiples posibilidades de comunicación, sólo nos queda, al final de -este esfuerzo, esperar que la naturaleza epimeteica del hombre aparezca, -porque este renacimiento no depende de nuestros proyectos ni de nuestra -voluntad. - -\hypertarget{renacimiento-del-hombre-epimeteico}{% -\section{Renacimiento del hombre -epimeteico}\label{renacimiento-del-hombre-epimeteico}} - -Nuestra sociedad se parece a la máquina implacable que una vez vi en una -juguetería neoyorquina consistía en un cofrecillo metálico con un -interruptor que, al tocarlo se abría de golpe descubriendo una mano -mecánica. Unos dedos cromados se estiraban hacia la tapa y la cerraban -desde el interior. Era una caja; uno esperaba poder sacar algo de ella, -pero no contenía sino un mecanismo para cerrarla. Este artilugio es lo -opuesto a la ``caja'' de Pandora. - -La Pandora original, ``la dadora de todo'', era una diosa de la Tierra -en la Grecia prehistórica y matriarcal que dejó escapar todos los males -de su ánfora (\emph{pythos}). Pero cerró la tapa antes de que pudiera -escapar la esperanza. La historia del hombre moderno comienza con la -degradación del mito de Pandora y llega a su término con el cofrecillo -que se cierra solo. Es la historia del empeño prometeico por forjar -instituciones a fin de encerrar los males desencadenados. Es la historia -de una esperanza que declina y de unas expectativas crecientes. - -Para comprender lo que esto significa debemos redescubrir la diferencia -entre expectativa y esperanza. Esperanza, en su sentido vigoroso, -significa fe confiada en la bondad de la naturaleza; mientras -expectativa, tal como la emplearé aquí, significa fiarse en resultados -planificados y controlados por el hombre. La esperanza centra el deseo -en una persona de la que aguardamos un regalo. La expectativa promete -una satisfacción que proviene de un proceso predecible que producirá -aquello que tenemos el derecho de exigir. El \emph{ethos} prometeico ha -eclipsado actualmente la esperanza. La supervivencia de la raza humana -depende de que se la descubra como fuerza social. - -La Pandora original fue enviada a la Tierra con un frasco que contenía -todos los males; de las cosas buenas, contenía sólo la esperanza. El -hombre primitivo vivía en este mundo de la esperanza. Para subsistir -confiaba en la munificencia de la naturaleza, en los regalos de los -dioses y en los instintos de su tribu. Los griegos del periodo clásico -comenzaron a reemplazar la esperanza por las expectativas. En la versión -que dieron de Pandora, ésta soltó tanto males como bienes. La recordaban -principalmente por los males que había desencadenado. Y, lo que es más -significativo, olvidaron que ``la dadora de todo'' era también la -custodia de la esperanza. - -Los griegos contaban la historia de dos hermanos, Prometeo y Epimeteo. -El primero advirtió al segundo que no se metiera con Pandora. Éste, en -cambio, casó con ella. En la Grecia clásica, al nombre Epimeteo, que -significa ``percepción tardía'' o ``visión ulterior'', se le daba el -significado de ``lerdo'' o ``tonto''. Para la época en que Hesíodo -relataba el cuento en su forma clásica, los griegos se habían convertido -en patriarcas moralistas y misóginos que se espantaban ante el -pensamiento de la primera mujer. Construyeron una sociedad racional y -autoritaria. Los hombres proyectaron instituciones mediante las cuales -programaron enfrentarse a todos los males desencadenados. Llegaron a -percatarse de su poder para conformar el mundo y hacerlo producir -servicios que aprendieron también a esperar. Querían que sus artefactos -moldearan sus propias necesidades y las exigencias futuras de sus hijos. -Se convirtieron en legisladores, arquitectos y autores, hacedores de -constituciones, ciudades y obras de arte que sirviesen de ejemplo para -su progenie. El hombre primitivo contaba con la participación mística en -ritos sagrados para iniciar a los individuos en las tradiciones de la -sociedad, pero los griegos clásicos reconocieron como verdaderos hombres -sólo a aquellos ciudadanos que permitían que la \emph{paideia} -(educación) los hiciera aptos para ingresar en las instituciones que sus -mayores habían proyectado. - -El mito en desarrollo refleja la transición desde un mundo en que se -\emph{interpretaban} los sueños a un mundo en que \emph{se hacían} -oráculos. Desde tiempos inmemoriales, se había adorado a la diosa de la -Tierra en las laderas del monte Parnaso, que era el centro y el ombligo -de la tierra. Allí, en Delphos (de \emph{delphys} , la matriz), dormía -Gaia, hermana de Caos y de Eros. Su hijo, Pitón, el dragón, cuidaba sus -sueños lunares y húmedos de rocío, hasta que Apolo, el dios del Sol, el -arquitecto de Troya, se alzó al Oriente, mató al dragón y se apoderó de -la cueva de Gaia. Los sacerdotes de Apolo se hicieron cargo del templo -de la diosa. Emplearon a una doncella de la localidad, la sentaron en un -trípode, sobre el ombligo humeante de la tierra, y la adormecieron con -emanaciones. Luego pusieron sus declaraciones extáticas en hexámetros -rimados de profecías que se cumplían por la misma influencia que -ejercían. De todo el Peloponeso venían hombres a traer sus problemas -ante Apolo. Se consultaba el oráculo sobre posibles alternativas -sociales, tales como las medidas que se debían adoptar frente a una -peste o una hambruna, sobre cuál era la constitución conveniente para -Esparta o cuáles los emplazamientos propicios para ciudades que más -tarde se llamaron Bizancio y Caledonia. La flecha que nunca yerra se -convirtió en un símbolo de Apolo. Todo lo referente a él adquirió un fin -determinado y útil. - -En la \emph{República} , al describir el Estado ideal, Platón ya excluye -la música popular. En las ciudades se permitiría sólo el arpa y la lira -de Apolo, porque únicamente la armonía de éstas crea ``la tensión de la -necesidad y la tensión de la libertad, la tensión de lo infortunado y la -tensión de lo afortunado, la tensión del valor y la tensión de la -templanza, dignas del ciudadano''. Los habitantes de la ciudad se -espantaron ante la flauta de Pan y su poder para despertar los -instintos. Sólo ``los pastores pueden tocar las flautas (de Pan) y esto -sólo en el campo''. - -El hombre se hizo responsable de las leyes bajo las cuales quería vivir -y de moldear el medio ambiente a su propia semejanza. La iniciación -primitiva que daba la Madre Tierra a una vida mítica se transformó en la -educación (\emph{paideia}) del ciudadano que se sentiría a gusto en el -foro. - -Para el primitivo, el mundo estaba regido por el destino, los hechos y -la necesidad. Al robar el fuego de los dioses, Prometeo convirtió los -hechos en problemas, puso en tela de juicio la necesidad y desafió al -destino. El hombre clásico tramó un contexto civilizado para la -perspectiva humana. Se percataba de que podía desafiar al trío -destino-naturaleza-entorno, pero sólo bajo su propio riesgo. El hombre -contemporáneo va aún más lejos; intenta crear el mundo a su semejanza, -contribuir y planificar su entorno, y descubre entonces que sólo puede -hacerlo a condición de rehacerse continuamente para ajustarse a él. -Debemos enfrentarnos ahora al hecho de que es el hombre mismo el que -está en juego. - -La vida en Nueva York produce una visión peculiar de lo que es y de lo -que podría ser, y sin esta visión, la vida en Nueva York se hace -imposible. En las calles de Nueva York, un niño jamás toca nada que no -haya sido ideado, proyectado, planificado y vendido científicamente a -alguien. Hasta los árboles están allí porque el Departamento de Parques -así lo decidió. Los chistes que el niño escucha por televisión han sido -programados a gran coste. La basura con que juega en las calles de -Harlem está hecha de paquetes deshechos ideados para un tercero. Hasta -los deseos y los temores están moldeados institucionalmente. El poder y -la violencia están organizados y administrados: las pandillas, frente a -la policía. El aprendizaje mismo se define como el consumo de una -materia, que es el resultado de programas investigados, planificados y -promocionados. Lo que allí haya de bueno, es el producto de alguna -institución especializada. Sería tonto pedir algo que no pudiese -producir alguna institución. El niño de la ciudad no puede esperar nada -que esté más allá del posible desarrollo del proceso institucional. -Hasta a su fantasía se le urge a producir ciencia ficción. Puede -experimentar la sorpresa poética de lo no planificado sólo a través de -sus encuentros con la ``mugre'', el desatino o el fracaso: la cáscara de -naranja en la cuneta, el charco en la calle, el quebrantamiento del -orden, del programa o de la máquina son los únicos despegues para el -vuelo de la fantasía creadora. El ``viaje'' se convierte en la única -poesía al alcance de la mano. - -Como nada deseable hay que no haya sido planificado, el niño ciudadano -pronto llega a la conclusión de que siempre podremos idear una -institución para cada una de nuestras apetencias. Toma por descontado el -poder del proceso para crear valor. Ya sea que la meta fuere juntarse -con un compañero, integrar un barrio o adquirir habilidades de lectura, -se la definirá de tal modo que su logro pueda proyectarse técnicamente. -El hombre que sabe que nada que está en demanda deja de producirse llega -pronto a esperar que nada de lo que se produce pueda carecer de demanda. -Si puede proyectarse un vehículo lunar, también puede proyectarse la -demanda de viajes a la Luna. No ir donde uno puede sería subversivo. -Desenmascararía, mostrándola como una locura, la suposición de que cada -demanda satisfecha trae consigo el descubrimiento de otra, mayor aún, e -insatisfecha. Esa percepción detendría el progreso. No producir lo que -es posible dejaría a la ley de las ``expectativas crecientes'' al -descubierto, en calidad de eufemismo para expresar una brecha creciente -de frustración, que es el motor de la sociedad, fundado en la -coproducción de servicios y en la demanda creciente. - -El estado mental del habitante de la ciudad moderna aparece en la -tradición mitológica sólo bajo la imagen del Infierno: Sísifo, que por -un tiempo había encadenado a Tánatos (la muerte), debe empujar una -pesada roca cerro arriba hasta el pináculo del Infierno, y la piedra -siempre se escapa de sus manos cuando está a punto de llegar a la cima. -Tántalo, a quien los dioses invitaron a compartir la comida olímpica, y -que aprovechó la ocasión para robarles el secreto de la preparación de -la ambrosía que todo lo cura, sufre hambre y sed eternas, de pie en un -río cuyas aguas se le escapan y a la sombra de árboles cuyos frutos no -alcanza. Un mundo de demandas siempre crecientes no sólo es malo; el -único término adecuado para nombrarlo es ``Infierno''. - -El hombre ha desarrollado la frustradora capacidad de pedir cualquier -cosa porque no puede visualizar nada que una institución no pueda hacer -por él. Rodeado por herramientas todopoderosas, el hombre queda reducido -a ser instrumento de sus instrumentos. Cada una de las instituciones -ideadas para exorcizar alguno de los males primordiales se ha convertido -en un ataúd a prueba de errores y de cierre automático y hermético para -el hombre. El hombre está atrapado en las cajas que fabrica para -encerrar los males que Pandora dejó escapar. El oscurecimiento de la -realidad por el \emph{smog} producido por nuestras propias herramientas -nos rodea. Súbitamente nos hallamos en la oscuridad de nuestra propia -trampa. - -Hasta la realidad ha llegado a depender de la decisión humana. El mismo -presidente que ordenó la ineficaz invasión de Camboya podría ordenar de -igual manera el uso eficaz del átomo. El ``interruptor Hiroshima'' puede -cortar hoy el ombligo de la tierra. El hombre ha adquirido el poder de -hacer que Caos anonade a Eros y a Gaia. Esta nueva capacidad del hombre, -el poder cortar el ombligo de la tierra, es un recuerdo constante de que -nuestras instituciones no sólo crean sus propios fines, sino que tienen -también el poder de señalar su propio fin y el nuestro. El absurdo de -las instituciones modernas se evidencia en el caso de la institución -militar. Las armas modernas pueden defender la libertad, la civilización -y la vida únicamente aniquilándolas. En lenguaje militar, seguridad -significa la capacidad de eliminar la Tierra. - -El absurdo subyacente en las instituciones no militares no es menos -manifiesto. No hay en ellas un interruptor que active sus poderes -destructores, pero tampoco lo necesitan. Sus dedos ya atenazan la tapa -del mundo. Crean a mayor velocidad necesidades que satisfacciones, y en -el proceso de tratar de satisfacer las necesidades que engendran, -consumen la tierra. Esto vale para la agricultura y la manufactura, y no -menos para la medicina y la educación. La agricultura moderna envenena y -agota el suelo. La ``revolución verde'' puede, mediante nuevas semillas, -triplicar la producción de una hectárea ---pero sólo con un aumento -proporcionalmente mayor de fertilizantes, insecticidas, agua y -energía---. Fabricar estas cosas, como los demás bienes, contamina los -océanos y la atmósfera y degrada recursos irreemplazables. Si la -combustión continúa aumentando según los índices actuales, pronto -consumiremos el oxígeno de la atmósfera sin poder reemplazarlo con igual -presteza. No tenemos razones para creer que la fisión o la fusión puedan -reemplazar la combustión sin peligros iguales o mayores. Los expertos en -medicina reemplazan a las parteras y prometen convertir al hombre en -otra cosa: genéticamente planificado, farmacológicamente endulzado y -capaz de enfermedades más prolongadas. El ideal contemporáneo es un -mundo panhigiénico: un mundo en el que todos los contactos entre los -hombres, y entre los hombres y su mundo, sean el resultado de la -previsión y la manipulación. La escuela se ha convertido en el proceso -planificado que labra al hombre para un mundo planificado, en la trampa -principal para entrampar al hombre en la trampa humana. Se supone que -moldea a cada hombre a un nivel adecuado para desempeñar un papel en -este juego mundial. De manera inexorable, cultivamos, elaboramos, -producimos y escolarizamos el mundo hasta acabar con él. - -La institución militar es evidentemente absurda. Más difícil se hace -enfrentar el absurdo de las instituciones no militares. Es aún más -aterrorizante, precisamente porque funciona inexorablemente. Sabemos qué -interruptor debe quedar abierto para evitar un holocausto atómico. No -hay interruptor para detener un apocalipsis ecológico. - -En la antigüedad clásica, el hombre descubrió que el mundo podía -forjarse según los planes del hombre, y, junto con este descubrimiento, -advirtió que ello era inherentemente precario, dramático y cómico. -Fueron creándose las instituciones democráticas y dentro de su -estructura se supuso que el hombre era digno de confianza. Lo que se -esperaba del debido proceso legal y la confianza en la naturaleza humana -se mantenía en equilibrio recíproco. Se desarrollaron las profesiones -tradicionales y con ellas las instituciones necesarias para el ejercicio -de aquéllas. - -Subrepticiamente, la confianza en el proceso institucional ha -reemplazado la dependencia respecto de la buena voluntad humana -personal. El mundo ha perdido su dimensión humana y ha readquirido la -necesidad de los tiempos primitivos. Pero mientras el caos de los -bárbaros estaba constantemente ordenado en nombre de dioses misteriosos -y antropomórficos, hoy en día la única razón que puede ofrecerse para -que el mundo esté como está es la planificación del hombre. El hombre se -ha convertido en el juguete de científicos, ingenieros y planificadores. - -Vemos esta lógica en otros y en nosotros mismos. Conozco una aldea -mexicana en la que no pasa más de media docena de autos cada día. Un -mexicano estaba jugando al dominó sobre la nueva carretera asfaltada -frente a su casa ---en donde probablemente se había sentado y había -jugado desde muchacho---. Un coche pasó velozmente y lo mató. El turista -que me informó del hecho estaba profundamente conmovido y, sin embargo, -dijo: ``Tenía que sucederle''. - -A primera vista, la observación del turista no difiere de la de un -bosquimano que relata la muerte de algún fulano que se hubiera topado -con un tabú y por consiguiente hubiera muerto. Pero las dos afirmaciones -poseen significados diferentes. El primitivo puede culpar a alguna -entidad trascendente, tremenda y ciega, mientras el turista está pasmado -ante la inexorable lógica de la máquina. El primitivo no siente -responsabilidad; el turista la siente, pero la niega. Tanto en el -primitivo como en el turista están ausentes la modalidad clásica del -drama, el estilo de la tragedia, la lógica del empeño individual y de la -rebelión. El hombre primitivo no ha llegado a tener conciencia de ello, -y el turista la ha perdido. El mito del bosquimano y el mito del -norteamericano están compuestos ambos de fuerzas inertes, inhumanas. -Ninguno de los dos experimenta una rebeldía trágica. Para el bosquimano, -el suceso se ciñe a las leyes de la magia, para el norteamericano se -ciñe a las leyes de la ciencia. El suceso le pone bajo el hechizo de las -leyes de la mecánica, que para él gobiernan los sucesos físicos, -sociales y psicológicos. - -El estado de ánimo de 1971 es propicio para un cambio importante de -dirección en busca de un futuro esperanzador. A las metas -institucionales las contradicen continuamente los resultados -institucionales. El programa para la pobreza produce más pobres, la -guerra en Asia acrecienta los Vietcong, la ayuda técnica engendra más -subdesarrollo. Las clínicas para control de nacimientos incrementan los -índices de supervivencia y provocan aumentos de población; las escuelas -producen más desertores, y el atajar un tipo de contaminación suele -aumentar otro tipo. - -Los consumidores se enfrentan al claro hecho de que cuanto más pueden -comprar, tanto más engaño han de tragar. Hasta hace poco parecía lógico -que pudiera echarse la culpa de esta inflación pandémica de disfunciones -ya fuese al retraso de los descubrimientos científicos respecto de las -exigencias tecnológicas, ya fuese a la perversidad de los enemigos -étnicos, ideológicos o de clase. Han declinado las expectativas tanto -respecto de un milenario científico como de una guerra que acabe con las -guerras. - -Para el consumidor avezado no hay manera de regresar a una ingenua -confianza en las tecnologías mágicas. Demasiadas personas han tenido la -experiencia de computadoras que se descomponen, infecciones -hospitalarias y saturación dondequiera que haya tráfico en la carretera, -en el aire o en el teléfono. Hace apenas 10 años, la sabiduría -convencional preveía una mejor vida fundada en los descubrimientos -científicos. Ahora, los científicos asustan a los niños. Los viajes a la -Luna proporcionan una fascinante demostración de que el fallo humano -puede casi eliminarse entre los operarios de sistemas complejos ---sin -embargo, esto no mitiga los temores ante la posibilidad de que un fallo -humano que consista en no consumir conforme a las instrucciones pueda -escapar a todo control---. - -Para el reformador social tampoco hay modo de regresar a las premisas de -la década de los años cuarenta. Se ha desvanecido la esperanza de que el -problema de distribuir con justicia los bienes pueda evadirse creándolos -en abundancia. El coste de la cesta mínima que satisfaga los gustos -contemporáneos se ha ido a las nubes, y lo que hace que un gusto sea -moderno es el hecho de que aparezca como anticuado antes de haber sido -satisfecho. - -Los límites de los recursos de la tierra ya se han evidenciado. Ninguna -nueva avenida de la ciencia o la tecnología podría proveer a cada hombre -del mundo de los bienes y servicios de que disponen ahora los pobres de -los países ricos. Por ejemplo, se precisaría extraer 100 veces las -cantidades actuales de hierro, estaño, cobre y plomo para lograr esa -meta, incluso con la alternativa tecnológica más ``liviana''. - -Por fin, los profesores, médicos y trabajadores sociales caen en la -cuenta de que sus diversos tratamientos profesionales tienen un aspecto ----por lo menos--- en común: crean nuevas demandas para los tratamientos -profesionales que proporcionan, a una mayor rapidez con la que pueden -proporcionar instituciones de servicio. - -Se está haciendo sospechosa no sólo una parte, sino la lógica misma de -la sabiduría convencional. Incluso las leyes de la economía parecen poco -convincentes fuera de los estrechos parámetros aplicables a la región -social y geográfica en la que se encuentra la mayor parte del dinero. En -efecto, el dinero es el circulante más barato, pero sólo en una economía -encaminada hacia una eficiencia medida en términos monetarios. Tanto los -países capitalistas como los comunistas en sus diversas formas están -dedicados a medir la eficiencia en relación con el coste/beneficio -expresado en dólares. El capitalismo se jacta de un nivel más elevado de -vida para afirmar su superioridad. El comunismo hace alarde de una mayor -tasa de crecimiento como índice de su triunfo final. Pero bajo -cualquiera de ambas ideologías el coste total de aumentar la eficiencia -se incrementa geométricamente. Las instituciones de mayor tamaño -compiten con fiereza por los recursos que no están anotados en ningún -inventario: el aire, el océano, el silencio, la luz del sol y la salud. -Ponen en evidencia la escasez de estos recursos ante la opinión pública -sólo cuando están casi irremediablemente degradados. Por doquiera, la -naturaleza se vuelve ponzoñosa, la sociedad inhumana, la vida interior -se ve invadida y la vocación personal ahogada. - -Una sociedad dedicada a la institucionalización de los valores -identifica la producción de bienes y servicios con la demanda de los -mismos. La educación que le hace a uno necesitar el producto está -incluida en el precio del producto. La escuela es la agencia de -publicidad que le hace a uno creer que necesita la sociedad tal y como -está. En dicha sociedad el valor marginal ha llegado a ser -constantemente autotrascendente. Obliga a los consumidores más grandes ----son pocos--- a competir por tener el poder de agotar la tierra, por -llenarse sus propias panzas hinchadas, por disciplinar a los -consumidores de menor tamaño, y por poner fuera de acción a quienes aún -encuentran satisfacción en arreglárselas con lo que tienen. El -\emph{ethos} de la insaciabilidad es por tanto la fuente misma de la -depredación física, de la polarización social y de la pasividad -psicológica. - -Cuando los valores se han institucionalizado en procesos planificados y -técnicamente construidos, los miembros de la sociedad moderna creen que -la buena vida consiste en tener instituciones que definan los valores -que tanto ellos como su sociedad creen que necesitan. El valor -institucional puede definirse como el nivel de producción de una -institución. El valor correspondiente del hombre se mide por su -capacidad para consumir y degradar estas producciones institucionales y -crear así una demanda nueva ---y aún mayor---. El valor del hombre -institucionalizado depende de su capacidad como incinerador. Para -emplear una imagen, ha llegado a ser el ídolo de sus artesanías. El -hombre se autodefiende ahora como el horno en que se queman los valores -producidos por sus herramientas. Y no hay límites para su voracidad. Su -acto es el acto de Prometeo llevado al extremo. - -El agotamiento y la contaminación de los recursos de la tierra es, por -encima de todo, el resultado de una corrupción de la imagen que el -hombre tiene de sí mismo, de una regresión en su conciencia. Algunos -tienden a hablar acerca de una mutación de la conciencia colectiva que -conduce a concebir al hombre como un organismo que no depende de la -naturaleza y de las personas, sino más bien de instituciones. Esta -institucionalización de valores esenciales, esta creencia en que un -proceso planificado de tratamiento da finalmente unos resultados -deseados por quien recibe el tratamiento, este \emph{ethos} de -consumidor, se halla en el núcleo mismo de la falacia prometeica. - -Los empeños por encontrar un nuevo equilibrio en el medio ambiente -global dependen de la desinstitucionalización de los valores. La -sospecha de que algo estructural anda mal en la visión del \emph{homo -faber} es común en una creciente minoría de países tanto capitalistas -como comunistas y ``subdesarrollados''. Esta sospecha es la -característica compartida por una nueva élite. A ella pertenece gente de -todas las clases, ingresos, creencias y civilizaciones. Se han vuelto -suspicaces respecto de los mitos de la mayoría: de las utopías -científicas, del diabolismo ideológico y de la expectativa de que la -distribución de bienes y servicios se hará con igualdad. Comparten con -la mayoría la sensación de estar atrapados, de percatarse de que la -mayor parte de las nuevas pautas adoptadas por amplio consenso conducen -a resultados que se oponen descaradamente a sus metas propuestas. No -obstante, mientras la mayoría de los prometeicos astronautas en ciernes -sigue evadiendo el problema fundamental, la minoría emergente se muestra -crítica respecto del \emph{deus ex machina} científico, de la panacea -ideológica y de la cacería de diablos y brujas. Esta minoría comienza a -dar forma a su sospecha de que nuestros constantes engaños nos atan a -las instituciones contemporáneas como las cadenas ataban a Prometeo a su -roca. La esperanza, la confianza y la ironía (\emph{eironeia}) clásica -deben conspirar para dejar al descubierto la falacia prometeica. - -Solía pensarse que Prometeo significaba ``previsión'' y aun llegó a -traducirse por ``aquel que hace avanzar la Estrella Polar''. Privó -astutamente a los dioses del monopolio del fuego, enseñó a los hombres a -usarlo para forjar el hierro, se convirtió en el dios de los tecnólogos -y terminó con cadenas de hierro. - -La Pitonisa de Delfos fue reemplazada por una computadora que se cierne -sobre cuadros de instrumentos y tarjetas perforadas. Los exámenes del -oráculo cedieron el paso a los códigos de programación. El timonel -humano entregó el rumbo a la máquina cibernética. Emerge la máquina -definitiva para dirigir nuestros destinos. Los niños se imaginan volando -en sus máquinas espaciales, lejos de una Tierra crepuscular. - -Mirando desde las perspectivas del Hombre de la Luna, Prometeo pudo -reconocer a Gaia como el planeta de la Esperanza y como el Arco de la -Humanidad. Un sentido nuevo de la finitud de la Tierra y una nueva -nostalgia pueden ahora abrir los ojos del hombre y hacerle ver por qué -su hermano Epimeteo, al desposar a Pandora, eligió desposar a la Tierra. - -Al llegar aquí el mito griego se convierte en esperanzada profecía, pues -nos dice que el hijo de Prometeo fue Deucalión, el Timonel del Arca, -quien, como Noé, navegó sobre el Diluvio para convertirse en el padre de -la humanidad nueva que, con ayuda de Pirra, hija de Epimeteo y de -Pandora, sacó de la tierra. Por ello nos es necesario comprender el -sentido de ese Pithos que Pandora obtuvo de los dioses y que es el -inverso de la Caja: nuestro Vaso y nuestra Arca. - -Necesitamos ahora un nombre para quienes valoran más la esperanza que -las expectativas. Necesitamos un nombre para quienes aman más a la gente -que a los productos, para aquellos que creen que - -\begin{verbatim} -No hay personas sin interés. -Sus destinos son como la crónica de los planetas. - -Nada en ellos deja de ser peculiar -y los planetas son distintos unos y otros. -\end{verbatim} - -Necesitamos un nombre para aquellos que aman la tierra en la que podemos -encontrarnos unos con otros, - -\begin{verbatim} -Y si un hombre viviese en la oscuridad -haciendo amistades en esa oscuridad, -la oscuridad no carecería de interés. -\end{verbatim} - -Necesitamos un nombre para aquellos que colaboran con su hermano -Prometeo en alumbrar el fuego y en dar forma al hierro, pero que lo -hacen para acrecentar así su capacidad de entender y cuidar y ser -guardián del prójimo, sabiendo que - -\begin{verbatim} -para cada cual su mundo es privado, -y en ese mundo la maravilla de un minuto, -y en ese mundo lo trágico de un minuto, -que son mis propios bienes. -\end{verbatim} - -\footnote{Las tres citas provienen de ``People'' (``Gente''), del libro - \emph{Poemas escogidos} de Yevgeny Yevtushenko. Traducidos por Robin - Milner-Gulland y Peter Levi, y con una introducción de los - traductores. Publicado por E. P. Dutton \& Co., 1962, y reimpreso con - su autorización.} A esto hermanos y hermanas esperanzados sugiero -llamarlos hombres epimeteicos. - -\hypertarget{apuxe9ndice-una-elecciuxf3n-que-hacer}{% -\section{Apéndice: una elección que -hacer}\label{apuxe9ndice-una-elecciuxf3n-que-hacer}} - -De generación en generación nos hemos esforzado por llegar a la -educación de un mundo mejor y para hacerlo hemos desarrollado sin cesar -la escolaridad. Hasta ahora, la empresa se ha pagado con un fracaso. ¿Y -qué hemos aprendido si no es a constreñir a los niños para que suban la -escalera sin fin de la educación que, lejos de conducir a la igualdad -buscada, sólo favorece al que se adelantó a los otros o al que tiene -mejor salud o al que se beneficia de una mejor preparación? Peor aún, la -enseñanza obligatoria parece minar la voluntad personal de aprender. Por -último, al saber considerado como una mercancía, que hay que almacenar y -distribuir, pronto se le considera como un bien sometido a las garantías -de la propiedad individual y, por lo mismo, tiende a volverse escaso. - -Comenzamos a percibir que este esfuerzo por desarrollar la educación -pública mediante una escolaridad obligatoria está a punto de perder su -legitimidad desde el punto de vista social, pedagógico y económico. -Frente a esta crisis, los espíritus críticos no se contentan ya con -remedios clásicos, ¡sino que proponen unos mucho más violentos! -Imaginan, por ejemplo, sistemas de crédito educativo que permitirían a -cada uno comprar la educación de su elección en un mercado no -controlado, o bien, proponen retirarle a las escuelas la responsabilidad -en materia de educación para dársela a los medios modernos de -información y al aprendizaje en los sitios de trabajo. Algunos, -aislados, entrevén la necesidad de destruir los fundamentos -institucionales de la escuela, como le sucedió a la Iglesia en el -transcurso de los dos últimos siglos. Ciertos reformadores proponen -reemplazar la escuela universal por nuevos y diferentes sistemas que -pretenden preparar mejor para la vida en una sociedad moderna\ldots{} En -síntesis, estamos frente a una elección: podemos contentarnos con -desmantelar las escuelas o podemos ir más lejos y desescolarizar por -completo la sociedad. - -Todas esas proposiciones en favor de instituciones educativas nuevas se -reparten, de hecho, en tres categorías: las reformas que llevan al -``salón de clases'' sin tocar el sistema escolar; luego, la dispersión -de clases ``liberadas'' en toda la sociedad; por último, la -transformación de la misma sociedad en un inmenso salón de clases. Pero -estos tres enfoques del problema ---clase reformada, liberada o que -englobe al mundo entero--- los consideramos como tres etapas de la -escalada del proceso educativo a través de las cuales se afirmará la -empresa de un control todavía más sutil y más invasor del que habrá -reemplazado. - -Si por mi parte estoy convencido de que conviene poner un término al -reino de la escuela (desenlace que, por otra parte, creo ineluctable), -es porque me parece que esta desaparición de una convicción ilusoria nos -debería llenar de esperanza. Sin embargo, no estoy por ello menos -consciente de que, llegados a este término de la ``era escolar'', -podríamos muy bien entrar en la de una escuela totalitaria que sólo el -nombre distinguiría del asilo de alienados o de un campo de -concentración donde educación, corrección y reajuste serían por fin -sinónimos. Creo, en consecuencia, que el desmantelamiento de la escuela -nos fuerza a ver más allá de su inminente desaparición y nos constriñe a -enfrentar las posibilidades fundamentales de elección en materia de -educación: ya sea que elijamos trabajar en la constitución de un arsenal -educativo aterrador, con el objeto de acrecentar de golpe la fuerza de -una enseñanza que trata de un mundo sin cesar más ensombrecido, más -amenazador para el hombre; ya sea que intentemos poner en orden las -condiciones necesarias para el surgimiento de una nueva era donde la -tecnología se pondrá al servicio de una sociedad más simple, más -transparente, de suerte que todos los hombres puedan descubrir lo que -los rodea y servirse de las herramientas que hoy en día dan forma a sus -propias vidas. - -\hypertarget{la-enseuxf1anza-oculta-de-las-escuelas}{% -\subsection{La enseñanza oculta de las -escuelas}\label{la-enseuxf1anza-oculta-de-las-escuelas}} - -Debemos distinguir entre ``educación'' y ``escolaridad'' si queremos ver -surgir más claramente esa elección que se nos ofrece. Comprendo que -conviene distinguir entre los objetivos humanistas del profesor y los -efectos inherentes a la estructura inalterable de la escuela. Con toda -seguridad esta estructura no es evidente a primera vista, pero sólo su -existencia explica cierta forma de instrucción transmitida a todos y que -escapa al control del docente o del consejo de profesores. En efecto, un -mensaje se inscribe indeleble: sólo la escolaridad es capaz de preparar -la entrada en la sociedad. Por ello, lo que no se enseña en la escuela -se le retira su valor y, por lo mismo ¡lo que se aprende fuera de ella -no vale la pena conocerse! Eso es lo que llamo la enseñanza oculta de -las escuelas que define los límites en los cuales se efectúan los -pretendidos cambios de programas. - -Sin defendernos de ella, esta enseñanza no varía de una escuela a otra -ni de un lugar a otro. En todas partes los niños deben congregarse en -grupos, según la edad; luego, alrededor de 30 toman su lugar frente a un -profesor diplomado en razón de 150, incluso 1 000 horas, al año o más, -No importa si el programa oficial intenta enseñar los principios del -fascismo o del liberalismo, del catolicismo o del socialismo, o si -pretende ponerse al servicio de una ``liberación'', ya que en todos los -casos la institución se arroga el derecho de definir las actividades -propias que conducen a una ``educación'' legitima. Poco importa, -igualmente, si el objetivo confesado de la escuela es producir -ciudadanos soviéticos o norteamericanos, mecánicos o médicos, en la -medida en que sin el diploma no se es un ciudadano verdadero o un doctor -reconocido\ldots{} Aunque todas las reuniones no se hagan en el mismo -recinto, aunque incluso se consideren, de una manera o de otra, -necesarias (cortar caña es trabajo del cañero; reformarse, el del -prisionero, y seguir una parte del programa, el de los estudiantes), no -hay en lo anterior ninguna diferencia. - -Nos enfrentamos a una especie de directiva secreta que quiere que los -estudiantes aprendan antes que nada que la educación sólo tiene valor -una vez que se adquirió en el seno de la universidad mediante un método -graduado de consumo, y se le promete que el éxito social dependerá de la -cantidad de saber consumido, Están convencidos de que vale mucho más -instruirse a distancia de lo que es el mundo. El hecho de que la -escolaridad imponga esta regla secreta en un programa educativo la -distingue inmediatamente de otras formas de educación planificada. Todos -los sistemas escolares del planeta tienen características comunes en -relación con su rendimiento institucional y la razón de ello es ese -``programa oculto'' común a todas las escuelas. - -Hay que entender bien que ese programa oculto modifica la concepción que -tenemos de la adquisición del saber y hace de la actividad personal una -mercancía de la que la escuela cree detentar el monopolio. A un bien de -consumo le damos hoy en día el nombre de ``educación'': un producto cuya -fabricación la asegura una institución oficial llamada ``escuela''. En -consecuencia, henos ahí con el fin de medir la duración y el costo del -tratamiento aplicado al estudiante (en Estados Unidos, el diplomado de -una pequeña universidad regional y el de uno de los colegios de la -``liga de la hieda''\footnote{Las 14 más célebres universidades de - Estados Unidos constituyen esta ``liga de la hiedra'' \emph{(ivy - league)}. (Son miembros de ella, por ejemplo, Yale, Harvard, - Princeton\ldots) Es una asociación sin objetivo definido, pero que - conserva la tradición de grandeza. Saca su nombre de la hiedra que - recubre los edificios más antiguos. (T.)} tienen cubiertos los mismos -135 ``créditos'',\footnote{El hecho de asistir a los cursos representa - cierto número de créditos por semestre. Para tener acceso al diploma - es necesario haber cubierto un número de 135 en cuatro años. (T.)} -¡pero están plenamente conscientes de la diferente cotización de sus -``títulos'' en la bolsa de valores educativos!). - -En todos los países convertidos al ideal escolar, el saber se considera -como un bien de primera necesidad, como un asunto de sobrevivencia y, de -la misma forma, como una moneda de cambio más fácilmente convertible que -los rublos y los dólares. Cuando hablamos de alienación estamos de tal -manera habituados al vocabulario marxista que sólo pensamos -frecuentemente en la del trabajador en relación con su trabajo desde la -perspectiva de una sociedad de clases; hoy en día nos sería necesario -reconocer otra forma de la alienación, la del hombre frente al saber -cuando este último, transformado en producto de un servicio, hace de -quien lo adquiere un consumidor. - -Entre más educación ``consume'' un ser humano, más hace fructificar su -posesión y se eleva en la jerarquía de los capitalistas del -conocimiento. La educación definió una nueva pirámide de clases, en la -medida en que los grandes consumidores de saber ---esos portadores de -bonos del tesoro del conocimiento--- pueden inmediatamente pretender dar -servicios de un valor más eminente a su sociedad. Ellos representan las -inversiones seguras en el portafolio del capital humano de una sociedad -y sólo ellos tienen un pronto acceso a las herramientas más poderosas o -menos extendidas de la producción. - -De esa manera, ese programa secreto definió implícitamente la naturaleza -de la educación: permite medirla y establecer qué nivel de productividad -da derecho a su consumo. Disponemos entonces de la posibilidad de -justificar la creciente correlación entre los empleos y los privilegios -que manan de ellos. En ciertas sociedades esos privilegios se conocerán -bajo la forma de ingresos personales más considerables; en otras, será -un acceso fácil a servicios todavía poco desarrollados o a una formación -más favorecida, sin olvidar un creciente prestigio (por otra parte, en -el momento mismo en que, en nombre de la educación, se reclaman -crecientes privilegios, la fosa entre la formación y la competencia -profesional se acrecienta, como lo muestran ciertos estudios, en -particular el de Ivar Berg, \emph{La educación y los empleos, la gran -estafa de la formación}). - -Querer hacer pasar a todos los seres humanos por las etapas sucesivas de -la adquisición del saber nos lleva a recordar la búsqueda de los -alquimistas y a mirar bien ahí: en el ``gran arte'' del final de la Edad -Media encontraremos con toda seguridad los orígenes profundos de la idea -de escolaridad. Consideramos a justo título que Jan Amos Komensky fue -uno de los grandes precursores de las teorías de la escuela moderna. Más -conocido con el nombre de Comenius, Jan Amos era obispo de Moravia y se -decía ``pansofista'' y pedagogo. En su \emph{Didactica Magna} describe -las escuelas como medios para ``enseñar todo a todo el mundo'' y podemos -ver en él como un anteproyecto de la producción en la cadena del saber, -ya que quería hacer la educación a la vez mejor y menos costosa, con el -fin de permitir a todos el acceso a la condición de hombre. Pero sería -insuficiente ver en Comenius una suerte de predecesor de nuestros -expertos en métodos pedagógicos. Experto en alquimia, utilizaba su jerga -para describir el arte de educar a los niños. Como se sabe, los -alquimistas buscaban trasmutar el plomo vil, los elementos vulgares, en -oro, haciendo pasar sus espíritus destilados por las 12 etapas del -enriquecimiento. Es evidente que si veían en eso una manera de -enriquecerse a sí mismos, pretendían trabajar en nombre del interés -general, y sus sucesivos fracasos no los desalentaban, ya que su -``ciencia'' les permitía encontrar en ella las razones y justificar la -continuación de sus esfuerzos. - -En esta perspectiva, la pedagogía abría un nuevo capítulo en la historia -de la \emph{Ars Magna} : la educación se volvía, en efecto, la búsqueda -de una especie de método alquímico destinado a hacer surgir un nuevo -tipo de hombre capaz de adaptarse a un medio creado por la magia -científica. Y, al igual que en la alquimia, cualquiera que fuera la suma -consagrada a cada generación para edificar escuelas, el resultado es que -la mayoría de aquellos a los que se les enseña no responden a esa -``afinación'' y pronto hay que rechazarlos como no aptos para existir en -un mundo concebido por el hombre. - -Los reformadores en materia de educación que admiten el fracaso de las -escuelas se reparten en tres categorías. Los más respetables son -seguramente los grandes maestros en alquimia que prometen mejores -escuelas; los más seductores, esos magos populares que anuncian la -transformación de cada cocina en un laboratorio alquímico; los más -aterradores, esos nuevos ``masones'' del universo que buscan transformar -el mundo en un vasto templo de la enseñanza. - -Veamos, en particular, entre esos maestros alquimistas del momento, a -los directores de investigación que emplean o patrocinan las grandes -fundaciones. Están persuadidos de que las escuelas, si pudieran de -alguna manera mejorarse, se volverían empresas más económicamente -viables que venderían un más vasto conjunto de servicios. En cuanto a -aquellos cuyo interés se dirige hacia los programas, pretenden que éstos -no están adaptados o están sobrepasados. De esa manera se conciben -nuevos programas en los que se introducen mercancías al gusto del -momento: cultura africana, imperialismo norteamericano, liberación -femenina, contaminación o sociedad de consumo. Se denuncia la pasividad -(con toda seguridad es un mal) y, para remediarla, se concede a los -estudiantes que ellos mismos decidan lo que quieren que se les enseñe y -de qué manera. Algunos dicen que las escuelas son prisiones y, en -consecuencia, se aconseja a los jefes de establecimientos dar su -asentimiento a salidas educativas: un horizonte de pupitres y de muros -se sustituye, por ejemplo, por una calle de Harlem cuidadosamente -delimitada. Por último, la psicología está de moda y se instaura la -terapia de grupos en el salón de clases. La escuela, que se consideraba -el todo aprender de todos, se vuelve hoy en día el universo de todos los -niños. - -Otros críticos se levantan para subrayar que las escuelas no utilizan -suficientemente los recursos de la ciencia moderna. Surge el deseo de -que los hombres de ciencia inventen algún medicamento que consuman los -niños para que el instructor pueda modificar más fácilmente sus -comportamientos. Se habla de transformar las escuelas en casinos -educativos. Hay quienes quisieran ``electrificar'' el salón de clases y, -por poco que crean ser buenos discípulos de McLuhan, helos ahí -reemplazando el pizarrón y los manuales por \emph{happenings} en los que -se ofrece toda la batería de aparatos de comunicación. Si admiran a -Skinner, afirman que la aplicación de sus teorías permitirá una acción -más eficaz sobre el comportamiento de los estudiantes que la de los -antiguos maestros, hoy pasados de moda. - -Que algunas de estas reformas tengan efectos felices, es innegable. La -práctica de la escuela tradicional está en un fuerte proceso de -disminución en las escuelas experimentales. A veces los padres tienen un -sentimiento mayor de participación. Los alumnos designados por sus -profesores para seguir cursillos de aprendizaje adquieren frecuentemente -un mayor \emph{savoir faire}\footnote{En francés, en el original. (T.)} -que el de sus camaradas que permanecen en clase (conocí niños que -mejoraban sus conocimientos de español en el laboratorio de lengua, -porque preferían jugar con los botones de las grabadoras que conversar -con sus iguales puertorriqueños). Sin embargo, todas esas mejoras -intervienen en límites estrechos y previsibles, ya que no llegan al -programa oculto de las escuelas. - -A algunos reformadores les gustaría liberarse de esa regla secreta de -las escuelas públicas, pero sólo lo logran raras veces. Las escuelas -``activas'', que conducen al desarrollo de otras escuelas del mismo -tipo, sólo crean una engañosa ilusión: la liberación permanece como un -espejismo, incluso si la constricción a los cursos obligatorios se -interrumpe con frecuencia por periodos de ociosidad. Que se busque -agradar a alguien para convencerlo de asistir a los cursos es, bien -mirado, ¡más insidioso todavía que la obligación legal y el apoyo de la -brigada de los menores! Mejor que una presencia consentida a disgusto, -la que embauca lleva más fácilmente a creer en la necesidad del -tratamiento educativo. El docente tolerante hace al alumno correr un -creciente riesgo de sentirse incapaz de vivir fuera del refugio -acolchado. - -¿En qué difiere la enseñanza suministrada en las nuevas escuelas? Aunque -se facilite por el consenso de un grupo, más que por los decretos del -cuerpo docente, se trata siempre de adquirir competencias que la -sociedad reconoce, lo que no cambia en nada el problema. La apariencia -cambia; la realidad profunda permanece. - -Para ser verdaderas escuelas de libertad, les sería necesario llenar dos -condiciones. En primer lugar, deben administrarse de tal suerte que no -permitan a la regla secreta de la enseñanza aplicarse, es decir, que los -escolares, definidos como tales, ubicados frente a profesores -reconocidos, no asistan a una sucesión de cursos graduados. En segundo -lugar, esas escuelas deberían proporcionar un marco en el que todos los -participantes, docentes y alumnos, puedan liberarse de los postulados -sobre los que reposa, sin que lo sepamos, una sociedad escolarizada. A -veces escuchamos enunciar la primera condición en los objetivos que se -propone una escuela ``activa''. En cuanto a la segunda, por lo general -no se le pone atención, y ciertamente no es el objetivo de esas -escuelas. - -\hypertarget{los-postulados-secretos-de-la-educaciuxf3n}{% -\subsection{Los postulados secretos de la -educación}\label{los-postulados-secretos-de-la-educaciuxf3n}} - -No es necesario, en esta fase, distinguir entre la regla secreta y -aquélla sobre la que, sin darnos cuenta, se funda la idea de la -escolaridad. El programa oculto constituye una especie de ritual -iniciático que podemos concebir como un preparativo para el ingreso en -la sociedad moderna. Por intermedio de la escuela el programa adquiere -su dimensión institucional. Detrás del velo de la ceremonia ritual, las -contradicciones se encuentran disimuladas para los participantes. ¿Cómo, -en efecto, conciliar el mito de una sociedad igualitaria y la realidad -social fundada en el reconocimiento de un orden jerárquico que -finalmente el rito impone? Pero una vez reconocidos en lo que son, los -ritos ya no llegan a mantener la ilusión; ese fenómeno es aparente en el -caso de la escolaridad. No obstante, la ceremonia reposa sobre -postulados aceptados inconscientemente a los que las escuelas -``privadas'' podrían dar nuevo vigor. - -A primera vista, se nos reprochará que hagamos un juicio de orden -general sobre las escuelas ``activas'' y más precisamente, en 1971, -sobre las de Estados Unidos, las de Canadá y las de Alemania del Oeste -en donde ellas parecen querer ser el más hermoso adorno de un -renacimiento. A decir verdad, nuestra generalización sólo se dirige a -las empresas experimentales que pretenden ser instituciones educativas. -Para evitar cualquier menosprecio debemos examinar con más atención la -relación que hay entre ``educación'' y ``escolaridad''. - -Con mucha frecuencia olvidamos que la educación no es una invención -antigua. Ese sustantivo se desconocía antes de la Reforma. En Francia se -habla por vez primera de la educación de los niños en un manuscrito de -1498. Era el año en que Erasmo llegó a residir en Oxford, en que a -Savonarola lo quemaron en Florencia, en que Durero trazaba los primeros -apuntes de su \emph{Apocalipsis} , que todavía hoy evoca con fuerza la -atmósfera sombría, la impresión de un inminente desastre que pesaba -sobre ese periodo. En inglés, la palabra \emph{educación} apareció por -primera vez en 1530. Ese año, Enrique VIII repudiaba a Catalina de -Aragón y la Iglesia luterana se separaba de Roma con la dieta de -Augsburgo. Hay que esperar todavía un siglo para que la idea de -``educación'' se manifieste en el imperio español. En 1611, Lope de Vega -habla de la educación como de una novedad. Ese año, la universidad de -San Marcos en Lima celebraba su 60 aniversario. Centros de saber -existían antes de que la palabra ``educación'' formara parte del -lenguaje familiar. Se ``leía'' a los autores clásicos; se estudiaba el -derecho; no se enseñaba a vivir\ldots{} - -En el siglo XVI, en el corazón de todas las disputas teológicas se -encontraba la necesidad de encontrar justificaciones, de las que la -política supo servirse bien para explicar las grandes masacres de la -época. En la Iglesia, cismas intervinieron y se hizo posible sostener -convicciones diferentes sobre el punto de saber en qué medida el hombre -nace pecador, corrompido o sometido a la predestinación. Desde el siglo -XVII, el acuerdo se rehizo sobre un punto: el hombre nace no apto para -la vida social, en consecuencia es necesario prepararlo proponiéndole -una educación. Así, la educación se volvió lo opuesto de la competencia -adquirida en la vida cotidiana y terminó por significar un método de -tratamiento más que el simple saber de hechos de la existencia y la -capacidad de servirse de herramientas que dan forma a la vida concreta -del hombre. Progresivamente la educación se transformó en un servicio -que había que producir, para el bien de todos, mercancía intangible que -se recibía de la misma manera en que la Iglesia visible había conferido -anteriormente la gracia invisible. El hombre, nacido en la estupidez -original, debía ahora presentar cartas de creencia a la sociedad. - -La escuela y la educación mantuvieron relaciones comparables a las de la -Iglesia y la religión o, en una perspectiva más general, a las que se -establecen entre el rito y el mito; el rito crea y sostiene al mito; -detenta una función mitopoiética. El mito inspira el ``programa'' por el -que se perpetúa. La educación representa a la vez todo un conjunto de -justificaciones sobre el plano social y un concepto para el que no -podemos encontrar análogos específicos en otras culturas (fuera de la -teología cristiana). La educación por el método de la escolaridad -distingue fundamentalmente a las escuelas de otras instituciones de -enseñanza que existieron en otras épocas. Ése es un aspecto que no hay -que despreciar si queremos hacer aparecer las insuficiencias de las -``escuelas'' llamadas privadas, no estructuradas o independientes. - -Con el fin de sobrepasar una simple reforma de la clase, una escuela -activa debe todavía rechazar el programa secreto de la escolaridad -descrito anteriormente. Una escuela activa ideal intentaría proporcionar -una educación esforzándose en evitar que esa educación se utilice para -establecer o justificar una estructura de clase y se vuelva un patrón -maestro para medir al alumno con cierto rasero. Debería, en -consecuencia, no someter a este último a una represión, a un control o -intentar definirlo de cualquier manera. Pero mientras las escuelas -activas intenten proporcionar una ``educación general'', no están en -condiciones de sobrepasar una concepción fundada en los postulados -secretos de la escuela. - -Entre sus principios, hay uno que Peter Schrag, en una perspectiva -particular, definió como el ``síndrome de inmigración'', que nos incita -a tratar a todos los seres humanos como si fueran recién llegados que -deben someterse a un proceso de naturalización. Sólo los consumidores -garantizados del saber se admiten en la ciudadanía. Los hombres no nacen -iguales, sólo por el periodo de gestación en el seno del \emph{Alma -mater} podrán acceder a esta igualdad. - -Otro postulado conduce a creer que el hombre, nacido inmaduro, debe -adquirir su ``madurez'' en el transcurso del primer periodo de su -existencia para después formar parte de una sociedad civilizada. Esta -idea de una ``maduración'' es, con toda seguridad, contraria a otra -convicción que define al hombre como el mamífero que, por el mecanismo -de la evolución y con el concurso de la selección natural entre sus -maestros primates, adquirió el carácter específico de permanecer durante -toda su vida ``inmaduro'' ---lo que constituye su ``gracia'' -particular---. Pero, en conformidad con la fijación ideológica sobre la -madurez, nos persuadimos de que es necesario, después de su nacimiento, -mantener al ser humano apartado de su medio natural y hacerlo pasar por -una matriz social para que adquiera las cualidades necesarias para la -vida cotidiana. Las escuelas activas son capaces de llenar esta función -frecuentemente mucho mejor que escuelas de un modelo menos atractivo. - -Los establecimientos educativos liberados comparten con quienes lo son -menos otra característica: despersonalizan la responsabilidad de la -educación. Ponen una institución \emph{in loco parentis}. Perpetúan la -idea de que la enseñanza, si se realiza fuera del círculo familiar, debe -estar asegurada por una ``agencia'' cuyo docente es sólo un -representante. En una sociedad escolarizada, la misma familia se reduce -a ser sólo una ``agencia de aculturación''. En cuanto a los organismos -educativos que emplean profesores para promover la política de su -consejo administrativo, se vuelven instrumentos al servicio de una -despersonalización de las relaciones entre personas privadas. - -Naturalmente, numerosas escuelas activas funcionan sin profesores -acreditados. Al hacerlo representan una amenaza seria para los -sindicatos de maestros, pero, no por ello, ponen en peligro la -estructura social fundada en un reconocimiento de las profesiones. Una -escuela en la que los miembros del consejo administrativo eligen y -nombran a los profesores, sin preocuparse de saber si detentan -certificados, una licencia o una credencial sindical, no atenta contra -la legitimidad de la profesión de enseñante; no más que una encargada de -un prostíbulo clandestino, en un país donde un trabajo así, para ser -legal, debe hacerse bajo el control de la policía, ¡no cuestiona la -legitimidad de la profesión más antigua del mundo! - -La mayoría de los que enseñan en escuelas activas no tienen la -oportunidad de trabajar en su nombre. Aseguran la tarea de la enseñanza -en nombre de un consejo; en nombre de sus alumnos asumen la función -menos evidente de la enseñanza y sirven a la educación bajo su aspecto -casi místico en nombre de toda ``la sociedad''. La mejor prueba de ello -es que pasan todavía más tiempo que sus colegas de la enseñanza pública -reuniéndose en comisiones con el objeto de planificar el método por el -cual la escuela debería educar. La duración de esas reuniones ha -incitado a muchos docentes de alma generosa, una vez que sus ilusiones -se han disipado, a pasar de la escuela pública a la enseñanza privada, -para luego ir todavía más allá\ldots{} - -Todos los establecimientos de enseñaza pretenden ``formar hombres'' en -una tarea de mejoramiento del futuro, pero no les permiten cumplirla -antes de que hayan adquirido una sólida tolerancia frente a las maneras -de vivir de sus mayores. Es siempre una educación que prepara para la -vida, más que adquirida en la vida cotidiana. Muy pocas escuelas activas -pueden evitar esa trampa. Sin embargo, hay que reconocer que contribuyen -a la aparición de un nuevo estilo de vida, no por el efecto que tendrán -sus diplomas sobre la sociedad, sino más bien porque los padres que -eligen educar a sus hijos sin beneficiarse de los servicios de enseñanza -``ordenados según la regla'' pertenecen frecuentemente a una minoría -radical, y porque el interés que aportan a ese problema, el gusto que -tienen de educar a sus hijos, los mantiene en su modo de vida. - -\hypertarget{las-influencias-ocultas-en-el-mercado-de-la-educaciuxf3n}{% -\subsection{Las influencias ocultas en el mercado de la -educación}\label{las-influencias-ocultas-en-el-mercado-de-la-educaciuxf3n}} - -La especie más peligrosa entre los reformadores en materia de educación -es la que pretende demostrar que el saber puede producirse y venderse de -manera mucho más eficaz en un mercado libre que en el que controla la -escuela. Pretenden que una capacidad puede fácilmente adquirirse por -medio de un modelo, aunque el aprendiz considere poco esta adquisición -como de interés evidente. Afirman también que un sistema de asignación -individualizado proporciona un poder de compra más igualitario en -materia de educación. Piden, por último, que se distinga entre el método -de adquisición y el que mide los resultados (lo que me parece una -necesidad muy evidente). Pero sería erróneo creer que la instauración de -un mercado abierto del saber representaría una solución opuesta a la de -hoy en día. - -Esta sustitución aboliría, ciertamente, lo que llamamos el programa -secreto de la escolaridad (el hecho de que hay que seguir a determinadas -edades programas graduados). Un mercado abierto daría, en primer lugar, -la impresión de que vamos al encuentro de esos principios en los que -reposa una sociedad escolarizada: el ``síndrome de la inmigración'', el -monopolio institucional de la enseñanza y el rito de la integración -progresiva. Pero, por lo mismo, un mercado libre de educación -proporcionaría al alquimista innumerables ocasiones para influir en -secreto, con el fin de encerrar a cada hombre en los múltiples y -pequeños compartimentos que una tecnocracia todavía más desarrollada -podría crear. - -La confianza puesta desde hace decenios en la escolarización del ser -humano ha hecho del saber una mercancía de una especie particular. Como -lo hemos visto, todos consideran ahora el saber como un artículo de -primera necesidad y, al mismo tiempo, como la moneda de cambio más -preciosa de la sociedad. Esta transformación del saber en bien de -consumo se refleja, igualmente, en nuestro comportamiento de todos los -días, incluso en el lenguaje familiar. Así, verbos que describen una -actividad personal, como ``aprender'', ``alojarse'', ``sanarse'', nos -hacen irresistiblemente pensar en servicios cuya distribución está más o -menos asegurada. Pensamos que es necesario resolver los problemas de la -habitación, de los cuidados médicos, etc., sin recordar un solo instante -que los hombres podrían curarse o edificar sus casas por ellos mismos. -Todo es cuestión de servicios y el adolescente, en lugar de aprender, -por ejemplo, a ocuparse de su abuela, aprende a manifestarse frente al -asilo de ancianos donde no hay camas disponibles. ¿El desmantelamiento -de la escuela sería, pues, suficiente para conducir a la desaparición de -esas actitudes? (Mucho después de la adopción de la Primera Enmienda de -la Constitución norteamericana se continuaba exigiendo la filiación a -una Iglesia como condición para cualquier candidatura a un puesto -oficial). Con mayor razón, ¿el cierre de las escuelas permitiría evitar -que tuviéramos acceso a baterías de pruebas para medir el nivel de -educación? Si ése no es el caso, esta nueva situación conduciría a la -obligación, para cada uno, de adquirir un mínimo de mercancías en el -depósito del saber. La ambición de medir científicamente el valor de -cada hombre se vincula sin dificultad con el sueño del alquimista de -hacer a todo hombre ``educable'' con el fin de guiarlo hacia una -humanidad ``verdadera''. Bajo la apariencia de un mercado libre, -llegaremos a un entorno sometido al control de los terapeutas-pedagogos, -a una matriz universal donde cada hombre se alimentaría con fluidos -elegidos. - -Las escuelas limitan por ahora la competencia del profesor al salón de -clases. No le permiten reivindicar la existencia del hombre para una -región. Desde esta perspectiva, renunciar a la escuela haría desaparecer -esta frágil barrera y conferiría una legitimidad semejante a la invasión -pedagógica de la vida privada de cada uno. Podría conducir a una lucha -encarnizada por la adquisición del saber en un mercado libre del -conocimiento y a la edificación, bajo apariencias igualitarias, de una -meritocracia. - -Las escuelas no son las únicas instituciones (ni incluso las más -eficaces) que pretenden hacer de la información, de la comprensión y de -la sabiduría rasgos d comportamiento susceptibles de contrastarse (y -medirlos conduce a detentar la llave que abre las puertas del éxito y -del poder). El sistema chino, por ejemplo, ofrecía, en el plano de la -educación, una estimulante eficacia definiendo una clase relativamente -abierta, cuyos privilegios dependían de la adquisición de un saber -mesurable. Alrededor de 2 000 años antes de Cristo, parece que el -emperador de China interrogaba cada tres años a sus administradores. -Después de tres veces, les daba responsabilidades mayores o los echaba -para siempre. Algunos 1 000 años más tarde, el primer emperador Chang -estableció un verdadero examen para sus funcionarios. Música, tiro con -arco y aritmética constituían los temas impuestos. Cada tres años, los -concursos se abrían a los candidatos. Uno sobre 100 lograba franquear -las tres series de pruebas que le conferían sucesivamente los títulos de -``genio en hierbas'', de ``perfecto letrado'' y de ``dispuesto para el -servicio del emperador''. La selección era, pues, muy severa, y se le -dedicaba la mayor importancia a los examinadores; así, por ejemplo, en -el segundo nivel, en el que era necesario redactar una composición, el -texto del candidato lo volvía a copiar un secretario antes de dárselo al -jurado, a fin de que sus miembros no pudieran reconocer la caligrafía -del autor. - -Más tarde, la promoción a rango de mandarín no daba necesariamente -derecho a uno de los puestos deseados. Permitía solamente participar en -el sorteo de esos empleos. Ninguna escuela apareció en China antes de la -época de las luchas con los poderes europeos. El caso del imperio chino -es único entre las grandes naciones, ya que no poseía ni Iglesia oficial -ni sistema escolar, pero pudo durante cerca de 3 000 años reclutar su -élite gubernamental sin fundar una vasta aristocracia hereditaria. El -acceso a esa élite estaba reservado a la familia del emperador y a los -que pasaban los exámenes. - -Voltaire y sus contemporáneos elogiaron el sistema chino, donde la -promoción se fundaba en las pruebas dadas de un saber. Los exámenes de -ingreso en la administración aparecieron en Francia en 1791; después, -Napoleón los abolió. ¿Qué habría sucedido si, para propagar las ideas de -la Revolución, se hubiera elegido el mandarinato en lugar del sistema -escolar que inevitablemente sostiene al nacionalismo y a la disciplina -militar? De hecho, Napoleón se erigió en el defensor de la escuela -politécnica y del colegio de pensionados\ldots{} Más que inspirarse en -el mandarinato, las instituciones educativas se calcaron del modelo -jesuita de la promoción ritual en el interior de una estructura -jerárquica cerrada; de esa forma, las sociedades occidentales eligieron -legitimar a sus élites. - -Los jefes de establecimientos escolares se volvieron, de alguna forma, -los abades de una cadena mundial de monasterios en donde todos se -dedicaron a acumular conocimientos que les permitieran acceder a la -tierra prometida, paraíso terrestre sometido a las leyes del -envejecimiento planificado que se desborda sin cesar. Eso nos recuerda -el esfuerzo de los calvinistas que arrasaron todos los monasterios para, -finalmente, transformar Ginebra en un vasto claustro. Tenemos, por lo -tanto, razones para temer que el desmantelamiento de la escuela permita -la aparición de una fábrica del saber a escala mundial. A menos que -transformemos la idea que nos hemos hecho de la enseñanza o del saber, -la desaparición de la escuela corre el riesgo de conducir a una -situación donde, de un lado, se utilizará el sistema del mandarinato -para separar el aprendizaje del saber de la prueba de control y, del -otro, la sociedad se comprometerá a proporcionar la terapéutica -necesaria a cualquier hombre para que pueda entrar en la ``edad de -oro''. - -Ni los alquimistas, ni los magos, ni los masones pueden resolver el -problema que nos plantea la crisis de la enseñanza, La desescolarización -de nuestra concepción del mundo exige que reconozcamos la naturaleza, a -la vez, ilegítima y religiosa de la empresa educativa porque busca hacer -del hombre un ser social sometiéndolo a un tratamiento con métodos -técnicos apropiados. - -Adherirse al \emph{ethos} tecnocrático nos conduce a querer poner en -marcha todo lo que es técnicamente realizable, poco importa si sus -beneficiarios son forzosamente poco numerosos o si no experimentan su -deseo. Sobre todo la privatización o la frustración de la mayoría de los -seres humanos nunca entran en la línea de cuenta. Si, por ejemplo, es -posible concebir el tratamiento mediante la bomba de cobalto, es -necesario que la ciudad de Tegucigalpa disponga de aparatos adaptados en -cada uno de sus dos grandes hospitales. Con todos esos créditos puestos -ahí se habría podido luchar en toda Honduras contra la proliferación de -parásitos\ldots{} Las velocidades supersónicas sugieren que conviene -inmediatamente acelerar los viajes de algunos. ¿Los vuelos a Marte? ¡Se -encontrará siempre una razón para que parezcan indispensables! En el -\emph{ethos} tecnocrático la pobreza está modernizada: ¿existían -soluciones antiguas? Nuevos monopolios vienen a prohibirlas. A la -penuria de los bienes de primera necesidad se agrega la conciencia de la -diferencia sin cesar cada vez más grande entre los servicios -técnicamente realizables y los que en la práctica son accesibles a las -mayorías. - -Un profesor se vuelve ``educador'' desde el momento en que se incorpora -a ese \emph{ethos} tecnocrático. Actúa inmediatamente como si la -educación fuera una empresa tecnológica concebida para insertar al -hombre en el entorno que crea el ``progreso'' de la ciencia. Se niega a -ver la evidencia: el envejecimiento de todos los bienes programados se -paga muy caro (el costo de la formación del personal capaz de adaptarse -a las técnicas nuevas es sin cesar más alto). Parece olvidar que el -precio creciente de las herramientas tiene consecuencias igualmente -graves en el plano de la educación: en el momento mismo en que los -horarios de trabajo disminuyen, se vuelve imposible el aprendizaje en -los lugares de empleo donde se ha hecho de él el privilegio de un -pequeño número. En todo el mundo el precio del coste de la educación de -los hombres para la sociedad crece más rápidamente que la productividad -de la economía en su conjunto, mientras menos y menos hombres -experimentan el sentimiento de hacerse razonablemente útiles a la -comunidad. - -\hypertarget{la-escuela-instrumento-del-progreso-technocruxe1tico}{% -\subsection{La escuela instrumento del progreso -technocrático}\label{la-escuela-instrumento-del-progreso-technocruxe1tico}} - -Educar para una sociedad de consumo resulta en formar consumidores. La -reforma de la clase, su desaparición o su crecimiento no son ni más ni -menos que métodos que, a pesar de sus diferencias aparentes, se dirigen -a la formación de consumidores de bienes inmediatamente pasados de moda. -La sobrevivencia de una sociedad en la que las tecnocracias pueden -definir constantemente la dicha del hombre asimilado al consumo de los -productos más recientes depende de las instituciones educativas (desde -las escuelas hasta las agencias publicitarias) que transforman la -educación en un medio de control social. - -En países ricos como Estados Unidos, Canadá o la URSS, las considerables -inversiones en materia de enseñanza hacen más evidentes las -contradicciones institucionales del progreso tecnocrático. En esos -países, el aumento ideológico del progreso ilimitado reposa en la idea -de que el efecto igualitario de una formación permanente contrabalancea -la influencia inversa de la regla del envejecimiento perpetuo. La -legitimidad de la sociedad industrial depende de la credibilidad de la -escuela, cualquiera que sea el partido en el poder. En tales -condiciones, el público manifiesta un interés súbito por libros como el -reporte de Charles Silberman a la comisión Carnegie, publicado bajo el -título \emph{Crisis en el salón de clases (Crisis in the Classroom)} ; -esta investigación inspira confianza en la medida en que la acusación -que el autor lanza contra la escuela está apoyada sólidamente. Pero -tales estudios se dirigen a salvar el sistema tratando de corregir sus -fallas más evidentes. Por lo mismo, pueden suscitar un nuevo ascenso de -esperanzas engañosas. - -Por todas partes crecientes inversiones consagradas a las escuelas -vuelven la absurdidad de la empresa escolar más evidente. Puede parecer -paradójico que los pobres sean sus primeras víctimas. En el fondo, eso -es lo que muestra el reporte de la comisión de encuestas Wright en -Ontario: a propósito de la enseñanza superior, los miembros de la -comisión señalan que las capas pobres de la población las subvencionaban -desde el punto de vista de la imposición de manera desproporcionada, ya -que los ricos eran casi los únicos beneficiarios. - -Esta observación podría inmediatamente hacerse en otra parte. En la -URSS, un sistema de cuota aplicado durante muchos decenios parece -favorecer la admisión a la universidad de los hijos de los trabajadores -a expensas de las hijas e hijos de universitarios. Actualmente estos -últimos son sobrerrepresentados en las clases superiores y terminales de -la enseñanza rusa y en una proporción todavía más grande que en Estados -Unidos. - -El 8 de marzo de 1971, el juez Warren E. Burger hacía público el -veredicto unánime de la corte en el caso Griggs contra la sociedad Duke -Power. Fundándose en la voluntad expresada por el Congreso en el -artículo que concierne a la igualdad de oportunidades en la ley de 1964, -la corte resolvió por unanimidad que cualquier ``diploma'' exigido a un -candidato por un empleo (o cualquier prueba seguida) debía ``medir al -hombre en relación con un trabajo dado'' y no ``al hombre mismo en un -plano abstracto''. Además, correspondía al empresario probar que sus -exigencias en materia de diplomas constituía una ``medida razonable de -la calificación requerida''. Mediante estas consideraciones, los jueces -querían evitar que las pruebas y diplomas exigidos no se utilizaran en -provecho de una discriminación racial, pero la lógica del razonamiento -podría también aplicarse a cualquier exigencia de un `` \emph{pedigree} -educativo'' en materia de empleo. Es tiempo de formar causa contra la -``gran estafa de la formación profesional'' denunciada tan justamente -por Ivar Berg. - -En los países pobres, las escuelas sirven para justificar el atraso -económico de una nación: a la mayoría de los ciudadanos se le mantiene -apartada de los magros medios modernos de producción y de consumo, pero -todos sueñan con beneficiarse de los favores de la economía franqueando -el umbral de una escuela. La repartición jerárquica de los privilegios y -del poder ya no depende, en nuestros días y en el plano de la -legitimidad, de una descendencia de ancestros, de la herencia, del favor -del príncipe, incluso de una lucha sin cuartel en el mercado económico o -en el campo de batalla. Su verdadera legitimidad la encuentra en una -forma más sutil del capitalismo donde la institución encargada de -conferirla se encuentra en la escolaridad obligatoria. Quien aprovechó -los servicios de la escuela vuelve entonces al subprivilegiado -responsable de su desgracia: es un mal consumidor del saber. Esta -justificación de la desigualdad social no resiste siempre el examen de -los hechos y los regímenes populares tienen cada vez más dificultades -para disimular las contradicciones entre la propaganda y la realidad. - -Desde hace 10 años, Cuba se esfuerza por promover el crecimiento rápido -de la educación popular dando confianza a la mano de obra disponible sin -tomar en cuenta la calificación profesional. Al principio, el éxito de -esta campaña (en particular la disminución espectacular del número de -analfabetos) se ha citado como prueba de que las tasas de crecimiento -limitadas de los otros sistemas escolares latinoamericanos eran -imputables a la corrupción, al militarismo y a la economía de mercado -capitalista. - -Sin embargo, la lógica de la escolarización se hace sentir -manifiestamente a consecuencia de los esfuerzos de Castro por -``reproducir'' al hombre nuevo mediante la escuela. Incluso si los -estudiantes pasan la mitad del año en la zafra y sostienen activamente -los ideales igualitarios del \emph{compañero} Fidel, la universidad -cultiva cada año una nueva cosecha de consumidores conscientes de su -saber, prontos a acceder a nuevos niveles de consumo. Al mismo tiempo, -el doctor Castro debe enfrentarse a la evidencia de que el sistema -escolar nunca producirá suficiente mano de obra técnica diplomada. Esos -diplomados que obtienen los nuevos empleos destruyen por su -conservadurismo los resultados conseguidos por los cuadros no diplomados -que llegaron a su posición mediante una formación en el taller. No basta -con acusar a los docentes para explicar los fracasos de un gobierno -revolucionario que quiere con todas sus fuerzas una institucionalización -de la mano de obra siguiendo un programa secreto que garantice la -producción de una burguesía universal. - -\hypertarget{enseuxf1ar-instruirse-responsabilidades-personales}{% -\subsection{Enseñar instruirse responsabilidades -personales}\label{enseuxf1ar-instruirse-responsabilidades-personales}} - -Contra esta voluntad de adquirir privilegios y poder que poseen quienes -detentan la competencia profesional en nombre de sus pretendidos -derechos, no sabríamos imaginar una revolución sin acusar a la -concepción misma de la adquisición del saber. Lo que nos conduce, en -primer lugar, a considerar la cuestión de la responsabilidad en ese -ámbito, ya se trate de enseñar o de instruir. Dar a conocer una -mercancía sólo se consigue si imaginamos que resulta de la acción -institucional o que satisface objetivos institucionales - -Para disipar este mal encantamiento, el hombre debe volver a encontrar -el sentido de su responsabilidad personal cuando aprende o enseña. De -esa forma se pondrá un término a esta nueva alienación donde vivir e -instruirse no se toparán. - -Recobrar el poder de aprender o de enseñar tiene como consecuencia que -el profesor, al tomar el riesgo de inmiscuirse en la vida privada de -otros, debe asumir la responsabilidad de sus resultados; de la misma -manera, el estudiante que se pone bajo la influencia de un profesor debe -sentirse responsable de su propia educación. En esa perspectiva, las -instituciones educativas ---si realmente son necesarias--- irán teniendo -el aspecto de centros abiertos a todos, donde cada uno pueda encontrar -lo que busca, donde uno, por ejemplo, tenga acceso a un piano, el otro, -a un horno de cerámica o a registros, libros, diapositivas, etc. Hoy en -día, las escuelas, los estudios de televisión y otros sitios similares -están concebidos para que los profesionales los utilicen. Desescolarizar -la sociedad quiere decir, ante todo, rechazar el estatus profesional del -oficio que, por orden de antigüedad, viene, justo después, del más viejo -del mundo, por el que entiendo la enseñanza. La calificación de los -profesores constituye ahora una traba al derecho a la palabra, de igual -forma que la estructura corporativa y la credencial profesional de los -periodistas representan una traba al derecho de la libertad de -información. La regla de la presencia obligatoria es contraria a la -libertad de reunión. La desescolarización de la sociedad sólo sabría -concebirse como una mutación cultural por la que un pueblo vuelve a -encontrar el poder de gozar de sus libertades constitucionales. - -Instruirse, enseñar, concierne a hombres que saben que nacieron libres y -que no tienen, para adquirir esa libertad, que recurrir a un tratamiento -apropiado. ¿Cuándo, por lo general, aprendemos? Cuando hacemos lo que -nos interesa. ¿No somos, la mayor parte de nosotros, curiosos? Queremos -comprender, darle un sentido a lo que se encuentra frente a nosotros, a -lo que nos concierne. ¿No somos capaces de una relación personal con -otros a menos de que seamos embrutecidos por un trabajo inhumano o -fascinados por el ideal escolar? - -El hecho de que los habitantes de países ricos apenas se instruyan por -sí mismos no constituye una prueba de lo contrario. Es más bien la -consecuencia de una vida en un entorno donde paradójicamente no -encuentran nada que aprender en la medida en que su medio está en gran -parte ``programado''. Están sin cesar frustrados por la estructura de -una sociedad contemporánea en la que lo real, sobre lo que las -decisiones podrían apoyarse, se ha vuelto de una naturaleza inasible. -Viven, efectivamente, en un medio donde las herramientas que sería -posible utilizar con fines creadores se vuelven productos de lujo, donde -los canales de comunicación pertenecen a algunos que únicamente pueden -hablar a la multitud. - -\hypertarget{una-tecnologuxeda-nueva-muxe1s-que-una-nueva-educaciuxf3n}{% -\subsection{Una tecnología nueva más que una nueva -educación}\label{una-tecnologuxeda-nueva-muxe1s-que-una-nueva-educaciuxf3n}} - -Un mito moderno quisiera hacemos creer que el sentimiento de impotencia -que hoy en día experimenta la mayoría de los hombres sería consecuencia -de la tecnología capaz de crear solamente vastos sistemas. Pero no es -sólo la tecnología la que inventa esos sistemas, la que crea -herramientas inmensamente poderosas, la que teje canales de comunicación -en sentido único; por el contrario, mejor utilizada, la tecnología -podría proporcionar a cada hombre la posibilidad de entender mejor su -medio, de trabajarlo con sus propias manos, de comunicar mejor que en el -pasado. Esta utilización de la tecnología, contrariamente a las -tendencias actuales, constituye la verdadera alternativa al problema de -la educación. - -Para que un hombre pueda crecer, lo que necesita es el libre acceso a -las cosas, a los sitios, a los métodos, a los acontecimientos, a los -documentos. Tiene necesidad de ver, de tocar, de manipular, gustoso de -asir todo lo que le rodea en un medio que no esté desprovisto de -sentido. Ese acceso se le rehúsa hoy en día. Cuando el saber se ha -vuelto un producto, adquiere la protección que se dispensa a la -propiedad privada, De esa forma, un principio que se concibió para -preservar la vida personal de cada uno se utiliza para justificar las -prohibiciones que se lanzan contra aquellos que no portan los documentos -necesarios. En las escuelas los profesores conservan sus propios -conocimientos, a menos que esos conocimientos se inserten en el programa -del momento. Los media informan, pero omiten todo lo que se considera -impropio para la difusión. Los especialistas se encierran en su jerga y -se necesitan vulgarizadores para asegurar su traducción. Los cuerpos -profesionales protegen los diplomas y la burocracia los secretos. Todas -las profesiones detentan el poder de echar de su ámbito a las personas -no autorizadas; sucede lo mismo con las instituciones y las naciones. - -Ni la estructura política ni la estructura profesional de nuestras -sociedades, tanto en el Oeste como en el Este, podrían resistir la -desaparición de estas prohibiciones, el trastrocamiento de esta -posibilidad de tener a capas enteras de la población apartadas de lo que -podría servirles. El acceso a los hechos que preconizamos no se -satisface con una simple operación ``etiquetas-verdad''. Es necesario -construir este acceso a la realidad (y todo lo que pedimos de la -publicidad es una garantía que no sea mentirosa). El acceso a la -realidad constituye la alternativa fundamental en materia de educación -frente a un sistema de enseñanza que sólo se propone hablar de él. - -Abolir el derecho al secreto profesional (incluso cuando la opinión del -hombre profesional es que ese secreto sirve al bien común) representa, -como hemos querido demostrarlo, un objetivo político mucho más radical -que la reivindicación tradicional de nacionalizar o de controlar -democráticamente las herramientas de producción. La socialización de las -herramientas, sin la socialización efectiva de los conocimientos -técnicos, tiende a poner el ``capital del saber'' en la posición que -anteriormente ocupaba el financiero. Si el tecnócrata pretende -apoderarse del poder es que él detenta una parte capital en la sociedad -del saber secreto y reservado al pequeño número. Para proteger el valor -de sus acciones y para aumentarlo, imagina una vasta organización que -hace difícil, incluso imposible, el acceso al saber técnico. - -El hombre motivado necesita un tiempo relativamente corto para adquirir -una capacidad que quiere utilizar ---lo que tendemos a olvidar en una -sociedad donde los profesores monopolizan la posibilidad de acceder a -cualquier actividad y detentan el poder de acusar de charlatanería a -todos aquellos que no se someten---. ¿En las industrias y en la -investigación se requieren muchas capacidades que sean tan terribles, -complejas y peligrosas como manejar un coche? Ese saber se adquiere muy -pronto con la ayuda de un igual. No todos los seres están dotados para -el ejercicio de la lógica matemática, pero quienes lo están hacen -progresos rápidos desafiándose mutuamente en partidos de juegos -educativos. En Cuernavaca uno de 20 niños es capaz de vencerme en esos -juegos después de 15 días de entrenamiento. En cuatro meses, la gran -mayoría de los adultos que vinieron a nuestro centro a aprender español -llegaron a un nivel de conocimiento suficiente para atacar problemas -abstractos. - -Una primera etapa de acceso a conocimientos consistiría en encontrar -ventajas diversas para aquellos que, poseedores de una capacidad, -quisieran compartirla. Eso, inevitablemente, chocaría con intereses de -grupos profesionales y sindicatos. Esta multiplicidad de posibles -aprendizajes tiene, sin embargo, con qué seducirnos. ¿Está prohibido -imaginar a alguien que sabe a la vez conducir, reparar el teléfono, -instalar plomería, actuar como partera y dibujar planos arquitectónicos? -A esos, como decimos, se opondrían los grupos de interés y los -consumidores disciplinados, diciendo muy alto que el público no podría -prescindir de una garantía profesional (argumento cuya validez es cada -vez menos evidente a los ojos de las asociaciones de defensa del -consumidor). Debemos tomar mucho más en serio la objeción que los -economistas harían de esta socialización de las capacidades: el -``progreso'', dirían, se frenaría si el saber (títulos, capacidades y -todo lo demás\ldots) se democratiza. La mejor respuesta ¿no sería -mostrar las tasas de crecimiento de los absurdos en materia económica -que engendra el sistema escolar? - -Poder aproximar a quienes están deseosos de compartir sus conocimientos -no es garantía de que haya adquisición de un saber. Dicho acceso está -limitado no sólo por el monopolio de los programas educativos y el de -los sindicatos, sino también por una tecnología de penuria. Las -capacidades que hoy en día valen son las que se aplican al -funcionamiento de ``herramientas'' concebidas de tal manera que no -puedan generalizarse. Efectivamente, esas ``herramientas'' sirven para -producir bienes o servicios de los que todos quieren gozar, pero esto -último sólo se concede a un pequeño número y sólo pocos saben -utilizarlas. Únicamente algunos privilegiados, por ejemplo, sobre el -conjunto de los que sufren una determinada enfermedad, pueden -beneficiarse de los descubrimientos de una investigación médica -compleja, y todavía son menos los médicos que obtienen los conocimientos -necesarios para utilizar dichas tecnologías. - -Sin embargo, la investigación médica ha permitido crear un maletín de -auxilios que permite a los enfermeros de la armada, después de sólo -algunos meses de formación, obtener en el campo de batalla resultados -muy superiores a los de los verdaderos médicos de la segunda Guerra -Mundial. A un nivel todavía más inmediato, ¿no podría cualquier -campesina aprender a reconocer y a curar las enfermedades infecciosas -más comunes si investigadores médicos prepararan los remedios y las -instrucciones necesarias para un determinado sector geográfico? - -Todos estos ejemplos buscan ilustrar el hecho de que simples -consideraciones educativas bastan para exigir una importante reducción -de la importancia dada a las profesiones que se oponen a las relaciones -entre los hombres de ciencia y la mayoría de quienes quieren tener -acceso a esta ciencia. Si se prestara atención a esta demanda, todos los -hombres podrían aprender a utilizar las herramientas de ayer, vueltas -más eficaces y más durables gracias a la ciencia de hoy, para crear el -mundo de mañana. - -Por desgracia, es la tendencia contraria la que impera. Conozco una zona -costera de América del Sur donde la mayoría de los habitantes viven de -la pesca. Disponen de pequeñas embarcaciones y la introducción del motor -auxiliar ha representado para ellos una verdadera revolución, de -consecuencias a veces dramáticas. En el sector que estudié, la mitad de -los motores comprados entre 1945 y 1950 funcionan todavía gracias a -constante mantenimiento; por el contrario, los que se compraron en 1965 -ya no funcionan porque no se concibieron para repararse. El progreso -técnico proporciona a la mayoría de los seres humanos instrumentos -inútiles, demasiado costosos, privándolos de las herramientas más -simples que necesitan. - -Desde 1940, considerables progresos se han realizado en el ámbito de los -materiales metálicos, plásticos y de fibrocemento que se utilizan en la -construcción, lo que debería darle a muchos seres humanos la posibilidad -de construir sus propias casas. Pero en Estados Unidos, por ejemplo, -mientras que en 1948 más de 30\% de las habitaciones individuales las -habían construido sus propietarios, a fines de 1960 ese porcentaje había -caído a menos de 20 puntos. - -El descenso del nivel de las capacidades por efecto de lo que se llama -el ``desarrollo económico'' es aún más visible en América Latina. Ahí, -la mayoría de los habitantes construyen todavía ellos mismos sus casas. -Utilizan frecuentemente adobe y cal, materiales cuya utilidad es muy -alta en clima cálido y húmedo. En otros sitios edifican casas con placas -de chapa, cartón y otros desperdicios de la civilización -industrial\ldots{} En lugar de proporcionar a los habitantes -herramientas simples y elementos estandarizados, sólidos, fácilmente -reemplazables o reparables, los gobernantes de esos países se lanzaron a -una política de producción masiva de habitaciones de interés social. Es, -sin embargo, evidente que ninguno de ellos puede darse el lujo de -proporcionar unidades habitacionales modernas a la mayoría de los -habitantes. Por todas partes esta política prohibí a las masas adquirir -los conocimientos y las habilidades necesarias para la construcción de -casas más decentes. - -\hypertarget{una-pobreza-libremente-consentida}{% -\subsection{Una pobreza libremente -consentida}\label{una-pobreza-libremente-consentida}} - -Darse cuenta de las posibilidades de educación nos permite ver que -cualquier sociedad posindustrial debe disponer de un herramental de base -cuya misma naturaleza no permita el desarrollo del control tecnocrático. -Debemos, en efecto, esforzarnos por hacer surgir una sociedad donde el -saber científico pueda estar, de alguna forma, abierto a las -herramientas útiles, a las piezas de ensamble en unidades de dimensiones -limitadas, para que sean comprensibles a los hombres. Dicho herramental -permite asociarse para cumplir una tarea o, como todo mil usos lo sabe -instintivamente, descubrirlas sirviéndose de ellas para nuevas -posibilidades de uso. Por la combinación de posibilidades de acceso -siempre abiertas a lo que sucede a nuestro alrededor y por los límites -impuestos al poder de las herramientas será posible visualizar una -``economía de subsistencia'' capaz de utilizar las ventajas de la -ciencia moderna. - -Desarrollar dicha economía servirá a los intereses de la aplastante -mayoría de los habitantes de países pobres, pero también es la única -alternativa posible en los países ricos frente a la creciente -contaminación, la explotación, la construcción de un mundo cada vez más -ensombrecido. Como lo hemos señalado, derribar el mito del ``producto -nacional bruto'' no se concibe sin atacar al mismo tiempo el de la -``educación nacional bruta'' (que conduce a la capitalización de la mano -de obra). Una economía igualitaria no podría existir en una sociedad en -la que el derecho de producir lo confieren las escuelas. - -Construir una economía de subsistencia moderna no depende de invenciones -científicas nuevas. Su edificación pasa por una elección deliberada del -conjunto de la sociedad que debe definir límites fundamentales al -desarrollo de las burocracias y de las tecnocracias. - -Estos límites pueden definirse de diferente manera, pero su utilidad -dependerá de que se tomen en cuenta las verdaderas dimensiones de la -existencia. (La posición del Congreso contra el desarrollo del -transporte supersónico va en buena dirección.) Estas restricciones que -se impondría voluntariamente la sociedad deben dirigirse a problemas -simples, accesibles a todos; podríamos aquí retomar el ejemplo de los -aviones supersónicos. Lo que guiaría la elección sería la conciencia de -la necesidad de un disfrute igual de los frutos del saber científico. -Los franceses dicen que se necesitarían mil años para enseñarle a un -país a ocuparse de una vaca; no se necesitarían dos generaciones para -ayudar a todos los habitantes de América Latina o de África a utilizar -(o a reparar) motores auxiliares de vehículos simplificados, de bombas, -de maletines médicos, de construcciones de hormigón, si la concepción de -esos equipamientos no cambiara casi cada año. Obtener igual provecho de -las adquisiciones de la técnica conduciría, sin duda, a una vida donde -el gozo estaría presente, gozo, con sentido, de las relaciones -establecidas entre los hombres, y como al mismo tiempo los hombres -vivirían en un medio en donde el absurdo ya no tendría sitio, el derecho -igual a los bienes de la sociedad se confundiría finalmente con la -igualdad en materia de educación. - -Hoy en día es difícil imaginar un consenso sobre la austeridad. La razón -que por costumbre se da para explicar la impotencia actual de la mayoría -se sitúa en una perspectiva (económica o política) de clases, y por lo -general no nos damos cuenta de que las nuevas estructuras de clase -impuestas por una sociedad escolarizada son más fácilmente controladas -por los intereses establecidos. Sin duda alguna, una organización -imperialista y capitalista de la sociedad definió un conjunto social en -el interior del cual una minoría posee una influencia desproporcionada -sobre la opinión de la mayoría. Pero en una sociedad tecnocrática, el -poder de un pequeño número de ``capitalistas del saber'' es capaz de -impedir la formación de una verdadera opinión pública por el control de -las técnicas científicas y de los medios de comunicación entre los -hombres. - -Las garantías constitucionales dadas a la libertad de expresión, de -prensa, de reunión, se dirigían a asegurar el acceso del gobierno por el -pueblo. La electrónica moderna, las prensas offset, las computadoras, -los teléfonos podrían representar un equipamiento capaz de dar un -sentido completamente nuevo a esas libertades. Por desgracia, todas esas -conquistas técnicas se utilizan para acrecentar el poder de los -banqueros del conocimiento, en lugar de servir para tejer las verdaderas -redes que proporcionarían oportunidades iguales de encuentro a la -mayoría de los seres humanos. - -Desescolarizar la estructura social y cultural exige utilizar la -tecnología para hacer posible una política de participación. Sobre la -base de una coalición de la mayoría se podrían determinar los límites -del secreto y del poder creciente sin que exista dictadura. - -Necesitamos un entorno nuevo en el cual crecer para conocer una sociedad -sin clases o entraremos en el ``mundo feliz'' donde el \emph{big -brother}\footnote{Alusiones al libro de Aldous Huxley, \emph{Un mundo - feliz} , y al de George Orwell, \emph{1984.}} estará ahí para -educarnos a todos. - -\end{document} diff --git a/data/pages/es/book/deschooling/index.txt b/data/pages/es/book/deschooling/index.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 3c1857d..0000000 --- a/data/pages/es/book/deschooling/index.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,8 +0,0 @@ -# La sociedad desescolarizada - -* **#@LANG_textfull@#**: [[.:es|Online]] -* **#@LANG_titleorig@#**: _Deschooling society_ -* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#**: 1970 -* **#@LANG_comments@#**: fue publicado por vez primera en HarPer and Row Publishers Inc., Nueva York, en 1970, bajo el título de _"Deschooling society"_. La primera traducción al español la publicó Barral Editores, Barcelona, España, en 1970; una nueva edición apareció bajo el sello de la Editorial Posada en 1978 y otra más bajo el de Joaquín Mortiz/Planeta en julio de 1985. Para la edición del FCE de 2006 se utilizó esta última, traducida por Gerardo Espinoza y revisada contra los originales por Javier Sicilia. El apéndice que aparece en la edición del FCE no apareció en las anteriores ediciones en español. Se tomó de la edición de Fayard, _Oeuvres complètes_, vol. I, Francia, diciembre de 2003; la traducción es de Javier Sicilia. - -~~NOTOC~~ diff --git a/data/pages/es/book/energy/en.txt b/data/pages/es/book/energy/en.txt deleted file mode 120000 index 085fba0..0000000 --- a/data/pages/es/book/energy/en.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1 +0,0 @@ -../../../en/book/energy/en.txt
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/es/book/energy/index.txt b/data/pages/es/book/energy/index.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 6f176f1..0000000 --- a/data/pages/es/book/energy/index.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,8 +0,0 @@ -# Energía y equidad - -* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:es|Online]] -* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Énergie et équité_ -* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1974 -* **#@LANG_comments@#:** Fue redactado por vez primera en francés y publicado en Le Monde, en mayo de 1973, en tres entregas. Desarrollado y reescrito, con ayuda de Luce Giard y de Vincent Bardet, fue objeto de una primera edición en francés en 1975, bajo las Éditions du Seuil. Sobre esta trama completa y enriquecida de trabajos conducidos en el Cidoc de Cuernavaca se estableció una versión inglesa más larga y más detallada. La primera edición en español, en la que se incluye el Desempleo creador, apareció en 1974 bajo el sello de Barral Editores, Barcelona, España. Una nueva edición la publicó Editorial Posada en 1978 y otra más la publicó Joaquín Mortiz/Planeta en 1985. - -~~NOTOC~~ diff --git a/data/pages/es/book/gender/index.txt b/data/pages/es/book/gender/index.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 98faa42..0000000 --- a/data/pages/es/book/gender/index.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,9 +0,0 @@ -# El género vernáculo - -* **#@LANG_textfull@#**: [[.:es|Online]] -* **#@LANG_titleorig@#**: Gender -* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#**: 1982 -* **#@LANG_comments@#**: ... - - -~~NOTOC~~ diff --git a/data/pages/es/book/index.txt b/data/pages/es/book/index.txt new file mode 120000 index 0000000..0e11460 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/es/book/index.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../contents/book/index.es.txt
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/es/book/unemployment/index.txt b/data/pages/es/book/unemployment/index.txt deleted file mode 100644 index d203d7e..0000000 --- a/data/pages/es/book/unemployment/index.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,8 +0,0 @@ -# Desempleo Creador: la decadencia de la sociedad profesional - -* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:es|Online]] -* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Desempleo Creador: la decadencia de la sociedad profesional_ -* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1974 -* **#@LANG_comments@#:** Incluye dos capítulos adicionales, tomados de la edición francesa, que fueran incluídos en la versión de "Obras Reunidas - Tomo 1" (FCE, 2006) - -~~NOTOC~~ diff --git a/data/pages/es/index.txt b/data/pages/es/index.txt index 448a717..dc9d5a7 100644 --- a/data/pages/es/index.txt +++ b/data/pages/es/index.txt @@ -2,7 +2,7 @@ ## Serie de libros originales -Ordenados por el año de su primera aparición en cualquier idioma +> REVISAR! * [[.:book:awareness:index|1969 - Celebration Of Awareness]] _(Celebración de la conciencia)_ / _(Alternativas)_ * [[en:book:church:index|1970 - The Church, Change and Development]] _(La iglesia, cambio y desarrollo)_ @@ -18,24 +18,28 @@ Ordenados por el año de su primera aparición en cualquier idioma * [[.:book:mirror:index|1992 - In The Mirror Of The Past - Lectures And Addresses, 1978-1990]] _(En el espejo del pasado - Lecturas y conferencias, 1978-1990)_ * [[.:book:vineyard:index|1993 - In The Vineyard Of The Text-A Commentary To Hugh's Didascalicon]] _(En el viñedo del texto. Etología de la lectura: un comentario al "Didascalicon" de Hugo de San Víctor)_ -### Compilaciones - -... - ## Artículos -* [[es:article:1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut:index|1978 - El mensaje de la choza de Gandhi]] -* [[es:article:1986-disvalue:index|1986 - Desvalor]] -* [[es:article:1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives|1995 - Prefacio a "Desescolarizando nuestras vidas"]] -* [[es:article:1998-conspiracy:index|1998 - El cultivo de la conspiración]] +{{page>.:article:index}} +<html> +<style> +li.level1 { + margin-bottom: 20px; +} +li.level2 { + font-size: 75%; +} +img.icon { + vertical-align: baseline; +} -## Otros recursos -* [[.:videos:index|Videos]] +</style> +</html> diff --git a/data/pages/es/interview/index.txt b/data/pages/es/interview/index.txt new file mode 120000 index 0000000..9f621c1 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/es/interview/index.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../contents/interview/index.es.txt
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/fr/book/conviviality/en.txt b/data/pages/fr/book/conviviality/en.txt deleted file mode 120000 index 3485526..0000000 --- a/data/pages/fr/book/conviviality/en.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1 +0,0 @@ -../../../en/book/conviviality/en.txt
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/fr/book/conviviality/es.txt b/data/pages/fr/book/conviviality/es.txt deleted file mode 120000 index 61e2428..0000000 --- a/data/pages/fr/book/conviviality/es.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1 +0,0 @@ -../../../es/book/conviviality/es.txt
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/fr/book/conviviality/index.txt b/data/pages/fr/book/conviviality/index.txt index a716249..0eeb561 100644 --- a/data/pages/fr/book/conviviality/index.txt +++ b/data/pages/fr/book/conviviality/index.txt @@ -1,20 +1,10 @@ -# Tools for Conviviality +# La Convivialité -## Versions +* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]] +* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Tools for Conviviality_ +* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1973 +* **#@LANG_comments@#:** -### English +{{tag>available}} -* First publication: 1973 -* First publisher: Harper & Row -* **[[.:en|Access]]** -* Comments: ? - - -### Spanish - -* **[[.:es|Access]]** - - -### French - -* **[[.:fr|Access]]** +~~NOTOC~~ diff --git a/data/pages/fr/book/conviviality/text.txt b/data/pages/fr/book/conviviality/text.txt new file mode 120000 index 0000000..143cde7 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/fr/book/conviviality/text.txt @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../../../../contents/books/conviviality/fr.txt
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/index.txt b/data/pages/index.txt index f362706..add3f31 100644 --- a/data/pages/index.txt +++ b/data/pages/index.txt @@ -1,3 +1,72 @@ +<WRAP center round info 90%> +Welcome to ACERVUS Illich (alpha version of the tool, for internal use only, not yet public.) -* [[en:index|Browse in English]] -* [[es:index|Navega en Español]] +</WRAP> + +<WRAP group> +<WRAP half column> +**Browse source materials:** [[source:index|Access full list of sources]] + +**Browse by languages:** [[en:index|English]] - [[es:index|Español]] +</WRAP> + +<WRAP half column> +**Browse by Status:** [[tag:available|Available]] - [[tag:pending|Pending]] - [[tag:missing|Missing]] +</WRAP> +</WRAP> + + +<WRAP group> +<WRAP fifth column> +<html><div class="title"></html> +<phpwikify>$book = shell_exec("cat /srv/acerv.us/content/illich/data/pages/source/book.txt | grep '^*' | wc -l"); echo $book;</phpwikify> +<html></div></html> +books +</WRAP> + +<WRAP fifth column> +<html><div class="title"></html> +<phpwikify>$audio = shell_exec("cat /srv/acerv.us/content/illich/data/pages/source/audio.txt | grep '^*' | wc -l"); echo $audio;</phpwikify> +<html></div></html> +audio recordings +</WRAP> + +<WRAP fifth column> +<html><div class="title"></html> +<phpwikify>$video = shell_exec("cat /srv/acerv.us/content/illich/data/pages/source/video.txt | grep '^*' | wc -l"); echo $video;</phpwikify> +<html></div></html> +video materials +</WRAP> + +<WRAP fifth column> +<html><div class="title"></html> +<phpwikify>$article = shell_exec("cat /srv/acerv.us/content/illich/data/pages/source/article.txt | grep '^*' | wc -l"); echo $article;</phpwikify> +<html></div></html> +articles +</WRAP> + +<WRAP fifth column> +<html><div class="title"></html> +<phpwikify>$interview = shell_exec("cat /srv/acerv.us/content/illich/data/pages/source/interview.txt | grep '^*' | wc -l"); echo $interview;</phpwikify> +<html></div></html> +interviews +</WRAP> + +</WRAP> + +<html> +<style> +.title { + font-size: 24pt; +} + +.title p { + margin: 0; +} + +.wrap_fifth.wrap_column.plugin_wrap { + width: 17%; + text-align: center; +} +</style> +</html> diff --git a/data/pages/source b/data/pages/source new file mode 120000 index 0000000..2263ec1 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/source @@ -0,0 +1 @@ +../../contents/source/
\ No newline at end of file diff --git a/data/pages/tag/available.txt b/data/pages/tag/available.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..5e9ecaa --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/tag/available.txt @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +# Available items + +The following items are fully processed and available in the online platform: + +{{topic>available}} + diff --git a/data/pages/tag/missing.txt b/data/pages/tag/missing.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..b89d894 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/tag/missing.txt @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +# Missing items + +The following items are not available yet in any digital format: + +{{topic>missing}} + diff --git a/data/pages/tag/pending.txt b/data/pages/tag/pending.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..e9fe5b1 --- /dev/null +++ b/data/pages/tag/pending.txt @@ -0,0 +1,6 @@ +# Pending items + +The following items are available in some digital format, but are pending to be processed to accomplish the platform technical requirements + +{{topic>pending}} + |