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+* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]]
+* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _A non procesed title_
+* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@#
+* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** *YEAR*
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+ * Peter Canon, “The American Parish,” Integrity, June 1955, 5–16.
+* **#@LANG_comments@#:**
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+* Included in the book "The Powerless Church" (2018)
+* This another note
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+# The American Parish
+
+In a modern city parish many people do not find what they are looking
+for. Many of those who are dissatisfied never voice their disappointment;
+many do not even realize they are disappointed. Some put the blame
+for their dissatisfaction on the pastor, the bishop or the trustee of the
+Church. The pastor again and his assistants, if ever they become conscious of their people’s criticism, put the blame on their parishioners’
+unreasonable requests or ungenerous help.
+
+Do people look to their parish for things the parish could not offer or
+does the modern city parish fundamentally not offer what it should?
+More practical inquiries might be directed toward the study of methods. Here we ask the more fundamental “what” should be offered and
+leave the “how” to other articles.
+
+Take Jose, I met him one Sunday when, during the eleven o’clock
+high Mass, I went out through the main door of our Church. There I saw
+him among five darkaired and bronzekinned people. From far away
+you could have guessed their origin, the origin of 37% of the baptized
+Catholics in New York City, Puerto Rico. Why had they come to Church
+and then remained outside? Had they gone in or were they waiting for
+the next Mass? They were all standing in a little group and talking lethargically. I went up to them and said “que tal” which means “Hi,” and slowly
+they turned around, looking at me. After a few more words their eyes
+began to sparkle. Before they had been completely unrelated to the surroundings: their dresses were almost imperceptibly differently cut from
+those of the other parishioners, their language was different and while
+the others were in Church they were outside. Now suddenly, through
+a few Spanish words they seemed related to their surroundings. They
+started to speak: they all came from Moca, a little place in the hills of that
+beautiful island; they had arrived here in New York just a few weeks ago.
+They had found out where the Church was, and when they looked at it
+they would not believe that it was a Catholic Church: a Church had to
+be in the middle of a plaza, in the middle of the village, the center of a
+community. Here they had found a building with some strange pointed
+arches in the middle of two tall houses right on a booming street.
+The Church inside was dark, with light strangely colored from
+stainedlass windows, instead of the simple, whitewashed structure—
+with wide openings for windows to let in as much air as possible—that
+they were used to. But they had recognized this as a Catholic church,
+because, upon an inspection, they had found the picture of Our Lady
+of Perpetual Help on one of the altars; and that much they knew, where
+that picture was, there had to be Our Lord. They had discovered the
+picture on a weekday evening, and now on Sunday they had come back
+to the Church, they had wanted to go to Mass. Now why did they not go
+in and follow Mass? I asked them, and got an answer which baffled me.
+They said, because of the ushers. They had never been accompanied to
+a pew by an usher. Oftentimes they had no pews in Church. Here they
+saw parishioners paying their way into Church. They didn’t realize that
+these people—or their parents—had built this church by themselves, that
+they now felt responsible for its support and maintenance, that it was
+not like Puerto Rico where the government had built churches until the
+Americans arrived. So they had turned away from Church because of the
+ushers, as one of them said; because Mass starts so much on time, the
+other said, Our Lady was there, they said—but the warmth and the life
+of the people seemed lacking.
+
+I could not help thinking back to Puerto Rico; my first Sunday there
+in a big parish, in the mountains. On Saturday the pastor asked me say
+Mass the next day in the mountains, in three different mission chapels
+(he had twelve altogether), since he would have to say the Masses in the
+main village. If there was a priest around to help out, every four weeks
+Mass was said on Sunday in every chapel. The first Mass I said at about
+six in the morning, after I had slept all night on the altar steps of the
+chapel, then I travelled on, by horseback, to the next chapel. I heard
+confessions, said Mass, baptized, married . . . and off I went to the third
+chapel, on horseback still, where I arrived after noon. People were sitting
+around in Church eating their bananas and chewing cane, and on the
+Church steps they had lighted a little fire to cook something. They continued their conversation in Church while I heard confessions; for Mass
+everybody was silent and most of them knelt on the crude floor while two
+lonely dogs ran around among them, and when I started to baptize the
+conversation resumed. In the evening, I was amazed at the answer I got
+from the pastor, a Puerto Rican trained in a United States seminary, to my
+question as to whether he thought this behavior slightly disrespectful:
+Our people believe that God is their Father, and they want to behave in
+Church as they behave in their Father’s house. There are no ushers in
+Jose’s Father’s house. Dinner does not start on time, probably he has no
+watch, he goes to Church when everybody else goes to Church. Mass is an
+important happening in the family’s life—a happening which brings him
+together with all his neighbors. The Church is the center of his village
+even if he seldom goes into it. The rare Sunday when the priest comes to
+his chapel, the Mass is a big event, even if he does not attend. He knows
+almost everybody whom he meets at Mass. Mass is easily understood as
+a family dinner—as the “communion” of the community.
+
+## Another World
+
+No wonder that he is confused at this big, clean, Gothic building where
+an usher assigns him his place next to some unknown lady, where he
+is allowed to go into Church only five minutes before Mass starts, and
+has to leave as soon as Mass is over—where hardly anybody is standing
+outside the Church after Mass since there is no plaza—and where there
+are so many Masses that you cannot see Mass as a family dinner, a house
+built around you, to suit you.
+
+Standing there on that cold winter morning during the eleven o’clock
+high Mass, I realized how hard it will be to explain to Jose and his friends
+that this is the same Church which, under another climate, appears so
+very different from at home. It will be hard for Jose to understand that
+he will be known to God alone in Church and hardly anybody else will
+recognize him. It will be hard for him to understand that you can go to
+Holy Communion every day in a Church where there are several Masses
+every day, and hard, too, to understand the English Gospel the priest
+reads, but even more difficult than to understand will it be for him to
+feel at home in English. I might be able to make him understand some
+of the features of parish life—but to understand a world is far from being
+at home in it. And how strange that a man should not feel at home in
+the house of his Father. How strange to each other two Catholic worlds
+can be. It is not always easy to see how beautiful it is that the universal
+Church can look so different in different cultures.
+
+Or think of Maria, Jose’s sister: she came with him to Mass, and with
+him was frightened away from the Church. Now she cannot believe that
+this is the communion mass of the Children of Mary. Where are their
+white veils? Why do they not sing, does nobody here know the song of
+Our Lady of Guadalupe? And why do people now start to come out of
+Church, and without talking to each other go straight across the busy,
+dirty street headed for home? Why do they not hang around and talk to
+each other? Jose and his friends cannot well avoid being bewildered.
+
+## Dissatisfied Children
+
+This is but one of the many instances into which you run continually, as
+a parish priest, of people who do not find in their parish what they came
+to look for. Jose’s problem is not from this point of view different from the
+bewilderment of the convert, who during instructions has found faith in
+the reality of the Mystical Body visible in Christ’s Church—and then finds
+himself socially isolated among faithful churchgoers. And it is not different from the problem of the mature layman exposed to years of sermons
+taken from Father Murphy’s Three Homilies for Every Sunday Gospel—or of
+the young couple recently moved into a new apartment, who had hoped to
+find in the parish an atmosphere in which spiritual friendship is fostered,
+and found perfect distribution of sacraments, ritual and Catholic school
+education, but not the spirit they had hoped for.
+
+To all these this parish does not give what they expect: to Jose it
+does not give the atmosphere of his home, to the convert it does not
+give the new human community he thought would be a consequence of
+spiritual communion, to the man yearning to grow it does not give the
+adult education program he hoped for, but only an endless repetition of
+what he has become insensible to through yearly recital in grade school
+catechism. It forces the young couple to make their own home a shelter
+for friendship without adequate help from the pastor from whom they
+expect it.
+
+All these people come to the parish because there they find what
+seems to them most important: Mass, the confessional, and catechism
+for their children. Objections are directed not against the things they get,
+but rather against the frame within which they get them: Mass remains
+the sacrifice even if it is said quickly and adorned with a hasty sermon.
+Your sins are forgiven even if the priest is too rushed to give advice—and
+most people are so used to a silent confessor that they might be surprised
+at an instruction. Catechism remains true even if Sister has sixty children
+in her parochial school class. Marriage remains valid even if all the bride
+remembers of prenuptial instruction is that an overburdened priest, in
+ten minutes, asked her under oath a few strange questions, such as: had
+she ever been to a psychiatrist, would she be faithful to her husband,
+would she promise to avoid contraception, while at the same time he had
+to answer the phone on a sick call and take care of a staggering visitor at
+the door.
+
+Is there something which could be interpreted as a criticism of the
+whole system underlying all these objectionable details? Criticism of
+detail is directed mostly against the officiating priest, not against the
+parish as such, and therefore is not pertinent to this discussion.
+
+## Criteria for Criticism
+
+Could it be that there is something fundamentally wrong with the parish
+in modern America? And if that be so, may Christians, especially laymen,
+criticize their Church, of which the unit most real to them is the parish?
+Many are afraid to do so out of a double misunderstanding: they do not
+distinguish between criticism and blame—and they do not distinguish
+the human from the divine element in the Church.
+
+We cannot remain forever small children and take our parents for
+granted; only after the teens can a mature love for a parent develop. It’s
+the same with Mother Church: an understanding of her humanity in
+her human weakness will only strengthen, not diminish our love. Those
+who blame the Church mostly shrink from the personal responsibility
+which grows out of the realization that we are members of the Church.
+Blame is a fruit of laziness and perpetuates what is deplorable. Criticism
+brings about change, either in him who criticizes or in the Church criticized. It is always the fruit of hard work and prayer. A critical attitude
+toward the parish is just one of the areas in which Christian love for the
+Church can develop. But since criticism is always an implicit invitation
+to change, we have to pass to the second point and see to what degree the
+Church, or, concretely, the parish, is subject to change. And there are two
+attitudes toward change, equally unChristian, among Christians. One
+is the refusal of any development. This has its roots in a deep mistrust
+of human nature, as if God had not entrusted men with the power to
+make His institutions practicable, as if the mandate given to the apostles
+had been withdrawn. This mistrust lies in this error: necessary historical
+developments are taken for divine institutions. Manade frames are
+taken for divine works of art. This attitude can be remedied by the study
+of theology and history. Theology will show us the seed of divine revelation and will teach us what God has done Himself; history will show us
+what men have done under God.
+
+Opposed to the refusal of any development is the attitude of those
+who always want to change, who are like children who do not want to live
+in the dusty home their family built over centuries, and prefer to live in a
+quickly built shack on the edges of the property. If this attitude does not
+have its root in the unstable character of its proponents, it is based on an
+over estimation of human inventiveness within God’s supernatural plan.
+The remedy to this inclination toward inorganic and sudden changes lies
+in an education toward humility. Custom always offers an assumption
+for wisdom, at least practical wisdom. Criticism of the modern parish
+therefore presupposes some knowledge of theology and of history, which
+often becomes visible in custom.
+
+## Follow the Man to His House . . . to the Upper Room
+
+Unless we know how a country grew, we do not know what it really is
+like. Unless we know what the parish was meant to be by God, and what
+it looked like when men first made God’s idea visible, we will not have
+the basis to judge the parish we have today. How did the parish start?
+Certainly not with the apostles.
+
+Christ did not make the parish. He made priests, and He needed a
+roof over His cenacle. (The priesthood is instituted by Christ, not the
+boundaries to His priesthood, expressed in modern parish limits.) For
+centuries, the Church was expanding—conscious that the end of the
+world was nigh. Every bishop grazed his flock, and whenever possible
+had a flock small enough that he himself could say Mass for them. The
+imagery for pastoral care as well as the relationship between pastor
+(the bishop was the only pastor) and his faithful was taken from the
+vocabulary of shepherds, Mediterranean shepherds, who have no fixed
+home and wander with their sheep from pasture to pasture—from earth
+to heaven. Christians considered themselves as strangers in a strange
+world, children banned from their country. The word “parish” came from
+a Greek verb meaning: to live like a foreigner—to be without a home.
+
+## The Cenacle Among Nonhristians
+
+The twelve apostles found it necessary to ordain one man in every community to the fullness of the priesthood. This man, the bishop of the city,
+made the rounds and celebrated the sacred mysteries in the houses of
+different Christians. In the Stationhurches of Rome we have a remnant
+of this usage: the oldest among them carry the names of private families,
+and their name expresses nothing but the address at which the Christians
+would meet for Mass. In these homes Mass would be said regularly, and
+often the room in which Mass was said slowly developed into a chapel—
+the family ceased to use it as a dining room and the cenacle grew into a
+Church. The number of Christians too, continually was growing. Soon
+one pastor, the bishop, was not enough for the community, and so we see
+several popes ordaining priests—priests who would say Mass where the
+bishop could not go and who would preach whenever the bishop would
+not find the time to do so. Often these priests attended one particular
+Church in preference to others, but we cannot yet say that they were
+pastors. The bishop still was the only pastor in the city, and these priests
+were his assistants. Pope Innocent I in 417 tells us that he was in the
+habit of breaking his host, when saying Mass, into small fragments and
+sending one of these fragments to every priest celebrating in the city of
+Rome, that he might let it fall into his chalice and might realize that it
+is really one Mass said throughout the city, the Mass of the bishop. The
+breaking of the host into three parts today is a remnant of that custom.
+
+## The Parish as the Heart of the City
+
+From the beginning, Christianity developed faster in the cities than in
+the country. But by the end of the 5th century Christianity had expanded
+into new mission territories, and the last strongholds of paganism in the
+rural areas of southern Europe were falling by the 7th century. Always
+more and more bishops asked their priests to take over independently
+the exercise of their ministry. No more was the bishop the only father
+and the priest nothing but his helpers; the priests themselves had to take
+over under their bishops all three realms of pastoral duties: the administration of the sacraments, the teaching of the Gospel and the guidance
+of the people.
+
+Of old when every city where Christians lived had its own bishop (or
+“angel” as St. John calls him in his seven letters to the seven “Churches”
+in Asia Minor), dioceses had been multiplied easily and eagerly. This is
+the reason why there are so many of them in the countries which came
+to the faith before the 6th century. Now the bishop made every one of his
+priests responsible for a welletermined part of his people and slowly,
+clearly assigned the limits to the territory for which a priest was responsible—boundaries which often on one side remained open toward the
+virgin soil never yet touched by Christian preaching.
+
+The parish as a living cell of the diocese had been brought into existence by the Church. Christ had instituted His priesthood for His people.
+In apostolic times the Church found it necessary to assign a given part of
+her Mystical Body to a given bishop. He alone is priest in the full sense of
+the word, he alone belongs to the teaching Church, he alone is a successor
+of the apostles, he alone wears the wedding ring to show that he is married to the Church. And later on the Church found it necessary to allow
+the bishop to subdivide his territory and to make his representatives,
+other priests, fully responsible for a parish.
+This is how the territorial parish was born, to which belong all those
+who live in a given territory, and for whom the pastor assumes responsibility: to feed, teach and guide those who are in the Church and to
+convert those who are outside. It went so far that in Europe the word
+“parish” became the word for “village.”
+
+Human factors contributed not less than supernatural faith to make
+the parish the heart of the community in Catholic countries. The priest
+quite often was the most educated person in the village, custom and folklore centered in the Church and civil life was regulated by the progress
+of the liturgical year as the life of every individual was deeply connected
+with the Church in the middle of the village. Often also—sometimes
+unfortunately—the church became a center for political action. Later
+a breakdown in these human factors threatened to remove the parish
+from its central position in the hearts of the people. And then came the
+Reformation, and with it the Catholic community of Europe was broken
+down. From then on we can hardly speak of a common development of
+the parish in different countries. We cannot make it our objective here
+to study the reasons which brought about the “loss of the masses” in
+France, or the motives which made the German parish so susceptible to
+the “liturgical movement,” or the final juridical organization that Pius X
+(the first pastor in a long time to become pope) brought about in 1917.
+Our objective is to understand historically only those elements common
+to the American parish—and not those minor elements, as important
+as they might be, which shaped the characteristic face of this or that
+national parish. After all, we are in search of the common denominator—
+if there is one—of most criticism voiced by Catholics against the Church
+in this country.
+
+## The Protective Parish
+
+The American parish—if we can speak about such a thing—was always
+established as a center around which a minority rallied: people who used
+the parish to defend what they had. The Church always had reasons to
+be concerned for the protection, not only of the faith of her children,
+but also of their old Christian customs with their strong symbolic power
+to evoke occasions for the profession of faith. The Church always had
+been made into a bulwark of tradition and continuity. At the moment
+of the big migration of Catholics to this country, the Church had reason
+to be overoncerned. Poor migrants who left their country to find a
+living came into a highly competitive society, heavily influenced by the
+Calvinistic faith that the good succeed, and in the joy of its newound
+independence, somewhat set against the newcomers. They brought their
+priests with them, pastors of a migrating flock, rather than missioners
+to a civilization in need. They were more concerned to conserve the
+faith of their people than to convert a new nation. Heavy stress was laid
+on meetings among “our own,” associations which would foster marriages among Catholics, and education which would equip the child to
+remain a Catholic. The Church became a tremendous bulwark for the
+Catholic. Never before had the Church had to perform this task, or at
+least never before had it succeeded. Small numbers of missioners had
+converted whole countries. Some Catholic minorities had withstood the
+Reformation—and tiny little groups of Catholics had been able, along
+with the language of their homeland, to conserve the faith in the interior of the Balkans and the Middle East. But never before had a group
+of immigrants changed their national allegiance and remained faithful
+to the Church. And they did it through their schools and parochial societies: which willyilly constituted another chance for Catholics to feel
+themselves a minority in an alien culture. Repeated insistence that you
+can be a good American and at the same time a good Catholic only contributed toward this feeling.
+
+## The Budding Parish
+
+Catholics may belong to a minority, but the Church cannot be a minority.
+She is always the leaven: a minority lives in an enclave—the leaven penetrates. To separate the leaven from the flour means uselessness for both.
+If Catholics ever lose their concern for those who do not have God, they
+lose also their charity. Many a contemporary parish has contributed
+towards this separation by preserving an atmosphere which was once
+necessary but is no longer so.
+In the sheltered atmosphere of a Church which continues the traditions of a geographically isolated Catholic community within a
+nonatholic society, the parish has developed into a most efficient center
+for the administration of the sacraments and the imparting of religious
+instructions. In fact, never has there been a period in Church history
+that saw such a high percentage of baptized Catholics so well instructed
+and living such an intense sacramental life. Without a knowledge of the
+historical background of today’s parish it would be impossible to account
+for the one surprising shortcoming of this Church in America: the lack of
+influence of Catholics among nonatholics, or, to say it in other words,
+their lack of missionary spirit. Only by realizing that this lack is a characteristic left over from a struggle for survival do we understand that it
+is not a direct refusal of responsibility—but rather a sign of immaturity.
+A century ago, a newly arrived immigrant was often socially confined to his own national group—without denying his background, he
+could not associate with “the old American.” That was the time when the
+Church had to protect him from contact with nonatholics in fear that
+through his “otherness” he might lose his faith; and the immigrant in
+turn could not feel responsible for neighbors he did not know. Today it
+is rare for a Catholic not to be accepted because of his background. Many
+Protestants have become his neighbors, associates and friends. It is often
+under the influence of a long past competition that today the Catholic
+fails to meet the new missionary challenge.
+
+It is as if God had allowed a strong seed to mature in the earth during
+the winter and now the time has come for it to bud: wellrained Catholics
+all over this country are willing to risk responsibility for those outside
+and are waiting for specific preparation in their parish. The word “parishioner” should not refer only to the Catholic. The parish must become
+and is becoming in the consciousness of the Catholic the spiritual home
+of all who live within its boundaries—even if many do not know where
+their home is. This is happening all over. The Legion of Mary is growing;
+these are laymen who consecrate two evenings a week to the conversion
+of their neighbor. The Christian Family Movement, Cana Conferences,
+the changing of oldype Church societies, and the lifeong struggle of
+many a priest prepare the spirit into which converts, the fruit of various campaigns, can be welcomed. Even the Catholic outsider like Jose
+is meeting with a reception on which former Catholic newcomers could
+never count.
+
+Years ago the challenge of a new mass migration of Catholics would
+have been met with the establishment of national parishes. The average
+American parish had not yet started to be either American or missionary.
+Today, very slowly, the way is opening for a newcomer to be a Catholic
+in his own way without having to insist on it, without having to “protect”
+his human background in order to save his faith.
+Special Mass with Spanish Sermon?
+
+That Sunday when I met Jose and his friends at eleven o’clock on the
+Church steps I could not help asking: should we have a special Mass
+for him with a Spanish sermon? Might not such a Mass develop into
+a Jim Crow meeting? Should we introduce Spanish devotions? Special
+Spanish social groups? Should we allow his sister’s friends to wear their
+white veils or should we prudently introduce the traditional sign of the
+Children of Mary into our established congregation? Or should we hope
+that a national church be established for him in our neighborhood with
+the danger that his children will reject their faith with their inevitable
+rejection of Spanish culture?
+
+## Understanding and the Future
+
+These questions about Jose, and many more about others who do not
+find in our parishes what they seek, must be answered with some background of history and theology, and with a prudence which judges the
+unique living situation. These questions must be asked courageously
+and answered always anew. Criticism of the parish will thus become an
+examination of conscience for everybody who engages in it: layman,
+priest and outsider alike. And if it is not criticism of the clergy or the laity,
+but of the institution itself, it will mostly revolve around the idea that the
+protective parish is a thing of the past almost everywhere in this country.
+During the winter it was good that the seed remained hidden in the
+earth, but in spring, if it does not bud it rots.
diff --git a/contents/articles/1955-the_american_parish/es.notes b/contents/articles/1955-the_american_parish/es.notes
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+* Esto es una nota solo para lectores de español
+
diff --git a/contents/articles/1955-the_american_parish/es.txt b/contents/articles/1955-the_american_parish/es.txt
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+# La parroquia americana
+
diff --git a/contents/articles/1955-the_american_parish/index b/contents/articles/1955-the_american_parish/index
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+* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]]
+* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _The American Parish_
+* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@#
+* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** *YEAR*
+* **#@LANG_versions@#:**
+ * Peter Canon, “The American Parish,” Integrity, June 1955, 5–16.
+* **#@LANG_comments@#:**
diff --git a/contents/articles/1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks/en.notes b/contents/articles/1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks/en.notes
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+* Included in: CIDOC Cuaderno 10 - CIDOC Informa, “Junio-Diciembre”, Centro intercultural de Documentación, Cuaderno No. 10, Volumen 5, Cuernavaca, 1968.
+* This paper was delivered at the Conference on educational planging co-sponsored by the University of Puerto Rico and the Puerto Rico Planning Board in San Juan, July 1967.
diff --git a/contents/articles/1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks/en.txt b/contents/articles/1968-the_redistribution_of_educational_tasks/en.txt
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+# The Redistribution of Educational Tasks between Schools and Other Organs of Society
+
+The purpose of this paper is not to stimulate discussion on internal change within school systems. I would l1ke to raise a different question: can the purpose of a school system established by any given society be continually and effectively renewed? If so, what are the necessary cond1t1ons for constant renewal?
+
+Only a limited portion of the total educational process in any given nation is organized under formal bureaucratic control. The remainder is usually left to institutions over which the planner and programmer have little influence. If we look only at that part of the educational process under formal control, we discover that only a part of it is actually performed by institutions which society considers "schools." The rest is left to programs which are not thought of as formal "schooling." This would include everything from in-service training to driver's education or sex education.
+
+At this moment we are beginning to analyze society's ability to reapportion education and to influence the growth and orientation of "non-school" education. In this discussion I would like to set aside the concrete mechanics of renewal in the schooling process in order to examine the conditions necessary for a constant renewal of the school's goals.
+
+First, I will identify the school system which I have observed, and with which I am the most familiar. Then I will list a series of conditions which I consider necessary in order for any school system to continually renew itself and by renewal I mean: allowing new levels of humanism in teaching to be reached, revising educational technology, and eventually abandoning previous tasks to "non-schools" so that the "schools" can assume new tasks.
+
+
+## Catholic schools in Latin America
+
+During the last few years I have spent a great deal of time analyzing the effect of private schools on the over-all educational process in each of the Latin American nations. And in Latin America "private school" means Catholic school. The latter have a double, stated purpose: they were established to inculcate an ideology which is often taken to be the Catholic Faith, and to offer educational services (i.e. alternate schooling, usually custodial child-care) for those whose parents or sponsors are of the moneyed classes.
+
+The impact of the private school on the over-all scholastic picture in a developing nation can be viewed from several angles.
+
+1) Private education in Latin America can be understood as an economic contribution to development. Tuition to these schools can be viewed as a self-imposed additional tax by a minority group which frees regular tax funds by relieving the government of the cost of educating from five to 20 per cent of the school age population and this five to 20 percent is by no means chosen at random. Private schooling provides instruction for children whose parents or sponsors would otherwise have the power to demand above average outlays of government funds for the education of their children. It is also interesting to note that these private schools for the already-privileged in Latin America attract voluntary foreign aid in money and manpower which, since 1960, amounts to more than 20 million dollars per year.
+
+2) The effect of private education on development can also be viewed from a socio-political angle. The private school system is a broad, systematic device which allows the privileged sector to grow at a rate far beyond its natural growth-rate. At the same time, the private school system allows the privileged sector to acquire a new, flexible internal cohesiveness while still maintaining its very obvious aloofness.
+
+a. Private schools give a modern rationale both to the existence of a new elite, its identification with the old elite and the exclusion of those rejected by both. Superior, separate and ideologically differentiated private schooling in Latin America is thus important for the rich, and those favored by the rich. Private schools often act as social elevators for a special type of individual from the lower classes. It would be most interesting to determine who these people are, since the achievement-oriented character of their parents might prove to be the most important factor in deciding who will receive scholarships to private schools.
+
+b. It might turn out that in the long run private schools in Latin America are more important as sieves which allow a certain character type from the lower socio-economic groups to join the elite, than as opportunity for the especially imaginative or intelligent student.
+
+
+## The planning of private Schools
+
+Private schools could be understood as a challenge to public education. They might provide means to develop and test new educational models, an important factor in educational planning and policy-making. This is a point which has been frequently neglected in the past. Educational planning bodies concerned with facilities and, more importantly with policies in Latin America have yet to propose effective and racional penalties and incentives to include private school initiatives in efforts to achieve overall educational goals. To date effective planning of private schools in Latin America has been politically tabu.
+
+At present traditional (Church) and new (private enterprise) ideologies keep private schools beyond the reach of the educational planners. Yet we can forecast a strong trend in the opposite direction: namely, that specialized instruction will be industrialized, and that public agencies will both license and contract the services of institutions dedicated to such instruction.
+
+
+## The disestablishment of a school System
+
+Finally, we can consider the Catholic school system in Latin America as a model for the study of the dynamics of other school systems. We have pursued this line of research in Cuernavaca for the past six years. We have been privileged to act as self-appointed observers and promoters of the only case known to us of the disestablishment of an entire school system. Some of our observations might be relevant for other school systems and their eventual, partial disestablishment.
+
+Church schools are by no means a negligible factor in Latin America. The Church spends from 60 to 80 per cent of her total budget in any country (except Cuba) for the building and maintenance of schools. From five to 20 per cent of the school-age population in any Latin American nation is studying in Catholic-controlled schools. The total enrollment in Latin American Catholic schools is greater than the total public school enrollment in all but three of the Latin American countries. Yet if present trends continue this percentage will have shrunk to almost nothing by 1980.
+
+These trends are caused by factors beyond the control of Church administrators and constituencies: ever-rising costs, manpower crises, socio—political variables. And just as important in this trend toward the dis-establishment of the Church from schooling is the conviction of a number of key church-men that Catholic schools constitute the major obstacle to the socio-educational relevance of the Church on this continent.
+
+This surprising process (which I foresee) is of paradigmatic value of an often neglected relationship; namely, the relationship between education al intent and the choice of schools for the implementation of that intent. Since the Conquest the primary social function of the Latin American Church has been education. But now the Church finds herself entangled in her own school system and is trying to remove herself from school administration altogether. This trend will become surprisingly obvious by 1970. But if recognized now, policies can be created which will allow teachers to eventually accept the rethinking of education, the radical re-apportionment of educational functions or the charismatic renewal an already functioning educational system.
+
+
+## Major points
+
+1) Mechanism can be built into school systems which accelerate their innovative capacity, but pressure for the renewal of a school system will usually come from outside that system. The preceding statement is a corollary of the knowledge that good schools are "teacher proof." That is, we have evidence that teachers advocate more reform of their milieu than almost any other professional group, yet they are the least effective when it comes to actually effecting that reform. This is due to the fact that the teacher's main task is to formulate questions never asked, or even accepted, outside of the classroom. At the same time, he must preside over an academic life which is accepted outside the school only if it carries the academic "label." Indeed, the better a school can function despite its "subversive" teachers who formulate questions not acceptable to non-academic society, the better teachers that school can afford to hire. The exercise of academic freedom can never be the source of the systematic improvement of the system itself. Indeed, the teacher's very job greatly dilutes his ability to change the educational system from within. His ideas will be generally ignored when he voices them beyond the walls of academia.
+
+2) The school planner is the last person who can make fundamental innovations in the system. His employer has already told him exactly what special educational task the school must perform, and the school planner simply arranges the allocation of resources to accomplish that task. As soon as the school planner raises the question of a totally different apportionment of the task itself he moves out of his limited area of money allocation, and into the broadest type of social planning.
+
+3) The definition of the school planner's task is ultimately based on
+a clear separation of: a) the school system, and b) overall educational planning.
+
+The planner of the overall educational process, as opposed to the school planner, must decide which specific social tasks should be pe{formed by formal schooling, as differentiated from educational tasks which must be left to the responsibility of others—from mothers in a community to driving instructors. Only if this decision is made outside of the_school system, will the latter avoid becoming a "state within a state" (like the Medieval Church), or a political football. If the school planner would attempt to formulate overall educational policies, he would reduce all education and instruction demanded by clients, economic planners or politicians to a form of formal schooling. On the other hand, if the overall educational planner cannot treat the school system as a service agency to which specific tasks may be assigned, he will never be able to demand effectiveness and efficiency from that system.
+
+4) The demand for renewal will either take the form of a request to
+serve new clients, or will be a reaction to a model tried and proved
+successful elsewhere. The clients of a school system may demand that their system produce new results in a new manner which has proved successful elsewhere. '"Schools should produce..." "Schools should serve..." --it is doubtful that such demands will be effective, since good school systems are not only "teacher proof," but they are also vaccinated by constant disillusionment against utopian ideas coming from outside the system itself. Therefore, effective demands for renewal will usually take the form of a request that the system incorporate competitors. "If the teachers there can do it, why can't our teachers do it? If another system can produce these results, why can't ours?"
+
+5) A model is usually the agent utilized to effect change in a system. Politics aimed at polarizing power for change in educational systems consistently utilize models to create issues. An effective educational model or experiment must have four facets. The model must prove the following:
+
+a. That something new is now possible, that the present behavior of another can determine our own future. I would expand a bit on Jerome Bruner and say: '"Personal creativity produces an effective surprise concerning a present possibility." ("They did it!")
+
+b. Something previously untried has proved itself effective, that it has produced education outside of the current school system. An effective educational result has, for the first time, been defined as a scholastic need. This need is a possible result of systematic teaching, and should now be adopted here. ("Our school should do it.")
+
+c. The experiment raises a question. Can the educational system effectively allow the model to be reproduced? Must the reproduction of the model remain outside of the system? ("Should we do it? Is our system that 'teacher-proof:? Let 'them' organize it. It's none of our business.")
+
+d. Is the present system willing to pay the price of.adapting to the new process? Can the present system insure the continuation of the model through its institutionalization? ("Maybe we had better let them continue to try it.")
+
+6) The last characteristic (d) puts the educational experiment into a class by itself. A school system cannot produce teachers, contrary to popular opinion. It can only create more or less ideal situations for teaching. In the strict sense, educational invention is personal and inimitable. Ideally, the individual teacher is a creator with a personal style which cannot be imitated by another. Individual teaching is the "celebration" of an intimate experience which has no precedent: The charismatic and prophetic quality of a new style of teaching distinguishes it from invention of educational technology.
+
+Since most teachers are uninventive, dull, or worse, the school system tends to make the teacher a part of the program itself in order to guarantee that his presence in the system be worthwhile. He must "follow the teaching program” laid down by his superiors. This kind of thinking should be avoided. New teaching should not be a model for a process which will eventually be institutionalized. On the contrary, it is concrete proof of a possibility which might lead to the adoption and development of a methodological model within a school system.”
+
+## Summary
+
+This Principle could very well be restated in a paradox: Nobody should be paid for the privilege of teaching. But effective and efficient instructors should be so well paid that they can have the privilege of becoming true teachers.
+
+The effectiveness of planned change in a school system depends largely on the rational selection of scholastic goals within the overall educational process, formal and informal, which a society has defined for itself.
+
+The Latin American public school systems are irrational, comprehensive, ecclectic combinations of educational goals which have sedimented over a period of 150 years and are glued together by an intensely formalized ideology. The levels and branches of these systems, even if they are somewhat updated, are still historical relics which have ceased to be self-contained sub-systems or "careers." Now education is measured by the number of years one has "passed" on successive levels of the "educational supermarket." The student moves from the First Grade "supermarket" to the Second Grade "supermarket," and eventually may move through 15 or 20 different "supermarkets" and receive a university degree. This system will probably have to be replaced by measurement through statistically described sets of typical educational processes resulting from parallel educational services. In each of these processes almost any individual may obtain a qualitatively, narrowly defined "schooling" at almost any moment in his life.
+
+I propose that for the intent of the present discussion, the suggestions made here be seen against the background of history; in fact I believe that only through the study of history we will be able to gain the sufficient freedom of imagination to envisage radically new re-distribution of educational tasks between formal schooling and other forms of education or celebration.
+
+For this purpose, I suggest that we analyze the history of religious institutions throughout the centuries. They are the only major formally educational bodies who, in the past, had to grapple with the issues now faced by major school systems.
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+* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]]
+* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _The Redistribution of Educational Tasks between Schools and Other Organs of Society_
+* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@#
+* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** *YEAR*
+* **#@LANG_comments@#:**
diff --git a/contents/articles/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/en.notes b/contents/articles/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/en.notes
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+* Inaugural Speech Sevagram Ashram Pratishthan Sevagram, Wardha. January 1978
+* Included in the book "In the Mirror of the Past" (1992)
diff --git a/contents/articles/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/en.txt b/contents/articles/1978-the_message_of_bapus_hut/en.txt
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+# The Message of Bapu’s Hut
+
+This morning, while I was sitting in this hut where Mahatma Gandhi lived, I was trying to absorb the spirit of its concept and imbibe in me its message. There are two things about the hut which have impressed me greatly. One is its spiritual aspect and the other is the aspect of its amenities. I was trying to understand Gandhi’s point of view in regard to making the hut. I very much liked its simplicity, beauty and neatness. The hut proclaims the principle of love and equality with everybody. Since the house which has been provided for me in Mexico is in many ways like this hut, I could understand its spirit. Here I found that the hut has seven kinds of place. As you enter, there is a place where you put down your shoes and prepare yourself physically and mentally to go into the hut. Then comes the central room which is big enough to accommodate a large family. Today, at four in the morning, when I was sitting there for prayer, four people sat along with me, by supporting themselves on one wall, and on the other side there was also enough room for as many people again, if they sat close together. This room is where everybody can go and join others. The third space is where Gandhi himself sat and worked. There are two more rooms — one for the guests and the other for the sick. There is an open verandah and also a commodious bathroom. All of these places have a very organic relationship.
+
+I feel that if rich people come to this hut, they might be making fun of it. But from the point of view of a simple Indian, I do not see why there should be a house bigger than this. This house is made of wood and mud. In its making, it is not the machine, but the hands of man which have worked. I call it a hut, but it is really a home. There is a difference between a house and a home. A house is where man keeps his luggage and furniture. It is meant more for the security and convenience of the furniture than of the man himself. In Delhi, where I had been put up, is a house where there are many conveniences. The building is constructed from the point of view of these conveniences. It is made of cement and bricks and is like a box where the furniture and other conveniences can fit in well.
+
+We must understand that all furniture and other articles that we go on collecting in our lives will never give us inner strength. These are, so to say, the crutches of a cripple. The more of such conveniences we have, the more our dependence on them increases and our life gets restricted. On the contrary, the kind of furniture I find in Gandhi’s hut is of a different order, and there is very little cause for being dependent on it. A house fitted with all kinds of conveniences shows that we have become weak. The more we lose the power to live, the greater we depend upon the goods we acquire. It is like our depending upon hospitals for the health of people and upon schools for the education of our children. Unfortunately, both hospitals and schools are not an index of the health or the intelligence of a nation. Actually, the number of hospitals is indicative of the ill health of people and schools of their ignorance. Similarly, the multiplicity of facilities in living minimizes the expression of creativity in human life.
+
+Unfortunately, the paradox of the situation is that those who have more such conveniences are regarded as superior. Is it not an immoral society where illness is accorded high status and ignorance more consideration? While sitting in Gandhi’s hut I was grieved to ponder over this perversity. I have come to the conclusion that it is wrong to think of industrial civilization as a road leading toward the development of man. It has been proved that for our economic development, greater and bigger machines of production and larger and larger numbers of engineers, doctors and professors are literally supernumery.
+
+Those who would want to have a place bigger than this hut where Gandhi lived are poor in mind, body and life style. I pity them. They have surrendered themselves and their animate selves to an inanimate structure. In the process they have lost the elasticity of their body and the vitality of their life. They have little relationship with nature and closeness with their fellowmen.
+
+When I ask the planners of the day why they do not understand the simple approach Gandhi taught us, they say that Gandhi’s way is very difficult, and that people will not be able to follow it. But the reality of the situation is that since Gandhi’s principles do not tolerate the presence of any middleman or that of a centralized system, the planners and managers and politicians feel left out. How is it that such a simple principle of truth and non-violence is not being understood? Is it because people feel that untruth and violence will take them to the desired objective? No. This is not so. The common man fully understands that right means will take him to the right end. It is only the people who have some vested interest who refuse to understand it. The rich do not want to understand. By ‘rich’ I mean those who have conveniences of life which are not available to everybody in common. There are the ‘rich’ in living, eating, and getting about; and their modes of consumption are such that they have been blinded to truth. It is to the blind that Gandhi becomes a difficult proposition to understand and assimilate. They are the ones to whom simplicity does not make any sense. Their circumstances unfortunately do not allow them to see the truth. Their lives have become too complicated to enable them to get out of the trap they are in. Fortunately, for the largest number of people, there is neither so much of wealth that they become immune to the truth of simplicity, nor are they in such penury that they lack the capacity to understand. Even if the rich see the truth they refuse to abide by it. It is because they have lost contact with the soul of this country.
+
+It should be very clear that the dignity of man is possible only in a self-sufficient society and that it suffers as one moves toward progressive industrialization. This hut connotes the pleasures that are possible through being at par with society. Here, self-sufficiency is the keynote. We must understand that the unnecessary articles and goods which a man possesses reduce his power to imbibe happiness from the surroundings. Therefore, Gandhi repeatedly said that productivity should be kept within the limits of wants. Today’s mode of production is such that it finds no limit and goes on increasing, uninhibited. All these we have been tolerating so far, but the time has come when man must understand that by depending more and more on machines he is moving toward his own destruction.
+
+The civilized world, whether it is China or America, has begun to understand that if we want to progress, this is not the way. Man should realize that for the good of the individual as well as of society, it is best that people keep for themselves only as much as is sufficient for their immediate needs. We have to find a method by which this thinking finds expression in changing the values of today’s world. This change cannot be brought about by the pressure of governments or through centralized institutions. A climate of public opinion has to be created to make people understand that which constitutes the basic society. Today the man with a motor car thinks himself superior to the man with a bicycle, though when we look at it from the point of view of the common norm, it is the bicycle which is the vehicle of the masses. The cycle, therefore, must be given the prime importance and all the planning in roads and transport should be done on the basis of the bicycle, whereas the motor car should get secondary place.
+
+The situation, however, is the reverse and all plans are made for the benefit of the motor car giving second place to the bicycle. Common man’s requirements are thus disregarded in comparison with those of the higher-ups. This hut of Gandhi’s demonstrates to the world how the dignity of the common man can be brought up. It is also a symbol of the happiness that we can derive from practising the principles of simplicity, service and truthfulness. I hope that in the conference that you are going to hold on Techniques for the Third World Poor, you will try to keep this message before you.
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+# El mensaje de la choza de Gandhi
+
+Esta mañana, al estar en la choza donde vivió Mahatma Gandhi, traté de absorber el espíritu que presidió su concepción y empaparme de su mensaje. Hay dos cosas de este lugar que me impresionaron profundamente. Una es de orden espiritual y otra la que se refiere a sus enseres[^nota1]. Trataba de comprender el punto de vista de Gandhi cuando hizo la choza. Me gustaron muchísimo su sencillez, belleza y orden. La choza proclama el mensaje de amor e igualdad entre todos los seres. Como la casa en la que vivo en México se asemeja en muchas formas a esta choza, pude comprender su espíritu. Encontré que la choza tiene siete tipos de lugares. Al entrar hay uno en el que se colocan los zapatos y se prepara uno, física y mentalmente, para entrar en ella. Luego viene el cuarto central que es lo suficientemente amplio para alojar a una familia numerosa. Hoy, a las 4 de la mañana, mientras rezaba, había cuatro personas sentadas a mi lado, recargadas en una pared y, del otro lado, había suficiente espacio para otras cinco sentadas muy juntas. Éste es el cuarto al que todos pueden acudir para reunirse con los demás. El tercer espacio es donde Gandhi estaba y trabajaba. Hay otros dos cuartos, uno para visitas y el otro para enfermos. Hay una veranda abierta y también un espacioso baño. Todos estos espacios tienen entre ellos una relación intensamente orgánica.
+
+Siento que, si viniera gente rica a la choza, se burlaría de ella. Cuando veo las cosas desde el punto de vista de un indio común, no veo por qué una casa debería ser más grande que ésta. Está hecha de madera y de adobe. En su construcción no fue la máquina la que trabajó, sino las manos del hombre. La llamo “choza”, pero en realidad es un hogar. Hay una diferencia entre casa y hogar. La casa es donde un hombre guarda equipajes y mobiliarios. Se concibe para la seguridad y la conveniencia de los muebles más que para las del hombre mismo. En Delhi la casa donde me alojé tiene lo que se llama comodidad. El edificio está construido desde el punto de vista de lo que se requiere para alojar esos objetos cómodos. Está hecho de cemento y ladrillo y es como una caja en donde caben bien muebles y otros mobiliarios.
+
+Debemos entender que todos lo muebles y demás artículos que colectamos a lo largo de nuestras vidas nunca nos darán una fortaleza interior. Son, por decirlo así, como muletas. Mientras más objetos cómodos tengamos, mayor será nuestra dependencia de ellos y más restringida será nuestra vida. Por el contrario, el tipo de mobiliario que encontré en la choza de Gandhi es de un orden distinto y hay pocas razones para depender de ellos. Una casa instalada con todo tipo de objetos muestra que nuestro vigor nos abandona. En la medida en que perdemos la capacidad de vivir, dependemos más de los bienes que adquirimos. De la misma forma dependemos de los hospitales para conservar nuestra salud y de las escuelas para la educación de nuestros hijos. Desafortunadamente, tanto los hospitales como las escuelas no son un índice para medir el grado de salud ni la inteligencia de una nación. De hecho, el número de hospitales indica la mala salud de la gente y las escuelas hablan de su ignorancia. En forma similar, la multiplicidad de instalaciones de servicio para vivir reduce al mínimo la expresión de la creatividad de la vida del hombre.
+
+La triste paradoja de esta situación es que a los que tienen más comodidades se les considera como superiores. ¿No es inmoral la sociedad en la que la enfermedad tiene un estatuto eminente y donde se tiene en alto aprecio la ignorancia? Al estar en la choza de Gandhi sentí tristeza al ponderar esta perversión. He llegado a la conclusión de que nos equivocamos al pensar que la civilización industrial es el camino que conduce a la plenitud del hombre. Se ha demostrado que para el desarrollo económico no es necesario tener más y mayores herramientas para la producción ni tampoco más ingenieros, médicos y profesores; literalmente están en demasía.
+
+Estoy convencido de que son pobres de mente, cuerpo, estilo de vida los seres que desean un espacio más grande que esta choza en la que Gandhi vivió, y siento lástima por ellos. Se rindieron ellos mismos y su yo animado a una estructura inanimada. En el proceso perdieron la elasticidad de su cuerpo y la vitalidad de su existencia. Tienen escasa relación con la naturaleza y escasa cercanía con sus congéneres.
+
+Al preguntar a los planificadores de hoy por qué no comprenden el sencillo enfoque que nos enseñó Gandhi, dicen que su camino es muy difícil y que la gente no sería capaz de seguirlo. Pero la realidad es que, en virtud de que los principios de Gandhi no admiten la presencia de ningún intermediario o de un sistema centralizado, los planificadores, los gerentes y los políticos se sienten excluidos. ¿Cómo es que no se entiende ese principio tan sencillo de la verdad y de la no violencia? ¿Es porque la gente siente que la no verdad y la violencia los llevará al objetivo deseado? No, no es así. El hombre común comprende plenamente que los medios correctos lo llevarán al fin correcto. Únicamente quienes tienen intereses creados rehúsan comprenderlo. Es el caso de los ricos. Cuando digo “ricos” me refiero a todos los que tienen “artículos domésticos” en su comunidad, que no son accesibles a todos. Esos son “ricos” por su estilo de vida, su alimentación, sus desplazamientos; su modo de consumo es tal que están ciegos ante la verdad. Para estos ciegos, la enseñanza de Gandhi es una cuestión difícil de entender y de asimilar. La sencillez no tiene sentido alguno para ellos. Su condición no les permite ver la verdad. Sus vidas han llegado a ser demasiado complicadas para permitirse salir de la trampa en la que cayeron. Afortunadamente, la gran mayoría de la gente no tiene una situación tal de fortuna que los haga inmunes a la verdad de la sencillez, ni viven en tal penuria que carezcan de la capacidad de entender. Incluso cuando algunos ricos ven la verdad se niegan a plegarse a ella. Es porque perdieron el contacto con el espíritu de ese país.
+
+Sin embargo, es muy claro que la dignidad del hombre sólo es posible en una sociedad autosuficiente y que sufre ataques cuando se orienta hacia una industrialización progresiva. Esta choza encarna el gozo que es posible cuando se está a la par con la sociedad. Aquí la autosuficiencia es la regla del juego. Debemos captar que los productos de consumo y los bienes superfluos que posee un ser humano reducen su capacidad de sacar gozo de su entorno. Gandhi dijo en repetidas ocasiones que la productividad debe mantenerse en los límites de las necesidades. El modo de producción en la actualidad es tal que no tiene límites, y continúa aumentando sin freno. Todo esto ha sido tolerado hasta ahora, pero ha llegado el momento en que el hombre debe comprender que al depender más y más de las máquinas está avanzando hacia su propia destrucción.
+
+El mundo civilizado, en China o en México, ha empezado a comprender que, si queremos progresar, debemos actuar de otra manera. Los hombres deben captar que, para su bien personal y de la sociedad, es mejor que la gente conserve para sí sólo lo que es suficiente para sus necesidades inmediatas. Tenemos que encontrar un método en que este pensamiento pueda expresarse cambiando los valores del mundo actual. Este cambio no podrá producirse por los gobiernos o a través de instituciones centralizadas. Tiene que crearse una atmósfera de opinión pública que permita a la gente comprender aquello que constituye la sociedad de base. Hoy, el hombre que tiene un automóvil se considera superior al que tiene una bicicleta, pero cuando vemos esto desde el punto de vista de la norma común, la bicicleta es el vehículo de las masas. Por lo tanto, debe considerarse de primordial importancia que toda la planeación de carreteras y de transporte debiera hacerse con base en la bicicleta, mientras que el automóvil debiera ocupar un lugar secundario.
+
+No obstante, la situación es exactamente la inversa: todos los planes se hacen para beneficio de los automóviles y relegan a la bicicleta a un segundo plano. En esta forma se ignoran los requerimientos del hombre común en comparación con los de las clases superiores. Esta choza de Gandhi muestra al mundo cómo se puede elevar la dignidad del hombre común. También es un símbolo de la felicidad que nos llega cuando aplicamos los principios de sencillez, disponibilidad y autenticidad. Espero que en la conferencia que tendrán sobre las Técnicas para los pobres del Tercer Mundo ustedes conserven en mente este mensaje.
+
+
+----
+
+
+
+[^nota1:] Iván Illich emplea en este texto la palabra _amenities_ para referirse a lo que encontró dentro de la choza de Gandhi y _conveniences_ para aludir a los objetos que habitualmente se encuentran en las casas. No hay traducción del vocablo _amenities_ en este contexto. Hemos empleado _enseres_ por la resonancia de la palabra: es la realidad en la que el ser se objetiva, es una prolongación y expresión del ser, aunque conocemos que el término también está siendo usado para referirse a los “artículos para el hogar” industrialmente producidos. _Conveniences_ , que se refiere precisamente a ese tipo de objetos, ha sido traducido como “artículos domésticos”, con la idea de que la palabra “artículo” corresponde a un producto industrial y “doméstico” que alude a su uso en la “casa” y que Illich distingue del “hogar”. En la misma línea de pensamiento tradujimos _facilities_ como _instalaciones de servicio_ , para aludir a todas las construcciones que supuestamente “facilitan” la vida. (T.)]
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+* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]]
+* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _The Message of Bapu’s Hut_
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+* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** *YEAR*
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+* Lecture to the first public meeting of the Entropy Society Tokyo, Keyo University, 9th November 1986 Enlarged and combined with ‘Disvaluation: The Secret Capital Accumulation’ and ‘Beauty and the Junkyard’ two unpublished manuscripts completed in March 1987
+* Included in the book "In the Mirror of the Past. Lectures and Addresses 1978-1990" (1992)
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+# Disvalue
+
+## Professor Tamanoy’s Forum
+
+This first public meeting of the Japanese Entropy Society provides us with an occasion to commemorate Professor Joshiro Tamanoy. Most of us knew him as friends and as pupils. The questions he asked bring together today 600 physicists and biologists, economists and green activists.
+
+While a Professor of Economics at Tokyo University, he translated Karl Polanyi into Japanese. But in his own teaching and writing he brought a uniquely Japanese flavor to ecological research by relating cultural to physical dimensions. He did so by focusing on the interaction between an epoch’s economic ideology and the corresponding soil-water matrix of social life. He was an active environmental politician and a master teacher. And no one who experienced his friendship will ever forget its delicacy.
+
+## How to name an evil
+
+He had few illusions. Courageously he reflected on the causes of modern war, modern ugliness and modern social inequity to the point of facing almost unbearable horror. But no one will forget Tamanoy-sensei’s balance. He never lost his compassion and subtle humor. He introduced me to the world of those who survived with the marks of the Hiroshima bomb, the _hibakusha._ And I think of him as a spiritual _hibakusha._ He lived the ‘examined life’ in the shadow of Hiroshima and Minamata. Under this cloud he forged a terminology to relate historical spaces to physical place. To this purpose he used ‘entropy’ as a _semeion,_ a signal for the impending threat to an exquisitely Japanese perception of locality referred to with terms which seem to have no comparable Western equivalent, like __ _fûdô._ __ And entropy was central to our conversations. In this lecture I want to explore the limits within which the notion of entropy can be usefully applied to social phenomena by comparing it to the notion of waste. I will then propose the notion of ‘disvalue’ in the hope that through it entropy, when used outside of physics and information theory, will be more clearly understood.
+
+Clausius, a German physicist, first introduced the word. In 1850 he studied the ratio between the heat content and the absolute pressure in a closed system and felt the need for a word to name this function. He was an amateur classicist and picked the Greek word _entropy_ in 1865. Since then it is used for the algorithm that describes a previously unrecognized phenomenon. By choosing _this_ word, Clausius did us a favor. _Entrópeo_ __ in classical Greek means to turn, to twist, to pervert or to humiliate. More than a century after its introduction in physics, the Greek word still seems able to bespeak a previously unknown frustrating twist that perverts our best social energies and moral intentions.
+
+In a few years the word has become a catchall for a variety of paradoxical twists which have two things in common. They are so new that everyday language has no traditional defined meaning for them and are so maddening that people are happy to avoid mentioning them. To taboo their own implication in non-sustainable consumption of goods and services, people grab at the non-word ‘entropy’ to make social degradation appear as just another instance of a general natural law.
+
+When people discuss the cultural impoverishment that appears in stupefying schooling, sickening medicine and time-killing acceleration, they are talking about perversions of good intentions, not about instances of energy or information flow. They mean the evil effects of untoward social goals that have none of the innocence of the inexorable determinism we associate with entropy in physics. The degradation of cultural variety through transnational organization of money flow is a result of greed, not a law of nature. The disappearance of subsistence cultures tied to local soils is a historical and dramatic part of the human condition _only_ in recent times. The disappearance of ‘ideologies’ that favor the water-soil matrix is due to human enterprise and endeavor. What late twentieth-century people take for granted is not something which has always been.
+
+Tamanoy made me understand that it is possible to include soil, water and sun in philosophical anthropology, to speak of a ‘philosophy of soil.’ After my conversations with him I rediscovered Paracelsus, who calls for the same approach. A philosophy of soil starts from the certainty that reason is worthless without a reciprocal shaping of norms and tangible reality; _seeing_ the culturally shaped body cum ‘environment’ as it is in a concrete place and time. And this interaction is formed by esthetic and moral style as much as by the ‘spirits’ which ritual and art evoke from the earthly matrix of a place. The disappearance of corresponding matrices of soil and society is an issue which we cannot examine deeply enough. And for this, comparison between the _wasting_ of cultural variety and the cosmic degradation of energy can be useful, but only under one condition: that we clearly understand the limits within which science can still generate metaphors. As a metaphor, entropy can be an eye opener. As an explanatory analog it cannot but mystify.
+
+## Entropy as a metaphor versus entropy as a reductive analog
+
+My last conversation with Dr Tamanoy took place after a long tour of his native island. He took me around Okinawa to meet with his friends, to battlefields, cave-refuges and refineries. From a curve on a mountain road we looked at the Japanese oil reserves and the bay which now lay waste. The shellfish, gardens and village life were gone. Our conversation turned to the danger of extrapolating from a dying tree to global pollution. No doubt, the latter evil is world-wide. But such world-wide despoliation and its tangible evidence ought never to distract us from sadness about this tree, this landscape, this man’s clam bed. Expert talk can easily deaden our speechless anger over _known_ wetlands that have turned into concrete or asphalt. To speak about the destruction of beauty as an instance of entropy is difficult. The metaphor tends to hide the sordid wickedness which we would otherwise deplore, and in which each one who drives or flies is involved. Words made out of technical terms are notoriously unfit for metaphorical use. When technical terms are ferried into an ethical discourse, they almost inevitably extinguish its moral meaning.
+
+Real _words_ have a nimbus. In contrast, _terms_ are shorn of connotations. A nimbus of connotation surrounds words like a wind chime moved by the voice. Entropy is not such a word, although many try to use it as one. When it is so used, it is delimited in two ways: it both loses the sharp edge it had as a term and it never acquires the overtones of a strong word. In a poem it is a stone and in a political discourse a cudgel.
+
+The words people use when they want to say something of importance are neither arbitrarily picked from a dead language — like ancient Greek — nor given their meaning only through definition. Each genuine word has its native place; it is rooted like a plant in a meadow. Some words spread like creepers, others are like hardwood. But what they do is under the control of the speaker. Each speaker tries to make his words mean what he wants to say. But there is no clear meaning in entropy when it is not used as the name of a cypher. No one can tell the person who utters this word with his mouth that he uses it wrongly. There is no right way to use a technical term in ordinary conversation.
+
+When ‘entropy’ is used as part of ordinary speech, it loses the power to name a formula: it fits neither sentence nor system. But it also lacks the kind of connotation that strong words have. The term gives off a halo of evocation that, unlike the meanings of sound words, is vague and arbitrary. When ‘entropy’ appears in a political statement the usage gives the impression of being scientific while in fact it is probably meaningless. If it convinces, it does so not by its own strength but by irrational seduction. It veils a moral perversion from which the speaker would otherwise recoil because it gives the impression that something weighty and scientific is being said.
+
+What I see, what I cry over, what deeply disturbs me on that degraded island of Okinawa is the result of presumption, aggression and human greed. Entropy powerfully suggests a strict analogy between the realm of human dignity and freedom and cosmic laws. By speaking about aggression, greed and despair within the context of entropy, I excuse crime and carelessness by evoking cosmic necessity. Instead of confessing that I advance an evil through my own lifestyle, I suggest that the elimination of beauty and variety is the unavoidable way of, equally, nature and culture. This is the issue about which Tamanoy spoke out. He defined the ideologically shaped local interaction of man and earth as the center of the cosmos.
+
+Yet in spite of this ambiguity, entropy remains a valuable word. When used as a suggestive, ever-limping metaphor, rather than as a reductive analogy, it serves to alert some to social degradation, the loss of beauty and variety, growing triviality and squalor. It helps us to recognize random noise; the senseless and meaningless waves that bombard all our inner and outer senses. If I could be sure that its limitations were kept in mind, I would not want to lose it.
+
+## Disvalue versus entropy
+
+When taken literally, metaphors produce absurdities. To insist that my child’s brain is a computer expresses nothing more than a trendy paternal vanity. Yet much of a metaphor’s effectiveness comes from the shock evoked in the hearer by an intentional misuse of language. And metaphor works only when the two realms between which this metaferry plies are shores within the reach of the hearer. Now, there could hardly be more distant and obscure realms than those which entropy as metaphor seeks to connect. For the typical listener, the world of science is formidable — by definition, its mathematical language is foreign to the man on the street. On the other hand, the realm in which the metaphor of entropy is supposed to act as a guide — the universe of monitored pollution, apocalyptic security, programmed education, medicalized sickness, computer-managed death and other forms of institutionalized nonsense — is so frightening that I can only face it with the respect due the devil; a constant fear of losing my heart’s sensitivity by becoming accustomed to evil.
+
+This is the danger associated with using the term ‘entropy’, for the frustrating and pervasive socio-economic twist that morally perverts almost every aspect of postmodern life. And yet the word did us a favor. It forced us to recognize that we are speechless in the face of a social evolution which (falsely) gives the impression of being as natural as the hypothetical chaos resulting from the irreversable run of the universe.
+
+The word that names this twist ought to be one that includes the historical and moral nature of our sadness, the perfidy and depravity that cause the loss of beauty, of autonomy and of that dignity which makes human labor worthy. Entropy implies that despoliation is a cosmic law, which started with the Big Bang. The social degradation that must be named is not co-equal with the universe, but something which had a beginning in mankind’s history and which, for this reason, might be brought to an end.
+
+I propose ‘disvalue’ as the appropriate word. Disvalue can be related to the degradation of value as entropy has been related to the degradation of energy. Entropy is a measure of the transformation of energy into a form that can no longer be converted into physical ‘work’. ‘Disvalue’ is a term that bespeaks the wasting of commons and culture with the result that traditional labor is voided of its power to generate subsistence. On this point the analogy between the two concepts is close enough to justify the metaphorical jump from astronomy to modern lifestyles and back.
+
+I know well that the word ‘disvalue’ is not in the dictionaries. You can devalue something which was formerly held to be precious: stocks can lose their value; old coins can rise in value; critical sociology can take a value-neutral stance; feigned love can be valueless. In all these applications of value the speaker takes ‘value’ for granted. In current usage, then, value can stand for almost anything. Indeed, it can be used to replace the good. It is born from the same mind set which in the third quarter of the last century also brought forth ‘labor force’, ‘waste’, ‘energy’ and ‘entropy’.
+
+By coining the concept of disvalue both the homologies and the contradictions that exist between social and physical degradation can be shown. While physical ‘work’ tends to increase entropy, the economic productivity of work is based on the previous dis-valuation of cultural labor. Waste and degradation are usually considered as side effects in the production of values. I suggest precisely the opposite. I argue that economic value accumulates only as the result of the previous wasting of culture, which can also be considered as the creation of disvalue.
+
+## The parable of Mexico’s ‘waste’
+
+Mexico City presents the world with a new plague. In this place salmonella and amoebas are now routinely transmitted through the respiratory tract. When you first arrive in the valley of Technochtitlán, surrounded by mountains and 8,000 feet above sea level, you inevitably struggle to breathe the thin air. Half a century ago it was crisp, clean air. What you now draw into your lungs is an atmosphere heavily polluted by a smog containing a high density of solid particles, many of which are pathogenic agents. A specific set of social conditions incubates and disperses the city’s bacteria. Some of these illustrate how cultural breakdown, ideology and university-bred prejudice combine to create disvalue. The evolution of Mexico City during the last three decades is a cautionary tale describing the highly productive manufacture of disvalue.
+
+In the last four decades, the city grew from one to over twenty million persons. The single experience which most newcomers share before their arrival is nearly unlimited open space. Pre-Columbian agriculture did not use large domestic animals. Cow, horse and donkey were imports from Europe. Animal droppings were at a premium. The dispersal of human excrements was the rule. Most of the recent immigrants come from rural areas. They do not possess inbred toilet habits appropriate for a densely populated habitat. And Mexican notions of defecation have never been shaped by the attention paid to these matters by Hindu, Muslim or Confucian disciplines. No wonder that in Mexico City today between four and five million people lack any proper place to deposit their stool, urine and blood. The ideology of the W.C. paralyzes the cultural urbanization of patterns native to the immigrants.
+
+Elitist blindness to the cultural nature of excrements, when these are produced in a modern city, is compounded by highly specialized fantasies implanted in the minds of Mexican bureaucrats by international schools of hygiene. The Anglo-Saxon prejudice that physiologically blocks bowel movements unless one sits over water with a roll of paper at hand has become endemic among the Mexican governing élite. As a result, the Mexican leadership is singularly blind to the real issue at hand. Further, this élite was stimulated to megalomanic planning during the oil boom of the early seventies. At that time, huge public works were undertaken which were never completed, and the ruins of unfinished projects are taken as symbols of development which will soon restart. While many of the poor move on, recognizing that the end of development is at hand, the government continues to speak of a temporary economic crisis that has momentarily throttled the flow of dollars and water. Toilet training, combined with the illusion of living in a short-term crisis, blinds the planners and sanitation experts to the evidence that the body excrements of their four million toilet-less neighbors will only continue to remain, rot and atomize in the thin air of the high plateau.
+
+## The Mexican earthquake
+
+Then, in September, 1985, an earthquake shook not only the capital but also the complacency of some professionals. Engineers and health planners in countries like Mexico almost inevitably belong to the class who, by definition, use the W.C. But in 1985 many of these had no water at home or at work for several weeks. For the first time, some editorial writers began to question whether hygiene inevitably means the dilution of feces and the generation of black water. What should have been obvious long ago suddenly became evident conclusions for a few: it is beyond the economic power of Mexico to provide water for several million additional toilets. Further, even if there were enough money and stringent rules applied on the use of flush, the generalization of the W.C. would be a serious and disastrous aggression against rural Mexico. The attempt to pump the necessary millions of gallons would devastate the semi-arid farm communities within a radius of more than a hundred miles. It would thus force new millions into the city. Then thousands of acres of fragile soil on the terraces, some built before the Spaniards, if left untended, would wash away. The center of the Meso-American plateau would become a permanent desert. All this loss would be the result of an ideology that treats humans as natural waste producers. Thinking differently, a new political opposition arose and picked up the slogan of composting units for rich and poor.
+
+It was interesting to observe how this small but potentially influential group reacted in the absence of the toilet ideology. The ideal of _la_ _normalidad,_ which in Spanish means perpendicularity, went to pieces for them. These people, including some professionals but most quite poor, prisoners of the world’s greatest megacity, rejected the symbols of urban life, such as skyscrapers, deep tunnels and monster markets. The ruins of the inner city became for them a sign of hope. Hitherto unexamined certainties about water and excrement became the source of laughter. Economic development became the butt of jokes in the _pulquerias_. Obviously it did not lead to the distribution of accumulated value, but to the generation of a huge turd composed of cement and plastic needing to be tended by professional services. Sewers became the symbol for remedies required in a city set up for the economic toilet training of _homo_ _œ_ _conomicus._
+
+## The history of waste
+
+The social definition of excrements, which in the opinion of those who generate them cannot be turned into compost, has become a cypher for the junking of people. The latter learn that they depend on services even when they act under the urge of the most elementary needs. In this perspective, the W.C. is a device to instill the habit of self-junking or self-disvaluation, which prepares one for dependence on scarce services in other spheres. It brings into existence the body percept of _homo_ the generator of waste. When people grasp that several times a day their physical needs for evacuation produce a degradation of the environment, it is easy to convince them that by their very existence they cannot but contribute to ‘entropy’.
+
+Waste is not the natural consequence of human existence. Professor Ludolf Kuchenbuch, who is working on a history of waste, has gathered the evidence. A concept that we take for granted does not appear before 1830. Before that date ‘waste’, as a verb and as a noun, is related to devastation, destruction, desertification, degradation. It is not something that can be removed. Professors Tamanoy and Murata have built their theory on a similar assumption: if a culture steadily enhances the interaction of sun, soil and water, its net contribution to the cosmos is positive. Human societies that create waste are those which destroy the soil-water matrix of their locality and become expansive centers for the devastation of those around them. Entropy appears as a result of the destruction of cultures and their commons.
+
+It is therefore unwarranted to attribute waste management to all cultures. Miasma and taboo are in no way ancestors of modern pollution. They are the symbolic rules that enhance integration and protect subsistence cultures. So-called development is a programmed disvaluation of these protections.
+
+## Disvalue versus waste
+
+Disvalue remains invisible as long as two conditions obtain. The first of these consists in the widespread belief that economic categories, whose task it is to measure ‘values’, can be used in statements about communities whose ‘business’ is not values but _the_ _good._ The good is part of a local ‘ideology’ related to the mixture of elements native to a specific place — to speak with Paracelsus or Tamanoy — while values are a measure which fits the abstract ideology of science. The second source of blindness to disvalue is an obsessive certainty about the feasibility of progress. This reduction of conviviality to primitive economics and the abhorrence of tradition, masked as a commitment to the progress of others, together foster the myopic destruction of the past. Tradition comes to be seen as a historical expression of waste, to be discarded with the trash of the past.
+
+Only a decade ago it still seemed possible to speak of twentieth-century progress with assurance. The economy appeared to be a machine that increases the flow of money. Energy, information and money all seemed to follow the same rules — the laws of entropy were equally applicable to each. The development of productive capacity, multiplication of trained workers and rise in savings were seen as parts of ‘growth’ which, sooner or later, would bring more money to more people. In spite of wider social disintegration due to the increase of money flow, ever more money was proposed as the fundamental requirement to satisfy the basic needs of more people! Entropy then seemed a tempting analog for the social degradation resulting from the pervasive flow.
+
+In the meantime, a new and radical questioning of economic verities began. As recently as twenty years ago, it was not yet ridiculous to look for a world community based on equal dignity and fairness that could be planned on the thermodynamic model of value flows. This is no longer so in the mid-eighties. Not only the promise of human equality, but even the provision of an equal chance for survival, sounds hollow. On a world scale it is obvious that growth has concentrated economic benefits, simultaneously disvaluing people and places, in such a way that survival has become impossible outside the money economy. More people are more destitute and helpless than ever before. Further, those privileges which only higher income can buy are increasingly valued primarily as an escape from the disvalue which affects the lives of all.
+
+The ideology of economic progress throws a shadow of disvalue on almost all activities that are culturally shaped outside of money flow. People like the immigrants to Mexico City, and beliefs such as those in local health rules, are de-valued long before effective toilets can be provided. People are forced into a new mental topology in which locations for bowel movements are scarce, even though resources to create these places are beyond the reasonable reach of the new economy in which they find themselves. The ideology of production and consumption under the implied condition of ‘natural’ scarcity takes hold of their minds while neither paid jobs nor money are attainable for them. Self-degradation, self-junking, self-wasting are different ways to name this creation of the necessary conditions for the legitimate growth of a money economy.
+
+This is where Joshiro Tamanoy comes in. He not only translated but he taught Karl Polanyi. He picked up the distinction between formal and substantive economies that goes back to Polanyi. Forty years after Polanyi, Tamanoy — whom I know only from conversation, since most of his writings are in a language of which I am ignorant — brought this distinction into modern Japan. It can be used to sum up our argument. Entropy is probably an effective metaphor to stress de-valuation in the formal economy. The flow of money or information can in some way be compared to the flow of heat. But it is now obvious that macro-economics tells us nothing about what people consider _good._ Therefore, entropy cannot be relevant to explain the devastation of substantive cultural patterns by which people act outside the formal money economy. This is true because the ‘exchange’ of gifts or movements of goods in the substantive economy are, by their very nature, heterogeneous to the flow-model of values postulated by a formal economy. And, as the thermodynamic flow model spreads, it extinguishes a way of life to which entropy will forever be foreign.
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+# Desvalor
+
+## El foro del profesor Tamanoi
+
+Esta primera reunión pública de la Entropy Society japonesa nos permite conmemorar al profesor Joshiro Tamanoi. La mayoría de nosotros fuimos sus amigos o sus alumnos. Las cuestiones que suscitó son las que congregan aquí a 600 participantes, físicos y biólogos, economistas y ecologistas.
+
+Cuando enseñaba economía en la universidad de Tokio, el profesor Tamanoi tradujo a Karl Polanyi en japonés. A través de su enseñanza y sus obras, le dio un sabor japonés único a la investigación ecológica uniendo dimensiones culturales y dimensiones físicas. Logró esto concentrándose en la interacción entre la ideología económica de una época y la matriz tierra-agua que corresponde a la vida social. Fue un militante activo de una política del medio ambiente y un maestro fuera de serie. Los que fueron sus amigos nunca olvidarán su delicadeza.
+
+## Designar un mal
+
+Casi no mantenía ilusiones. Con valentía, reflexionaba sobre la guerra moderna, la fealdad moderna y la injusticia social moderna, incluso confrontado a un horror casi insoportable. Pero nadie olvidará el equilibrio de Tamanoi-sensei. Su compasión, su humor sutil que nunca lo abandonaban. Me hizo conocer el mundo de los que sobrevivieron con las cicatrices de la bomba de Hiroshima, los _hibakusha_. Y en él veo a un _hibakusha_ mental. Vivió la “experiencia interior” bajo la sombra de Hiroshima y Minamata. Bajo esta nube forjó una terminología para vincular espacios históricos con lugares materiales. Para ello usaba la “entropía” como un _semeion_ , una señal de la amenaza inminente contra una percepción exquisitamente japonesa de la localidad que aparentemente no tiene un equivalente occidental, como por ejemplo el _fudo_. La entropía ocupaba el centro de nuestras conversaciones. En esta conferencia me propongo explorar los límites en los que la noción de entropía puede aplicarse con utilidad a fenómenos sociales comparándola con la noción de desecho. Sugeriré entonces la noción de “desvalor” que espero nos permita aprehender con mayor claridad el término “entropía” cuando se usa fuera de la física o de la teoría de la información.
+
+El término “entropía” se debe al físico alemán Clausius. En 1850, al estudiar la relación entre el calor y la presión en un sistema cerrado, buscó una palabra para designar esta función. Helenista aficionado, tomó del griego el término “entropía” en 1865. Desde entonces esta palabra designa el algoritmo que define un fenómeno que anteriormente no se había notado. Al elegir precisamente esta palabra, Clausius nos prestó un servicio. En griego clásico, _entrópeo_ significa ‘girar’, ‘torcer’, ‘pervertir” o ‘humillar’. Después de un siglo de su introducción en la física, el término griego sigue siendo capaz de traducir una desviación frustrante que anteriormente se desconocía, que pervierte nuestras mejores energías sociales e intenciones morales.
+
+En algunos años, esta palabra se volvió una llave maestra para designar una variedad de desviaciones paradójicas que tienen dos cosas en común: son tan nuevas que el lenguaje cotidiano no tiene un sentido tradicional preciso que darles, y tan exasperantes que la gente prefiere evitar mencionarlas. Para tabuizar su propia implicación en un consumo furioso de bienes y servicios, la gente se apropia de la no palabra “entropía” con el fin de que la degradación social aparezca como un caso, entre otros, de una ley natural general.
+
+Cuando la gente evoca el empobrecimiento cultural que se revela en la escuela embrutecedora, en la medicina iatrógena y en la aceleración devoradora de tiempo, habla de la perversión de las buenas intenciones, no de los flujos de energía o de información. A lo que apuntan es a los efectos nefastos de la búsqueda de metas sociales inapropiadas que no tienen nada de la inocencia del determinismo inexorable que asociamos en física con la entropía. La degradación de la diversidad cultural por la organización transnacional de los flujos monetarios no es una ley natural, sino el resultado de la codicia. La desaparición de las culturas de subsistencia ligadas con terruños es un aspecto histórico y dramático de la condición humana, _pero es reciente_. La desaparición de las “ideologías” que privilegian la matriz tierra-agua es el hecho de las empresas y de los esfuerzos del hombre. Lo que nos parece natural en este final del siglo XX no ha existido todo el tiempo.
+
+Tamanoi me hizo captar que es posible englobar el suelo, el agua y el sol en una antropología filosófica, hablar de una “filosofía de la tierra”. Después de nuestras conversaciones, redescubrí a Paracelso, que proponía el mismo enfoque. Una filosofía de la tierra parte de la certeza de que la razón es vana sin una elaboración recíproca de las normas y de la realidad tangible; que hay que _ver_ la entidad culturalmente elaborada al mismo tiempo que su “entorno”, tal y como se presenta en un tiempo y en un lugar concretos. Esta interacción procede tanto del modo moral y estético como de los “espíritus” que elaboran los rituales y las artes a partir de la matriz terrestre de un lugar. La desaparición de las matrices correspondientes de la tierra y de la sociedad es una cuestión que no podríamos explorar con demasiada atención. A este respecto, la comparación entre la devastación de la diversidad cultural y la degradación cósmica puede ser útil, pero sólo a condición de que entendamos claramente los límites en los que la ciencia todavía es susceptible de engendrar metáforas. En cuanto metáfora, la entropía puede ser reveladora. Pero, en cuanto análogo, sólo puede ser engañosa.
+
+## La entropía como metáfora en oposición a la entropía como análogo reductor
+
+La última plática que nos reunió al profesor Tamanoi y a mí tuvo lugar después de un recorrido por su isla natal de Okinawa. Me hizo visitar a sus amigos, campos de batalla, grutas refugio, refinerías. Desde un recodo sobre un camino de montaña contemplamos los equipos petroleros y la bahía actualmente abandonada. Las conchas, los jardines y la vida aldeana habían desaparecido. Nuestra conversación versó sobre el peligro de pasar, intelectualmente, de un árbol muerto a la contaminación del planeta. Ciertamente, la contaminación es un mal a escala mundial. Pero esta devastación y sus efectos tangibles nunca deben desviarnos de la tristeza que nos causa este árbol muerto, este paisaje, el parque de almejas, vacío, de este hombre. El lenguaje de los especialistas puede con facilidad debilitar nuestra muda cólera en relación con los pantanos que _conocimos_ y que desde hace poco están cubiertos con chapopote o con asfalto. Evocar la destrucción de la belleza como un ejemplo de entropía es difícil. La metáfora tiende a enmascarar la vil malignidad que, normalmente, deploraríamos, y en la que participa cualquier persona que conduce un automóvil o viaja en avión. Las palabras creadas a partir de nociones técnicas son notablemente impropias para un uso metafórico. Cuando los términos técnicos pasan a un discurso ético, eclipsan casi inevitablemente el significado moral.
+
+Las _palabras_ auténticas tienen un nimbo. Por el contrario, los _términos_ no tienen connotaciones. Un nimbo de connotaciones rodea las palabras, como la imagen del carillón de viento que la voz pone en movimiento. La “entropía” no está entre estas palabras, aunque muchos traten de usarla así. En este último caso, está limitada de dos maneras: pierde lo tajante que tenía en cuanto término, y nunca adquiere las armonías de una palabra fuerte. En un poema es una piedra, y en el discurso político, un garrote.
+
+Las palabras que la gente usa cuando quiere decir algo importante no se sacan arbitrariamente de una lengua muerta —por ejemplo, el griego antiguo— ni se cargan de sentido únicamente por su definición. Cualquier palabra auténtica tiene su cuna natal; está arraigada allí como una planta en una pradera. Algunos términos se despliegan como plantas rampantes, otros tienen la densidad del roble. Sin embargo, su efecto está bajo el control del locutor. Quien habla se esfuerza por hacer que sus palabras signifiquen lo que quiere decir. Pero ninguna definición clara se le da a la entropía cuando tiene otra acepción que no es la técnica. Nadie puede decir a la persona que pronuncia esta palabra que la maneja mal. No hay una manera justa de usar un término técnico en la conversación ordinaria.
+
+Cuando “entropía” se usa en el lenguaje corriente, pierde su poder de designar una fórmula; no encaja ni en la frase ni en el sistema. Pero también pierde el género de connotación que poseen las palabras fuertes. Desprende un halo evocador que, al contrario del sentido de las palabras fuertes, es vago y arbitrario. Cuando el término “entropía” aparece en una declaración política, falazmente toma un giro científico, mientras que de hecho probablemente no tiene sentido. Si convence, no es en virtud de su fuerza, sino de una seducción irracional. Enmascara una perversión moral que, de otra manera, descompondría al locutor, pues da la impresión de que lo que formula es científico y está cargado de sentido.
+
+Lo que veo, y me desconsuela y me turba en relación con esta isla degradada de Okinawa, es el resultado de la presunción, de la agresión y de la avidez de los seres humanos. La entropía evoca con fuerza una analogía estricta entre el reino de la dignidad y de la libertad humanas y las leyes del cosmos. Al hablar de agresión, de avidez y de desesperanza en este contexto de la entropía, disculpo el crimen y la despreocupación al invocar la necesidad cósmica. En lugar de confesar que, por mi modo de vida, promuevo un mal, sugiero que la eliminación de la belleza y de la diversidad es el trayecto ineluctable de la cultura y de la naturaleza. Ésta es la cuestión que ha tratado Tamanoi. Él definía la interacción local del hombre y de la tierra, moldeada ideológicamente, como el centro del cosmos.
+
+A pesar de esta ambigüedad, la “entropía” sigue siendo un término precioso. Usado como una metáfora evocadora y flexible, y no como un análogo reductor, sirve para alertar a algunos ante la degradación social, la pérdida de la belleza y la diversidad, la trivialidad y la sordidez crecientes. Nos ayuda a reconocer los ruidos parásitos, las ondas ineptas y desprovistas de significado que bombardean nuestros sentidos internos y externos. Si estuviera seguro que se conservan en la mente estas limitaciones, no quisiera renunciar a él.
+
+## El desvalor por oposición a la entropía
+
+Tomadas al pie de la letra, las metáforas son generadoras de absurdidades. Decir que el cerebro de mi hijo es una computadora expresa sólo la vanidad de un padre que pretende ser moderno. Sin embargo, la eficacia de una metáfora procede sobre todo del choque que provoca en el oyente una impropiedad intencional del lenguaje. La metáfora no opera más que cuando los dos terrenos entre los que navega esta metáfora son orillas accesibles al entendimiento del oyente. Ahora bien, cuando se usa el término “entropía” en un sentido metafórico se trata de ligar terrenos particularmente oscuros y alejados uno de otro. Para el oyente medio, el mundo de la ciencia es impresionante —por definición, su lenguaje matemático es ajeno al hombre de la calle—. Por otra parte, el terreno en el que la metáfora de la entropía se supone que sirve de guía —el universo de la contaminación organizada, de la seguridad apocalíptica, de la educación programada, de la enfermedad medicalizada, de la muerte informatizada y otras formas de sinsentido institucionales— es tan aterrador que sólo puedo considerarlo con el respeto que se debe al diablo; con el temor constante de perder la sensibilidad de mi corazón acostumbrándome al mal.
+
+Ahí está el peligro asociado con el término “entropía”, a causa de la desviación socioeconómica generalizada que pervierte moralmente casi la totalidad de los aspectos de la existencia posmoderna. Sin embargo, este término nos fue útil. Nos forzó a darnos cuenta de que nos quedamos sin voz ante una evolución social que da la impresión (falaz) de ser tan natural como el caos hipotético que resulta del curso irreversible del universo.
+
+El término que denomina esta desviación debería ser tal que denotara la naturaleza histórica y moral de nuestra tristeza, la perfidia y la depravación que causan la pérdida de la belleza, de la autonomía y de esta dignidad que da su valor al trabajo del hombre. La entropía implica que la devastación es una ley cósmica, que comenzó con el Big-Bang. Ahora bien, la degradación social que hay que designar no coexiste con el universo; es algo que, en la historia de la humanidad, tiene un inicio, y a la que entonces se le podría poner un fin.
+
+Propongo designar este fenómeno como “desvalor”. Puede ponerse en relación con la degradación del valor, así como la entropía se puso en relación con la degradación de la energía. La entropía es una medida de la transformación de la energía en una forma que ya no puede convertirse en “trabajo” físico. “Desvalor” es un término que traduce la destrucción de los ámbitos de comunidad y de las culturas, y que da como resultado que el trabajo tradicional se despoja de su capacidad de engendrar la subsistencia. En este punto, la analogía entre los dos conceptos es bastante cercana para justificar el salto metafórico que une la astronomía con los modos de vida modernos (e inversamente).
+
+La palabra “desvalor” no aparece en los diccionarios. Por su parte, al “valor” tenemos muchas ocasiones de encontrarlo. Algo puede ser devaluado o sobrevaluado; las acciones pierden valor; las monedas antiguas ganan en valor; el amor fingido no tiene valor. En todos estos usos, el “valor” se considera como algo evidente. En el lenguaje cotidiano, puede significar cualquier cosa o casi… De hecho, con frecuencia se usa para significar el bien. Procede de la disposición mental que, a mediados del siglo pasado, produjo igualmente “fuerza de trabajo”, “desecho”, “energía” y “entropía”.
+
+El concepto de desvalor permite mostrar las homologías y las contradicciones que existen entre la degradación social y la degradación física. Mientras que el “trabajo” físico tiende a aumentar la entropía, la productividad económica del trabajo descansa sobre la desvalorización anterior de las actividades tradicionales en el seno de una cultura. El desecho y la degradación se consideran habitualmente como efectos secundarios de la producción de valores. Precisamente la idea que avanzo es la idea inversa. Sostengo que el valor económico sólo se acumula a causa de la devastación anterior de la cultura, que también puede considerarse como una creación de desvalor.
+
+## La parábola de los desechos de méxico
+
+México ofrece al mundo un nuevo azote. Hoy es un lugar en el que las salmonelas y las amibas se transmiten normalmente por las vías respiratorias. Quien llegue al valle de Tenochtitlán, situado a 2 250 metros de altura y ceñido de montañas, busca su aliento en la atmósfera enrarecida. Hace medio siglo, en la ciudad de México el aire era vivo y puro. Actualmente, los pulmones sirven de depósito de un aire muy contaminado por un _smog_ que contiene una alta densidad de partículas sólidas, de las cuales muchas son agentes patógenos. Un conjunto particular de condiciones sociales incuba y dispersa las bacterias de la ciudad. Algunos ilustran la manera en que el derrumbe cultural, la ideología y los preconceptos tecnocráticos se conjugan para crear el desvalor. La evolución de la ciudad de México desde hace 30 años es un cuento moral que describe la sobreproducción del desvalor.
+
+En 40 años, la ciudad pasó de un millón de habitantes a más de 20 millones. La única experiencia que tienen en común, antes de su llegada, los que van ahí a aglomerarse, es el gozo de un espacio casi ilimitado. La agricultura precolombina no conocía el gran ganado doméstico. El buey, el caballo y el asno se trajeron de Europa. Las evacuaciones animales se apreciaban. El esparcimiento de los excrementos humanos era algo usual. Los recientes inmigrantes de la ciudad generalmente vienen de las zonas rurales. No tienen hábitos de higiene apropiados a una gran densidad de población. Y las nociones mexicanas relativas a la defecación jamás fueron modeladas por una atención comparable a la que presta a estas cuestiones el pensamiento hindú, musulmán o confuciano. No es entonces sorprendente que hoy, en la ciudad de México, entre cuatro y cinco millones de personas no tengan un lugar específico para depositar sus heces, su orina, su sangre. La ideología de los WC paraliza la urbanización cultural de las costumbres nativas de los inmigrantes.
+
+La ceguera elitista ante la naturaleza cultural de los excrementos, cuando éstos se producen en una ciudad moderna, se conjuga con las visiones extremadamente especializadas que las escuelas de pensamiento higienista internacionales implantaron en la mente de los burócratas mexicanos. El prejuicio anglosajón que bloquea fisiológicamente los movimientos peristálticos salvo si uno está sentado en el excusado, con el papel de baño a la mano, se volvió endémico en la élite gobernante de México. De ahí resulta que es singularmente ciega al verdadero problema que se plantea. Además, durante el _boom_ petrolero de inicios de los años setenta, esta élite se entusiasmó con proyectos megalómanos. Se emprendieron inmensos trabajos públicos que nunca terminaron, y las ruinas de los proyectos inacabados se consideran como símbolos de un desarrollo que arrancará muy pronto. Mientras que en las capas pobres de la población se las arreglan como pueden sabiendo que el final del desarrollo está ahí, el gobierno sigue hablando de una crisis económica temporal que momentáneamente detuvo el flujo de dólares y de agua. Su uso cotidiano de excusados, conjugado con la ilusión de atravesar una crisis de corta duración, vuelve ciegos a los planificadores y a los expertos en técnicas sanitarias frente a la evidencia de que los excrementos de sus cuatro millones de conciudadanos sin excusados seguirán expandiéndose, descomponiéndose y atomizándose en el aire rarificado de la alta planicie.
+
+## El terremoto de la ciudad de méxico
+
+Además, en septiembre de 1985, un sismo sacudió no sólo la capital del país, sino también la suficiencia de algunos profesionales. En países como México, los ingenieros y responsables de servicios de higiene forzosamente pertenecen a la clase que, por definición, usa excusados. Pero, en 1985, muchos de ellos se vieron privados de agua en su domicilio y en su trabajo durante varias semanas. Por primera vez en la prensa, editorialistas se preguntaron si la higiene significa inevitablemente la dilución de las heces y la producción de agua fangosa. Lo que debería haberse constatado desde hace largo tiempo se volvió bruscamente una evidencia para algunos: México no tiene la capacidad económica de proveer agua para varios millones de excusados suplementarios. Además, si hubiera incluso bastante dinero y si el uso de la caja de agua estuviera estrictamente reglamentado, la generalización de los excusados constituiría una seria y desastrosa agresión contra el México rural. El bombeo de millones de litros de agua necesarios devastaría a las comunidades agrícolas semiáridas en un radio de cerca de 200 kilómetros. Lo que forzaría a emigrar a la ciudad de México a millones suplementarios de individuos. Abandonadas, millones de hectáreas de suelos frágiles de las terrazas, de las cuales algunas se remontan más allá de la llegada de los españoles, serían barridas por los vientos y las lluvias. El centro de la meseta mesoamericana se volvería definitivamente desértico. Habría ahí un enorme desperdicio suscitado por una ideología que trata a los seres humanos como productores naturales de desechos. Animados con ideas diferentes, una nueva oposición política se constituyó, que eligió promover unidades de composta tanto para los ricos como para los pobres.
+
+Es interesante observar de qué manera un grupo restringido, pero potencialmente influyente, reaccionó sin retomar por su cuenta la ideología de los excusados. Para esos ciudadanos, el ideal de la _normalidad_,[^n01] que en español significa la perpendicularidad, voló en pedazos. Esta gente, que, aparte de algunos profesionales, forma parte de una capa muy pobre, prisionera de una de las más grandes megalópolis del mundo, rechazó los símbolos de la vida urbana, los rascacielos, las profundas vías subterráneas, los mercados gigantescos. Para ellas, el corazón de la ciudad de México en ruinas se volvió un signo de esperanza. Certidumbres en cuanto al agua y a los excrementos, hasta ese momento admitidas sin examen, se volvieron objeto de chistes. En las _pulquerías_,[^n02] volaban las bromas sobre el desarrollo. De forma manifiesta, el desarrollo no había llevado a una redistribución del valor acumulado, sino a la creación de un gigantesco mojón compuesto de cemento y plástico y que necesita mantenimiento por parte de servicios profesionales. Los desagües se volvieron el símbolo de los remedios requeridos en una ciudad erigida para el entrenamiento del _homo œconomicus_ en el uso de los excusados.
+
+## La historia del desecho
+
+La definición social de los excrementos, que en la mente de quienes los producen no pueden transformarse en composta, se volvió simbólica de la “depreciación” de la gente. La gente aprende que es tributaria de servicios incluso cuando actúa bajo la incitación de las necesidades más elementales. En esta óptica, el excusado es una máquina para instalar la costumbre de agacharse, de depreciarse, que prepara al ciudadano a depender de servicios escasos en otros terrenos. Hace nacer la percepción corporal del _homo_ generador de desecho. Cuando la gente capta que, varias veces al día, sus necesidades físicas de evacuación engendran una degradación del medio ambiente, es fácil convencerla de que, simplemente al existir, no puede dejar de contribuir a la “entropía”.
+
+El desecho no es una consecuencia natural de la existencia humana. El profesor Ludolf Kuchenbuch, que trabaja en una historia del desecho, reunió ampliamente las pruebas. El concepto que sin discusión tomamos por nuestra cuenta apareció sólo hacia 1830. Antes de esta fecha, el término inglés _waste_ [en español desecho, desperdicio], verbo y sustantivo, estaba ligado con la devastación, la destrucción, la desertificación, la degradación. Algo que no puede evacuarse. Los profesores Tamanoi y Murata construyeron su teoría sobre un presupuesto similar: si una cultura refuerza regularmente la interacción del sol, de la tierra y del agua, su contribución al cosmos es positiva. Las sociedades humanas que crean desechos son las que destruyen la matriz tierra-agua de su medio y se vuelven centros de expansión de la devastación de las sociedades que las rodean. La entropía constituye un resultado de la destrucción de las culturas y de sus ámbitos de comunidad.
+
+Es entonces injustificado atribuir a cualquier cultura la producción de desechos. Los miasmas y los tabúes no deben en absoluto considerarse como iguales a los contaminantes modernos: fundan reglas simbólicas que refuerzan la integración y protegen las culturas de subsistencia. El pretendido desarrollo es una desvalorización programada de estas protecciones.
+
+## El desvalor en oposición al desecho
+
+El desvalor permanece invisible mientras prevalecen dos condiciones. La primera reside en la creencia general de que las categorías económicas, cuya tarea es medir “valores”, pueden usarse en formulaciones en relación con comunidades cuyo “asunto” no es el valor, sino el bien. El bien forma parte de una “ideología” local ligada con una mezcla de elementos inherentes a un lugar específico —para hablar como Paracelso o como Tamanoi—, mientras que el valor es una medida que conviene a la ideología abstracta de la ciencia. La segunda fuente de ceguera ante el desvalor es la certeza obsesiva de la plausibilidad del progreso. Esta propensión a reducir la convivencialidad a la economía primitiva, junto a un horror de la tradición disfrazada como voluntad de contribuir al progreso de los otros, engendra la destrucción inconsiderada del pasado. Se llega a mirar a la tradición como una expresión histórica del desecho, de la que hay que deshacerse al mismo tiempo que de las inmundicias del pasado.
+
+Hace solamente 10 años todavía parecía posible hablar con seguridad del progreso del siglo XX. La economía se presentaba como una máquina que acrecienta el flujo monetario. La economía, la información y el dinero parecían obedecer a las mismas reglas —las leyes de la entropía se aplicaban por igual—. El desarrollo de la capacidad de producción, la multiplicación de trabajadores calificados y el aumento del ahorro se veían como elementos constitutivos del “crecimiento” que, tarde o temprano, repartiría más dinero a más gente. A pesar de una mayor desintegración social debida al crecimiento del flujo monetario, lo que se presentaba como la exigencia primera para satisfacer las necesidades fundamentales de más gente ¡era siempre más dinero! La entropía parecía entonces un análogo pertinente de la degradación social que resultaba de la circulación general del dinero.
+
+Mientras tanto, se anunciaba una cuestión nueva y radical de las verdades económicas. Hace sólo 20 años todavía no era ridículo imaginar una comunidad mundial fundada sobre una dignidad y una justicia iguales, que podría proyectarse siguiendo el modelo de los flujos de valor derivados de la termodinámica. Desde entonces no sólo la promesa de igualdad entre los hombres sino incluso la posibilidad de una oportunidad igual de sobrevivencia suenan vacías. A escala mundial es evidente que el crecimiento concentró los provechos económicos, desvalorizando simultáneamente a los seres y los lugares de manera tal que la sobrevivencia se volvió imposible fuera de la economía monetaria. Más gente está más desprovista e impotente como nunca en el pasado. Además, los privilegios que sólo pueden adquirir los que gozan de grandes percepciones son cada vez más apreciados, principalmente como un medio de escapar al desvalor que afecta la vida de todos.
+
+La ideología del progreso económico extiende una sombra de desvalor sobre casi todas las actividades modeladas culturalmente de manera separada del flujo monetario. Gente como los inmigrantes rurales de la ciudad de México, y nociones como las reglas de salud locales se devalúan mucho antes de que se les puedan dar excusados eficientes. La gente está obligada a entrar en una nueva topología mental en donde los lugares destinados a los movimientos peristálticos son escasos, al mismo tiempo que los recursos para crear estos lugares están fuera del alcance de la nueva economía en la que se encuentran. La ideología de la producción y del consumo en condiciones implícitas de escasez “natural” se apodera de su mente mientras que el dinero o el empleo remunerado están fuera de su alcance. La autodegradación, el autorrebajamiento, el autofracaso caracterizan la creación de las condiciones necesarias para el crecimiento legítimo de una economía monetaria.
+
+Aquí es donde Joshiro Tamanoi entra en escena. No sólo tradujo a Karl Polanyi, sino que también enseñó sus ideas. Retomó la distinción entre economía monetaria y economía de subsistencia que se remonta a Polanyi. Cuarenta años después de él, Tamanoi —de quien sólo conozco el pensamiento por nuestras conversaciones, pues sus obras están en japonés, lengua que ignoro— introdujo esta distinción en el Japón moderno. Puede usarse para resumir la tesis que expongo. La entropía es probablemente una metáfora eficaz para subrayar la depreciación en la economía monetaria. El flujo de la moneda o de la información puede, de cierta manera, compararse con el flujo del calor. Pero es evidente que la macroeconomía no nos dice nada de lo que la gente considera como bueno. La entropía no es pertinente para explicar la devastación de los contextos culturales de subsistencia gracias a los cuales la gente actúa fuera de la economía monetaria. En efecto, el “intercambio” de dones o las transacciones de bienes en la economía de subsistencia son, por su misma naturaleza, heterogéneos al modelo del flujo de valor postulado por la economía monetaria. Y, mientras que el modelo termodinámico del flujo se extiende, borra un modo de vida del que la entropía será para siempre ajena.
+
+-----
+
+Conferencia pronunciada durante la primera reunión pública de la Entropy Society, Keyo University, Tokio, 9 de noviembre de 1986.
+
+[^n01:] En español en el original. (T.)]
+
+[^n02:] En español en el original. (T.)]
diff --git a/contents/articles/1986-disvalue/index b/contents/articles/1986-disvalue/index
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+* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]]
+* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Disvalue_
+* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@#
+* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** *YEAR*
+* **#@LANG_versions@#:**
+ * _Beauty And The Junkyard_. 1991. In: "Whole earth review". No. 73, pp. 64
+* **#@LANG_comments@#:**
diff --git a/contents/articles/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/en.notes b/contents/articles/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/en.notes
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+* This article was originally included as foreword of the book "Deschooling Our Lives" (1995) and was also included in "Everywhere All the Time: A New Deschooling Reader" (2008).
diff --git a/contents/articles/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/en.txt b/contents/articles/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/en.txt
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+
+# Foreword to "Deschooling Our Lives"
+
+Leafing through the pages of _Deschooling Our Lives_ transports me back to the year 1970 when, together with Everett Reimer at the Center for Intercultural Documentation (CIDOC) in Cuernavaca, I gathered together some of the more thoughtful critics of education (Paulo Freire, John Holt, Paul Goodman, Jonathan Kozol, Joel Spring, George Dennison, and others) to address the futility of schooling — not only in Latin America, which was already obvious — but also in the so-called developed, industrialized world.
+
+On Wednesday mornings during the spring and summer of that year, I distributed drafts of essays that eventually became chapters of my book, _Deschooling Society_. Looking back over a quarter century, many of the views and criticisms that seemed so radical back in 1970 today seem rather naive. While my criticisms of schooling in that book may have helped some people reflect on the unwanted social side effects of that institution — and perhaps pursue meaningful alternatives to it — I now realize that I was largely barking up the wrong tree. To understand why I feel this way and to get a glimpse of where I am today, I invite readers to accompany me on the journey I took after _Deschooling Society_.
+
+My travelogue begins twenty-five years ago, when _Deschooling Society_ was about to appear. During the nine months the manuscript was at the publishers, I grew more and more dissatisfied with the text, which, by the way, did not argue for the elimination of schools. This misapprehension I owe to Cass Canfield Sr., Harper’s president, who named the book and in so doing misrepresented my thoughts. The book advocates the disestablishment of schools, in the sense in which the Church has been disestablished in the United States. By disestablishment, I meant, first, not paying public monies and, second, not granting any special social privileges to either church- or school-goers. (I even suggested that instead of financing schools, we should go further than we went with religion and have schools pay taxes, so that schooling would become a luxury object and be recognized as such.)
+
+I called for the disestablishment of schools for the sake of improving education and here, I noticed, lay my mistake. Much more important than the disestablishment of schools, I began to see, was the reversal of those trends that make of education a pressing need rather than a gift of gratuitous leisure. I began to fear that the disestablishment of the educational church would lead to a fanatical revival of many forms of degraded, all-encompassing education, making the world into a universal classrcom, a global schoolhouse. The more important question became, "Why do so many people—even ardent critics of schooling—become addicted to education, as to a drug?"
+
+Norman Cousins published my own recantation in the Saturday Review during the very week Deschooling Society came out. In it I argued that the alternative to schooling was not some other type of educational agency, or the design of educational opportunities in every aspect of life, but a society which fosters a different attitude of people toward tools.
+
+I expanded and generalized this argument in my next book, _Tools for Conviviality_.
+
+Largely through the help of my friend and colleague Wolfgang Sachs, I came to see that the educational function was already emigrating from the schools and that, increasingly, other forms of compulsory learning would be instituted in modern society. It would become compulsory not by law, but by other tricks, such as making people believe that they are learning something from TV, or compelling people to attend in-service training, or getting people to pay huge amounts of money in order to be taught how to have better sex, how to be more sensitive, how to know more about the vitamins they need, how to play games, and so on. This talk of "lifelong learning" and "learning needs" has thoroughly polluted society, and not just schools, with the stench of education.
+
+Then came the third stage, in the late seventies and early eighties, when my curiosity and reflections focused on the historical circumstances under which the very idea of educational needs can arise. When I wrote _Deschooling Society_, the social effects, and not the historical substance of education, were still at the core of my interest. I had questioned schooling as a desirable means, but I had not questioned education as a desirable end. I still accepted that, fundamentally, educational needs of some kind were an historical given of human nature. I no longer accept this today.
+
+As I refocused my attention from schooling to education, from the process toward its orientation, I came to understand education as learning when it takes place under the assumption of scarcity in the means which produce it. The "need" for education from this perspective appears as a result of societal beliefs and arrangements which make the means for so-called socialization scarce. And, from this same perspective, I began to notice that educational rituals reflected, reinforced, and actually created belief in the value of learning pursued under conditions of scarcity. Such beliefs, arrangements, and rituals, I came to see, could easily survive and thrive under the rubrics of deschooling, free schooling, or homeschooling (which, for the most part, are limited to the commendable rejection of authoritarian methods).
+
+What does scarcity have to do with education? If the means for learning (in general) are abundant, rather than scarce, then education never arises — one does not need to make special arrangements for "learning". If, on the other hand, the means for learning are in scarce supply, or are assumed to be scarce, then educational arrangements crop up to "ensure" that certain, important knowledge, ideas, skills, attitudes, etc., are "transmitted". Education then becomes an economic commodity, which one consumes, or, to use common language, which one "gets". Scarcity emerges both from our perceptions, which are massaged by education professionaals who are in the business of imputing educational needs, and from actual societal arrangements that make access to tools and to skilled, knowledgeable people hard to come by — that is, scarce.
+
+If there were one thing I could wish for the readers (and some of the writers) of _Deschooling Our Lives_, it would be this: If people are seriously to think about deschooling their lives, and not just escape from the corrosive effects of compulsory schooling, they could do no better than to develop the habit of setting a mental question mark beside all discourse on young people’s “educational needs” or “learning needs,” or about their need for a “preparation for life” I would like them to reflect on the historicity of these very ideas. Such reflection would take the new crop of deschoolers a step further from where the younger and somewhat naive Ivan was situated, back when talk of “deschooling” was born.
+
+
+Bremen, Germany - Summer 1995
diff --git a/contents/articles/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/es.txt b/contents/articles/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/es.txt
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+# Prólogo de "Desescolarizando nuestras vidas"
+
+Hojear las páginas de _Desescolarizar nuestras vidas_ me transporta al año 1970, cuando, junto con Everett Reimer en el Centro de Documentación Intercultural (CIDOC) de Cuernavaca, reuní a algunos de los más sesudos críticos de la educación (Paulo Freire, John Holt, Paul Goodman, Jonathan Kozol, Joel Spring, George Dennison y otros) para abordar la inutilidad de la escolarización -no sólo en América Latina, que ya era evidente- sino también en el llamado mundo desarrollado e industrializado.
+
+Los miércoles por la mañana, durante la primavera y el verano de ese año, distribuí borradores de ensayos que acabaron convirtiéndose en capítulos de mi libro, _La sociedad desescolarizada_. Mirando hacia atrás un cuarto de siglo, muchas de las opiniones y críticas que parecían tan radicales en 1970 parecen hoy bastante ingenuas. Aunque mis críticas a la escolarización en ese libro pueden haber ayudado a algunas personas a reflexionar sobre los efectos sociales secundarios no deseados de esa institución -y quizás a buscar alternativas significativas a la misma-, ahora me doy cuenta de que en gran medida estaba ladrando al árbol equivocado. Para entender por qué me siento así y tener una idea de dónde me encuentro hoy, invito a los lectores a acompañarme en el viaje que hice después de _La sociedad desescolarizada_.
+
+Mi cuaderno de viaje comienza hace veinticinco años, cuando _La sociedad desescolarizada_ estaba a punto de aparecer. Durante los nueve meses que el manuscrito estuvo en la editorial, cada vez estaba más insatisfecho con el texto, que, por cierto, no defendía la eliminación de las escuelas. Este malentendido se lo debo a Cass Canfield Sr., presidente de Harper's, que dio nombre al libro y con ello tergiversó mi pensamiento. El libro aboga por el desestablecimiento de las escuelas, en el sentido en que la Iglesia ha sido desestablecida en los Estados Unidos. Por desestructuración me refería, en primer lugar, a no pagar con dinero público y, en segundo lugar, a no conceder ningún privilegio social especial ni a los que van a la iglesia ni a los que van a la escuela. (Incluso sugerí que, en lugar de financiar las escuelas, deberíamos ir más allá de lo que hicimos con la religión y hacer que las escuelas pagaran impuestos, de modo que la escolarización se convirtiera en un objeto de lujo y fuera reconocida como tal).
+
+Pedí la desestructuración de las escuelas en aras de mejorar la educación y aquí, me di cuenta, radicó mi error. Mucho más importante que la disolución de las escuelas, empecé a ver, era la inversión de esas tendencias que hacen de la educación una necesidad apremiante en lugar de un regalo de ocio gratuito. Empecé a temer que la desestructuración de la iglesia educativa condujera a un renacimiento fanático de muchas formas de educación degradada y omnipresente, convirtiendo el mundo en una clase universal, una escuela global. La pregunta más importante se convirtió en: "¿Por qué tantas personas -incluso ardientes críticos de la escolarización- se vuelven adictas a la educación, como a una droga?"
+
+Norman Cousins publicó mi propia retractación en la Saturday Review durante la misma semana en que salió a la luz _La sociedad desescolarizada_. En ella argumentaba que la alternativa a la escolarización no era otro tipo de organismo educativo, ni el diseño de oportunidades educativas en todos los aspectos de la vida, sino una sociedad que fomente una actitud diferente de las personas hacia las herramientas.
+
+Amplié y generalicé este argumento en mi siguiente libro, _Herramientas para la convivencia_.
+
+En gran parte gracias a la ayuda de mi amigo y colega Wolfgang Sachs, llegué a ver que la función educativa ya estaba emigrando de las escuelas y que, cada vez más, se instituirían otras formas de aprendizaje obligatorio en la sociedad moderna. Se convertiría en obligatoria no por ley, sino por otros trucos, como hacer creer a la gente que aprende algo de la televisión, u obligar a la gente a asistir a cursos de formación continua, o conseguir que la gente pague enormes cantidades de dinero para que le enseñen a tener mejor sexo, a ser más sensible, a saber más sobre las vitaminas que necesita, a jugar, etc. Este discurso de "aprendizaje permanente" y "necesidades de aprendizaje" ha contaminado completamente la sociedad, y no sólo las escuelas, con el hedor de la educación.
+
+Luego vino la tercera etapa, a finales de los setenta y principios de los ochenta, en la que mi curiosidad y mis reflexiones se centraron en las circunstancias históricas en las que puede surgir la propia idea de las necesidades educativas. Cuando escribí _La sociedad desescolarizada_, los efectos sociales, y no la sustancia histórica de la educación, seguían siendo el centro de mi interés. Había cuestionado la escolarización como medio deseable, pero no había cuestionado la educación como fin deseable. Seguía aceptando que, fundamentalmente, las necesidades educativas de algún tipo eran un hecho histórico de la naturaleza humana. Hoy ya no lo acepto.
+
+Al reenfocar mi atención desde la escolarización hacia la educación, desde el proceso hacia su orientación, llegué a entender la educación como aprendizaje cuando tiene lugar bajo el supuesto de escasez en los medios que lo producen. La "necesidad" de la educación, desde esta perspectiva, aparece como resultado de las creencias y disposiciones sociales que hacen escasos los medios para la llamada socialización. Y, desde esta misma perspectiva, empecé a notar que los rituales educativos reflejaban, reforzaban y de hecho creaban la creencia en el valor del aprendizaje perseguido en condiciones de escasez. Llegué a ver que tales creencias, disposiciones y rituales podían sobrevivir y prosperar fácilmente bajo las rúbricas de desescolarización, escolarización libre o educación en casa (que, en su mayor parte, se limitan al encomiable rechazo de los métodos autoritarios).
+
+¿Qué tiene que ver la escasez con la educación? Si los medios para el aprendizaje (en general) son abundantes, en lugar de escasos, entonces la educación nunca surge -no es necesario hacer arreglos especiales para "aprender". Si, por el contrario, los medios para aprender son escasos, o se supone que son escasos, entonces surgen disposiciones educativas para "garantizar" que se "transmitan" ciertos conocimientos, ideas, habilidades, actitudes, etc., importantes. La educación se convierte entonces en una mercancía económica que se consume o, para usar el lenguaje común, que se "obtiene". La escasez surge tanto de nuestras percepciones, que son manipuladas por los profesionales de la educación que se dedican a imputar necesidades educativas, como de los acuerdos sociales reales que hacen que el acceso a las herramientas y a las personas cualificadas y con conocimientos sea difícil de conseguir, es decir, escaso.
+
+Si hubiera algo que pudiera desear a los lectores (y a algunos de los escritores) de _Desescolarizar nuestras vidas_, sería esto: Si la gente quiere pensar seriamente en desescolarizar sus vidas, y no sólo escapar de los efectos corrosivos de la escolarización obligatoria, no podría hacer nada mejor que desarrollar el hábito de poner un signo de interrogación mental al lado de todo el discurso sobre las "necesidades educativas" o "necesidades de aprendizaje" de los jóvenes, o sobre su necesidad de una "preparación para la vida". Me gustaría que reflexionaran sobre la historicidad de estas mismas ideas. Esta reflexión llevaría a la nueva cosecha de desescolarizadores un paso más allá de donde se encontraba el joven y algo ingenuo Iván, cuando nació el discurso de la "desescolarización".
+
+
+Bremen, Alemania - Verano de 1995
+
+----
+
+Este artículo se incluyó originalmente como prólogo del libro _Desescolarizar nuestras vidas_ (1995) y también se incluyó en "Everywhere All the Time: A New Deschooling Reader" (2008).
diff --git a/contents/articles/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/index b/contents/articles/1995-foreword_deschooling_our_lives/index
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+* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]]
+* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Foreword to "Deschooling Our Lives"_
+* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@#
+* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** *YEAR*
+* **#@LANG_comments@#:**
diff --git a/contents/articles/1998-conspiracy/en.notes b/contents/articles/1998-conspiracy/en.notes
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+* A translated, edited and expanded version of an address given by Ivan Illich at the Villa Ichon in Bremen, Germany, on the occasion of receiving the Culture and Peace Prize of Bremen, March 14, 1998.
+* Included in the book "The Challenges of Ivan Illich: A Collective Reflection" (2002)
diff --git a/contents/articles/1998-conspiracy/en.txt b/contents/articles/1998-conspiracy/en.txt
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+# The Cultivation of Conspiracy
+
+On November 16, 1996, I arrived at the library auditorium of Bremen University just in time for my afternoon lecture. For five years now I had commented old texts to trace the long history of western philia, of friendship. This semester's theme was the loss of the common sense for proportionality during the lifetimes of Locke, Leibniz and Johann Sebastian Bach. On that day I wanted to address "common sense" as the sense-organ believed to recognize "the good", the "fit" and the "fifth". But even before I could start I had to stop: the roughly two hundred auditors had planned a party instead of a lecture. Two months after the actual day, they had decided to celebrate my seventieth birthday, so we feasted and laughed and danced until midnight.
+
+Speeches launched the affair. I was seated behind a bouquet, in the first row, and listened to seventeen talks. As a sign of recognition, I presented a flower to each encomiast. Most speakers were over fifty, friends I had made on four continents, a few with reminiscences reaching back to the 1950s in New York. Others were acquaintances made while teaching in Kassel, Berlin, Marburg, Oldenburg and, since 1991, in Bremen. As I grappled for the expression of gratitude fitting each speaker, I felt like Hugh of St. Victor, my teacher. This twelfth-century monk in a letter compares himself to a basket-bearing donkey: not weighed down but lifted by the burden of friendships gathered on life's pilgrimage.
+
+From the laudationes at the library we moved across the plaza to the liberal arts building, whose bleak cement hallways I habitually avoid. A metamorphosis had occurred in its atmosphere. We found ourselves in a quaint café: some five dozen small tables, each with a lighted candle on a colored napkin. For the occasion, the university's department of domestic science had squeezed a pot into the semester's budget, a pot large enough to cook potato soup for a company. The chancellor, absent on business in Beijing, had hired a Klezmer ensemble. Ludolf Kuchenbuch, dean of historians at a nearby university and a saxophonist, took charge of the jazz. A couple of clowns performing on a bicycle entertained us with their parody of my 1972 book, Energy and Equity.
+
+The mayor-governor of the city state, Bremen, had picked a very old Burgundy from the treasures of the Ratskeller. The lanky and towering official handed me the precious gift and expressed his pleasure "that Illich at seventy, in his own words, had found in Bremen 'einen Zipfel Heimat'," something like "the tail end of an abode." On the lips of the Bürgermeister, my expression seemed grotesque, but still true. I began to reflect: How could I have been induced to connect the notion of home with the long dark winters of continual rain, where I walk through the pastures along the Wümme that are flooded twice a day by the tide from the North Atlantic? I who, as a boy, had felt exiled in Vienna, because all my senses were longingly attached to the South, to the blue Adriatic, to the limestone mountains in the Dalmatia of my early childhood.
+
+Today's ceremony, however, is even more startling than last year's revelry, because your award makes me feel welcomed by the citizenry rather than just by a city father. Villa Ichon is a manifestation of Bremen's civility: neither private charity nor public agency. You, who are my hosts in this place, define yourselves as Hanseatic merchant citizens. On the day Villa Ichon was solemnly opened, you pointedly refused to let a city official touch the keys to this house, this "houseboat for the uninsured and vulnerable among us" as Klaus Hübotter has called it. By insisting on your autonomy you stressed the respectful distance of civil society from the city's government. I am touched that this annual award, meant to honor a Bremen citizen, should today go to an errant pilgrim, but to one who knows how to appreciate it. As the eldest son of a merchant family in a free port city - one that was caught between the contesting powers of Byzantium and Venice - I was born into a tradition which, in the meantime, has petered out, but not without leaving me sensitive to the flavor of the Hanseatic hospitality you offer today.
+
+I first heard of Bremen when I was six, in the stories told me by my drawing teacher, who came from one of your patrician families, and in Vienna was homesick for the North. I adopted the tiny, black-dressed lady as Mamma Pfeiffer-Kulenkampf. One summer she came along with us to Dalmatia, to paint. Her watercolors still grace my brothers study. From her I learned how to mix different pigments for the contrasting atmospheres of a Mediterranean and an Atlantic shore.
+
+Now, a long lifetime later, I am at home in her salty gray climate. And not just at home: I now fancy that my presence has added something to the atmosphere of Bremen university. When Dean Johannes Beck led me from the aula through the rainy plaza into the makeshift cafe he made a remark that I accepted as a gift. "Ivan," he said "this feels like an overflow of Barbara Duden's house." Dean Beck put into words the accomplishment of something I had aimed at for decades -- the plethora of the dining-room conviviality inspiring the University Aula; The aura of our hospitality in the Kreftingstrasse, felt well beyond its threshold.
+
+Even before my first Bremen semester could start, Barbara Duden got a house in the Ostertor Viertel, beyond the old moat, just down from the drug-corner, the farmers market and the Turkish quarter. There Barbara created an ambiance of austere playfulness. The house became a place that at the drop of a hat accommodates our guests. If -- after my lecture on Fridays -- the spaghetti bowl must feed more than the two dozen who fit around the table made from flooring timber, guests squat on Mexican blankets in the next room.
+
+Over the years our "Kreftingstraße" has fostered privileged closeness in respectful, disciplined, critical intercourse: friendships between old acquaintances who drop in from far away, and new ones, three, even four decades younger than my oldest companion Ceslaus Hoinacki, who shares his room with our Encyclopedias. Friendship makes ties unique, but some more than others bear the burden of the host. Kassandra who lives elsewhere, has a key to the house and brings the flowers and Matthias, the virtuoso drummer who stays downstairs, in the room that opens on the tiny garden, belong to the dozen who can equally welcome the newcomer at the threshold, stir the soup, orient conversation, do the dishes and ... correct my manuscripts as well as those of each other.
+
+Learned and leisurely hospitality is the only antidote to the stance of deadly cleverness that is acquired in the professional pursuit of objectively secured knowledge. I remain certain that the quest for truth cannot thrive outside the nourishment of mutual trust flowering into a commitment to friendship. Therefore I have tried to identify the climate that fosters and the "conditioned air" that hinders the growth of friendship.
+
+Of course I can remember the taste of strong atmospheres from other epochs in my life: I have never doubted that -- today, more than ever -- a "monastic" ambience is the prerequisite to the independence needed for a historically based indictment of society. Only the gratuitous commitment of friends can enable me to practice the ascetisme required for modern near-paradoxes: as that of renouncing systems analysis while typing on my Toshiba.
+
+My early suspicion that atmosphere was a prerequisite for the kind of studium to which I had dedicated myself became a conviction through my contact with post-Sputnik American universities. After just one year as vice-chancellor of a university in Puerto Rico, in 1957 I and a few others wanted to question the development ideology to which Kennedy no less than Castro subscribed. I put all the money I had - today the equivalent of the prize you just gave me - into the purchase of a one- room wooden shack in the mountains that overlook the Caribbean. With three friends I wanted a place of study in which every use of the personal pronoun "nos-otros" would truthfully refer back to the four of "us", and be accessible to our guests as well; I wanted to practice the rigor that would keep us far from the "we" that invokes the security found in the shadow of an academic discipline: we as "sociologists", "economists" and so forth. As one of us, Charlie Rosario, put it: "All departments smell - of disinfectants, at their best; and poisoned sterilized aura." The "casita" on the route to Adjuntas soon became so obnoxious that I had to leave the Island.
+
+This freed me to start a "thinkery" in Mexico that five years later turned into CIDOC. In his introductory talk for today's celebration congressman Freimut Duve told you about it. In those distant years Duve was editor at Rowohlt, took care of my German books and several times spent time with me there, in Cuernavaca. He told you about the spirit prevailing in that place: a climate of mutually tempered forbearance. It was this aura, this quality or air, through which this ephemeral venture could become a world crossroads, a meeting place for those who, long before this had
+become fashionable, questioned the innocence of "development." Only the mood that Duve hinted at can explain the disproportionate influence that this small place exerted in challenging the goods of socio-economic development.
+
+CIDOC was closed by common accord on April first, ten years to the day after its foundation. With Mexican music and dancing we celebrated its closing. Duve told you about her, who did it, Valentina Borremans: she had directed and organized CIDOC from its inception, and he told you about his admiration for the style in which she closed it by mutual consent of its 63 collaborators. She knew that the soul of this free, independent and powerless "thinkery" would have been squashed soon by its rising influence.
+
+CIDOC shut its doors in the face of criticism by its most serious friends, people too earnest to grasp the paradox of atmosphere. These were mainly persons for whom the hospitable atmosphere of CIDOC had provided a unique forum. They thrived in the aura of CIDOC, and outright rejected our certainty that atmosphere invites institutionalization by which it will be corrupted. You never know what will nurture the spirit of a philia, while you can be certain what will stifle it. Spirit emerges by surprise, and it's a miracle when it abides; it is stifled by every attempt to secure it; it's debauched when you try to use it.
+
+Few understood this. With Valentina I opened the mayor's bottle of Burgundy in Mexico to celebrate one of them. We drank the wine to the memory of Alejandro Del Corro, a now deceased Argentine Jesuit who lived and worked with me since the early sixties. With his Laica he traveled around South America, collaborating with guerrilleros to save their archives for history. Alejandro was a master at moderating aura. Wen he presided, his delicate attention to each guest: guerrillero, US civil servant, trash collector or professor felt at home with each other around the CIDOC table. Alejandro knew that you cannot lay a claim on aura, he knew about the evanescence of atmosphere.
+
+I speak of atmosphere, faute de mieux. In Greek, the word is used for the emanation of a star, or for the constellation that governs a place; alchemists adopted it to speak of the layers around our planet. Maurice Blondel reflects its much later French usage for bouquet des ésprits, the scent those present contribute to a meeting. I use the word for something frail and often discounted, the air that weaves and wafts and evokes memories, like those attached to the Burgundy long after the bottle has been emptied.
+
+To sense an aura, you need a nose. The nose, framed by the eyes, runs below the brain. What the nose inhales ends in the guts; every yogi and hesichast knows this. The nose curves down in the middle of the face. Pious Jews are conscious of the image because what Christians call "walking in the sight of God" the Hebrew expresses as "ambling under God's nose and breath." To savor the feel of a place, you trust your nose; to trust another, you must first smell him.
+
+In its beginnings, western civic culture wavered between cultivated distrust and sympathetic trust. Plato believed it would be upsetting for Athenian citizens to allow their bowels to be affected by the passion of actors in the theater; he wanted the audience to go no further than reflecting on the words. Aristotle respectfully modified his teacher's opinion. In the Poetics, he asks the spectators to let gesture and mimicry, the rhythm and melody of breath, reach their very innards. Citizens should attend the theater, not just to understand, but to be affected by each other. For Aristotle, there could be no transformation, no purifying catharsis, without such gripping mimesis. Without gut level experience of the other, without sharing his aura, you can't be saved from yourself.
+
+Some of that sense of mimesis comes out in an old German adage, "Ich kann Dich gut riechen" (I can smell you well), which is still used and understood. But it's something you don't say to just anyone; it's an expression that is permissible only when you feel close, count on trust, and are willing to be hurt. It presupposes the truth of another German saying, "Ich kann Dich gut leiden" (I can suffer [put up with] you [well]). You can see that nose words have not altogether disappeared from ordinary speech, even in the age of daily showers.
+
+I remember my embarrassment when, after years of ascetical discipline, I realized that I still had not made the connection between nose and heart, smell and affection. I was in Peru in the mid- fifties, on my way to meet Jaime, who welcomed me to his modest hut for the third time. But to get to the shack, I had to cross the Rimac, the open cloaca of Lima. The thought of sleeping for a week in this miasma almost made me retch. That evening, for some reason I suddenly understood with a shock what Carlos had been telling me all along, "Ivan, don't kid yourself; don't imagine you can be friends with people you can't smell." That one jolt unplugged my nose; it enabled me to dip into the aura of Carlos's house, and allowed me to merge the atmosphere I brought along into the ambience of his home.
+
+This discovery of my nose for the scent of the spirit occurred forty years ago, in the time of the DC-4, belief in development programs, and the apparently benign Peace Corps. It was the time when DDT was still too expensive for Latin American slum dwellers, when most people had to put up with fleas and lice on their skins, as they put up with the old, the crippled and idiots in their homes. It was the time before Xerox, fax and e-mail. But it was also a time before smog and AIDS. I was then considered a crank because I foresaw the unwanted side effects of development, because I spoke to unions on technogenic unemployment, and to leftists on the growing polarization between rich and poor in the wake of expanding commodity dependence. What seemed hysteria then has now hardened into well documented facts; some of these facts are too horrible to face. They must be exorcised: bowdlerizing them by research, assigning their management to specialized agencies, and conjuring them by prevention programs. But while the depletion of life forms, the growing immunity of pathogens, climate changes, the disappearance of the job culture, and uncontrollable violence now make up the admitted side effects of economic growth, the menace of modern life for the survival of atmospheres is hardly recognized as a terrible threat.
+
+This is the reason I dare to annoy you with the memory of that walk in the dusk with my nose full of the urine and feces emanating from the Rimac. That landscape no longer exists; cars now fill a highway hiding the sewage. The skin and scalp of Indians is no longer the habitat of lice; now the allergies produced by industrial chemicals cause the itch. Makeshift shanties have been replaced by public housing; each apartment has its plumbing and each family member a separate bed - the guest knows that he imposes an inconvenience. The miasma of the Rimac has become a memory in a city asfixiated by industrial smog. I juxtapose then and now because this allows me to argue that the impending loss of spirit, of soul, of what I call atmosphere, could go unnoticed.
+
+Only persons who face one another in trust can allow its emergence. The bouquet of friendship varies with each breath, but when it is there it needs no name. For a long time I believed that there was no one noun for it, and no verb for its creation. Each time I tried one, I was discouraged; all the synonyms for it were shanghaied by its synthetic counterfeits: mass-produced fashions and cleverly marketed moods, chic feelings, swank highs and trendy tastes. Starting in the seventies, group dynamics retreats and psychic training, all to generate "atmosphere," became major businesses. Discreet silence about the issue I am raising seemed preferable to creating a misunderstanding.
+
+Then, thirty years after that evening above the Rimac, I suddenly realized that there is indeed a very simple word that says what I cherished and tried to nourish, and that word is peace. Peace, however, not in any of the many ways its cognates are used all over the world, but peace in its post- classical, European meaning. Peace, in this sense, is the one strong word with which the atmosphere of friendship created among equals has been appropriately named. But to embrace this, one has to come to understand the origin of this peace in the conspiratio, a curious ritual behavior almost forgotten today.
+
+This is how I chanced upon this insight. In 1986, a few dozen peace research centers in Africa and Asia were planning to open a common resource center. The founding assembly was held in Japan, and the leaders were looking for a Third World speaker. However, for reasons of delicacy, they wanted a person who was neither Asian nor African, and took me for a Latin American; then they pressured me to come. So I packed my guayabera shirt and departed for the Orient.
+
+In Yokohama I addressed the group, speaking as a historian. I wanted first to dismantle any universal notion of peace; I wanted to stress the claim of each ethnos to its own peace, the right of each community to be left in its peace. It seemed important to make clear that peace is not an abstract condition, but a very specific spirit to be relished in its particular, incommunicable uniqueness by each community.
+
+However, my aim in Yokohama was twofold: I wanted to examine not only the meaning but also the history and perversion of peace in that appendix to Asia and Africa we call Europe. After all, most of the world in the twentieth century is suffering from the enthusiastic acceptance of European ideas, including the European concept of peace. The assembly in Japan gave me a chance to contrast the unique spirit of peace that was born in Christian Europe with its perversion and counterfeit when, in international political parlance, an ideological link is created between economic development and peace. I argued that only by de-linking pax (peace) from development could the heretofore unsuspected glory hidden in pax be revealed. But to achieve this before a Japanese audience was difficult.
+
+The Japanese have an iconogram that stands for something we do not have or say or feel: foodó. My teacher, Professor Tamanoy, explained foodó to me as, "the inimitable freshness that arises from the commingling of a particular soil with the appropriate waters." Trusting my learned pacifist guide, since deceased, I started from the notion of foodó. It was easy to explain that both Athenian philia and Pax Romana, as different as they are from each other, are incomparable to foodó. Athenian philia bespeaks the friendship among the free men of a city, and Roman pax bespeaks the administrative status of a region dominated by the Legion that had planted its insignia into that soil. Thanks to Professor Tamanoy's assistance, it was easy to elaborate on the contradictions and differences between these two notions, and get the audience to comment on similar heteronomies in the cultural meaning of peace within India or between neighboring groups in Tanzania. The kaleidoscopic incarnations of peace all referred to a particular, highly desirable atmosphere. So far the conversation was easy.
+
+However, speaking about pax in the proto-Christan epoch turned out to be a delicate matter, because around the year 300 pax became a key word in the Christian liturgy. It became the euphemism for a mouth-to-mouth kiss among the faithful attending services; pax became the camouflage for the osculum (from os, mouth), or the conspiratio, a commingling of breaths. My friend felt I was not just courting misunderstanding, but perhaps giving offense, by mentioning such body-to-body contact in public. The gesture, up to this day, is repugnant to Japanese.
+
+The Latin osculum is neither very old nor frequent. It is one of three words that can be translated by the English, "kiss." In comparison with the affectionate basium and the lascivious suavium, osculum was a latecomer into classical Latin, and was used in only one circumstance as a ritual gesture: In the second century, it became the sign given by a departing soldier to a woman, thereby recognizing her expected child as his offspring.
+
+In the Christian liturgy of the first century, the osculum assumed a new function. It became one of two high points in the celebration of the Eucharist. Conspiratio, the mount-to-mouth kiss, became the solemn liturgical gesture by which participants in the cult-action shared their breath or spirit with one another. It came to signify their union in one Holy Spirit, the community that takes shape in God's breath. The ecclesia came to be through a public ritual action, the liturgy, and the soul of this liturgy was the conspiratio. Explicitly, corporeally, the central Christian celebration was understood as a co-breathing, a con-spiracy, the bringing about of a common atmosphere, a divine milieu.
+
+The other eminent moment of the celebration was, of course, the comestio, the communion in the flesh, the incorporation of the believer in the body of the Incarnate Word, but communio was theologically linked to the preceding con-spiratio. Conspiratio became the strongest, clearest and most unambiguously somatic expression for the entirely non-hierarchical creation of a fraternal spirit in preparation for the unifying meal. Through the act of eating, the fellow conspirators were transformed into a "we," a gathering which in Greek means ecclesia. Further, they believed that the "we" is also somebody's "I"; they were nourished by shading into the "I" of the Incarnate Word. The words and actions of the liturgy are not just mundane words and actions, but events occurring after the Word, that is, after the Incarnation. Peace as the commingling of soil and waters sounds cute to my ears; but peace as the result of conspiratio exacts a demanding, today almost unimaginable intimacy.
+
+The practice of the osculum did not go unchallenged; documents reveal that the conspiratio created scandal early on. The rigorist African Church Father, Tertullian, felt that a decent matron should not be subjected to possible embarrassment by this rite. The practice continued, but not its name; the ceremony required a euphemism. From the later third century on, the osculum pacis was referred to simply as pax, and the gesture was often watered down to some slight touch to signify the mutual spiritual union of the persons present through the creation of a fraternal atmosphere. Today, the pax before communion, called "the kiss of peace," is still integral to the Roman, Slavonic, Greek and Syrian Mass, although it is often reduced to a perfunctory handshake.
+
+I could no more avoid telling the story in Yokohama than today in Bremen. Why? Because the very idea of peace understood as a hospitality that reaches out to the stranger, and of a free assembly that arises in the practice of hospitality cannot be understood without reference to the Christian liturgy in which the community comes into being by the mouth-to-mouth kiss.
+
+However, jusyt as the antecedents of peace among us cannot be understood without reference to conspiration, the historical uniqueness of a city's climate, atmosphere or spirit calls for this reference. The European idea of peace that is synonymous with the somatic incorporation of equals into a community has no analogue elsewhere. Community in our European tradition is not the outcome of an act of authoritative foundation, nor a gift from nature or its gods, nor the result of management, planning and design, but the consequence of a conspiracy, a deliberate, mutual, somatic and gratuitous gift to each other. The prototype of that conspiracy lies in the celebration of the early Christian liturgy in which, no matter their origin, men and women, Greeks and Jews, slaves and citizens, engender a physical reality that transcends them. The shared breath, the con-spiratio are the "peace" understood as the community that arises from it.
+
+Historians have often pointed out that the idea of a social contract, which dominates political thinking in Europe since the 14th century, has its concrete origins in the way founders of medieval towns conceived urbane civilities. I fully agree with this. However, by focusing on the contractual aspect of this incorporation attention is distracted from the good that such contracts were meant to protect, namely, peace resulting from a conspiratio. One can fail to perceive the pretentious absurdity of attempting a contractual insurance of an atmosphere as fleeting and alive, as tender and robust, as pax.
+
+The medieval merchants and craftsmen who settled at the foot of a lord's castle felt the need to make the conspiracy that united them into a secure and lasting association. To provide for their general surety, they had recourse to a device, the conjuratio, a mutual promise confirmed by an oath that uses God as a witness. Most societies know the oath, but the use of God's name to make it stick first appears as a legal device in the codification of roman law made by the Christian emperor Theodosius. "Conjuration" or the swearing together by a common oath confirmed by the invocation of God, just like the liturgical osculum is of Christian origin. Conjuratio which uses God as epoxy for the social bond presumably assures stability and durability to the atmosphere engendered by the conspiratio of the citizens. In this linkage between conspiratio and conjuratio, two equally unique concepts inherited from the first millennium of Christian history are intertwined, but the latter, the contractual form soon overshadowed the spiritual substance.
+
+The medieval town of central Europe thus was indeed a profoundly new historical gestalt: the conjuratio conspirativa, which makes European urbanity distinct from urban modes elsewhere. It implies a peculiar dynamic strain between the atmosphere of conspiratio and its legal, contractual constitution. Ideally, the spiritual climate is the source of the city's life that flower into a hierarchy, like a shell or frame, to protect its order. Insofar as the city is understood to originate in a conspiratio, it owes its social existence to the pax the breath, shared equally among all.
+
+This long reflection on the historical precedence to the cultivation of atmosphere in late twentieth century Bremen seemed necessary to me to defend its intrinsically conspiratorial nature. It seems necessary to understand why, arguably, independent criticism of the established order of modern, technogene, information-centered society can grow only out of a milieu of intense hospitality.
+
+As a scholar I have been shaped by a monastic traditions and by the interpretation of medieval texts. Early on I took it for granted that the principal condition for an atmosphere that is propitious to independent thought is the hospitality cultivated by the host: a hospitality that excludes condescension as scrupulously as seduction; a hospitality that by its simplicity defeats the fear of plagiarism as much as that of clientage; a hospitality that by its openness dissolves intimidation as studiously as servility; a hospitality that exacts from the guests as much generosity as it imposes on the host. I have been blessed with a large portion of it, with the taste of a relaxed, humorous, sometimes grotesque fit among mostly ordinary but sometimes outlandish companions who are patient with one another. More so in Bremen than anywhere else.
diff --git a/contents/articles/1998-conspiracy/es.txt b/contents/articles/1998-conspiracy/es.txt
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+# El cultivo de la conspiración
+
+El 16 de noviembre de 1996, llegué al auditorio de la biblioteca de la Universidad de Bremen justo a tiempo para mi conferencia de la tarde. Durante cinco años, me había ocupado de comentar textos antiguos para trazar la larga historia de la _philia_ occidental, de la amistad. El tema de este semestre era la pérdida del sentido común, la pérdida de la proporcionalidad, el cambio decisivo en la proporción sensorial durante las vidas de John Locke, Gottfried Leibniz y Johann Sebastian Bach. Ese día me preparé para abordar el tema del sentido común como el órgano sensorial que se cree que reconoce lo «bueno», lo «adecuado» y lo «quinto» (desde la escala diatónica hasta las proporciones humanas). Lo contrastaba con el ideal emergente de la objetividad en la ciencia, en particular el paso de una objetividad perspectiva a una objetividad a-perspectiva; de la búsqueda de la verdad a la exigencia de la verificación y la prueba. Pero incluso antes de que pudiera empezar, tuve que parar: los doscientos auditores habían planeado celebrar una fiesta en lugar de una conferencia. Dos meses después de la fecha real, habían decidido celebrar mi septuagésimo cumpleaños, así que festejamos, reímos y bailamos hasta la medianoche.
+
+Los discursos inauguraron el asunto. Yo estaba sentado detrás de un ramo de flores, en primera fila, y escuché diecisiete intervenciones. Como prueba de reconocimiento, regalé una flor a cada uno de los panegiristas. La mayoría de los oradores eran mayores de cincuenta años, amigos que había hecho en cuatro continentes, algunos de los cuales aún guardaban recuerdos que se remontaban a la década de 1950 en Nueva York. Otros eran conocidos más recientes, gente que había conocido en los tiempos en que enseñaba en Kassel, Berlín, Marburgo, Oldemburgo y, desde 1991, en Bremen. Esforzándome por expresar mi gratitud adecuada a cada orador, me sentía como Hugo de San Víctor, mi amigo y maestro de París. En una carta, este monje del siglo XII se compara con un burro de carga: no se siente aplastado, sino elevado por el peso de las amistades reunidas durante el peregrinaje de la vida.
+
+Después de las _lauda_ _t_ _iones_ , cruzamos la plaza hasta el edificio de artes liberales, cuyos lúgubres pasillos de cemento tengo el hábito de evitar. Una metamorfosis se había producido en su atmósfera. Nos acomodamos en un café pintoresco con cerca de cinco docenas de mesas pequeñas, cada una con una vela encendida sobre una servilleta de color. Para la ocasión, el departamento de artes domésticas de la universidad había incluido en el presupuesto del semestre una olla lo suficientemente grande como para cocinar sopa de papa para toda una compañía. El canciller, ausente en ese momento por atender cuestiones oficiales en Pekín, había contratado un conjunto de klezmer. El profesor Ludolf Kuchenbuch, decano de los historiadores de una universidad cercana y saxofonista, se hizo cargo del jazz. Además, un par de payasos que actuaban en bicicleta nos entretuvieron con su parodia de mi libro _Energía y equidad_ de 1972.
+
+El alcalde-gobernador de la «ciudad-Estado» libre de Bremen había escogido una botella de Borgoña muy antiguo de los tesoros del _Rathskeller_. El alto y delgado funcionario me entregó el precioso regalo y expresó su placer «de que Illich a los setenta años —en sus propias palabras— hubiera encontrado en Bremen _einen Zipfel Heimat_ », algo así como «un rincón de hogar». De la boca del _Bürgermeister_ , la frase que yo mismo había usado me cautivó; ahora me parecía grotesca, pero aun así verdadera. Empecé a reflexionar: ¿qué podría haberme inducido a asociar la noción de hogar con los largos y oscuros inviernos con lluvia continua, donde camino a través de los pastos a lo largo del Wümme que son inundados dos veces al día por la marea del Atlántico Norte? Yo que, de niño, me había sentido exiliado en Viena, porque todos mis sentidos estaban ligados con nostalgia al sur, al azul del Adriático, a las montañas de piedra caliza de la Dalmacia de mi primera infancia.
+
+La ceremonia de hoy, sin embargo, es aún más sorprendente que las palabras del alcalde en las festividades del año anterior, porque su premio me hace sentir bienvenido por la ciudadanía y no sólo por las autoridades de la ciudad, dicho esto con el debido respeto a mi amigo el alcalde. La Villa Ichon es un testimonio de la civilidad de Bremen: un testimonio que no es ni de caridad privada ni de financiación pública. Ustedes, que son mis anfitriones en este lugar, se definen como ciudadanos comerciantes hanseáticos. El día de la solemne inauguración de la Villa Ichon, se negaron rotundamente a que un funcionario de la ciudad tocara las llaves de esta casa. Esto fue para subrayar la autonomía de la sociedad civil, basada en una respetuosa distancia con el gobierno de la ciudad, por más ejemplar que sea. Klaus Hübotter, quien inspiró la remodelación de esta casa del siglo XIX, se refiere a ella como una «casa flotante para los desamparados y los vulnerables entre nosotros». Me conmueve profundamente que su premio anual, destinado a honrar a un ciudadano de Bremen, se conceda hoy a un peregrino errante, pero que sabe apreciarlo. Como hijo mayor de una familia de comerciantes de una ciudad portuaria libre —atrapada entre las potencias adriáticas de Bizancio y Venecia—, nací en una tradición que, mientras tanto, se ha marchitado, pero no sin dejarme con una singular habilidad para saborear la hospitalidad hanseática que hoy recibo.
+
+La primera vez que oí hablar de Bremen fue a la edad de seis años, en las historias que me contaba mi profesora de dibujo, que venía de una de sus familias patricias y en Viena sentía nostalgia del norte. Adopté a la pequeña dama vestida de negro como Mama Pfeiffer-Kulenkampf. Un verano vino con nosotros a Dalmacia, a pintar; sus acuarelas todavía adornan el estudio de mi hermano, en Long Island. De ella aprendí a mezclar diferentes pigmentos para las atmósferas contrastantes de la costa mediterránea y la atlántica.
+
+Ahora, una larga vida después, me siento en casa en su clima gris salado. Y no sólo en casa; me imagino que mi presencia aquí ha añadido algo a la atmósfera de la Universidad de Bremen. Cuando el decano Johannes Beck me llevó desde la sala de conferencias a través de la plaza empapada de lluvia hasta el improvisado café, hizo un comentario que acepté como un regalo. «Ivan», dijo, «esto se siente como un desbordamiento de la casa de Barbara Duden». El decano Beck puso con éxito en palabras algo que había intentado decir por décadas: que la plétora de nuestra convivialidad en el comedor inspirara a un aula universitaria; el aura de hospitalidad en nuestra casa de la calle de Kreftingstraße se sentía más allá de su umbral.
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+En 1991 Christian Marzahn, entonces vicerrector, vino a México para invitarme a la Universidad de Bremen. Antes de que empezara el semestre, Barbara Duden consiguió una casa en el barrio de Ostertor, más allá del viejo foso, justo al lado de la esquina de los drogadictos, el mercado de granjeros y el zoco turco. Con su alegre austeridad lo hizo hospitalario; todos nos maravillamos de la facilidad con la que, bajo su liderazgo, los jóvenes amigos, ya sea que se queden o estén de paso, se sienten como en casa y alimentan la conversación. Si, después de mi conferencia de los viernes, el tazón de espaguetis debe alimentar a más de las dos docenas que caben alrededor de la mesa hecha con parqués de madera, los invitados se ponen en cuclillas sobre los petates en la habitación de al lado.
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+A lo largo de los años, Kreftingstraße ha fomentado una cercanía privilegiada en un trato respetuoso, disciplinado y crítico: amistades entre viejos conocidos que llegan de lejos y otros nuevos (tres o incluso cuatro décadas más jóvenes que mi compañero más viejo, Lee Hoinacki, que comparte su habitación con nuestras enciclopedias). La amistad hace que los vínculos sean únicos, pero algunos más que otros soportan la carga del anfitrión: Kassandra, que vive en otro lugar, con una llave de la casa, trae flores, y Matthias, el virtuoso baterista que vive abajo en una habitación con una puerta que se abre hacia el pequeño jardín. Ambos pertenecen a la docena de personas que graciosamente reciben al recién llegado en el umbral, agitan la sopa, orientan la conversación, lavan los platos y… corrigen mis manuscritos así como los de los demás.
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+Considero que este obvio pero intangible clima civil es un regalo del _spiritus loci_ de Bremen, para el cual Barbara Duden ha creado el lugar apropiado. Veo esto como una oportunidad para reflexionar sobre la atmósfera y la cultura en la era de la Red y los teléfonos móviles. La hospitalidad aprendida y sosegada es el único antídoto para la postura de ingenio corrosivo que se adquiere en la búsqueda profesional de conocimiento objetivamente asegurado. Estoy seguro de que la búsqueda de la verdad no puede prosperar si no se alimenta de una atmósfera de confianza mutua, que sin este compromiso de amistad no se puede hacer la distinción misma entre búsqueda de la verdad y obtención o producción de un conocimiento objetivo. Por lo tanto, he tratado de identificar el ambiente que fomenta —pero también el aire «acondicionado» que impide— el aura de la amistad.
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+Por supuesto que puedo recordar el sabor de las atmósferas fuertes de otras épocas de mi vida. En lugares tan distantes como Cuernavaca y State College, hemos cultivado la hospitalidad intelectual en nuestro círculo de amigos a través del respeto al Lugar, evitando el diagnóstico mutuo y tolerando las voces discordantes. Nunca he dudado —y es aún más cierto hoy en día— que un ambiente «monástico» es el prerrequisito para la independencia necesaria para un enjuiciamiento histórico de la sociedad. Sólo el compromiso gratuito de los amigos puede permitirme practicar el ascetismo necesario para enfrentar las cuasiparadojas modernas, como renunciar al análisis de sistemas mientras escribo en mi Toshiba.
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+Mi temprana sospecha de que era necesaria una cierta atmósfera para el tipo de _studium_ al que me había dedicado se convirtió en una convicción a través de mi contacto con las universidades estadounidenses del periodo post-Sputnik. Después de sólo un año como vicerrector de una universidad en Puerto Rico, yo y algunos otros quisimos cuestionar la ideología del desarrollo a la que tanto Kennedy como Castro suscribieron. Puse todo el dinero que tenía —hoy el equivalente al premio que me acaban de dar— en la compra de una cabaña de madera de una habitación en las montañas que dan al Caribe. Con tres amigos, quería un lugar de estudio en el que cada uso del pronombre personal «nos-otros» se refiriera sinceramente a nosotros cuatro, y fuera accesible también a nuestros huéspedes; quería practicar el rigor que nos alejara del «nosotros» que invoca la seguridad que se encuentra a la sombra de una disciplina académica: nosotros como sociólogos, economistas, etc. Como dijo uno de nosotros, Charlie Rosario: «Todos los departamentos huelen a desinfectantes, en el mejor de los casos… y los venenos esterilizan el aura». La casita en el camino a las montañas de Adjuntas pronto se volvió tan desagradable que tuve que dejar la isla.
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+Esto me liberó para iniciar un «pensatorio» en México, que cinco años más tarde se convirtió en el Centro Intercultural de Documentación o CIDOC. En su discurso inaugural para la celebración de hoy, el parlamentario del Bunderstag Freimut Duve les habló de ello. En aquellos lejanos años, Duve era editor en la editorial Rowohlt, se ocupaba de la publicación de mis libros en alemán y me visitó varias veces en Cuernavaca. Les habló del espíritu que prevalecía en ese lugar: un clima de tolerancia mutuamente atemperada. Fue esta aura, esta cualidad o aire, a través de la cual esta efímera aventura podía convertirse en una encrucijada mundial, un lugar de encuentro para aquellos que, mucho antes de que se pusiera de moda, cuestionaban la inocencia del «desarrollo». Sólo el estado de ánimo que Duve insinuó puede explicar la influencia desproporcionada que este pequeño centro ejerció al desafiar los beneficios del desarrollo socioeconómico.
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+El CIDOC fue cerrado de común acuerdo el 1 de abril de 1976, diez años después del día de su fundación. Con música y bailes mexicanos celebramos su clausura. Duve les habló de Valentina Borremans, que había organizado y dirigido el CIDOC desde su fundación. Luego habló de su admiración por el estilo con el que ella terminó su trabajo con el consentimiento mutuo de sus sesenta y tres colaboradores. Se dio cuenta de que el alma de este pensatorio libre, independiente y ajeno al poder sería aplastado pronto por su creciente influencia.
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+El CIDOC cerró sus puertas ante las críticas de sus amigos más serios, gente demasiado seria para comprender la paradoja de la atmósfera. Éstas eran principalmente personas para las que el clima hospitalario del CIDOC había proporcionado un foro único. Prosperaron en el aura del CIDOC, y rechazaron totalmente nuestra certeza de que la atmósfera invita a la institucionalización que terminará corrompiéndola. Nunca se sabe qué es lo que nutrirá y fortalecerá el espíritu de la _philia_ , pero pueden estar seguros de qué es lo que lo asfixiará. El espíritu emerge por sorpresa, y es un milagro cuando permanece; es asfixiado por cada intento de asegurarlo; es pervertido cuando se intenta aprovecharlo para obtener riquezas, poder o influencia.
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+Pocos entienden esto. En México, recientemente abrí la botella de Borgoña del alcalde con Valentina para brindar por uno de ellos. Bebimos el vino en memoria de Alejandro del Corro, un jesuita argentino fallecido que vivió y trabajó conmigo a principios de la década de 1960. Con su Leica viajó por toda América del Sur, colaborando con los guerrilleros para salvar sus archivos para la posteridad. Alejandro era un maestro en la moderación del aura. Cuando presidía, su cuidadosa atención —ya fuera hacia un funcionario estadounidense, un recolector de basura, un guerrillero o un profesor— ayudaba a que cada uno se sintiera en casa con el otro alrededor de la mesa del CIDOC. Alejandro sabía que no se puede poseer el aura; sabía de la evanescencia, de la vulnerabilidad de la atmósfera.
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+Hablo de una hospitalidad sencilla y generosa, sin nada fabricado ni moralizante. Pero sólo aquí en Bremen, en el curso de estos cuarenta años, el aura de la mesa del desayuno se ha extendido a la sala de la biblioteca donde, los viernes por la tarde, tengo el privilegio de hablar. Sólo aquí en Bremen se ha desarrollado una atmósfera en la que un puñado de hombres y mujeres de la mitad de mi edad se han embarcado en una investigación disciplinada sobre la historia de la proporcionalidad, una empresa que he comenzado, pero que nunca podré concluir, a pesar de las promesas que le hice a usted, Wolfgang Beck, cuando tomó la iniciativa de reeditar mis libros. En cierto modo, el _genius loci_ de Bremen me permitió verificar una vieja intuición: hoy más que nunca, el renacimiento de una búsqueda iluminada de la verdad se nutre de una amistad austera más que de sistemas.
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+Tengo la intención de usar el dinero que acompaña al premio que se me ha concedido para hacer que nuestras discusiones sean más conviviales. Esto permitirá a una de nuestras estudiantes residentes, Silja Samerski, someter las actas y notas de nuestras reuniones a las críticas de los amigos ausentes.
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+Hablo de atmósfera, _faute de mieux_. En griego, la palabra se usa para referirse a la emanación de una estrella, o la constelación que gobierna un lugar; los alquimistas la adoptaron para hablar de las capas que rodean nuestro planeta. Maurice Blondel refleja su uso francés mucho más tardío para _bouquet des esprits_ , el perfume que los presentes traen a una reunión. Utilizo la palabra para algo frágil y a menudo desestimado, el aire que teje, ondea y evoca recuerdos, como los que están unidos a esta botella de Borgoña mucho tiempo después de haber sido vaciada.
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+Para percibir un aura, se necesita una nariz. La nariz, enmarcada por los ojos, se extiende debajo del cerebro. Lo que la nariz inhala termina en las entrañas; todo yogui y hesicasta lo sabe. La nariz desciende en una curva en medio de la cara. Todo judío piadoso es consciente de la imagen, ya que cuando los cristianos dicen «caminar ante los ojos de Dios», en hebreo se habla de «pasear bajo la nariz y el aliento de Dios». Para saborear la atmósfera de un lugar, uno debe confiar en su nariz; para confiar en otro, uno debe primero olerlo.
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+En sus inicios, la cultura cívica occidental oscilaba entre la desconfianza cultivada y la confianza simpatética. Platón creía que sería peligroso para los ciudadanos atenienses dejar que sus entrañas se vieran afectadas por la pasión de los actores en el teatro; quería que la audiencia no fuera más allá de una reflexión sobre las palabras. Aristóteles modificó respetuosamente la opinión de su maestro. En la _Poética_ , pide a los espectadores que dejen que los gestos y la mímica, el ritmo y la melodía de la respiración, lleguen a sus entrañas. Los ciudadanos deben asistir al teatro, no sólo para entender, sino para ser afectados por los demás. Según Aristóteles, no puede haber ninguna transformación, ninguna catarsis purificadora, sin esa apasionante mímesis. Sin la experiencia visceral del otro, sin compartir su aura, uno no puede salvarse a sí mismo.
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+Algo de ese sentido de mímesis aparece en un viejo adagio alemán: _Ich kann dich gut riechen_ , «puedo olerte bien». Es una expresión que todavía se usa y se entiende. Pero no es algo que se diga a cualquiera; es una expresión que sólo se permite cuando uno se siente cercano, cuenta con la confianza y está dispuesto a ser herido. Supone la verdad de otro dicho alemán: _Ich kann dich gut leiden_ , «puedo sufrirte bien». Aquí se puede ver que las palabras relacionadas con la nariz no han desaparecido por completo del habla coloquial, incluso en la era de los regaderazos diarios.
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+Recuerdo mi vergüenza cuando, después de años de disciplina ascética, me di cuenta de que todavía no había establecido la conexión entre la nariz y el corazón, el olor y el afecto. Estaba en Perú a mediados de la década de 1950, camino de encontrarme con Carlos, que me acogió en su modesta cabaña por tercera vez. Pero para llegar a la cabaña, tuve que cruzar el río Rímac, la cloaca abierta de Lima. La idea de dormir durante una semana en este miasma me daba náuseas. Esa noche, con un shock, comprendí de repente lo que Carlos me había estado diciendo todo el tiempo: «Ivan, no te engañes; no te imagines que puedes ser amigo de gente a la que no puedes oler». Esa sacudida me descongestionó la nariz; me permitió sumergirme en el aura de la casa de Carlos y mezclar la atmósfera que llevaba conmigo en el ambiente de su casa.
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+Este descubrimiento a través de mi nariz del aroma del espíritu ocurrió hace cuarenta años, en la época del DC-4, la creencia en los programas de desarrollo y el aparentemente benigno Cuerpo de Paz. Era la época en que el DDT era todavía demasiado caro para los habitantes de los barrios bajos de América Latina, cuando la mayoría de la gente tenía que aguantar las pulgas y los piojos en la piel, así como a los ancianos, los lisiados y los idiotas en sus casas. Esto fue antes de los días de las Xerox, el fax y el correo electrónico. Pero también fue antes del smog y el sida. En ese momento se me consideraba un derrotista o un excéntrico porque preveía los efectos secundarios no deseados del desarrollo, porque hablaba con los sindicatos sobre el desempleo tecnogénico y con los izquierdistas sobre la polarización creciente entre ricos y pobres a raíz de la expansión de la dependencia de las mercancías. Lo que parecía ser histeria ha sido confirmado desde entonces en forma de hechos bien documentados. Algunos de estos hechos son demasiado terribles para afrontarlos. Es necesario exorcizarlos, expurgarlos a través de la investigación, asignar su gestión a agencias especializadas y conjurarlos a través de programas de prevención. Pero mientras que el agotamiento de las formas de vida, la creciente inmunidad de los patógenos, los cambios climáticos, la desaparición de la cultura del trabajo y la violencia incontrolable constituyen ahora los efectos secundarios admitidos del crecimiento económico, la terrible amenaza que la vida moderna supone para la supervivencia de las atmósferas es apenas perceptible.
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+Ésta es la razón por la que me atrevo a molestarlos con el recuerdo de ese paseo al atardecer con la nariz saturada de los olores de la orina y las heces que emanan del Rímac. Ese paisaje ya no existe; los coches ahora llenan una autopista que esconde las aguas residuales. La piel y el cuero cabelludo de los indios ya no son nidos de piojos; ahora las alergias producidas por los productos químicos industriales causan la comezón. Las casuchas improvisadas han sido sustituidas por viviendas públicas; cada departamento tiene sus redes de tubería y cada miembro de la familia una cama separada: el huésped es consciente de las molestias que causa. El hedor del Rímac se ha convertido en un recuerdo en una ciudad asfixiada por el smog industrial. Yuxtapongo el entonces y el ahora porque esto me permite argumentar que la inminente pérdida del espíritu, del alma, de lo que llamo atmósfera, podría pasar desapercibida.
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+Sólo las personas que se encaran en confianza pueden permitir su aparición. El buqué de la amistad varía con cada respiración, pero cuando está ahí no necesita ser nombrado. Durante mucho tiempo creí que no había un sustantivo para decirlo, ni un verbo para expresarlo. Cada vez que probaba una palabra, me desanimaba; todos los sinónimos fueron sustituidos por falsificaciones sintéticas: modas producidas en masa y estados de ánimo ingeniosamente comercializados, sentimientos chic, presunciones soberbias y gustos de moda. La industria proporciona a la vida diaria un aura, con cosas que están llenas de atmósfera sintética. Al igual que las vitaminas, los hormigueos emocionales se distribuyen de forma similar, con _styling_ , diseño, sugestiones subliminales. No sólo las cremas para la piel, los cigarros y los viajes, sino también los programas escolares y el baño emiten vapores sintéticos. A partir de la década de 1970, las dinámicas de grupo y toda la parafernalia que las acompaña, los retiros y el entrenamiento psíquico, diseñados para generar una «atmósfera», se convirtieron en un enorme negocio. El silencio discreto sobre el tema que estoy planteando parecía preferible a causar un malentendido.
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+Entonces, treinta años después de aquella noche sobre el Rímac, me di cuenta repentinamente de que sí hay un palabra muy simple que dice lo que aprecio y trato de alimentar, y esa palabra es _paz_. La paz, sin embargo, no en los significados en los que se comercializa internacionalmente hoy en día, sino la paz en su peculiar significado posclásico, europeo. La paz, en este sentido, es la única palabra fuerte para nombrar apropiadamente la atmósfera de amistad creada entre iguales; y entonces «pacífico» significa mucho más que no-violento. Pero para abrazarla, uno tiene que llegar a entender el origen de esta paz en la _conspiratio_ , un curioso comportamiento ritual casi olvidado hoy en día.
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+Así es como esta intuición llegó a mí. En 1986, unas pocas docenas de grupos de investigación sobre la paz en África y Asia se preparaban para abrir un centro de recursos comunes. La asamblea de fundación se iba a celebrar en Japón, y los líderes buscaban un orador del Tercer Mundo. Sin embargo, por razones de delicadeza, querían a alguien que no fuera ni asiático ni africano, y me tomaron por un latinoamericano; luego me presionaron para que fuera. Así que empaqué mi guayabera en mi maleta y me fui a Oriente.
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+En Yokohama me dirigí al grupo hablando como historiador. Sobre todo, quería desmantelar cualquier concepto universal de paz; quería subrayar la reivindicación de cada _ethnos_ de su propia paz, el derecho de cada comunidad a ser dejada en su paz. Me pareció importante dejar claro que la paz no es una condición abstracta, sino un espíritu muy específico que debe ser disfrutado en su particular e incomunicable unicidad por cada comunidad.
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+Mi objetivo en Yokohama era doble: quería examinar no sólo el significado sino también la historia y la perversión de la paz en ese apéndice de Asia y África que llamamos Europa. Después de todo, la mayor parte del mundo en el siglo XX sufre de la aceptación entusiasta de las ideas europeas, incluido el concepto europeo de paz. La asamblea en Japón me dio la oportunidad de contrastar el espíritu único de paz que nació en la Europa cristiana con su perversión y falsificación cuando, en la jerga de la política internacional, se crea un vínculo ideológico entre el desarrollo y la paz; cuando el crecimiento económico, la instrucción escolar, el diagnóstico médico y la gestión global erradican lo que una vez se entendió por paz en la tradición europea. Argumenté que sólo desvinculando la _pax_ (paz) del desarrollo podría revelarse la gloria hasta ahora insospechada que se oculta en esta _pax_. Pero lograr esto ante una audiencia japonesa era difícil.
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+Los japoneses tienen un ideograma para algo que nosotros no tenemos, ni decimos, ni sentimos: _fūdo_. Mi anfitrión y maestro, el profesor Yoshiro Tamanoy, me lo describió así: «la frescura inimitable que surge de la mezcla de un suelo particular con las aguas apropiadas». Confiando en mi docto guía pacifista, ahora fallecido, empecé con el concepto de _fūdo_. No fue difícil explicar que tanto la _philia_ ateniense como la _pax romana_ , por muy diferentes que sean la una de la otra, son incomparables con el _fūdo_. La _philia_ ateniense habla de la amistad entre los hombres libres de una ciudad, y la _pax romana_ habla del estatuto administrativo de una región en cuyo suelo la Legión había plantado sus estandartes. Con la ayuda del profesor Tamanoy, fue fácil elaborar las contradicciones y las diferencias entre estas dos nociones, y conseguir que el público comentara las heterogeneidades similares en el significado cultural de la paz en la India o entre grupos vecinos de Tanzania. Todas las encarnaciones caleidoscópicas de la paz se referían a una atmósfera particular y altamente deseable. Hasta aquí la conversación resultó sencilla.
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+Sin embargo, hablar de la _pax_ en la época protocristiana resultó ser un asunto delicado, porque alrededor del año 300 _pax_ se convirtió en una palabra clave en la liturgia cristiana. Se convirtió en el eufemismo para un beso de boca a boca entre los fieles que asistían a los servicios. La _pax_ se convirtió en el camuflaje para el _osculum_ (de la palabra _os_ , boca), para la _conspiratio_ , una mezcla de respiraciones. Mi amigo sintió que no sólo me estaba exponiendo a un malentendido, sino quizá ofendiendo, al evocar públicamente tal contacto cuerpo a cuerpo. El gesto sigue siendo repugnante para los japoneses hoy en día.
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+En latín la palabra _osculum_ no es ni muy antigua ni muy frecuente. Es una de las tres palabras que pueden ser traducidas por el castellano «beso». En comparación con el tierno _basium_ y el lascivo _suavium_ , _osculum_ fue un término tardío en el latín clásico, y fue usado en una sola circunstancia como un gesto ritual. En el siglo II, se convirtió en la señal que un soldado a punto de marcharse daba a una mujer, una forma de reconocer al hijo esperado como su descendencia.
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+En la liturgia cristiana del primer siglo, el _osculum_ asumió una nueva función. Se convirtió en uno de los dos puntos culminantes de la celebración de la Eucaristía. La _conspiratio_ , el beso en la boca, se convirtió en el solemne gesto litúrgico por el que los participantes en la acción de culto compartían su aliento o espíritu con los demás. Llegó a significar su unión en el Espíritu Santo, la comunidad que toma forma en el aliento de Dios. La _ecclesia_ surgió a través de una acción ritual pública, la liturgia y el alma de esta liturgia eran la _conspiratio_. Explícitamente, corporalmente, la celebración cristiana central se entendía como una co-respiración, una co-inspiración: la producción de una atmósfera común, un entorno divino.
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+El otro momento eminente de la celebración fue, por supuesto, la _comestio_ , la comunión de la carne, la incorporación del creyente en el cuerpo del Verbo Encarnado, pero la _communio_ estaba teológicamente vinculada a la _con-spiratio_ precedente. La _con-spiratio_ se convirtió en la expresión somática más fuerte, clara e inequívoca para la creación totalmente no jerárquica de un espíritu fraternal en la preparación de la comida unificadora. A través del acto de comer, los compañeros conspiradores se transformaban en un «nosotros», una reunión que en griego significa _ecclesia_. Además, creían que el «nosotros» es también el «yo» de alguien; se nutrían de la sombra del «yo» del Verbo Encarnado. Las palabras y las acciones de la liturgia no son sólo palabras y acciones mundanas, sino acontecimientos que ocurren después del Verbo, es decir, después de la Encarnación. La paz como una mezcla del suelo y las aguas es una imagen que me parece agradable; pero la paz como resultado de la _conspiratio_ exige una intimidad demandante, hoy casi inimaginable.
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+La práctica del _osculum_ no estuvo exenta de controversia. Los documentos muestran que la _conspiratio_ causó un escándalo desde el principio. Tertuliano el africano y rigorista Padre de la Iglesia, consideraba que una matrona decente no debía ser expuesta a ninguna posible vergüenza por este rito y quería eliminarlo de la Cena del Señor. La práctica continuó, pero no bajo el mismo nombre; la ceremonia requería un eufemismo. A partir de finales del siglo III, el _osculum pacis_ se denominaba simplemente _pax_ , y el gesto se suavizaba a menudo hasta el punto de ser reducido a un roce ligero para significar la mezcla espiritual de las entrañas que crea una atmósfera fraternal. Hoy en día, la _pax_ que precede a la comunión, llamada «el beso de la paz», sigue siendo una parte integrante de la misa en los rituales romanos, eslavos, griegos y sirios, aunque a menudo se reduce a un fugaz apretón de manos.
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+Al igual que en Yokohama, no puedo evitar contar esta historia hoy en Bremen. ¿Por qué? Porque la idea misma de la paz entendida como hospitalidad que se extiende al extranjero, y de una asamblea libre que surge en la práctica de la hospitalidad, no puede ser entendida sin la referencia a la liturgia cristiana del beso en la boca, que da a la comunidad local un carácter «espiritual».
+
+Sin embargo, así como los antecedentes de la paz entre nosotros no pueden entenderse sin referencia a la _conspiratio_ , la unicidad histórica del clima, la atmósfera o el espíritu de una ciudad también requiere esta referencia. La idea europea de paz, que es sinónimo de la incorporación somática de los iguales en una comunidad, no tiene análogos en otros lugares. En nuestra tradición europea, la comunidad no es resultado de un acto de fundación autorizado, ni un regalo de la naturaleza o sus dioses, ni siquiera el resultado de la gestión, la planificación y el diseño, sino la consecuencia de una _conspiración_ , un regalo deliberado, mutuo, somático y gratuito de unos a otros. El prototipo de esa conspiración reside en la celebración de la liturgia de los primeros cristianos en la que, sin importar su origen, hombres y mujeres, griegos y judíos, esclavos y ciudadanos, todos engendran una realidad física que los trasciende, un espíritu de amistad. El aliento compartido, la _con-spiratio_ , es la paz, entendida como la comunidad que surge de ella.
+
+Los historiadores han señalado a menudo que la idea del contrato social, que domina el pensamiento político en Europa desde el siglo XIV, tiene sus orígenes concretos en la forma en que los fundadores de las ciudades medievales concebían las civilidades urbanas. Estoy totalmente de acuerdo con esto. Sin embargo, al centrar la atención en la sociedad medieval tardía entendida como una composición de corporaciones que resultan de un contrato social, puede distraerse la atención del bien que tales corporaciones debían proteger, a saber, la paz resultante de una _conspiratio_. Puede pasarse por alto el absurdo pretencioso de intentar asegurar contractualmente una atmósfera tan fugaz y viva, tan tierna y robusta, como la _pax_.
+
+Los comerciantes y artesanos medievales que se establecieron al pie del castillo de un señor feudal sintieron la necesidad de convertir la conspiración que los unía en una asociación segura y duradera. No estaban dispuestos a construir sobre la base de un espíritu eternamente tenue. ¿Cuánto tiempo duraría? Para garantizar su seguridad general, recurrieron a un dispositivo, la _conjuratio_ , una promesa mutua confirmada por un juramento que toma a Dios como testigo, una forma de asegurar la durabilidad y la estabilidad de la atmósfera creada por la conspiración. La mayoría de las sociedades conocen el juramento, pero el uso del nombre de Dios para hacerlo valer aparece primero como un dispositivo legal en la codificación del derecho romano hecha por el emperador cristiano Teodosio. La conjuración, la coincidencia en un juramento común confirmado por la invocación a Dios, justo como el _osculum_ litúrgico, es de origen cristiano. La _conjuratio_ que usa a Dios a modo de resina para el vínculo social asegura presumiblemente la estabilidad y la durabilidad de la atmósfera engendrada por la _conspiratio_ de los ciudadanos. En este nexo entre _conspiratio_ y _conjuratio_ , se entrelazan dos conceptos igualmente únicos heredados del primer milenio de la historia cristiana, pero la formalidad contractual pronto eclipsó la sustancia espiritual.
+
+Nuestro universo político occidental contemporáneo se basa en un llamado a la paz que está en la base de la forma histórica profundamente nueva de la ciudad medieval de la Europa central. La _conjuratio conspirativa_ , un solemne tratado _cum_ espíritu, hace que la urbanidad europea sea distinta de los modos urbanos de otros lugares. También implica una tensión dinámica singular entre la atmósfera de la _conspiratio_ y su constitución legal, contractual. Idealmente, el clima espiritual es la fuente de la vida de la ciudad, que florece en una jerarquía, como una concha o armazón, para proteger su orden.
+
+El vínculo entre un juramento ( _conjuratio_ ) y la _conspiratio_ debe verse a la luz de mil años de historia eclesiástica, en la que los dos componentes no pueden confundirse entre sí. En la medida en que se entiende que la ciudad se origina en una _conspiratio_ , debe su existencia social a la _pax_ , el aliento, compartido por igual entre todos. Esta génesis es incomparable con el nacimiento de los atenienses de la matriz bajo la Acrópolis, incomparable con la ciudad concebida como el regalo de un dios a los inmigrantes jonios, incomparable con la descendencia común de un antepasado mítico.
+
+El vínculo entre _conspiratio_ y _conjuratio_ reúne dos conceptos igualmente únicos heredados del primer milenio de la cristiandad. Aquí hay un olor a rata. Mi nariz me dice que «algo está podrido» en el estado de Occidente. En el segundo milenio, el uso de Dios como testigo para sacrificar el contrato social crea el marco dentro del cual es posible abusar de la _pax_ como un ideal que justifica la imposición de nuestro tipo de orden en el mundo entero.
+
+Otras fuentes de esta teoría y práctica son numerosas: una conciencia de sí mismo mejor definida, como ilustra la doctrina de Abelardo; una nueva confianza en los instrumentos como medios para alcanzar un fin, como lo demuestra la proliferación de molinos de viento y el aumento de la producción agrícola y textil; una novedosa concepción del matrimonio como una relación contractual en la que dos seres humanos, un hombre y una mujer, se comprometen libremente.
+
+La parábola de Klaus Hübotter de la Villa Ichon como una casa flotante me hizo pensar en la esencia de la atmósfera, y al hacerlo llegamos a esta larga historia del origen de la ciudad gracias a la «paz» entre los ciudadanos que son hospitalarios entre sí de una manera única. Y no sólo entre ellos… ¡Han invitado a este vagabundo a deambular por aquí! Esta larga reflexión sobre los precedentes históricos del cultivo de la atmósfera en el Bremen de finales del siglo XX me parecía necesaria para defender su naturaleza intrínsecamente conspirativa. Quería mostrar por qué la crítica independiente del orden establecido de nuestra sociedad moderna, tecnógena y centrada en la información, sólo puede surgir de un entorno de intensa hospitalidad: el arte de la hospitalidad y el arte de ser invitado.
+
+Como estudioso, he sido moldeado por las tradiciones monásticas y la interpretación de los textos medievales. Desde muy temprano concluí que la principal condición para una atmósfera propicia para el pensamiento independiente es la hospitalidad cultivada por el anfitrión: una hospitalidad que excluye la condescendencia tan escrupulosamente como la seducción; una hospitalidad que por su simplicidad vence el miedo al plagio tanto como el del clientelismo; una hospitalidad que por su apertura disuelve la intimidación tan cuidadosamente como el servilismo; una hospitalidad que exige de los huéspedes tanta generosidad como la que impone al anfitrión. He sido bendecido con una gran parte de ella, con el sabor de un ambiente relajado, humorístico y a veces grotesco, entre compañeros mayormente ordinarios pero a veces extraños, entre personas que son pacientes entre sí. Más en Bremen que en cualquier otro lugar.
+
+Bremen, Alemania y Ocotepec, México
+
+----
+
+Traducción: Miranda Martínez y Alan Cruz
+
+Discurso pronunciado en la Villa Ichon de Bremen, Alemania, cuando recibí el Premio de Cultura y Paz de la Ciudad de Bremen el 14 de marzo de 1998. Al preparar la versión inglesa, preparé y mejoré el original alemán. Los cambios que he realizado son esencialmente referencias al gran estudio de la historia del juramento de Paolo Prodi, que me permitió aclarar la oposición entre _conspiratio_ y _conjuratio_. ( _Cf_. Paolo Prodi, _Il sacramento del potere. Il giuramento politico nella storia costituzionale dell’Occidente_ , Bolonia, Il Mulino, 1992).
+
+_N. de TT_.: La presente traducción retoma las diferentes versiones supervisadas por Illich: «Das Geschenk der _conspiratio_ », reedición ampliada de 2001, «The Cultivation of Conspiracy», en Lee Hoinacki y Carl Mitcham (eds.), _The Challenges of Ivan Illich_ , Nueva York, State University of New York Press, 2002, pp. 233-242; y «La culture de la conspiration», en Ivan Illich, _La perte des sens. Inédit_ , París, 2004, Fayard, pp. 337-352.
diff --git a/contents/articles/1998-conspiracy/index b/contents/articles/1998-conspiracy/index
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..8a4f1ad
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/articles/1998-conspiracy/index
@@ -0,0 +1,5 @@
+* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]]
+* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _The Cultivation of Conspiracy_
+* **#@LANG_langorig@#:** #@LANG_lang_en@#
+* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** *YEAR*
+* **#@LANG_comments@#:**
diff --git a/contents/articles/compile.sh b/contents/articles/compile.sh
new file mode 100755
index 0000000..b2005af
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/articles/compile.sh
@@ -0,0 +1,79 @@
+#!/usr/bin/env bash
+# Article compilers
+
+echo "#### STARTING TO COMPILE ARTICLES. Press a key to proceed..."
+read
+
+for i in `ls -d */`; do
+ echo "*** $i"
+ YEAR=`echo $i | cut -d '-' -f1`
+ cd $i
+ LANGORIG=`cat index | grep langorig | cut -d "@" -f 4 | cut -d "_" -f 3`
+ echo $LANGORIG
+
+ if [[ -f $LANGORIG.txt ]]
+ then
+ echo "la version en el idioma original esta procesada"
+ for j in `ls *.txt`; do
+ LANG=`echo $j | cut -d '.' -f1`
+ echo "**** $LANG"
+
+ # Creates the article directory
+ if [[ ! -d ../../../data/pages/$LANG/article/$i ]]
+ then
+ echo "Create the article directory for $i in $LANG"
+ mkdir ../../../data/pages/$LANG/article/$i
+ fi
+
+ # Creates the index file
+ echo "Regenerate the index file for $i in $LANG"
+ INDEX="../../../data/pages/$LANG/article/$i/index.txt"
+ head -n1 $LANG.txt > $INDEX
+ echo "" >> $INDEX
+ cat index >> $INDEX
+ cat $LANG.notes | sed s/\*/\ \ \*/ >> $INDEX
+ echo "" >> $INDEX
+ echo "~~NOTOC~~" >> $INDEX
+ sed -i "s/\*YEAR\*/$YEAR/g" $INDEX
+
+ # Creates the link to the text in the specific language
+ cd ../../../data/pages/$LANG/article/$i
+ if [[ ! -f text.txt ]]
+ then
+ ln -s ../../../../../contents/articles/$i$LANG.txt text.txt
+ fi
+
+ cd -
+ done
+ else
+ echo "La version en el idioma original NO esta procesada, entonces marcamos como pendiente y creamos un index"
+
+ # Creates the article directory
+ if [[ ! -d ../../../data/pages/$LANGORIG/article/$i ]]
+ then
+ echo "Create the article directory for $i in $LANGORIG"
+ mkdir ../../../data/pages/$LANGORIG/article/$i
+ fi
+
+
+ # Creates the index file
+ echo "Creates the index file for $i in $LANGORIG"
+ INDEX="../../../data/pages/$LANGORIG/article/$i/index.txt"
+ echo $INDEX
+
+ TITLEORIG=`cat index | grep titleorig | cut -d "_" -f3`
+ echo "# $TITLEORIG" > $INDEX
+ echo "" >> $INDEX
+ cat index >> $INDEX
+ cat $LANGORIG.notes | sed s/\*/\ \ \*/ >> $INDEX
+ echo "" >> $INDEX
+ echo "~~NOTOC~~" >> $INDEX
+ sed -i "s/\*YEAR\*/$YEAR/g" $INDEX
+ echo "{{tag>pending}}" >> $INDEX
+ fi
+
+
+
+ cd ..
+ echo ""
+done
diff --git a/contents/books/abc/en.txt b/contents/books/abc/en.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..aa1c43d
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/books/abc/en.txt
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+# ABC - The Alphabetization of the Popular Mind
diff --git a/contents/books/abc/es.txt b/contents/books/abc/es.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..4eb4e69
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/books/abc/es.txt
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+# ABC - La alfabetización de la Mente Popular
diff --git a/contents/books/abc/index b/contents/books/abc/index
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..618de50
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/books/abc/index
@@ -0,0 +1,8 @@
+* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]]
+* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _ABC - The Alphabetization of the Popular Mind_
+* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1969
+* ** #@LANG_authors@#**: Ivan Illich, Barrie Sanders
+* **#@LANG_comments@#:**
+
+
+{{tag>pending}}
diff --git a/contents/books/awareness/en.notes b/contents/books/awareness/en.notes
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..5ea57ff
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/books/awareness/en.notes
@@ -0,0 +1,2 @@
+* Notes in English
+
diff --git a/data/pages/en/book/awareness/en.txt b/contents/books/awareness/en.txt
index 97e05de..97e05de 100644
--- a/data/pages/en/book/awareness/en.txt
+++ b/contents/books/awareness/en.txt
diff --git a/contents/books/awareness/es.notes b/contents/books/awareness/es.notes
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..e75b956
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/books/awareness/es.notes
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+* Nota en español
diff --git a/data/pages/es/book/awareness/es.txt b/contents/books/awareness/es.txt
index 5464ef4..5464ef4 100644
--- a/data/pages/es/book/awareness/es.txt
+++ b/contents/books/awareness/es.txt
diff --git a/contents/books/awareness/index b/contents/books/awareness/index
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..a5ccf3e
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/books/awareness/index
@@ -0,0 +1,6 @@
+* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]]
+* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Celebration of Awareness_
+* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1969
+* **#@LANG_comments@#:**
+
+{{tag>available compilation}}
diff --git a/contents/books/church/en.txt b/contents/books/church/en.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..39067c2
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/books/church/en.txt
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+# The Church, Change and Development
diff --git a/contents/books/church/index b/contents/books/church/index
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..c7b553f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/books/church/index
@@ -0,0 +1,6 @@
+* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]]
+* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _The Church, Change and Development_
+* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1970
+* **#@LANG_comments@#:** ...
+
+{{tag>pending compilation}}
diff --git a/contents/books/compile.sh b/contents/books/compile.sh
new file mode 100755
index 0000000..8b82c86
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/books/compile.sh
@@ -0,0 +1,50 @@
+#!/usr/bin/env bash
+# Book compilers
+
+echo "#### STARTING TO COMPILE BOOKS. Press a key to proceed..."
+read
+
+for i in `ls -d */`; do
+ echo "*** $i"
+
+ cd $i
+ for j in `ls *.txt`; do
+ LANG=`echo $j | cut -d '.' -f1`
+ echo "**** $LANG"
+
+ # Creates the article directory
+ if [[ ! -d ../../../data/pages/$LANG/book/$i ]]
+ then
+ echo "Create the book directory for $i in $LANG"
+ mkdir ../../../data/pages/$LANG/book/$i
+ fi
+
+ # Creates the index file
+ echo "Regenerate the index file for $i in $LANG"
+ INDEX="../../../data/pages/$LANG/book/$i/index.txt"
+ head -n1 $LANG.txt > $INDEX
+ echo "" >> $INDEX
+ cat index >> $INDEX
+ cat $LANG.notes | sed s/\*/\ \ \*/ >> $LANG.notes.tmp
+ line=`grep -n -m 1 LANG_comments $INDEX |sed 's/\([0-9]*\).*/\1/'`
+ sed -i "${line}r $LANG.notes.tmp" $INDEX
+ rm $LANG.notes.tmp
+ echo "" >> $INDEX
+ echo "~~NOTOC~~" >> $INDEX
+
+ # Creates the link to the text in the specific language
+ cd ../../../data/pages/$LANG/book/$i
+ if [[ ! -f text.txt ]]
+ then
+ ln -s ../../../../../contents/books/$i$LANG.txt text.txt
+ fi
+ echo ""
+ cd -
+ done
+
+
+
+
+ cd ..
+ echo ""
+done
diff --git a/data/pages/en/book/conviviality/en.txt b/contents/books/conviviality/en.txt
index a7b0216..a7b0216 100644
--- a/data/pages/en/book/conviviality/en.txt
+++ b/contents/books/conviviality/en.txt
diff --git a/contents/books/conviviality/es.notes b/contents/books/conviviality/es.notes
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..701d326
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/books/conviviality/es.notes
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+* Traducción directa de la versión francesa, _"La convivialité"_
diff --git a/data/pages/es/book/conviviality/es.txt b/contents/books/conviviality/es.txt
index 92078b4..92078b4 100644
--- a/data/pages/es/book/conviviality/es.txt
+++ b/contents/books/conviviality/es.txt
diff --git a/data/pages/fr/book/conviviality/fr.txt b/contents/books/conviviality/fr.txt
index a180063..a180063 100644
--- a/data/pages/fr/book/conviviality/fr.txt
+++ b/contents/books/conviviality/fr.txt
diff --git a/contents/books/conviviality/index b/contents/books/conviviality/index
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..0c28951
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/books/conviviality/index
@@ -0,0 +1,6 @@
+* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]]
+* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Tools for Conviviality_
+* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1973
+* **#@LANG_comments@#:**
+
+{{tag>available}}
diff --git a/data/pages/en/book/deschooling/en.txt b/contents/books/deschooling/en.txt
index d0dbddf..d0dbddf 100644
--- a/data/pages/en/book/deschooling/en.txt
+++ b/contents/books/deschooling/en.txt
diff --git a/contents/books/deschooling/es.notes b/contents/books/deschooling/es.notes
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..ed48399
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/books/deschooling/es.notes
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+* fue publicado por vez primera en Harper and Row Publishers Inc., Nueva York, en 1970, bajo el título de _"Deschooling society"_. La primera traducción al esp añol la publicó Barral Editores, Barcelona, España, en 1970; una nueva edición apareció bajo el sello de la Editorial Posada en 1978 y otra más bajo el de Joaquín Mortiz/Planeta en j ulio de 1985. Para la edición del FCE de 2006 se utilizó esta última, traducida por Gerardo Espinoza y revisada contra los originales por Javier Sicilia. El apéndice que aparece en l a edición del FCE no apareció en las anteriores ediciones en español. Se tomó de la edición de Fayard, _Oeuvres complètes_, vol. I, Francia, diciembre de 2003; la traducción es de Javier Sicilia.
diff --git a/data/pages/es/book/deschooling/es.txt b/contents/books/deschooling/es.txt
index 3d2c00d..3d2c00d 100644
--- a/data/pages/es/book/deschooling/es.txt
+++ b/contents/books/deschooling/es.txt
diff --git a/contents/books/deschooling/index b/contents/books/deschooling/index
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..a0180b4
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/books/deschooling/index
@@ -0,0 +1,6 @@
+* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]]
+* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Deschooling Society_
+* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1970
+* **#@LANG_comments@#:** ...
+
+{{tag>available}}
diff --git a/contents/books/energy/en.notes b/contents/books/energy/en.notes
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..28eb43f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/books/energy/en.notes
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+* It was first written in French and published in Le Monde in May 1973 in three instalments. Developed and rewritten, with the help of Luce Giard and Vincent Bardet, it was the subject of a first edition in French in 1975, under the Éditions du Seuil. A longer and more detailed English version was established on this complete and enriched plot of works conducted at the CIDOC of Cuernavaca.
diff --git a/data/pages/en/book/energy/en.txt b/contents/books/energy/en.txt
index b63f167..99c00ff 100644
--- a/data/pages/en/book/energy/en.txt
+++ b/contents/books/energy/en.txt
@@ -1,12 +1,12 @@
-# Energy and equity
+# Energy and Equity
## Foreword
-This essay is my summary of the discussions which took place in the course of two sessions--one in English, the other in Spanish--of a seminar that met at the Center for Intercultural Documentation (CIDOC) in Cuernavaca, Mexico. I am grateful to my colleagues who contributed ideas, facts and criticism. Copies of the working papers of our ongoing seminar on the history of thermodynamics as applied to transportation can be obtained from Isaac Rogel, CIDOC Librarian, Apdo. 479, Cuernavaca, Mor., Mexico. I owe special thanks to Dennis Sullivan for his editorial assistance on this essay.
+This essay is my summary of the discussions which took place in the course of two sessions--one in English, the other in Spanish--of a seminar that met at the Center for Intercultural Documentation (CIDOC) in Cuernavaca, Mexico. I am grateful to my colleagues who contributed ideas, facts and criticism. Copies of the working papers of our ongoing seminar on the history of thermodynamics as applied to transportation can be obtained from Isaac Rogel, CIDOC Librarian, Apdo. 479, Cuernavaca, Mor., Mexico. I owe special thanks to Dennis Sullivan for his editorial assistance on this essay.
-The seminar on traffic was one of the preparatory meetings for a consultation which Valentina Borremans is now organizing at CIDOC for 1975-76\. The consultation will focus on the interlocking structure by which medical, legal, educational and energy-intensive agencies (such as those which produce transportation and housing) impose their paralysing monopoly on contemporary society. Although the context of our discussion is Latin America, its theme is pertinent to other regions.
+The seminar on traffic was one of the preparatory meetings for a consultation which Valentina Borremans is now organizing at CIDOC for 1975-76\. The consultation will focus on the interlocking structure by which medical, legal, educational and energy-intensive agencies (such as those which produce transportation and housing) impose their paralysing monopoly on contemporary society. Although the context of our discussion is Latin America, its theme is pertinent to other regions.
-During the next thirty months, the consultation ought to generate several more short working papers which are of general interest even though they are only vulnerable ideas in progress and in search of critique. Such essays cannot await the permanence of the book. They do not belong in the learned journal. They resist packaging in periodicals. The monopoly of publishers over the printed word too often pushes the tract into the mimeograph’s limbo or seduces the author to reshape his text to fit the available vehicles. To break this monopoly Marion Boyars has shaped the format of this series, and Dennis Sullivan has offered to edit and submit to her what our consultation might produce.
+During the next thirty months, the consultation ought to generate several more short working papers which are of general interest even though they are only vulnerable ideas in progress and in search of critique. Such essays cannot await the permanence of the book. They do not belong in the learned journal. They resist packaging in periodicals. The monopoly of publishers over the printed word too often pushes the tract into the mimeograph’s limbo or seduces the author to reshape his text to fit the available vehicles. To break this monopoly Marion Boyars has shaped the format of this series, and Dennis Sullivan has offered to edit and submit to her what our consultation might produce.
> El socialismo puede llegar solo en bicicleta
@@ -14,402 +14,402 @@ José Antonio Viera-Gallo, Assistant Secretary of Justice in the Government of S
## The energy crisis
-It has recently become fashionable to insist on an impending energy crisis. This euphemistic term conceals a contradiction and consecrates an illusion. It masks the contradiction implicit in the joint pursuit of equity and industrial growth. It safeguards the illusion that machine power can indefinitely take the place of manpower. To face this contradiction and betray this illusion, it is urgent to clarify the reality that the language of crisis obscures: high quanta of energy degrade social relations just as inevitably as they destroy the physical milieu.
+It has recently become fashionable to insist on an impending energy crisis. This euphemistic term conceals a contradiction and consecrates an illusion. It masks the contradiction implicit in the joint pursuit of equity and industrial growth. It safeguards the illusion that machine power can indefinitely take the place of manpower. To face this contradiction and betray this illusion, it is urgent to clarify the reality that the language of crisis obscures: high quanta of energy degrade social relations just as inevitably as they destroy the physical milieu.
-The proponents of an energy crisis confirm and continue to propagate a peculiar vision of man. According to this notion, man is born into prolonged dependence on slaves which he must painfully learn to master. If he does not employ prisoners, then he needs motors to do most of his work. According to this doctrine, the well-being of a society can be measured by the number of years its members have gone to school and by the number of energy slaves they have thereby learned to command. This belief is common to the conflicting economic ideologies now in vogue. It is threatened by the obvious inequity, harriedness and impotence that appear everywhere once the voracious hordes of energy slaves outnumber people by a certain proportion. The energy crisis focuses concern on the scarcity of fodder for these slaves. I prefer to ask whether free men need them.
+The proponents of an energy crisis confirm and continue to propagate a peculiar vision of man. According to this notion, man is born into prolonged dependence on slaves which he must painfully learn to master. If he does not employ prisoners, then he needs motors to do most of his work. According to this doctrine, the well-being of a society can be measured by the number of years its members have gone to school and by the number of energy slaves they have thereby learned to command. This belief is common to the conflicting economic ideologies now in vogue. It is threatened by the obvious inequity, harriedness and impotence that appear everywhere once the voracious hordes of energy slaves outnumber people by a certain proportion. The energy crisis focuses concern on the scarcity of fodder for these slaves. I prefer to ask whether free men need them.
-The energy policies adopted during the current decade will determine the range of social relationships a society will be able to enjoy by the year 2000. A low energy policy allows for a wide choice of life styles and cultures. If, on the other hand, a society opts for high energy consumption, its social relations must be dictated by technocracy and will be equally distasteful whether labelled capitalist or socialist.
+The energy policies adopted during the current decade will determine the range of social relationships a society will be able to enjoy by the year 2000. A low energy policy allows for a wide choice of life styles and cultures. If, on the other hand, a society opts for high energy consumption, its social relations must be dictated by technocracy and will be equally distasteful whether labelled capitalist or socialist.
-At this moment, most societies--especially the poor ones--are still free to set their energy policies by any of three guidelines. Well-being can be identified with high amounts of per capita energy use, with high efficiency of energy transformation, or with the least possible use of mechanical energy by the most powerful member of society. The first approach would stress tight management of scarce and destructive fuels on behalf of industry, whereas the second would emphasize the retooling of industry in the interest of thermodynamic thrift. Both attitudes necessarily imply huge public expenditures and increased social control; both rationalize the emergence of a computerized Leviathan, and both are at present widely discussed.
+At this moment, most societies--especially the poor ones--are still free to set their energy policies by any of three guidelines. Well-being can be identified with high amounts of per capita energy use, with high efficiency of energy transformation, or with the least possible use of mechanical energy by the most powerful member of society. The first approach would stress tight management of scarce and destructive fuels on behalf of industry, whereas the second would emphasize the retooling of industry in the interest of thermodynamic thrift. Both attitudes necessarily imply huge public expenditures and increased social control; both rationalize the emergence of a computerized Leviathan, and both are at present widely discussed.
-The possibility of a third option is barely noticed. While people have begun to accept ecological limits on maximum per capita energy use as a condition for physical survival, they do not yet think about the use of minimum feasible power as the foundation of any of various social orders that would be both modern and desirable. Yet only a ceiling on energy use can lead to social relations that are characterized by high levels of equity. The one option that is presently neglected is the only choice within the reach of all nations. It is also the only strategy by which a political process can be used to set limits on the power of even the most motorized bureaucrat. Participatory democracy postulates low energy technology. Only participatory democracy creates the conditions for rational technology.
+The possibility of a third option is barely noticed. While people have begun to accept ecological limits on maximum per capita energy use as a condition for physical survival, they do not yet think about the use of minimum feasible power as the foundation of any of various social orders that would be both modern and desirable. Yet only a ceiling on energy use can lead to social relations that are characterized by high levels of equity. The one option that is presently neglected is the only choice within the reach of all nations. It is also the only strategy by which a political process can be used to set limits on the power of even the most motorized bureaucrat. Participatory democracy postulates low energy technology. Only participatory democracy creates the conditions for rational technology.
-What is generally overlooked is that equity and energy can grow concurrently only to a point. Below a threshold of per capita wattage, motors improve the conditions for social progress. Above this threshold, energy grows at the expense of equity. Further energy affluence then means decreased distribution of control over that energy.
+What is generally overlooked is that equity and energy can grow concurrently only to a point. Below a threshold of per capita wattage, motors improve the conditions for social progress. Above this threshold, energy grows at the expense of equity. Further energy affluence then means decreased distribution of control over that energy.
-The widespread belief that clean and abundant energy is the panacea for social ills is due to a political fallacy, according to which equity and energy consumption can be indefinitely correlated, at least under some ideal political conditions. Labouring under this illusion, we tend to discount any social limit on the growth of energy consumption. But if ecologists are right to assert that non-metabolic power pollutes, it is in fact just as inevitable that, beyond a certain threshold, mechanical power corrupts. The threshold of social disintegration by high energy quanta is independent from the threshold at which energy conversion produces physical destruction. Expressed in horsepower, it is undoubtedly lower. This is the fact which must be theoretically recognized before a political issue can be made of the per capita wattage to which a society will limit its members.
+The widespread belief that clean and abundant energy is the panacea for social ills is due to a political fallacy, according to which equity and energy consumption can be indefinitely correlated, at least under some ideal political conditions. Labouring under this illusion, we tend to discount any social limit on the growth of energy consumption. But if ecologists are right to assert that non-metabolic power pollutes, it is in fact just as inevitable that, beyond a certain threshold, mechanical power corrupts. The threshold of social disintegration by high energy quanta is independent from the threshold at which energy conversion produces physical destruction. Expressed in horsepower, it is undoubtedly lower. This is the fact which must be theoretically recognized before a political issue can be made of the per capita wattage to which a society will limit its members.
-Even if non-polluting power were feasible and abundant, the use of energy on a massive scale acts on society like a drug that is physically harmless but psychically enslaving. A community can choose between Methadone and ‘cold turkey’--between maintaining its addiction to alien energy and kicking it in painful cramps--but no society can have a population that is at once autonomously active and hooked on progressively larger numbers of energy slaves.
+Even if non-polluting power were feasible and abundant, the use of energy on a massive scale acts on society like a drug that is physically harmless but psychically enslaving. A community can choose between Methadone and ‘cold turkey’--between maintaining its addiction to alien energy and kicking it in painful cramps--but no society can have a population that is at once autonomously active and hooked on progressively larger numbers of energy slaves.
-In previous discussions, I have shown that, beyond a certain level of GNP, the cost of social control must rise faster than total output and become the major institutional activity within an economy. Therapy administered by educators, psychiatrists and social workers must converge with the designs of planners, managers and salesmen, and complement the services of security agencies, the military and the police. I now want to indicate one reason why increased affluence requires increased control over personnel. I argue that beyond a certain median per capita energy level, the political system and cultural context of any society must decay. Once the critical quantum of per capita energy is surpassed, education for the abstract goals of a bureaucracy must supplant the legal guarantees of personal and concrete initiative. This quantum is the limit of social order.
+In previous discussions, I have shown that, beyond a certain level of GNP, the cost of social control must rise faster than total output and become the major institutional activity within an economy. Therapy administered by educators, psychiatrists and social workers must converge with the designs of planners, managers and salesmen, and complement the services of security agencies, the military and the police. I now want to indicate one reason why increased affluence requires increased control over personnel. I argue that beyond a certain median per capita energy level, the political system and cultural context of any society must decay. Once the critical quantum of per capita energy is surpassed, education for the abstract goals of a bureaucracy must supplant the legal guarantees of personal and concrete initiative. This quantum is the limit of social order.
-I will argue here that technocracy must prevail as soon as the ratio of mechanical power and metabolic energy oversteps a definite, identifiable threshold. The order of magnitude within which this threshold lies is largely independent from the level of technology applied, yet its very existence has slipped into the blindspot of social imagination in both rich and medium rich countries. Both the United States and Mexico have passed the critical divide. In both countries, further energy inputs increase inequality, inefficiency and personal impotence. Although one country has a per capita income of $500 and the other of nearly $5,000, huge vested interest in an industrial infrastructure prods both of them to further escalate the use of energy. As a result, both North American and Mexican ideologues put the label of ‘energy crisis’ on their frustration, and both countries are blinded to the fact that the threat of social breakdown is due neither to a shortage of fuel, nor to the wasteful, polluting and irrational use of available wattage, but to the attempt of industries to gorge society with energy quanta that inevitably degrade, deprive and frustrate most people.
+I will argue here that technocracy must prevail as soon as the ratio of mechanical power and metabolic energy oversteps a definite, identifiable threshold. The order of magnitude within which this threshold lies is largely independent from the level of technology applied, yet its very existence has slipped into the blindspot of social imagination in both rich and medium rich countries. Both the United States and Mexico have passed the critical divide. In both countries, further energy inputs increase inequality, inefficiency and personal impotence. Although one country has a per capita income of $500 and the other of nearly $5,000, huge vested interest in an industrial infrastructure prods both of them to further escalate the use of energy. As a result, both North American and Mexican ideologues put the label of ‘energy crisis’ on their frustration, and both countries are blinded to the fact that the threat of social breakdown is due neither to a shortage of fuel, nor to the wasteful, polluting and irrational use of available wattage, but to the attempt of industries to gorge society with energy quanta that inevitably degrade, deprive and frustrate most people.
-A people can be just as dangerously overpowered by the wattage of its tools as by the caloric content of its foods, but it is much harder to confess to a national overindulgence in wattage than to a sickening diet. The per capita wattage that is critical for social well-being lies within an order of magnitude which is far above the horsepower known to four-fifths of humanity and far below the power commanded by any Volkswagen driver. It eludes the underconsumer and the overconsumer alike. Neither is willing to face the facts. For the primitive, the elimination of slavery and drudgery depends on the introduction of appropriate modern technology, and for the rich, the avoidance of an even more horrible degradation depends on the effective recognition of a threshold in energy consumption beyond which technical processes begin to dictate social relations. Calories are both biologically and socially healthy only as long as they stay within the narrow range that separates enough from too much.
+A people can be just as dangerously overpowered by the wattage of its tools as by the caloric content of its foods, but it is much harder to confess to a national overindulgence in wattage than to a sickening diet. The per capita wattage that is critical for social well-being lies within an order of magnitude which is far above the horsepower known to four-fifths of humanity and far below the power commanded by any Volkswagen driver. It eludes the underconsumer and the overconsumer alike. Neither is willing to face the facts. For the primitive, the elimination of slavery and drudgery depends on the introduction of appropriate modern technology, and for the rich, the avoidance of an even more horrible degradation depends on the effective recognition of a threshold in energy consumption beyond which technical processes begin to dictate social relations. Calories are both biologically and socially healthy only as long as they stay within the narrow range that separates enough from too much.
-The so-called energy crisis is, then, a politically ambiguous issue. Public interest in the quantity of power and in the distribution of controls over the use of energy can lead in two opposite directions. On the one hand, questions can be posed that would open the way to political reconstruction by unblocking the search for a post-industrial, labour-intensive, low energy and high equity economy. On the other hand, hysterical concern with machine fodder can reinforce the present escalation of capital-intensive institutional growth, and carry us past the last turnoff from a hyper-industrial Armageddon. Political reconstruction presupposes the recognition of the fact that there exist _critical_ _per_ _capita_ _quanta_ beyond which energy can no longer be controlled by political process. Social breakdown will be the inevitable outcome of ecological restraints on _total_ _energy_ _use_ imposed by industrially-minded planners bent on keeping industrial production at some hypothetical maximum.
+The so-called energy crisis is, then, a politically ambiguous issue. Public interest in the quantity of power and in the distribution of controls over the use of energy can lead in two opposite directions. On the one hand, questions can be posed that would open the way to political reconstruction by unblocking the search for a post-industrial, labour-intensive, low energy and high equity economy. On the other hand, hysterical concern with machine fodder can reinforce the present escalation of capital-intensive institutional growth, and carry us past the last turnoff from a hyper-industrial Armageddon. Political reconstruction presupposes the recognition of the fact that there exist _critical_ _per_ _capita_ _quanta_ beyond which energy can no longer be controlled by political process. Social breakdown will be the inevitable outcome of ecological restraints on _total_ _energy_ _use_ imposed by industrially-minded planners bent on keeping industrial production at some hypothetical maximum.
-Rich countries like the United States, Japan or France might never reach the point of choking in their own waste, but only because their societies will have already collapsed into a socio-cultural energy coma. Countries like India, Burma and, for another short while at least, China, are in the inverse position of being still muscle-powered enough to stop short of an energy stroke. They could choose, right now, to stay within those limits to which the rich will be forced back at an enormous loss in their vested interest.
+Rich countries like the United States, Japan or France might never reach the point of choking in their own waste, but only because their societies will have already collapsed into a socio-cultural energy coma. Countries like India, Burma and, for another short while at least, China, are in the inverse position of being still muscle-powered enough to stop short of an energy stroke. They could choose, right now, to stay within those limits to which the rich will be forced back at an enormous loss in their vested interest.
-The choice of a minimum energy economy compels the poor to abandon distant expectations and the rich to recognize their vested interest as a ghastly liability. Both must reject the fatal image of man the slaveholder currently promoted by an ideologically stimulated hunger for more energy. In countries that were made affluent by industrial development, the energy crisis serves as a whip to raise the taxes which will be needed to substitute new, more sober and socially more deadly industrial processes for those that have been rendered obsolete by inefficient overexpansion. For the leaders of people who have been disowned by the same process of industrialization, the energy crisis serves as an alibi to centralize production, pollution and its control in a last-ditch effort to catch up with the more highly powered. By exporting their crisis and by preaching the new gospel of Puritan energy worship, the rich do even more damage to the poor than they did by selling them the products of now outdated factories. As soon as a poor country accepts the doctrine that more energy more carefully managed will always yield more goods for more people, that country is hooked into the race for enslavement to maximum industrial outputs. Inevitably the poor abandon the option for rational technology when they choose to modernize their poverty by increasing their dependence on energy. Inevitably the poor reject the possibility of liberating technology and participatory politics when, together with maximum feasible energy use, they accept maximum feasible social control.
+The choice of a minimum energy economy compels the poor to abandon distant expectations and the rich to recognize their vested interest as a ghastly liability. Both must reject the fatal image of man the slaveholder currently promoted by an ideologically stimulated hunger for more energy. In countries that were made affluent by industrial development, the energy crisis serves as a whip to raise the taxes which will be needed to substitute new, more sober and socially more deadly industrial processes for those that have been rendered obsolete by inefficient overexpansion. For the leaders of people who have been disowned by the same process of industrialization, the energy crisis serves as an alibi to centralize production, pollution and its control in a last-ditch effort to catch up with the more highly powered. By exporting their crisis and by preaching the new gospel of Puritan energy worship, the rich do even more damage to the poor than they did by selling them the products of now outdated factories. As soon as a poor country accepts the doctrine that more energy more carefully managed will always yield more goods for more people, that country is hooked into the race for enslavement to maximum industrial outputs. Inevitably the poor abandon the option for rational technology when they choose to modernize their poverty by increasing their dependence on energy. Inevitably the poor reject the possibility of liberating technology and participatory politics when, together with maximum feasible energy use, they accept maximum feasible social control.
-The energy crisis cannot be overwhelmed by more energy inputs. It can only be dissolved, along with the illusion that well-being depends on the number of energy slaves a man has at his command. For this purpose, it is necessary to identify the thresholds beyond which power corrupts, and to do so by a political process that associates the community in the search for limits. Because this kind of research runs counter to that now done by experts and for institutions, I shall call it counterfoil research. It has three steps. First, the need for limits on the per capita use of energy must be theoretically recognized as a social imperative. Then, the range must be located wherein the critical magnitude might be found. Finally, each community has to identify the levels of inequity, harrying and operant conditioning that its members are willing to accept in exchange for the satisfaction that comes of idolizing powerful devices and joining in rituals directed by the professionals who control their operation.
+The energy crisis cannot be overwhelmed by more energy inputs. It can only be dissolved, along with the illusion that well-being depends on the number of energy slaves a man has at his command. For this purpose, it is necessary to identify the thresholds beyond which power corrupts, and to do so by a political process that associates the community in the search for limits. Because this kind of research runs counter to that now done by experts and for institutions, I shall call it counterfoil research. It has three steps. First, the need for limits on the per capita use of energy must be theoretically recognized as a social imperative. Then, the range must be located wherein the critical magnitude might be found. Finally, each community has to identify the levels of inequity, harrying and operant conditioning that its members are willing to accept in exchange for the satisfaction that comes of idolizing powerful devices and joining in rituals directed by the professionals who control their operation.
-The need for political research on socially optimal energy quanta can be clearly and concisely illustrated by an examination of modern traffic. The United States puts 45 per cent of its total energy into vehicles: to make them, run them and clear a right of way for them when they roll, when they fly and when they park. Most of this energy is to move people who have been strapped into place. For the sole purpose of transporting people, 250 million Americans allocate more fuel than is used by 1,300 million Chinese and Indians for all purposes. Almost all of this fuel is burnt in a rain dance of time-consuming acceleration. Poor countries spend less energy per person, but the percentage of total energy devoted to traffic in Mexico or in Peru is greater than in the USA, and it benefits a smaller percentage of the population. The size of this enterprise makes it both easy and significant to demonstrate the existence of socially critical energy quanta by the example of personal carriage.
+The need for political research on socially optimal energy quanta can be clearly and concisely illustrated by an examination of modern traffic. The United States puts 45 per cent of its total energy into vehicles: to make them, run them and clear a right of way for them when they roll, when they fly and when they park. Most of this energy is to move people who have been strapped into place. For the sole purpose of transporting people, 250 million Americans allocate more fuel than is used by 1,300 million Chinese and Indians for all purposes. Almost all of this fuel is burnt in a rain dance of time-consuming acceleration. Poor countries spend less energy per person, but the percentage of total energy devoted to traffic in Mexico or in Peru is greater than in the USA, and it benefits a smaller percentage of the population. The size of this enterprise makes it both easy and significant to demonstrate the existence of socially critical energy quanta by the example of personal carriage.
In traffic, energy used over a specific period of time (power) translates into speed. In this case, the critical quantum will appear as a speed limit. Wherever this limit has been passed, the basic pattern of social degradation by high energy quanta has emerged. Once some public utility went faster than ± 15 mph, equity declined and the scarcity of both time and space increased. Motorized transportation monopolized traffic and blocked self-powered transit. In every Western country, passenger mileage on all types of conveyance increased by a factor of a hundred within fifty years of building the first railroad. When the ratio of their respective power outputs passed beyond a certain value, mechanical transformers of mineral fuels excluded people from the use of their metabolic energy and forced them to become captive consumers of conveyance. This effect of speed on the autonomy of people is only marginally affected by the technological characteristics of the motorized vehicles employed or by the persons or entities who hold the legal titles to airlines, buses, railroads or cars. High speed is the critical factor which makes transportation socially destructive. A true choice among political systems and of desirable social relations is possible only where speed is restrained. Participatory democracy demands low energy technology, and free people must travel the road to productive social relations at the speed of a bicycle.*
-* I speak about traffic for the purpose of illustrating the more general point of socially optimal energy use, and I restrict myself to the locomotion of persons, including their personal baggage and the fuel, materials and equipment used for the vehicle and the road. I purposely abstain from the discussion of two other types of traffic: merchandise and messages. A parallel argument can be made for both, but this would require a different line of reasoning, and I leave it for another occasion.
+* I speak about traffic for the purpose of illustrating the more general point of socially optimal energy use, and I restrict myself to the locomotion of persons, including their personal baggage and the fuel, materials and equipment used for the vehicle and the road. I purposely abstain from the discussion of two other types of traffic: merchandise and messages. A parallel argument can be made for both, but this would require a different line of reasoning, and I leave it for another occasion.
## The industrialization of traffic
-The discussion of how energy is used to move people requires a formal distinction between transport and transit as the two components of traffic. By _traffic_ I mean any movement of people from one place to another when they are outside of their homes. By _transit_ I mean those movements that put human metabolic energy to use, and by _transport_ that mode of movement which relies on other sources of energy. These energy sources will henceforth be mostly motors, since animals compete fiercely with men for their food in an over-populated world, unless they are thistle eaters like donkeys and camels.
+The discussion of how energy is used to move people requires a formal distinction between transport and transit as the two components of traffic. By _traffic_ I mean any movement of people from one place to another when they are outside of their homes. By _transit_ I mean those movements that put human metabolic energy to use, and by _transport_ that mode of movement which relies on other sources of energy. These energy sources will henceforth be mostly motors, since animals compete fiercely with men for their food in an over-populated world, unless they are thistle eaters like donkeys and camels.
-As soon as people become tributaries of transport, not only when they travel for several days, but also on their daily trips, the contradictions between social justice and motorized power, between effective movement and higher speed, between personal freedom and engineered routing, become poignantly-clear. Enforced dependence on auto-mobile machines then denies a community of self-propelled people just those values supposedly procured by improved transportation.
+As soon as people become tributaries of transport, not only when they travel for several days, but also on their daily trips, the contradictions between social justice and motorized power, between effective movement and higher speed, between personal freedom and engineered routing, become poignantly-clear. Enforced dependence on auto-mobile machines then denies a community of self-propelled people just those values supposedly procured by improved transportation.
-People move well on their feet. This primitive means of getting around will, on closer analysis, appear quite effective when compared with the lot of people in modern cities or on industrialized farms. It will appear particularly attractive once it has been understood that modern Americans walk, on the average, as many miles as their ancestors--most of them through tunnels, corridors, parking lots and stores.
+People move well on their feet. This primitive means of getting around will, on closer analysis, appear quite effective when compared with the lot of people in modern cities or on industrialized farms. It will appear particularly attractive once it has been understood that modern Americans walk, on the average, as many miles as their ancestors--most of them through tunnels, corridors, parking lots and stores.
-People on their feet are more or less equal. People solely dependent on their feet move on the spur of the moment, at three to four miles per hour, in any direction and to any place from which they are not legally or physically barred. An improvement on this native degree of mobility by new transport technology should be expected to safeguard these values and to add some new ones, such as greater range, time economies, comfort, or more opportunities for the disabled. So far this is not what has happened. Instead, the growth of the transportation industry has everywhere had the reverse effects. From the moment its machines could put more than a certain horsepower behind any one passenger, this industry has reduced equality among men, restricted their mobility to a system of industrially defined routes and created time scarcity of unprecedented severity. As the speed of their vehicles crosses a threshold, citizens become transportation consumers on the daily loop that brings them back to their home, a circuit which the United States Department of Commerce calls a ‘trip’ as opposed to the ‘travel’ for which Americans leave home equipped with a toothbrush.
+People on their feet are more or less equal. People solely dependent on their feet move on the spur of the moment, at three to four miles per hour, in any direction and to any place from which they are not legally or physically barred. An improvement on this native degree of mobility by new transport technology should be expected to safeguard these values and to add some new ones, such as greater range, time economies, comfort, or more opportunities for the disabled. So far this is not what has happened. Instead, the growth of the transportation industry has everywhere had the reverse effects. From the moment its machines could put more than a certain horsepower behind any one passenger, this industry has reduced equality among men, restricted their mobility to a system of industrially defined routes and created time scarcity of unprecedented severity. As the speed of their vehicles crosses a threshold, citizens become transportation consumers on the daily loop that brings them back to their home, a circuit which the United States Department of Commerce calls a ‘trip’ as opposed to the ‘travel’ for which Americans leave home equipped with a toothbrush.
-More energy fed into the transportation system means that more people move faster over a greater range in the course of every day. Everybody’s daily radius expands at the expense of being able to drop in on an acquaintance or walk through the park on the way to work. Extremes of privilege are created at the cost of universal enslavement. An elite packs unlimited distance into a lifetime of pampered travel, while the majority spend a bigger slice of their existence on unwanted trips. The few mount their magic carpets to travel between distant points that their ephemeral presence renders both scarce and seductive, while the many are compelled to trip further and faster and to spend more time preparing for and recovering from their trips.
+More energy fed into the transportation system means that more people move faster over a greater range in the course of every day. Everybody’s daily radius expands at the expense of being able to drop in on an acquaintance or walk through the park on the way to work. Extremes of privilege are created at the cost of universal enslavement. An elite packs unlimited distance into a lifetime of pampered travel, while the majority spend a bigger slice of their existence on unwanted trips. The few mount their magic carpets to travel between distant points that their ephemeral presence renders both scarce and seductive, while the many are compelled to trip further and faster and to spend more time preparing for and recovering from their trips.
-In the United States, four-fifths of all man-hours on the road are those of commuters and shoppers who hardly ever get into a plane, while four-fifths of the mileage flown to conventions and resorts is covered year after year by the same one and a half per cent of the population, usually those who are either well-to-do or professionally trained to do good. The speedier the vehicle, the larger the subsidy it gets from regressive taxation. Barely 0·2 per cent of the entire US population can engage in self-chosen air travel more than once a year, and few other countries can support a jet set which is that large.
+In the United States, four-fifths of all man-hours on the road are those of commuters and shoppers who hardly ever get into a plane, while four-fifths of the mileage flown to conventions and resorts is covered year after year by the same one and a half per cent of the population, usually those who are either well-to-do or professionally trained to do good. The speedier the vehicle, the larger the subsidy it gets from regressive taxation. Barely 0·2 per cent of the entire US population can engage in self-chosen air travel more than once a year, and few other countries can support a jet set which is that large.
-The captive tripper and the reckless traveller become equally dependent on transport. Neither can do without it. Occasional spurts to Acapulco or to a Party Congress dupe the ordinary passenger into believing that he has made it into the shrunk world of the powerfully rushed. The occasional chance to spend a few hours strapped into a high-powered seat makes him an accomplice in the distortion of human space, and prompts him to consent to the design of his country’s geography around vehicles rather than around people. Man has evolved physically and culturally together with his cosmic niche. What for animals is their environment he has learned to make into his home. His self-image requires as its complement a life-space and a life-time integrated by the pace at which he moves. If that relationship is determined by the velocity of vehicles rather than by the movement of people, man the architect is reduced to the status of a mere commuter.
+The captive tripper and the reckless traveller become equally dependent on transport. Neither can do without it. Occasional spurts to Acapulco or to a Party Congress dupe the ordinary passenger into believing that he has made it into the shrunk world of the powerfully rushed. The occasional chance to spend a few hours strapped into a high-powered seat makes him an accomplice in the distortion of human space, and prompts him to consent to the design of his country’s geography around vehicles rather than around people. Man has evolved physically and culturally together with his cosmic niche. What for animals is their environment he has learned to make into his home. His self-image requires as its complement a life-space and a life-time integrated by the pace at which he moves. If that relationship is determined by the velocity of vehicles rather than by the movement of people, man the architect is reduced to the status of a mere commuter.
-The typical American male devotes more than 1,600 hours a year to his car. He sits in it while it goes and while it stands idling. He parks it and searches for it. He earns the money to put down on it and to meet the monthly instalments. He works to pay for petrol, tolls, insurance, taxes and tickets. He spends four of his sixteen waking hours on the road or gathering his resources for it. And this figure does not take into account the time consumed by other activities dictated by transport: time spent in hospitals, traffic courts and garages; time spent watching automobile commercials or attending consumer education meetings to improve the quality of the next buy. The model American puts in 1,600 hours to get 7,500 miles: less than five miles per hour. In countries deprived of a transportation industry, people manage to do the same, walking wherever they want to go, and they allocate only three to eight per cent of their society’s time budget to traffic instead of 28 per cent. What distinguishes the traffic in rich countries from the traffic in poor countries is not more mileage per hour of life-time for the majority, but more hours of compulsory consumption of high doses of energy, packaged and unequally distributed by the transportation industry.
+The typical American male devotes more than 1,600 hours a year to his car. He sits in it while it goes and while it stands idling. He parks it and searches for it. He earns the money to put down on it and to meet the monthly instalments. He works to pay for petrol, tolls, insurance, taxes and tickets. He spends four of his sixteen waking hours on the road or gathering his resources for it. And this figure does not take into account the time consumed by other activities dictated by transport: time spent in hospitals, traffic courts and garages; time spent watching automobile commercials or attending consumer education meetings to improve the quality of the next buy. The model American puts in 1,600 hours to get 7,500 miles: less than five miles per hour. In countries deprived of a transportation industry, people manage to do the same, walking wherever they want to go, and they allocate only three to eight per cent of their society’s time budget to traffic instead of 28 per cent. What distinguishes the traffic in rich countries from the traffic in poor countries is not more mileage per hour of life-time for the majority, but more hours of compulsory consumption of high doses of energy, packaged and unequally distributed by the transportation industry.
## Speed stunned imagination
-PAST a certain threshold of energy consumption, the transportation industry dictates the configuration of social space. Motorways expand, driving wedges between neighbours and removing fields beyond the distance a farmer can walk. Ambulances take clinics beyond the few miles a sick child can be carried. The doctor will no longer come to the house, because vehicles have made the hospital into the right place to be sick. Once heavy lorries reach a village high in the Andes, part of the local market disappears. Later, when the high school arrives at the plaza along with the paved highway, more and more of the young people move to the city, until not one family is left which does not long for a reunion with someone hundreds of miles away, down on the coast.
+PAST a certain threshold of energy consumption, the transportation industry dictates the configuration of social space. Motorways expand, driving wedges between neighbours and removing fields beyond the distance a farmer can walk. Ambulances take clinics beyond the few miles a sick child can be carried. The doctor will no longer come to the house, because vehicles have made the hospital into the right place to be sick. Once heavy lorries reach a village high in the Andes, part of the local market disappears. Later, when the high school arrives at the plaza along with the paved highway, more and more of the young people move to the city, until not one family is left which does not long for a reunion with someone hundreds of miles away, down on the coast.
-Equal speeds have equally distorting effects on the perception of space, time and personal potency in rich and in poor countries, however different the surface appearances might be. Everywhere, the transportation industry shapes a new kind of man to fit the new geography and the new schedules of its making. The major difference between Guatemala and Kansas is that in Central America some people are still exempt from all contact with vehicles and are, therefore, still not degraded by their dependence on them.
+Equal speeds have equally distorting effects on the perception of space, time and personal potency in rich and in poor countries, however different the surface appearances might be. Everywhere, the transportation industry shapes a new kind of man to fit the new geography and the new schedules of its making. The major difference between Guatemala and Kansas is that in Central America some people are still exempt from all contact with vehicles and are, therefore, still not degraded by their dependence on them.
-The product of the transportation industry is the habitual passenger. He has been boosted out of the world in which people still move on their own, and he has lost the sense that he stands at the centre of his world. The habitual passenger is conscious of the exasperating time scarcity that results from daily recourse to the cars, trains, buses, undergrounds and lifts that force him to cover an average of twenty miles each day, frequently crossing his path within a radius of less than five miles. He has been lifted off his feet. No matter if he goes by underground or jetplane he feels slower and poorer than someone else and resents the shortcuts taken by the priviledged few who can escape the frustrations of traffic. If he is cramped by the timetable of his commuter train, he dreams of a car. If he is exhausted by the rush hour, he envies the speed capitalist who drives against the traffic. If he must pay for his car out of his own pocket, he knows full well that the commanders of corporate fleets send the fuel bill to the company and write off the rented car as a business expense. The habitual passenger is caught at the wrong end of growing inequality, time scarcity and personal impotence, but he can see no way out of this bind except to demand more of the same: more traffic by transport. He stands in wait of technical changes in the design of vehicles, roads and schedules; or else he expects a revolution to produce mass rapid transport under public control. In neither case does he calculate the price of being hauled into a better future. He forgets that he is the one who will pay the bill, either in fares or in taxes. He overlooks the hidden costs of replacing private cars with equally rapid public transport.
+The product of the transportation industry is the habitual passenger. He has been boosted out of the world in which people still move on their own, and he has lost the sense that he stands at the centre of his world. The habitual passenger is conscious of the exasperating time scarcity that results from daily recourse to the cars, trains, buses, undergrounds and lifts that force him to cover an average of twenty miles each day, frequently crossing his path within a radius of less than five miles. He has been lifted off his feet. No matter if he goes by underground or jetplane he feels slower and poorer than someone else and resents the shortcuts taken by the priviledged few who can escape the frustrations of traffic. If he is cramped by the timetable of his commuter train, he dreams of a car. If he is exhausted by the rush hour, he envies the speed capitalist who drives against the traffic. If he must pay for his car out of his own pocket, he knows full well that the commanders of corporate fleets send the fuel bill to the company and write off the rented car as a business expense. The habitual passenger is caught at the wrong end of growing inequality, time scarcity and personal impotence, but he can see no way out of this bind except to demand more of the same: more traffic by transport. He stands in wait of technical changes in the design of vehicles, roads and schedules; or else he expects a revolution to produce mass rapid transport under public control. In neither case does he calculate the price of being hauled into a better future. He forgets that he is the one who will pay the bill, either in fares or in taxes. He overlooks the hidden costs of replacing private cars with equally rapid public transport.
-The habitual passenger cannot grasp the folly of traffic based overwhelmingly on transport. His inherited perceptions of space and time and of personal pace have been industrially deformed. He has lost the power to conceive of himself outside of the passenger role. Addicted to being carried along, he has lost control over the physical, social and psychic powers that reside in man’s feet. The passenger has come to identify territory with the untouchable landscape through which he is rushed. He has become impotent to establish his domain, mark it with his imprint and assert his sovereignty over it. He has lost confidence in his power to admit others into his presence and to share space consciously with them. He can no longer face the remote by himself. Left on his own, he feels immobile.
+The habitual passenger cannot grasp the folly of traffic based overwhelmingly on transport. His inherited perceptions of space and time and of personal pace have been industrially deformed. He has lost the power to conceive of himself outside of the passenger role. Addicted to being carried along, he has lost control over the physical, social and psychic powers that reside in man’s feet. The passenger has come to identify territory with the untouchable landscape through which he is rushed. He has become impotent to establish his domain, mark it with his imprint and assert his sovereignty over it. He has lost confidence in his power to admit others into his presence and to share space consciously with them. He can no longer face the remote by himself. Left on his own, he feels immobile.
-The habitual passenger must adopt a new set of beliefs and expectations if he is to feel secure in the strange world where both liaisons and loneliness are products of conveyance. To ‘gather’ for him means to be brought together by vehicles. He comes to believe that political power grows out of the capacity of a transportation system, and in its absence is the result of access to the television screen. He takes freedom of movement to be the same as one’s claim on propulsion. He believes that the level of democratic process correlates to the power of transportation and communications systems. He has lost faith in the political power of the feet and of the tongue. As a result, what he wants is not more liberty as a citizen but better service as a client. He does not insist on his freedom to move and to speak to people but on his claim to be shipped and to be informed by media. He wants a better product rather than freedom from servitude to it. It is vital that he come to see that the acceleration he demands is self-defeating, and that it must result in a further decline of equity, leisure and autonomy.
+The habitual passenger must adopt a new set of beliefs and expectations if he is to feel secure in the strange world where both liaisons and loneliness are products of conveyance. To ‘gather’ for him means to be brought together by vehicles. He comes to believe that political power grows out of the capacity of a transportation system, and in its absence is the result of access to the television screen. He takes freedom of movement to be the same as one’s claim on propulsion. He believes that the level of democratic process correlates to the power of transportation and communications systems. He has lost faith in the political power of the feet and of the tongue. As a result, what he wants is not more liberty as a citizen but better service as a client. He does not insist on his freedom to move and to speak to people but on his claim to be shipped and to be informed by media. He wants a better product rather than freedom from servitude to it. It is vital that he come to see that the acceleration he demands is self-defeating, and that it must result in a further decline of equity, leisure and autonomy.
## Net transfer of lifetime
-UNCHECKED speed is expensive and progressively fewer can afford it. Each increment in the velocity of a vehicle results in an increase in the cost of propulsion, track-construction and--most dramatically--in the space the vehicle devours while it is on the move. Past a certain threshold of energy consumption for the fastest passenger, a worldwide class structure of speed capitalists is created. The exchange value of time becomes dominant, and this is reflected in language: time is spent, saved, invested, wasted and employed. As societies put price tags on time, equity and vehicular speed correlate inversely.
+UNCHECKED speed is expensive and progressively fewer can afford it. Each increment in the velocity of a vehicle results in an increase in the cost of propulsion, track-construction and--most dramatically--in the space the vehicle devours while it is on the move. Past a certain threshold of energy consumption for the fastest passenger, a worldwide class structure of speed capitalists is created. The exchange value of time becomes dominant, and this is reflected in language: time is spent, saved, invested, wasted and employed. As societies put price tags on time, equity and vehicular speed correlate inversely.
-High speed capitalizes a few people’s time at an enormous rate but, paradoxically, it does this at a high cost in time for all. In Bombay, only a very few people own cars. They can reach a provincial capital in one morning and make the trip once a week. Two generations ago, this would have been a week-long trek once a year. They now spend more time on more trips. But these same few also disrupt, with their cars, the traffic flow of thousands of bicycles and pedicabs that move through downtown Bombay at a rate of effective locomotion superior to that of downtown Paris, London or New York. The compounded, transport-related time expenditure within a society grows much faster than the time economies made by a few people on their speedy excursions. Traffic grows indefinitely with the availability of transports. Beyond a critical threshold, the output of the industrial complex established to move people costs a society more time than it saves. The marginal utility of an increment in the speed of a small number of people has for its price the growing marginal disutility of this acceleration for the great majority.
+High speed capitalizes a few people’s time at an enormous rate but, paradoxically, it does this at a high cost in time for all. In Bombay, only a very few people own cars. They can reach a provincial capital in one morning and make the trip once a week. Two generations ago, this would have been a week-long trek once a year. They now spend more time on more trips. But these same few also disrupt, with their cars, the traffic flow of thousands of bicycles and pedicabs that move through downtown Bombay at a rate of effective locomotion superior to that of downtown Paris, London or New York. The compounded, transport-related time expenditure within a society grows much faster than the time economies made by a few people on their speedy excursions. Traffic grows indefinitely with the availability of transports. Beyond a critical threshold, the output of the industrial complex established to move people costs a society more time than it saves. The marginal utility of an increment in the speed of a small number of people has for its price the growing marginal disutility of this acceleration for the great majority.
-Beyond a critical speed, no one can save time without forcing another to lose it. The man who claims a seat in a faster vehicle insists that his time is worth more than that of the passenger in a slower one. Beyond a certain velocity, passengers become consumers of other people’s time, and accelerating vehicles become the means for effecting a net transfer of life-time. The degree of transfer is measured in quanta of speed. This time-grab despoils those who are left behind, and since they are the majority, it raises ethical issues of a more general nature than kidney dialysis or organ transplants.
+Beyond a critical speed, no one can save time without forcing another to lose it. The man who claims a seat in a faster vehicle insists that his time is worth more than that of the passenger in a slower one. Beyond a certain velocity, passengers become consumers of other people’s time, and accelerating vehicles become the means for effecting a net transfer of life-time. The degree of transfer is measured in quanta of speed. This time-grab despoils those who are left behind, and since they are the majority, it raises ethical issues of a more general nature than kidney dialysis or organ transplants.
-Beyond a certain speed, motorized vehicles create remoteness which they alone can shrink. They create distances for all and shrink them for only a few. A new dirt road through the wilderness brings the city within view, but not within reach, of most Brazilian subsistence farmers. The new expressway expands Chicago, but it sucks those who are well-wheeled away from a downtown that decays into a ghetto.
+Beyond a certain speed, motorized vehicles create remoteness which they alone can shrink. They create distances for all and shrink them for only a few. A new dirt road through the wilderness brings the city within view, but not within reach, of most Brazilian subsistence farmers. The new expressway expands Chicago, but it sucks those who are well-wheeled away from a downtown that decays into a ghetto.
-Man’s speed remained unchanged from the Age of Cyrus to the Age of Steam. News could not travel more than a hundred miles per day, no matter how the message was carried. Neither the Inca’s runners nor the Venetian galley, the Persian horseman or the mail coach under Louis XIV, could break the barrier. Soldiers, explorers, merchants and pilgrims moved at twenty miles per day. In Valéry’s words, Napoleon still had to move at Caesar’s slowness: _Napoléon va à la même lenteur que César._ The Emperor knew that ‘public prosperity is measured by the income of the coaches’: _On_ _mésure_ _la_ _prospérité_ _publique_ _aux_ _comptes_ _des_ _diligences_ , __ but he could barely speed them up. Paris-Toulouse had required about 200 hours in Roman times, and the scheduled stagecoach still took 158 hours in 1782. Only the nineteenth century accelerated man. By 1830, the trip had been reduced to 110 hours, but at a new cost. In the same year, 4,150 stagecoaches overturned in France, causing more than a thousand deaths. Then the railroad brought a sudden change. By 1855, Napoleon III claimed to have travelled an average of 96 kilometres per hour on the train between Paris and Marseilles. Within one generation, the average distance travelled each year per Frenchman increased one hundred and thirty times, and Britain’s railroad network reached its greatest expansion. Passenger trains attained their optimum cost calculated in terms of time spent for their maintenance and use.
+Man’s speed remained unchanged from the Age of Cyrus to the Age of Steam. News could not travel more than a hundred miles per day, no matter how the message was carried. Neither the Inca’s runners nor the Venetian galley, the Persian horseman or the mail coach under Louis XIV, could break the barrier. Soldiers, explorers, merchants and pilgrims moved at twenty miles per day. In Valéry’s words, Napoleon still had to move at Caesar’s slowness: _Napoléon va à la même lenteur que César._ The Emperor knew that ‘public prosperity is measured by the income of the coaches’: _On_ _mésure_ _la_ _prospérité_ _publique_ _aux_ _comptes_ _des_ _diligences_ , __ but he could barely speed them up. Paris-Toulouse had required about 200 hours in Roman times, and the scheduled stagecoach still took 158 hours in 1782. Only the nineteenth century accelerated man. By 1830, the trip had been reduced to 110 hours, but at a new cost. In the same year, 4,150 stagecoaches overturned in France, causing more than a thousand deaths. Then the railroad brought a sudden change. By 1855, Napoleon III claimed to have travelled an average of 96 kilometres per hour on the train between Paris and Marseilles. Within one generation, the average distance travelled each year per Frenchman increased one hundred and thirty times, and Britain’s railroad network reached its greatest expansion. Passenger trains attained their optimum cost calculated in terms of time spent for their maintenance and use.
-With further acceleration, transportation began to dominate traffic, and speed began to erect a hierarchy of destinations. By now, each set of destinations corresponds to a specific level of speed and defines a certain passenger class. Each circuit of terminal points degrades those pegged at a lower number of miles per hour. Those who must get around on their own power have been redefined as underdeveloped outsiders. Tell me how fast you go and I’ll tell you who you are. If you can corner the taxes which fuel the Concorde, you are certainly at the top.
+With further acceleration, transportation began to dominate traffic, and speed began to erect a hierarchy of destinations. By now, each set of destinations corresponds to a specific level of speed and defines a certain passenger class. Each circuit of terminal points degrades those pegged at a lower number of miles per hour. Those who must get around on their own power have been redefined as underdeveloped outsiders. Tell me how fast you go and I’ll tell you who you are. If you can corner the taxes which fuel the Concorde, you are certainly at the top.
-Over the last two generations, the vehicle has become the sign of career achievement, just as the school has become the sign of starting advantage. At each new level, the concentration of power must produce its own kind of rationale. So, for example, the reason that is usually given for spending public money to make a man travel more miles in less time each year is the still greater investment that was made to keep him more years in school. His putative value as a capital-intensive production tool sets the rate at which he is being shipped. Other ideological labels besides ‘a good education’ are just as useful for opening the cabin door to luxuries paid for by others. If the Thought of Chairman Mao must now be rushed around China by jet, this can only mean that two classes are needed to fuel what his revolution has become, one of them living in the geography of the masses and the other in the geography of the cadres. The suppression of intermediary levels of speed in Popular China has certainly made the concentration of power more efficient and rational, but it also underscores the new difference in value between the time of the bullock driver and the time of the jet-driven. Accelerating speed inevitably concentrates horsepower under the seats of a few and compounds the increasing time-lack of most commuters with the further sense that they are lagging behind.
+Over the last two generations, the vehicle has become the sign of career achievement, just as the school has become the sign of starting advantage. At each new level, the concentration of power must produce its own kind of rationale. So, for example, the reason that is usually given for spending public money to make a man travel more miles in less time each year is the still greater investment that was made to keep him more years in school. His putative value as a capital-intensive production tool sets the rate at which he is being shipped. Other ideological labels besides ‘a good education’ are just as useful for opening the cabin door to luxuries paid for by others. If the Thought of Chairman Mao must now be rushed around China by jet, this can only mean that two classes are needed to fuel what his revolution has become, one of them living in the geography of the masses and the other in the geography of the cadres. The suppression of intermediary levels of speed in Popular China has certainly made the concentration of power more efficient and rational, but it also underscores the new difference in value between the time of the bullock driver and the time of the jet-driven. Accelerating speed inevitably concentrates horsepower under the seats of a few and compounds the increasing time-lack of most commuters with the further sense that they are lagging behind.
-The need for unequal privilege in an industrial society is generally advocated by means of an argument with two sides. The hypocrisy of this argument is clearly betrayed by acceleration. Privilege is accepted as the necessary pre-condition to improve the lot of a growing total population, or it is advertised as the instrument for raising the standards of a deprived minority. In the long run, accelerating transportation does neither. It only creates a universal demand for motorized conveyance, and puts previously unimaginable distances between the various layers of privilege. Beyond a certain point, more energy means less equity.
+The need for unequal privilege in an industrial society is generally advocated by means of an argument with two sides. The hypocrisy of this argument is clearly betrayed by acceleration. Privilege is accepted as the necessary pre-condition to improve the lot of a growing total population, or it is advertised as the instrument for raising the standards of a deprived minority. In the long run, accelerating transportation does neither. It only creates a universal demand for motorized conveyance, and puts previously unimaginable distances between the various layers of privilege. Beyond a certain point, more energy means less equity.
## The ineffectiveness of acceleration
-It should not be overlooked that top speeds for a few exact a different price than high speeds for all. Social classification by levels of speed enforces a net transfer of power: the poor work and pay to get left behind. But if the middle classes of a speed society may be tempted to ignore discrimination, they should not neglect the rising marginal disutilities of transportation and their own loss of leisure. High speeds for all mean that everybody has less time for himself as the whole society spends a growing slice of its time budget on moving people. Vehicles running over the critical speed not only tend to impose inequality, they also inevitably establish a self-serving industry that hides an inefficient system of locomotion under apparent technological sophistication. I will argue that a speed limit is necessary not only to safeguard equity; it is equally a condition for increasing the total distance travelled within a society, while decreasing the total time that travel takes.
+It should not be overlooked that top speeds for a few exact a different price than high speeds for all. Social classification by levels of speed enforces a net transfer of power: the poor work and pay to get left behind. But if the middle classes of a speed society may be tempted to ignore discrimination, they should not neglect the rising marginal disutilities of transportation and their own loss of leisure. High speeds for all mean that everybody has less time for himself as the whole society spends a growing slice of its time budget on moving people. Vehicles running over the critical speed not only tend to impose inequality, they also inevitably establish a self-serving industry that hides an inefficient system of locomotion under apparent technological sophistication. I will argue that a speed limit is necessary not only to safeguard equity; it is equally a condition for increasing the total distance travelled within a society, while decreasing the total time that travel takes.
-There is little research available on the impact of vehicles on the twenty-four-hour time budget of individuals and societies. From transportation studies, we get statistics on the cost of time per mile, on the value of time measured in dollars or in length of trips. But these statistics tell us nothing about the hidden costs of transportation: about how traffic nibbles away at life-time, about how vehicles devour space, about the multiplication of trips made necessary by the existence of vehicles, or about the time spent directly and indirectly preparing for locomotion. Further, there is no available measure of the even more deeply buried costs of transport, such as higher rent to live in areas convenient to the flow of traffic, or the cost of protecting these areas from the noise, pollution and danger to life and limb that vehicles create. The lack of an account of expenditures from the social time budget should not lead us to believe, however, that such an accounting is impossible, nor should it prevent our drawing conclusions from the little that we do know.
+There is little research available on the impact of vehicles on the twenty-four-hour time budget of individuals and societies. From transportation studies, we get statistics on the cost of time per mile, on the value of time measured in dollars or in length of trips. But these statistics tell us nothing about the hidden costs of transportation: about how traffic nibbles away at life-time, about how vehicles devour space, about the multiplication of trips made necessary by the existence of vehicles, or about the time spent directly and indirectly preparing for locomotion. Further, there is no available measure of the even more deeply buried costs of transport, such as higher rent to live in areas convenient to the flow of traffic, or the cost of protecting these areas from the noise, pollution and danger to life and limb that vehicles create. The lack of an account of expenditures from the social time budget should not lead us to believe, however, that such an accounting is impossible, nor should it prevent our drawing conclusions from the little that we do know.
-From our limited information it appears that everywhere in the world, after some vehicle broke the speed barrier of 15 mph, time scarcity related to traffic began to grow. After industry had reached this threshold of per capita output, transport made of man a new kind of waif: a being constantly absent from a destination he cannot reach on his own but must reach within the day. By now, people work a substantial part of every day to earn the money without which they could not even get to work. The time a society spends on transportation grows in proportion to the speed of its fastest public conveyance. Japan now leads the United States in both areas. Life-time gets cluttered up with activities generated by traffic as soon as vehicles crash through the barrier that guards people from dislocation and space from distortion.
+From our limited information it appears that everywhere in the world, after some vehicle broke the speed barrier of 15 mph, time scarcity related to traffic began to grow. After industry had reached this threshold of per capita output, transport made of man a new kind of waif: a being constantly absent from a destination he cannot reach on his own but must reach within the day. By now, people work a substantial part of every day to earn the money without which they could not even get to work. The time a society spends on transportation grows in proportion to the speed of its fastest public conveyance. Japan now leads the United States in both areas. Life-time gets cluttered up with activities generated by traffic as soon as vehicles crash through the barrier that guards people from dislocation and space from distortion.
-Whether the vehicle that speeds along the public freeway is owned by the state or by an individual has little to do with the time scarcity and over-programming that rise with every increment in speed. Buses use one-third of the fuel which cars burn to carry one man over a given distance. Commuter trains are up to ten times more efficient than cars. Both could become even more efficient and less polluting. If publicly owned and rationally managed, they could be so scheduled and routed that the privileges they presently provide under private ownership and incompetent organization would be considerably cut. But as long as any system of vehicles imposes itself on the public by its unlimited top speed, the public is left to choose between spending more time to pay for more people to be carried from station to station, and paying less taxes so that even fewer people can travel in much less time much further than others. The order of magnitude of the top speed which is permitted within a transportation system determines the slice of its time budget that an entire society spends on traffic.
+Whether the vehicle that speeds along the public freeway is owned by the state or by an individual has little to do with the time scarcity and over-programming that rise with every increment in speed. Buses use one-third of the fuel which cars burn to carry one man over a given distance. Commuter trains are up to ten times more efficient than cars. Both could become even more efficient and less polluting. If publicly owned and rationally managed, they could be so scheduled and routed that the privileges they presently provide under private ownership and incompetent organization would be considerably cut. But as long as any system of vehicles imposes itself on the public by its unlimited top speed, the public is left to choose between spending more time to pay for more people to be carried from station to station, and paying less taxes so that even fewer people can travel in much less time much further than others. The order of magnitude of the top speed which is permitted within a transportation system determines the slice of its time budget that an entire society spends on traffic.
## The radical monopoly of industry
A desirable ceiling on the velocity of movement cannot be usefully discussed without returning to the distinction between self-powered _transit_ and motorized _transport_ , __ and comparing the contribution each component makes relative to the total locomotion of people, which I have called _traffic._
-Transport stands for the capital-intensive mode of traffic and transit indicates the labour-intensive mode. Transport is the product of an industry whose clients are passengers. It is an industrial commodity and therefore scarce by definition. Improvement of transport always takes place under conditions of scarcity that become more severe as the speed--and with it the cost--of the service increases. Conflict about insufficient transport tends to take the form of a zero-sum game where one wins only if another loses. At best, such a conflict allows for the solution of the Prisoner’s Dilemma: by cooperating with their jailer, both prisoners get off with less time in the cell.
+Transport stands for the capital-intensive mode of traffic and transit indicates the labour-intensive mode. Transport is the product of an industry whose clients are passengers. It is an industrial commodity and therefore scarce by definition. Improvement of transport always takes place under conditions of scarcity that become more severe as the speed--and with it the cost--of the service increases. Conflict about insufficient transport tends to take the form of a zero-sum game where one wins only if another loses. At best, such a conflict allows for the solution of the Prisoner’s Dilemma: by cooperating with their jailer, both prisoners get off with less time in the cell.
-Transit is not the product of an industry, but the independent enterprise of transients. It has use value by definition but need not have any exchange value. The ability to engage in transit is native to man and more or less equally distributed among healthy people of the same age. The exercise of this ability can be restricted by depriving some class of people of the right to take a straight route, or because a population lacks shoes or pavements. Conflict about unsatisfactory transit conditions tends to take, therefore, the form of a non-zero-sum game in which everyone comes out ahead--not only the people who get the right to walk through a formerly walled property, but also the owner who now gets a road.
+Transit is not the product of an industry, but the independent enterprise of transients. It has use value by definition but need not have any exchange value. The ability to engage in transit is native to man and more or less equally distributed among healthy people of the same age. The exercise of this ability can be restricted by depriving some class of people of the right to take a straight route, or because a population lacks shoes or pavements. Conflict about unsatisfactory transit conditions tends to take, therefore, the form of a non-zero-sum game in which everyone comes out ahead--not only the people who get the right to walk through a formerly walled property, but also the owner who now gets a road.
-Total traffic is the result of two profoundly distinct modes of production. These can reinforce each other harmoniously only as long as the autonomous outputs are protected against the encroachment of the industrial product.
+Total traffic is the result of two profoundly distinct modes of production. These can reinforce each other harmoniously only as long as the autonomous outputs are protected against the encroachment of the industrial product.
-The harm done by contemporary traffic is due to the monopoly of transport. The allure of speed has deceived the passenger into accepting the promises made by an industry that produces capital-intensive traffic. He is convinced that high-speed vehicles have allowed him to progress beyond the limited autonomy he enjoyed when moving under his own power. He has allowed planned transport to predominate over the alternative of labour-intensive transit. Destruction of the physical environment is the least noxious effect of this concession. The far more bitter results are the multiplication of psychic frustration, the growing disutilities of continued production, and subjection to an inequitable transfer of power--all of which are manifestations of a distorted relationship between life-time and life-space. The passenger who agrees to live in a world monopolized by transport becomes a harassed, overburdened consumer of distances whose shape and length he can no longer control.
+The harm done by contemporary traffic is due to the monopoly of transport. The allure of speed has deceived the passenger into accepting the promises made by an industry that produces capital-intensive traffic. He is convinced that high-speed vehicles have allowed him to progress beyond the limited autonomy he enjoyed when moving under his own power. He has allowed planned transport to predominate over the alternative of labour-intensive transit. Destruction of the physical environment is the least noxious effect of this concession. The far more bitter results are the multiplication of psychic frustration, the growing disutilities of continued production, and subjection to an inequitable transfer of power--all of which are manifestations of a distorted relationship between life-time and life-space. The passenger who agrees to live in a world monopolized by transport becomes a harassed, overburdened consumer of distances whose shape and length he can no longer control.
-Every society that imposes compulsory speed submerges transit to the profit of transport. Where-ever not only privilege but also elementary necessities are denied to those who do not use high-speed conveyances, an involuntary acceleration of personal rhythms is imposed. Industry dominates traffic as soon as daily life comes to depend on motorized trips.
+Every society that imposes compulsory speed submerges transit to the profit of transport. Where-ever not only privilege but also elementary necessities are denied to those who do not use high-speed conveyances, an involuntary acceleration of personal rhythms is imposed. Industry dominates traffic as soon as daily life comes to depend on motorized trips.
-This profound control of the transportation industry over natural mobility constitutes a monopoly much more pervasive than either the commercial monopoly Ford might win over the automobile market, or the political monopoly car manufacturers might wield against the development of trains and buses. Because of its hidden, entrenched and structuring nature, I call this a _radical_ _monopoly._ Any industry exercises this kind of deep-seated monopoly when it becomes the dominant means of satisfying needs that formerly occasioned a personal response. The compulsory consumption of a high-powered commodity (motorized transport) restricts the conditions for enjoying an abundant use value (the innate capacity for transit). Traffic serves here as the paradigm of a general economic law: _Any industrial product that comes in per capita quanta beyond a given intensity exercises a radical monopoly over the satisfaction of a need_. Beyond some point, compulsory schooling destroys the environment for learning, medical delivery systems dry up the non-therapeutic sources of health, and transportation smothers traffic.
+This profound control of the transportation industry over natural mobility constitutes a monopoly much more pervasive than either the commercial monopoly Ford might win over the automobile market, or the political monopoly car manufacturers might wield against the development of trains and buses. Because of its hidden, entrenched and structuring nature, I call this a _radical_ _monopoly._ Any industry exercises this kind of deep-seated monopoly when it becomes the dominant means of satisfying needs that formerly occasioned a personal response. The compulsory consumption of a high-powered commodity (motorized transport) restricts the conditions for enjoying an abundant use value (the innate capacity for transit). Traffic serves here as the paradigm of a general economic law: _Any industrial product that comes in per capita quanta beyond a given intensity exercises a radical monopoly over the satisfaction of a need_. Beyond some point, compulsory schooling destroys the environment for learning, medical delivery systems dry up the non-therapeutic sources of health, and transportation smothers traffic.
-Radical monopoly is first established by a rearrangement of society for the benefit of those who have access to the larger quanta, then it is enforced by compelling all to consume the minimum quantum in which the output is currently produced. Compulsory consumption will take on a different appearance in industrial branches where information dominates, such as education or medicine, than it will in those branches where quanta can be measured in British thermal units, such as housing, clothing or transport. The industrial packaging of values will reach critical intensity at different points with different products but, for each major class of outputs, the threshold occurs within an order of magnitude that is theoretically identifiable. The fact that it is possible theoretically to determine the range of speed within which transportation develops a radical monopoly over traffic does not mean that it is possible theoretically to determine just how much of such a monopoly any given society will tolerate. The fact that it is possible to identify a level of compulsory instruction at which learning by seeing and doing declines does not enable the theorist to identify the specific pedagogical limits to the division of labour that a culture will tolerate. Only recourse to juridical and, above all, to political process can lead to the specific, though provisional, measures by which speed or compulsory education will actually be limited in a given society. The magnitude of voluntary limits is a matter of politics; the encroachment of radical monopoly can be pinpointed by social analysis.
+Radical monopoly is first established by a rearrangement of society for the benefit of those who have access to the larger quanta, then it is enforced by compelling all to consume the minimum quantum in which the output is currently produced. Compulsory consumption will take on a different appearance in industrial branches where information dominates, such as education or medicine, than it will in those branches where quanta can be measured in British thermal units, such as housing, clothing or transport. The industrial packaging of values will reach critical intensity at different points with different products but, for each major class of outputs, the threshold occurs within an order of magnitude that is theoretically identifiable. The fact that it is possible theoretically to determine the range of speed within which transportation develops a radical monopoly over traffic does not mean that it is possible theoretically to determine just how much of such a monopoly any given society will tolerate. The fact that it is possible to identify a level of compulsory instruction at which learning by seeing and doing declines does not enable the theorist to identify the specific pedagogical limits to the division of labour that a culture will tolerate. Only recourse to juridical and, above all, to political process can lead to the specific, though provisional, measures by which speed or compulsory education will actually be limited in a given society. The magnitude of voluntary limits is a matter of politics; the encroachment of radical monopoly can be pinpointed by social analysis.
-A branch of industry does not impose a radical monopoly on a whole society by the simple fact that it produces scarce products, or because it drives competing industries off the market, but rather by virtue of its acquired ability to create and shape the need which it alone can satisfy.
+A branch of industry does not impose a radical monopoly on a whole society by the simple fact that it produces scarce products, or because it drives competing industries off the market, but rather by virtue of its acquired ability to create and shape the need which it alone can satisfy.
-Shoes are scarce all over Latin America and many people never wear them. They walk on the bare soles of their feet, or wear the world’s widest variety of excellent sandals, supplied by a range of artisans. Their transit is in no way restricted by their lack of shoes. But in some countries of South America people are compelled to be shod ever since access to schools, jobs and public services was denied to the barefoot. Teachers or party officials define the lack of shoes as a sign of indifference toward ‘progress’. Without any intentional conspiracy between the promoters of national development and the shoe industry, the barefoot in these countries are now barred from any office.
+Shoes are scarce all over Latin America and many people never wear them. They walk on the bare soles of their feet, or wear the world’s widest variety of excellent sandals, supplied by a range of artisans. Their transit is in no way restricted by their lack of shoes. But in some countries of South America people are compelled to be shod ever since access to schools, jobs and public services was denied to the barefoot. Teachers or party officials define the lack of shoes as a sign of indifference toward ‘progress’. Without any intentional conspiracy between the promoters of national development and the shoe industry, the barefoot in these countries are now barred from any office.
-Schools, like shoes, were scarce at all times. But it was never the small number of privileged pupils that turned the school into an obstacle for learning. Only when laws were enacted to make schools both compulsory and free did the educator assume the power to deny learning opportunities on the job to the underconsumer of educational therapies. Only when school attendance had become obligatory did it become feasible to impose on all a progressively more complex artificial environment into which the unschooled and unprogrammed do not fit.
+Schools, like shoes, were scarce at all times. But it was never the small number of privileged pupils that turned the school into an obstacle for learning. Only when laws were enacted to make schools both compulsory and free did the educator assume the power to deny learning opportunities on the job to the underconsumer of educational therapies. Only when school attendance had become obligatory did it become feasible to impose on all a progressively more complex artificial environment into which the unschooled and unprogrammed do not fit.
-The potential of a radical monopoly is unmistakeable in the case of traffic. Imagine what would happen if the transportation industry could somehow distribute its output more adequately: a traffic Utopia of free _rapid_ transportation for all would inevitably lead to a further expansion of traffic’s domain over human life. What could such a Utopia look like? Traffic would be organized exclusively around public transportation systems. It would be financed by a progressive tax calculated on income and on the proximity of one’s residence to the next terminal and to the job. It would be designed so that everybody could occupy any seat on a first-come, first-served basis: the doctor, the vacationer and the President would not be assigned any priority of person. In this fool’s paradise, all passengers would be equal, but they would be just as equally captive consumers of transport. Each citizen of a motorized Utopia would be deprived of the use of his feet and drafted into the servitude of proliferating networks of transportation.
+The potential of a radical monopoly is unmistakeable in the case of traffic. Imagine what would happen if the transportation industry could somehow distribute its output more adequately: a traffic Utopia of free _rapid_ transportation for all would inevitably lead to a further expansion of traffic’s domain over human life. What could such a Utopia look like? Traffic would be organized exclusively around public transportation systems. It would be financed by a progressive tax calculated on income and on the proximity of one’s residence to the next terminal and to the job. It would be designed so that everybody could occupy any seat on a first-come, first-served basis: the doctor, the vacationer and the President would not be assigned any priority of person. In this fool’s paradise, all passengers would be equal, but they would be just as equally captive consumers of transport. Each citizen of a motorized Utopia would be deprived of the use of his feet and drafted into the servitude of proliferating networks of transportation.
-Certain would-be miracle makers disguised as architects offer a specious escape from the paradox of speed. By their standards, acceleration imposes inequities, time loss and controlled schedules only because people do not yet live in those patterns and orbits into which vehicles can best place them. These futuristic architects would house and occupy people in self-sufficient units of towers interconnected by tracks for high-speed capsules. Soleri, Doxiadis or Fuller would solve the problem created by high-speed transport by identifying the entire human habitat with the problem. Rather than asking how the earth’s surface can be preserved for people, they ask how reservations for necessary people can be established on an earth that has been reshaped for the sake of industrial outputs.
+Certain would-be miracle makers disguised as architects offer a specious escape from the paradox of speed. By their standards, acceleration imposes inequities, time loss and controlled schedules only because people do not yet live in those patterns and orbits into which vehicles can best place them. These futuristic architects would house and occupy people in self-sufficient units of towers interconnected by tracks for high-speed capsules. Soleri, Doxiadis or Fuller would solve the problem created by high-speed transport by identifying the entire human habitat with the problem. Rather than asking how the earth’s surface can be preserved for people, they ask how reservations for necessary people can be established on an earth that has been reshaped for the sake of industrial outputs.
## The elusive threshold
-Any traffic-optimal speed for transport seems capricious or fanatical to the confirmed passenger, whereas it looks like the flight of the bird to the donkey driver. Four or six times the speed of a man on foot constitutes a threshold too low to be deemed worthy of consideration by the habitual passenger and too high to convey the sense of a _limit_ to the three-quarters of humanity who still get around on their own power.
+Any traffic-optimal speed for transport seems capricious or fanatical to the confirmed passenger, whereas it looks like the flight of the bird to the donkey driver. Four or six times the speed of a man on foot constitutes a threshold too low to be deemed worthy of consideration by the habitual passenger and too high to convey the sense of a _limit_ to the three-quarters of humanity who still get around on their own power.
-All those who plan other people’s housing, transportation or education belong to the passenger class. Their claim to power is derived from the value their employers place on acceleration. Social scientists can build a computer model of traffic in Calcutta or Santiago, and engineers can design monorail webs according to abstract notions of traffic flow. Since these planners are true believers in problem solving by industry, the real solution for traffic congestion is beyond their grasp. Their belief in the effectiveness of power blinds them to the disproportionately greater effectiveness of abstaining from its use. Traffic engineers have yet to combine in one simulation model the mobility of people with that of vehicles. The engineer cannot conceive the possibility of renouncing speed and slowing down for the sake of permitting optimal traffic flow. He would never entertain the thought of programming his computer on the stipulation that no motorized vehicle within any city should ever overtake the speed of a velocipede. The development expert who looks down compassionately from his Land-Rover on the Indian peasant driving his pigs to market refuses to acknowledge the relative advantage of feet. The expert tends to forget that this man has dispensed ten others in his village from spending time on the road, whereas the engineer and every member of his family separately devote a major part of every day to being in traffic. For a man who believes that human mobility must be conceived in terms of indefinite progress, there can be no optimal level of traffic but only passing consensus on a given level of technical development.
+All those who plan other people’s housing, transportation or education belong to the passenger class. Their claim to power is derived from the value their employers place on acceleration. Social scientists can build a computer model of traffic in Calcutta or Santiago, and engineers can design monorail webs according to abstract notions of traffic flow. Since these planners are true believers in problem solving by industry, the real solution for traffic congestion is beyond their grasp. Their belief in the effectiveness of power blinds them to the disproportionately greater effectiveness of abstaining from its use. Traffic engineers have yet to combine in one simulation model the mobility of people with that of vehicles. The engineer cannot conceive the possibility of renouncing speed and slowing down for the sake of permitting optimal traffic flow. He would never entertain the thought of programming his computer on the stipulation that no motorized vehicle within any city should ever overtake the speed of a velocipede. The development expert who looks down compassionately from his Land-Rover on the Indian peasant driving his pigs to market refuses to acknowledge the relative advantage of feet. The expert tends to forget that this man has dispensed ten others in his village from spending time on the road, whereas the engineer and every member of his family separately devote a major part of every day to being in traffic. For a man who believes that human mobility must be conceived in terms of indefinite progress, there can be no optimal level of traffic but only passing consensus on a given level of technical development.
-Most Mexicans, not to speak of Indians and Chinese, are in a position inverse to that of the confirmed passenger. The critical threshold is entirely beyond what all but a few of them know or expect. They still belong to the class of the self-powered. Some of them have a lingering memory of a motorized adventure, but most of them have no personal experience of travelling at or above the critical speed. In the two typical Mexican states of Guerrero and Chiapas, less than one per cent of the population moved even once over ten miles in less than one hour during 1970. The vehicles into which people in these areas are sometimes crowded render traffic indeed more convenient, but barely faster than the speed of a bicycle. The third class bus does not separate the farmer from his pig, and it takes them both to market without inflicting any loss of weight, but this acquaintance with motorized ‘comfort’ does not amount to dependence on destructive speed.
+Most Mexicans, not to speak of Indians and Chinese, are in a position inverse to that of the confirmed passenger. The critical threshold is entirely beyond what all but a few of them know or expect. They still belong to the class of the self-powered. Some of them have a lingering memory of a motorized adventure, but most of them have no personal experience of travelling at or above the critical speed. In the two typical Mexican states of Guerrero and Chiapas, less than one per cent of the population moved even once over ten miles in less than one hour during 1970. The vehicles into which people in these areas are sometimes crowded render traffic indeed more convenient, but barely faster than the speed of a bicycle. The third class bus does not separate the farmer from his pig, and it takes them both to market without inflicting any loss of weight, but this acquaintance with motorized ‘comfort’ does not amount to dependence on destructive speed.
-The order of magnitude in which the critical threshold of speed can be found is too low to be taken seriously by the passenger, and too high to concern the peasant. It is so obvious it cannot be easily seen. The proposal of a limit to speed within this order of magnitude engenders stubborn opposition. It exposes the addiction of industrialized men to consuming ever higher doses of energy, while it asks those who are still sober to abstain from something they have yet to taste.
+The order of magnitude in which the critical threshold of speed can be found is too low to be taken seriously by the passenger, and too high to concern the peasant. It is so obvious it cannot be easily seen. The proposal of a limit to speed within this order of magnitude engenders stubborn opposition. It exposes the addiction of industrialized men to consuming ever higher doses of energy, while it asks those who are still sober to abstain from something they have yet to taste.
-To propose counterfoil research is not only a scandal, it is also a threat. Simplicity threatens the expert, who supposedly understands just why the commuter train runs at 8:15 and 8:41 and why it must be better to use fuel with certain additives. That a political process could identify a natural magnitude, both inescapable and limited, is an idea that lies outside the passenger’s world of verities. He has let respect for specialists he doesn’t even know turn into unthinking submission. If a political resolution could be found for problems created by experts in the field of traffic, then perhaps the same remedy could be applied to problems of education, medicine or urbanization. If the order of magnitude of traffic optimal vehicular velocities could be determined by laymen actively participating in an ongoing political process, then the foundation on which the framework of every industrial society is built would be shattered. To propose such research is politically subversive. It puts in question the overarching consensus on the need for more transportation which now allows the proponents of public ownership to define themselves as political adversaries of the proponents of private enterprise.
+To propose counterfoil research is not only a scandal, it is also a threat. Simplicity threatens the expert, who supposedly understands just why the commuter train runs at 8:15 and 8:41 and why it must be better to use fuel with certain additives. That a political process could identify a natural magnitude, both inescapable and limited, is an idea that lies outside the passenger’s world of verities. He has let respect for specialists he doesn’t even know turn into unthinking submission. If a political resolution could be found for problems created by experts in the field of traffic, then perhaps the same remedy could be applied to problems of education, medicine or urbanization. If the order of magnitude of traffic optimal vehicular velocities could be determined by laymen actively participating in an ongoing political process, then the foundation on which the framework of every industrial society is built would be shattered. To propose such research is politically subversive. It puts in question the overarching consensus on the need for more transportation which now allows the proponents of public ownership to define themselves as political adversaries of the proponents of private enterprise.
## Degrees of self powered mobility
-A century ago the ball bearing was invented it reduced the coefficient of friction by a factor of a thousand by applying a well calibrated ball-bearing between two neolithic millstones, a man could now grind in a day what took his ancestors a week. The ball-bearing also made possible the bicycle, allowing the wheel--probably the last of the great neolithic inventions--finally to become useful for self-powered mobility.
+A century ago the ball bearing was invented it reduced the coefficient of friction by a factor of a thousand by applying a well calibrated ball-bearing between two neolithic millstones, a man could now grind in a day what took his ancestors a week. The ball-bearing also made possible the bicycle, allowing the wheel--probably the last of the great neolithic inventions--finally to become useful for self-powered mobility.
-Man, unaided by any tool, gets around quite efficiently. He carries one gram of his weight over a kilometre in ten minutes by expending 0·75 calories. Man on his feet is thermodynamically more efficient than any motorized vehicle and most animals. For his weight, he performs more work in locomotion than rats or oxen, less than horses or sturgeon. At this rate of efficiency man settled the world and made its history. At this rate peasant societies spend less than five per cent and nomads less than eight per cent of their respective social time budgets outside the home or the encampment.
+Man, unaided by any tool, gets around quite efficiently. He carries one gram of his weight over a kilometre in ten minutes by expending 0·75 calories. Man on his feet is thermodynamically more efficient than any motorized vehicle and most animals. For his weight, he performs more work in locomotion than rats or oxen, less than horses or sturgeon. At this rate of efficiency man settled the world and made its history. At this rate peasant societies spend less than five per cent and nomads less than eight per cent of their respective social time budgets outside the home or the encampment.
-Man on a bicycle can go three or four times faster than the pedestrian, but uses five times less energy in the process. He carries one gram of his weight over a kilometre of flat road at an expense of only 0·15 calories. The bicycle is the perfect transducer to match man’s metabolic energy to the impedance of locomotion. Equipped with this tool, man outstrips the efficiency of not only all machines, but all other animals as well.
+Man on a bicycle can go three or four times faster than the pedestrian, but uses five times less energy in the process. He carries one gram of his weight over a kilometre of flat road at an expense of only 0·15 calories. The bicycle is the perfect transducer to match man’s metabolic energy to the impedance of locomotion. Equipped with this tool, man outstrips the efficiency of not only all machines, but all other animals as well.
-The invention of the ball-bearing, the tangent-spoked wheel and the pneumatic tyre taken together can be compared to only three other events in the history of transportation. The invention of the wheel at the dawn of civilization took the load off man’s back and put it onto the barrow. The invention and simultaneous application, during the European Middle Ages, of stirrup, shoulder harness and horseshoe increased the thermodynamic efficiency of the horse by a factor of up to five, and changed the economy of medieval Europe: it made frequent ploughing possible and thus introduced rotation agriculture; it brought more distant fields into the reach of the peasant, and thus permitted landowners to move from six-family hamlets into 100-family villages, where they could live around the church, the square, the jail and--later--the school; it allowed the cultivation of northern soils and shifted the centre of power into cold climates. The building of the first ocean-going vessels by the Portuguese in the fifteenth century, under the aegis of developing European capitalism, laid the solid foundations for a globe-spanning culture and market.
+The invention of the ball-bearing, the tangent-spoked wheel and the pneumatic tyre taken together can be compared to only three other events in the history of transportation. The invention of the wheel at the dawn of civilization took the load off man’s back and put it onto the barrow. The invention and simultaneous application, during the European Middle Ages, of stirrup, shoulder harness and horseshoe increased the thermodynamic efficiency of the horse by a factor of up to five, and changed the economy of medieval Europe: it made frequent ploughing possible and thus introduced rotation agriculture; it brought more distant fields into the reach of the peasant, and thus permitted landowners to move from six-family hamlets into 100-family villages, where they could live around the church, the square, the jail and--later--the school; it allowed the cultivation of northern soils and shifted the centre of power into cold climates. The building of the first ocean-going vessels by the Portuguese in the fifteenth century, under the aegis of developing European capitalism, laid the solid foundations for a globe-spanning culture and market.
-The invention of the ball-bearing signalled a fourth revolution. It created an option between more freedom in equity and more speed. The bearing is an equally fundamental ingredient of two new types of locomotion, respectively symbolized by the bicycle and the car. The bicycle lifted man’s automobility into a new order, beyond which progress is theoretically not possible. In contrast, the accelerating individual capsule enabled societies to engage in a ritual of progressively paralysing speed.
+The invention of the ball-bearing signalled a fourth revolution. It created an option between more freedom in equity and more speed. The bearing is an equally fundamental ingredient of two new types of locomotion, respectively symbolized by the bicycle and the car. The bicycle lifted man’s automobility into a new order, beyond which progress is theoretically not possible. In contrast, the accelerating individual capsule enabled societies to engage in a ritual of progressively paralysing speed.
-The monopoly of a ritual application over a potentially useful device is nothing new. Thousands of years ago, the wheel took the load off the carrier-slave, but it did so only on the Eurasian landmass. In Mexico, the wheel was well-known, but never applied to transport. It served exclusively for the construction of carriages for toy gods. The taboo on wheelbarrows in America before Cortés is no more puzzling than the taboo on bicycles in modern traffic.
+The monopoly of a ritual application over a potentially useful device is nothing new. Thousands of years ago, the wheel took the load off the carrier-slave, but it did so only on the Eurasian landmass. In Mexico, the wheel was well-known, but never applied to transport. It served exclusively for the construction of carriages for toy gods. The taboo on wheelbarrows in America before Cortés is no more puzzling than the taboo on bicycles in modern traffic.
-It is by no means necessary that the invention of the ball-bearing continue to serve the increase of energy use, and thereby produce time scarcity, space consumption and class privilege. If the new order of self-powered mobility offered by the bicycle were protected against devaluation, paralysis and risk to the limbs of the rider, it would be possible to guarantee optimal shared mobility to all people and put an end to the imposition of maximum privilege and exploitation. It would be possible to control the patterns of urbanization if the organization of space were constrained by the power man has to move through it.
+It is by no means necessary that the invention of the ball-bearing continue to serve the increase of energy use, and thereby produce time scarcity, space consumption and class privilege. If the new order of self-powered mobility offered by the bicycle were protected against devaluation, paralysis and risk to the limbs of the rider, it would be possible to guarantee optimal shared mobility to all people and put an end to the imposition of maximum privilege and exploitation. It would be possible to control the patterns of urbanization if the organization of space were constrained by the power man has to move through it.
-Bicycles are not only thermodynamically efficient, they are also cheap. With his much lower salary, the Chinese acquires his durable bicycle in a fraction of the working hours an American devotes to the purchase of his obsolescent car. The cost of public utilities needed to facilitate bicycle traffic versus the price of an infrastructure tailored to high speeds is proportionately even less than the price differential of the vehicles used in the two systems. In the bicycle system, engineered roads are necessary only at certain points of dense traffic, and people who live far from the surfaced path are not thereby automatically isolated as they would be if they depended on cars or trains. The bicycle has extended man’s radius without shunting him onto roads he cannot walk. Where he cannot ride his bike he can usually push it.
+Bicycles are not only thermodynamically efficient, they are also cheap. With his much lower salary, the Chinese acquires his durable bicycle in a fraction of the working hours an American devotes to the purchase of his obsolescent car. The cost of public utilities needed to facilitate bicycle traffic versus the price of an infrastructure tailored to high speeds is proportionately even less than the price differential of the vehicles used in the two systems. In the bicycle system, engineered roads are necessary only at certain points of dense traffic, and people who live far from the surfaced path are not thereby automatically isolated as they would be if they depended on cars or trains. The bicycle has extended man’s radius without shunting him onto roads he cannot walk. Where he cannot ride his bike he can usually push it.
-The bicycle also uses little space. Eighteen bikes can be parked in the place of one car, thirty of them can move along in the space devoured by a single automobile. It takes two lanes of a given size to move 40,000 people across a bridge in one hour by using modern trains, four to move them on buses, 12 to move them in their cars, and only one lane for them to pedal across on bicycles. Of all these vehicles, only the bicycle really allows people to go from door to door without walking. The cyclist can reach new destinations of his choice without his tool creating new locations from which he is barred.
+The bicycle also uses little space. Eighteen bikes can be parked in the place of one car, thirty of them can move along in the space devoured by a single automobile. It takes two lanes of a given size to move 40,000 people across a bridge in one hour by using modern trains, four to move them on buses, 12 to move them in their cars, and only one lane for them to pedal across on bicycles. Of all these vehicles, only the bicycle really allows people to go from door to door without walking. The cyclist can reach new destinations of his choice without his tool creating new locations from which he is barred.
-Bicycles let people move with greater speed without taking up significant amounts of scarce space, energy or time. They can spend fewer hours on each mile and still travel more miles in a year. They can get the benefit of technological breakthroughs without putting undue claims on the schedules, energy or space of others. They become masters of their own movements without blocking those of their fellows. Their new tool creates only those demands which it can also satisfy. Every increase in motorized speed creates new demands on space and time. The use of the bicycle is self-limiting. It allows people to create a new relationship between their life-space and their life-time, between their territory and the pulse of their being, without destroying their inherited balance. The advantages of modern self-powered traffic are obvious, and ignored. That better traffic runs faster is asserted, but never proved. Before they ask people to pay for it, those who propose acceleration should try to display the evidence for their claim.
+Bicycles let people move with greater speed without taking up significant amounts of scarce space, energy or time. They can spend fewer hours on each mile and still travel more miles in a year. They can get the benefit of technological breakthroughs without putting undue claims on the schedules, energy or space of others. They become masters of their own movements without blocking those of their fellows. Their new tool creates only those demands which it can also satisfy. Every increase in motorized speed creates new demands on space and time. The use of the bicycle is self-limiting. It allows people to create a new relationship between their life-space and their life-time, between their territory and the pulse of their being, without destroying their inherited balance. The advantages of modern self-powered traffic are obvious, and ignored. That better traffic runs faster is asserted, but never proved. Before they ask people to pay for it, those who propose acceleration should try to display the evidence for their claim.
-A grizzly contest between bicycles and motors has just come to an end. In Vietnam, a hyperindustrialized army tried to conquer, but could not overcome, a people organized around bicycle speed. The lesson should be clear. High energy armies can annihilate people--both those they defend and those against whom they are launched, but they are of very limited use to a people which defends itself. It remains to be seen if the Vietnamese will apply what they learned in war to an economy of peace, if they will be willing to protect the values that made their victory possible. The dismal likelihood is that the victors, for the sake of industrial progress and increased energy consumption, will tend to defeat themselves by destroying that structure of equity, rationality and autonomy into which American bombers had forced them by depriving them of fuels, motors and roads.
+A grizzly contest between bicycles and motors has just come to an end. In Vietnam, a hyperindustrialized army tried to conquer, but could not overcome, a people organized around bicycle speed. The lesson should be clear. High energy armies can annihilate people--both those they defend and those against whom they are launched, but they are of very limited use to a people which defends itself. It remains to be seen if the Vietnamese will apply what they learned in war to an economy of peace, if they will be willing to protect the values that made their victory possible. The dismal likelihood is that the victors, for the sake of industrial progress and increased energy consumption, will tend to defeat themselves by destroying that structure of equity, rationality and autonomy into which American bombers had forced them by depriving them of fuels, motors and roads.
## Dominant v subsidiary motors
-Men are born almost equally mobile their natural ability speaks for the personal liberty of each one to go wherever he or she wants to go Citizens of a society founded on the notion of equity will demand the protection of this right against any abridgement. It should be irrelevant to them by what means the exercise of personal mobility is denied, whether by imprisonment, bondage to an estate, revocation of a passport, or enclosure within an environment that encroaches on a person’s native ability to move in order to make him a consumer of transport. This inalienable right of free movement does not lapse just because most of our contemporaries have strapped themselves into ideological seat belts. Man’s natural capacity for transit emerges as the only yardstick by which to measure the contribution transport can make to traffic: there is only so much transport that traffic can bear. It remains to be outlined how we can distinguish those forms of transport that cripple the power to move from those that enhance it.
+Men are born almost equally mobile their natural ability speaks for the personal liberty of each one to go wherever he or she wants to go Citizens of a society founded on the notion of equity will demand the protection of this right against any abridgement. It should be irrelevant to them by what means the exercise of personal mobility is denied, whether by imprisonment, bondage to an estate, revocation of a passport, or enclosure within an environment that encroaches on a person’s native ability to move in order to make him a consumer of transport. This inalienable right of free movement does not lapse just because most of our contemporaries have strapped themselves into ideological seat belts. Man’s natural capacity for transit emerges as the only yardstick by which to measure the contribution transport can make to traffic: there is only so much transport that traffic can bear. It remains to be outlined how we can distinguish those forms of transport that cripple the power to move from those that enhance it.
-Transportation can abridge traffic in three ways: by breaking its flow, by creating isolated sets of destinations, and by increasing the loss of time due to traffic. I have already argued that the key to the relation between transport and traffic is the speed of vehicles. I have described how, past a certain threshold of speed, transport has gone on to obstruct traffic in these three ways. It blocks mobility by cluttering up the environment with vehicles and roads. It transforms geography into a pyramid of circuits sealed off from one another according to levels of acceleration. It expropriates life-time at the behest of speed.
+Transportation can abridge traffic in three ways: by breaking its flow, by creating isolated sets of destinations, and by increasing the loss of time due to traffic. I have already argued that the key to the relation between transport and traffic is the speed of vehicles. I have described how, past a certain threshold of speed, transport has gone on to obstruct traffic in these three ways. It blocks mobility by cluttering up the environment with vehicles and roads. It transforms geography into a pyramid of circuits sealed off from one another according to levels of acceleration. It expropriates life-time at the behest of speed.
-If beyond a certain threshold transport obstructs traffic, the inverse is also true: below some level of speed, motorized vehicles can complement or improve traffic by permitting people to do things they could not do on foot or on bicycle. Motors can be used to transport the sick, the lame, the old and the just plain lazy. Motorpulleys can lift people over hills, but they can do so peacefully only if they do not push the climber off the path. Trains can extend the range of travel, but only if they give people equal opportunity to come closer to each other. A well-developed transportation system running at top speeds of 25 mph would have allowed Fix to chase Phileas Fogg around the world in less than half of 80 days. The time engaged in travel must be, as much as possible, the traveller’s own: only insofar as motorized transport remains limited to speeds which leave it subsidiary to autonomous transit can a traffic-optimal transportation system be developed.
+If beyond a certain threshold transport obstructs traffic, the inverse is also true: below some level of speed, motorized vehicles can complement or improve traffic by permitting people to do things they could not do on foot or on bicycle. Motors can be used to transport the sick, the lame, the old and the just plain lazy. Motorpulleys can lift people over hills, but they can do so peacefully only if they do not push the climber off the path. Trains can extend the range of travel, but only if they give people equal opportunity to come closer to each other. A well-developed transportation system running at top speeds of 25 mph would have allowed Fix to chase Phileas Fogg around the world in less than half of 80 days. The time engaged in travel must be, as much as possible, the traveller’s own: only insofar as motorized transport remains limited to speeds which leave it subsidiary to autonomous transit can a traffic-optimal transportation system be developed.
-A limit on the power and therefore on the speed of motors does not by itself insure those who are weaker against exploitation by the rich and powerful, who can still devise means to live and work at better located addresses, travel with retinue in plush carriages, and reserve a special lane for doctors and members of the central committee. But at a sufficiently limited maximum speed, this is an unfairness which can be reduced or even corrected by a combination of taxes and technological devices. At unlimited top speed neither public ownership of the means of transportation nor technical improvements in their control can ever eliminate growing and unequal exploitation. A transportation industry is the key to optimal production of traffic, but only if it does not exercise its radical monopoly over personal productivity.
+A limit on the power and therefore on the speed of motors does not by itself insure those who are weaker against exploitation by the rich and powerful, who can still devise means to live and work at better located addresses, travel with retinue in plush carriages, and reserve a special lane for doctors and members of the central committee. But at a sufficiently limited maximum speed, this is an unfairness which can be reduced or even corrected by a combination of taxes and technological devices. At unlimited top speed neither public ownership of the means of transportation nor technical improvements in their control can ever eliminate growing and unequal exploitation. A transportation industry is the key to optimal production of traffic, but only if it does not exercise its radical monopoly over personal productivity.
## Underequipment overdevelopment and mature technology
-The combination of transportation and transit that constitutes traffic has provided us with an example of socially optimal per capita wattage and of the need for politically chosen limits on it. Traffic is also a model for the convergence of worldwide development goals, and a criterion by which to distinguish those countries which are lamely underequipped from those that are destructively overindustrialized.
+The combination of transportation and transit that constitutes traffic has provided us with an example of socially optimal per capita wattage and of the need for politically chosen limits on it. Traffic is also a model for the convergence of worldwide development goals, and a criterion by which to distinguish those countries which are lamely underequipped from those that are destructively overindustrialized.
-A country can be classified as underequipped if it cannot outfit each citizen with a bicycle or provide a five-speed transmission for anyone who wants to pedal others around. It is underequipped if it cannot provide good roads for the cycle, or free public motorized transportation for those who want to travel for more than a few hours in succession. No technical, economic or ecological reason exists why such backwardness should be tolerated anywhere in 1975. It would be a scandal if the natural mobility of a people were forced to stagnate on a pre-bicycle level against its will.
+A country can be classified as underequipped if it cannot outfit each citizen with a bicycle or provide a five-speed transmission for anyone who wants to pedal others around. It is underequipped if it cannot provide good roads for the cycle, or free public motorized transportation for those who want to travel for more than a few hours in succession. No technical, economic or ecological reason exists why such backwardness should be tolerated anywhere in 1975. It would be a scandal if the natural mobility of a people were forced to stagnate on a pre-bicycle level against its will.
-A country can be classified as overindustrialized when its social life is dominated by the transportation industry, which has come to determine its class privileges, to accentuate its time scarcity, and to tie its people more tightly to the tracks it has laid out for them.
+A country can be classified as overindustrialized when its social life is dominated by the transportation industry, which has come to determine its class privileges, to accentuate its time scarcity, and to tie its people more tightly to the tracks it has laid out for them.
-Beyond underequipment and overindustrialization, there is a place for the world of post-industrial effectiveness, where the industrial mode of production complements other autonomous forms of production. There is a place, in other words, for a world of technological maturity. In terms of traffic, it is the world of those who have tripled the extent of their daily horizon by lifting themselves onto their bicycles. It is just as much the world marked by a variety of subsidiary motors available for the occasions when a bicycle is not enough and when an extra push will limit neither equity nor freedom. And it is, too, the world of the long voyage: a world where every place is open to every person, at his own pleasure and speed, without haste or fear, by means of vehicles that cross distances without breaking with the earth which man walked for hundreds of thousands of years on his own two feet.
+Beyond underequipment and overindustrialization, there is a place for the world of post-industrial effectiveness, where the industrial mode of production complements other autonomous forms of production. There is a place, in other words, for a world of technological maturity. In terms of traffic, it is the world of those who have tripled the extent of their daily horizon by lifting themselves onto their bicycles. It is just as much the world marked by a variety of subsidiary motors available for the occasions when a bicycle is not enough and when an extra push will limit neither equity nor freedom. And it is, too, the world of the long voyage: a world where every place is open to every person, at his own pleasure and speed, without haste or fear, by means of vehicles that cross distances without breaking with the earth which man walked for hundreds of thousands of years on his own two feet.
-Underequipment keeps people enslaved to primordial nature and limits their freedom. Overindustrialization does not admit of differences in production and political style. It imposes its technical characteristics on social relations. The world of technological maturity permits a variety of political choices and cultures. The variety diminishes, of course, as a community allows industry to grow at the cost of autonomous production. Reasoning alone can offer no precise measure for the level of post-industrial effectiveness and technological maturity appropriate to a concrete society. It can only indicate in dimensional terms the range into which these technological characteristics must fit. It must be left to a historical community engaged in its own political process to decide when programming, space distortion, time scarcity and inequality cease to be worth its while. Reasoning can identify speed as the critical factor in traffic. It cannot set politically feasible limits.
+Underequipment keeps people enslaved to primordial nature and limits their freedom. Overindustrialization does not admit of differences in production and political style. It imposes its technical characteristics on social relations. The world of technological maturity permits a variety of political choices and cultures. The variety diminishes, of course, as a community allows industry to grow at the cost of autonomous production. Reasoning alone can offer no precise measure for the level of post-industrial effectiveness and technological maturity appropriate to a concrete society. It can only indicate in dimensional terms the range into which these technological characteristics must fit. It must be left to a historical community engaged in its own political process to decide when programming, space distortion, time scarcity and inequality cease to be worth its while. Reasoning can identify speed as the critical factor in traffic. It cannot set politically feasible limits.
-Only when top speeds on personal carriage reflect the enlightened self-interest of a political community can they become operative. This interest cannot be expressed in a society where one class monopolizes not only transportation, but communication, medicine, education and weapons as well. It does not matter if this power is held by legal owners or by entrenched managers of an industry that is legally owned by the workers. This power must be reappropriated and submitted to the sound judgment of the common man. The reconquest of power starts with the recognition that expert knowledge blinds the secretive bureaucrat to the obvious way of dissolving the energy crisis, just as it has blinded him to recognize the obvious solution to the war in Vietnam.
+Only when top speeds on personal carriage reflect the enlightened self-interest of a political community can they become operative. This interest cannot be expressed in a society where one class monopolizes not only transportation, but communication, medicine, education and weapons as well. It does not matter if this power is held by legal owners or by entrenched managers of an industry that is legally owned by the workers. This power must be reappropriated and submitted to the sound judgment of the common man. The reconquest of power starts with the recognition that expert knowledge blinds the secretive bureaucrat to the obvious way of dissolving the energy crisis, just as it has blinded him to recognize the obvious solution to the war in Vietnam.
-There are two roads from where we are to technological maturity: one is the road of liberation from affluence; the other is the road of liberation from dependence. Both roads have the same destination: the social restructuring of space that offers to each person the constantly renewed experience that the centre of the world is where he stands, walks and lives.
+There are two roads from where we are to technological maturity: one is the road of liberation from affluence; the other is the road of liberation from dependence. Both roads have the same destination: the social restructuring of space that offers to each person the constantly renewed experience that the centre of the world is where he stands, walks and lives.
-Liberation from affluence begins on the traffic islands where the rich run into one another. The well-sped are tossed from one island to the next and are offered but the company of fellow passengers en route to somewhere else. This solitude of plenty breaks down as the traffic islands gradually expand and people begin to recover their native power to move around the place where they live. Thus, the impoverished environment of the traffic island can embody the beginnings of social reconstruction, and the people who now call themselves rich will break with bondage to overefficient transport on the day they come to treasure the horizon of their traffic islands, now fully grown, and to dread frequent shipments from their homes.
+Liberation from affluence begins on the traffic islands where the rich run into one another. The well-sped are tossed from one island to the next and are offered but the company of fellow passengers en route to somewhere else. This solitude of plenty breaks down as the traffic islands gradually expand and people begin to recover their native power to move around the place where they live. Thus, the impoverished environment of the traffic island can embody the beginnings of social reconstruction, and the people who now call themselves rich will break with bondage to overefficient transport on the day they come to treasure the horizon of their traffic islands, now fully grown, and to dread frequent shipments from their homes.
-Liberation from dependence starts at the other end. It breaks the constriction of village and valley and leaves behind the boredom of narrow horizons and the stifling oppression of a world closed in on itself. To expand life beyond the radius of tradition without scattering it to the winds of acceleration is a goal that any poor country could achieve within a few years, but it is a goal that will be reached only by those who reject the offer of unchecked industrial development made in the name of an ideology of indefinite energy consumption.
+Liberation from dependence starts at the other end. It breaks the constriction of village and valley and leaves behind the boredom of narrow horizons and the stifling oppression of a world closed in on itself. To expand life beyond the radius of tradition without scattering it to the winds of acceleration is a goal that any poor country could achieve within a few years, but it is a goal that will be reached only by those who reject the offer of unchecked industrial development made in the name of an ideology of indefinite energy consumption.
-Liberation from the radical monopoly of industry is possible only where people engage in a political process founded on the protection of optimal traffic. This protection, in turn, demands a recognition of those energy quanta upon whose neglect industrial society has been built. These energy quanta can carry those who consume that much, but no more, into a post-industrial age that is technologically mature.
+Liberation from the radical monopoly of industry is possible only where people engage in a political process founded on the protection of optimal traffic. This protection, in turn, demands a recognition of those energy quanta upon whose neglect industrial society has been built. These energy quanta can carry those who consume that much, but no more, into a post-industrial age that is technologically mature.
-Liberation which comes cheap to the poor will cost the rich dear, but they will pay its price once the acceleration of their transportation systems grinds traffic to a halt. A concrete analysis of traffic betrays the truth underlying the energy crisis: the impact of industrially packaged quanta of energy on the social environment tends to be degrading, exhausting and enslaving, and these effects come into play even before those which threaten the pollution of the physical environment and the extinction of the race. The crucial point at which these effects can be reversed is not, however, a matter of deduction, but of decision.
+Liberation which comes cheap to the poor will cost the rich dear, but they will pay its price once the acceleration of their transportation systems grinds traffic to a halt. A concrete analysis of traffic betrays the truth underlying the energy crisis: the impact of industrially packaged quanta of energy on the social environment tends to be degrading, exhausting and enslaving, and these effects come into play even before those which threaten the pollution of the physical environment and the extinction of the race. The crucial point at which these effects can be reversed is not, however, a matter of deduction, but of decision.
## Bibliography
-_Seminars on ‘Alternatives to Acceleration in the Improvement of Traffic’ and on ‘The History of Thermodynamics Applied to Personal Transportation’ are meeting at CIDOC in Cuernavaca during 1974 and 1975. The following list has been culled from the seminar library. Only those titles have been quoted which, besides having proved useful in past sessions of the seminar, could easily be overlooked by those who might wish to pursue the line of inquiry followed in this essay_.
+_Seminars on ‘Alternatives to Acceleration in the Improvement of Traffic’ and on ‘The History of Thermodynamics Applied to Personal Transportation’ are meeting at CIDOC in Cuernavaca during 1974 and 1975. The following list has been culled from the seminar library. Only those titles have been quoted which, besides having proved useful in past sessions of the seminar, could easily be overlooked by those who might wish to pursue the line of inquiry followed in this essay_.
-ALBION, R. G., _Naval_ _and_ _Maritime_ _History_ , _An_ _Annotated_ _Bibliography_. Mystic, The Marine Hist. Assn. Conn. 1972.
+ALBION, R. G., _Naval_ _and_ _Maritime_ _History_ , _An_ _Annotated_ _Bibliography_. Mystic, The Marine Hist. Assn. Conn. 1972.
-ANDERSON, Romola and Roger, _The_ _Sailing_ _Ship:_ _Six_ _Thousand_ _Years_ _of_ _History_. London, Harrap, 1926.
+ANDERSON, Romola and Roger, _The_ _Sailing_ _Ship:_ _Six_ _Thousand_ _Years_ _of_ _History_. London, Harrap, 1926.
-BANKS, Arthur S., _Cross-Polity_ _Times_ _Series_ _Data_. Cambridge, Mass.; MIT, 1971.
+BANKS, Arthur S., _Cross-Polity_ _Times_ _Series_ _Data_. Cambridge, Mass.; MIT, 1971.
-BARKIN, David, ‘El consumo y la vía chilena al socialismo; reflexiones en torno a la decisión automotriz’. Versión Preliminar. _Centro_ _de_ _Estudios_ _Socio-Económicos_ , Santiago de Chile, 1972. (Available from CIDOC Library.)
+BARKIN, David, ‘El consumo y la vía chilena al socialismo; reflexiones en torno a la decisión automotriz’. Versión Preliminar. _Centro_ _de_ _Estudios_ _Socio-Económicos_ , Santiago de Chile, 1972. (Available from CIDOC Library.)
-BERNSTEIN, M. T., _Steamboats_ _on_ _the_ _Ganges_. Bombay, Orient Longmans, 1960.
+BERNSTEIN, M. T., _Steamboats_ _on_ _the_ _Ganges_. Bombay, Orient Longmans, 1960.
-BIVAR, A. D. H., ‘The Stirrup and Its Origins’. _Oriental_ _Art_ , vol. I, 1955, pp. 61-65\.
+BIVAR, A. D. H., ‘The Stirrup and Its Origins’. _Oriental_ _Art_ , vol. I, 1955, pp. 61-65\.
BLAISDEL, R. et al., _Sources_ _of_ _Information_ _in_ _Transportation_. Evanston, Ill., Northwestern University Press (The Transportation Center), 1964.
-BOWDEN, Frank Philip, Art. on ‘Friction’ in the _Encyclopaedia_ _Britannica_ , vol. 9, pp. 840A-841\.
+BOWDEN, Frank Philip, Art. on ‘Friction’ in the _Encyclopaedia_ _Britannica_ , vol. 9, pp. 840A-841\.
-BRANCH, Melville C., _Comprehensive_ _Urban_ _Planning:_ _A_ _Selected_ _Anno_ _tated_ _Bibliography_ _with_ _Related_ _Materials_. Sage Publications, 1973. For material on transportation, cf. pp. 251-272\.
+BRANCH, Melville C., _Comprehensive_ _Urban_ _Planning:_ _A_ _Selected_ _Anno_ _tated_ _Bibliography_ _with_ _Related_ _Materials_. Sage Publications, 1973. For material on transportation, cf. pp. 251-272\.
-BRAUDEL, Fernand, ‘La Lenteur des Transports’ in _Civilisation_ _Materielle_ _et_ _Capitalisme_ , _XV-XVIII_ _Siècle_ , pp. 314-329\. Paris, Armand Colin, 1967.
+BRAUDEL, Fernand, ‘La Lenteur des Transports’ in _Civilisation_ _Materielle_ _et_ _Capitalisme_ , _XV-XVIII_ _Siècle_ , pp. 314-329\. Paris, Armand Colin, 1967.
-----. ‘Vicissitudes des Routes’ in _La_ _Méditerranée_ _et_ _le_ _Monde_ _Medi_ _terranéen_ , pp. 242-259\. Paris, Armand Colin, 1949.
+----. ‘Vicissitudes des Routes’ in _La_ _Méditerranée_ _et_ _le_ _Monde_ _Medi_ _terranéen_ , pp. 242-259\. Paris, Armand Colin, 1949.
-BRUNOT, Ferdinand, _Histoire_ _de_ _la_ _Langue_ _Française_ _des_ _Origines_ _a_ _nos_ _Jours_. For references to ‘transport’, cf. esp. tome VI, pp. 357-360 and tome VII, pp. 201-231\.
+BRUNOT, Ferdinand, _Histoire_ _de_ _la_ _Langue_ _Française_ _des_ _Origines_ _a_ _nos_ _Jours_. For references to ‘transport’, cf. esp. tome VI, pp. 357-360 and tome VII, pp. 201-231\.
-BUCHANAN, C. D., _Mixed_ _Blessing:_ _The_ _Motor_ _Car_ _in_ _Britain_. London, 1958.
+BUCHANAN, C. D., _Mixed_ _Blessing:_ _The_ _Motor_ _Car_ _in_ _Britain_. London, 1958.
-BUFFET, B., _L’Eau_ _Potable_ _à_ _travers_ _les_ _Ages_. Liege, 1950.
+BUFFET, B., _L’Eau_ _Potable_ _à_ _travers_ _les_ _Ages_. Liege, 1950.
-CAUNTER, C. F., _The_ _History_ _and_ _Development_ _of_ _the_ _Cycles_ , _As_ _Illustrated_ _by_ _the_ _Collection_ _of_ _Cycles_ _in_ _the_ _Science_ _Museum_. London, 1955.
+CAUNTER, C. F., _The_ _History_ _and_ _Development_ _of_ _the_ _Cycles_ , _As_ _Illustrated_ _by_ _the_ _Collection_ _of_ _Cycles_ _in_ _the_ _Science_ _Museum_. London, 1955.
-CAVAILLES, Henri, _La_ _Route_ _Française_ , _son_ _Histoire_. Paris, 1946.
+CAVAILLES, Henri, _La_ _Route_ _Française_ , _son_ _Histoire_. Paris, 1946.
-CHERMAYEFF, Serge, and TZONIS, Alexander, _Shape_ _of_ _Community_. Penguin, 1971.
+CHERMAYEFF, Serge, and TZONIS, Alexander, _Shape_ _of_ _Community_. Penguin, 1971.
-CLAXTON, E. C., ‘The Future of the Bicycle in a Modern Society’. _Journal_ _of_ _the_ _Royal_ _Society_ _of_ _Arts_ , January, 1968, pp. 114-135\.
+CLAXTON, E. C., ‘The Future of the Bicycle in a Modern Society’. _Journal_ _of_ _the_ _Royal_ _Society_ _of_ _Arts_ , January, 1968, pp. 114-135\.
-COOK, Walter L., _Bike_ _Trails_ _and_ _Facilities_ _:_ _A_ _Guide_ _to_ _Their_ _Design_ , _Construction_ _and_ _Operation_. Wheeling, W.Va., American Institute of Park Executives, 1965.
+COOK, Walter L., _Bike_ _Trails_ _and_ _Facilities_ _:_ _A_ _Guide_ _to_ _Their_ _Design_ , _Construction_ _and_ _Operation_. Wheeling, W.Va., American Institute of Park Executives, 1965.
-COPELAND, John, _Roads_ _and_ _Their_ _Traffic_ , _1750 -1858_. Newton Abbot, 1968.
+COPELAND, John, _Roads_ _and_ _Their_ _Traffic_ , _1750 -1858_. Newton Abbot, 1968.
-DAVENAS, Paul, _Les_ _Messageries_ _Royales_. Paris, 1937.
+DAVENAS, Paul, _Les_ _Messageries_ _Royales_. Paris, 1937.
-DEFFONTAINES, P., ‘Sur la Reparticion Géographique des Voitures à Deux Roues et à Quatre Roues’. _Traveaux_ _du_ _Premier_ _Congrès_ _Internacional_ _de_ _Folklore_ , _Paris_ _1937_ , p. 117 ff. Arbault, Tours, 1938.
+DEFFONTAINES, P., ‘Sur la Reparticion Géographique des Voitures à Deux Roues et à Quatre Roues’. _Traveaux_ _du_ _Premier_ _Congrès_ _Internacional_ _de_ _Folklore_ , _Paris_ _1937_ , p. 117 ff. Arbault, Tours, 1938.
-DEISCHEL, Erwin, _Umweltbeanspruchung_ _und_ _Umweltschaeden_ _durch_ _den_ _Verkehr_ _in_ _der_ _BDR_ , Munich, 1971.
+DEISCHEL, Erwin, _Umweltbeanspruchung_ _und_ _Umweltschaeden_ _durch_ _den_ _Verkehr_ _in_ _der_ _BDR_ , Munich, 1971.
-DOLLFUS, C., _Historie_ _de_ _la_ _Locomotion_ _Terrestre_. Paris, 1935-36\.
+DOLLFUS, C., _Historie_ _de_ _la_ _Locomotion_ _Terrestre_. Paris, 1935-36\.
-EKHOLM, Gordon F., ‘Wheeled Toys in Mexico’. _American_ _Antiquity_ , vol. 2, 1946, pp. 222-228\.
+EKHOLM, Gordon F., ‘Wheeled Toys in Mexico’. _American_ _Antiquity_ , vol. 2, 1946, pp. 222-228\.
-FARVAR, M. Taghi and MILTON, John, _The_ _Careless_ _Technology:_ _Ecology_ _and_ _International_ _Development_. Garden City, N.Y., The Natural History Press, 1972.
+FARVAR, M. Taghi and MILTON, John, _The_ _Careless_ _Technology:_ _Ecology_ _and_ _International_ _Development_. Garden City, N.Y., The Natural History Press, 1972.
-FORBES, R. J., ‘Land Transport and Road Building, 1000-1900’. _Janus_ , vol. 46, 1957, p. 100.
+FORBES, R. J., ‘Land Transport and Road Building, 1000-1900’. _Janus_ , vol. 46, 1957, p. 100.
-----. _Notes_ _on_ _the_ _History_ _of_ _Ancient_ _Roads_ _and_ _Their_ _Construction_. Second Edition. Amsterdam, 1964.
+----. _Notes_ _on_ _the_ _History_ _of_ _Ancient_ _Roads_ _and_ _Their_ _Construction_. Second Edition. Amsterdam, 1964.
FOSTER, George M., _Culture_ _and_ _Conquest:_ _America’s_ _Spanish_ _Heritage_. Chicago, Quadrangle Books, 1960.
-FROMM, Gary, ed., _Transport_ _Investment_ _and_ _Economic_ _Development_. Washington, D.C., The Brookings Institution Transport Research Program, 1969.
+FROMM, Gary, ed., _Transport_ _Investment_ _and_ _Economic_ _Development_. Washington, D.C., The Brookings Institution Transport Research Program, 1969.
-FULLER, R. Buckminster, _World_ _Resource_ _Inventory_. Carbondale, Southern Illinois University Press, 1965. Cf. esp. vol. 4, part 4.
+FULLER, R. Buckminster, _World_ _Resource_ _Inventory_. Carbondale, Southern Illinois University Press, 1965. Cf. esp. vol. 4, part 4.
-FULLER, Dudley D., _Theory_ _and_ _Practice_ _of_ _Lubrication_ _for_ _Engineers_ , N.Y., Wiley, 1956.
+FULLER, Dudley D., _Theory_ _and_ _Practice_ _of_ _Lubrication_ _for_ _Engineers_ , N.Y., Wiley, 1956.
-GIEDION, Siegfried, _Mechanization_ _Takes_ _Command_. New York, Norton, 1969.
+GIEDION, Siegfried, _Mechanization_ _Takes_ _Command_. New York, Norton, 1969.
-GINSBURG, Norton, _Atlas_ _of_ _Economic_ _Development_. University of Chicago Press, 1961. Cf. esp. pp. 100-101 and pp. 60-77\.
+GINSBURG, Norton, _Atlas_ _of_ _Economic_ _Development_. University of Chicago Press, 1961. Cf. esp. pp. 100-101 and pp. 60-77\.
-GOETZ, Wilhelm, _Verkehrswege_ _im_ _Dienste_ _des_ _Welthandels:_ _Eine_ _Historisch-Geographische_ _Untersuchung_. Stuttgart, 1888.
+GOETZ, Wilhelm, _Verkehrswege_ _im_ _Dienste_ _des_ _Welthandels:_ _Eine_ _Historisch-Geographische_ _Untersuchung_. Stuttgart, 1888.
-HALDANE, J. B. S., ‘On Being the Right Size’ in James R. Newman, ed., _The_ _World_ _of_ _Mathematics_ , vol. II. New York, Simon and Schuster, 1956.
+HALDANE, J. B. S., ‘On Being the Right Size’ in James R. Newman, ed., _The_ _World_ _of_ _Mathematics_ , vol. II. New York, Simon and Schuster, 1956.
-HALL, Edward T., _Hidden_ _Dimension_. New York, Doubleday, 1969.
+HALL, Edward T., _Hidden_ _Dimension_. New York, Doubleday, 1969.
-HANNEN, Bruce, ‘Options for Energy Conservation’. Unpublished manuscript, Feb., 1973. CIDOC Library.
+HANNEN, Bruce, ‘Options for Energy Conservation’. Unpublished manuscript, Feb., 1973. CIDOC Library.
-HASEBRÖK, Johannes, _Griechische_ _Wirtschaftgeschichte_ _und_ _Gesell_ _schaftgeschichte_ _bis_ _zur_ _Perserzeit_. Tübingen, 1931.
+HASEBRÖK, Johannes, _Griechische_ _Wirtschaftgeschichte_ _und_ _Gesell_ _schaftgeschichte_ _bis_ _zur_ _Perserzeit_. Tübingen, 1931.
-HAUDRICOURT, André G., ‘Contribution a la Géographie et a l’Ethnologie de la Voiture’. _Revue_ _de_ _Géographie_ _Humaine_ _et_ _Ethnologie_ , 1948. pp. 54-64\.
+HAUDRICOURT, André G., ‘Contribution a la Géographie et a l’Ethnologie de la Voiture’. _Revue_ _de_ _Géographie_ _Humaine_ _et_ _Ethnologie_ , 1948. pp. 54-64\.
-HEICHELHEIM, Fritz M., _An_ _Ancient_ _Economic_ _History_ , _From_ _the_ _Paleo_ _lithic_ _Age_ _to_ _the_ _Migrations_ _of_ _the_ _Germanic_ , _Slavic_ _and_ _Arabic_ _Nations_. 3 Volumes, Leiden, 1938.
+HEICHELHEIM, Fritz M., _An_ _Ancient_ _Economic_ _History_ , _From_ _the_ _Paleo_ _lithic_ _Age_ _to_ _the_ _Migrations_ _of_ _the_ _Germanic_ , _Slavic_ _and_ _Arabic_ _Nations_. 3 Volumes, Leiden, 1938.
-HERENDEEN, R., Use of Input/Output Analysis to Determine the Energy Cost of Goods and Services. Mimeograph, 22 pp. Urbana, University of Illinois (Center for Advanced Computer Studies), Feb. 20, 1973.
+HERENDEEN, R., Use of Input/Output Analysis to Determine the Energy Cost of Goods and Services. Mimeograph, 22 pp. Urbana, University of Illinois (Center for Advanced Computer Studies), Feb. 20, 1973.
-HIRST, E., _Energy_ _Efficiency_ _for_ _Passenger_ _Transportation_ _and_ _for_ _Freight_ _Transportation_. Oak Ridge National Laboratories, 1971.
+HIRST, E., _Energy_ _Efficiency_ _for_ _Passenger_ _Transportation_ _and_ _for_ _Freight_ _Transportation_. Oak Ridge National Laboratories, 1971.
-HORNELL, J., _Water_ _Transport:_ _Origins_ _and_ _Early_ _Evolution_. Cambridge University Press, 1946.
+HORNELL, J., _Water_ _Transport:_ _Origins_ _and_ _Early_ _Evolution_. Cambridge University Press, 1946.
-HOSKINS, Halford, _British_ _Routes_ _to_ _India_. New York, 1928.
+HOSKINS, Halford, _British_ _Routes_ _to_ _India_. New York, 1928.
-HUNTER, Holland, _Soviet_ _Transport_ _Experience_ , _Its_ _Lessons_ _for_ _Other_ _Countries_. Washington, D.C., The Brookings Institution Transport Research Program, 1968.
+HUNTER, Holland, _Soviet_ _Transport_ _Experience_ , _Its_ _Lessons_ _for_ _Other_ _Countries_. Washington, D.C., The Brookings Institution Transport Research Program, 1968.
-JOPE, E. M., ‘Vehicles and Harness’ in Singer, _A_ _History_ _of_ _Technology_ , vol. 2, p. 537. Oxford University Press, 1956.
+JOPE, E. M., ‘Vehicles and Harness’ in Singer, _A_ _History_ _of_ _Technology_ , vol. 2, p. 537. Oxford University Press, 1956.
-KALMUS, Ludwig, _Weltgeschichte_ _der_ _Post_ _mit_ _besonderer_ _Berücksichtigung_ _des_ _deutschen_ _Sprachgebietes_. Vienna, 1937.
+KALMUS, Ludwig, _Weltgeschichte_ _der_ _Post_ _mit_ _besonderer_ _Berücksichtigung_ _des_ _deutschen_ _Sprachgebietes_. Vienna, 1937.
-KIRKLAND, Edward, _Men_ , _Cities_ _and_ _Transportation_ _:_ _A_ _Study_ _of_ _New_ _England_ _History_ , _1820 -1900_. Two volumes. Cambridge, Mass., 1948.
+KIRKLAND, Edward, _Men_ , _Cities_ _and_ _Transportation_ _:_ _A_ _Study_ _of_ _New_ _England_ _History_ , _1820 -1900_. Two volumes. Cambridge, Mass., 1948.
-KOHL, Johann Georg, _Der_ _Verkehr_ _und_ _die_ _Ansiedlungen_ _der_ _Menschen_ _in_ _ihrer_ _Abhaengigkeit_ _von_ _der_ _Gestaltung_ _der_ _Erdoberflaeche_. Leipzig, 1841.
+KOHL, Johann Georg, _Der_ _Verkehr_ _und_ _die_ _Ansiedlungen_ _der_ _Menschen_ _in_ _ihrer_ _Abhaengigkeit_ _von_ _der_ _Gestaltung_ _der_ _Erdoberflaeche_. Leipzig, 1841.
-LANSING, John B.; MARANS, Robert W., et. al., _Car_ _Ownership_ , _Annual_ _Mileage_ , _and_ _the_ _Journey_ _to_ _Work_. Ann Arbor, Institute for Social Research, The University of Michigan, 1970. Cf. esp. pp. 137-151\.
+LANSING, John B.; MARANS, Robert W., et. al., _Car_ _Ownership_ , _Annual_ _Mileage_ , _and_ _the_ _Journey_ _to_ _Work_. Ann Arbor, Institute for Social Research, The University of Michigan, 1970. Cf. esp. pp. 137-151\.
-LAPIN, Howard, _Structuring_ _the_ _Journey_ _to_ _Work_. Philadelphia University Press, 1964.
+LAPIN, Howard, _Structuring_ _the_ _Journey_ _to_ _Work_. Philadelphia University Press, 1964.
-LARTILLEUX, H., _Geografía_ _de_ _los_ _Ferrocarriles_ _Españoles_. M. Rivadaneyra, 1954.
+LARTILLEUX, H., _Geografía_ _de_ _los_ _Ferrocarriles_ _Españoles_. M. Rivadaneyra, 1954.
-LEFEBVRE des NOETTES, R., _L’Attelage_ _et_ _le_ _Cheval_ _de_ _Selle_ _à_ _travers_ _les_ _Ages;_ _Contribution_ _à_ _l’Histoire_ _de_ _l_ ’ _Esclavage_. Paris, Picard, 1931.
+LEFEBVRE des NOETTES, R., _L’Attelage_ _et_ _le_ _Cheval_ _de_ _Selle_ _à_ _travers_ _les_ _Ages;_ _Contribution_ _à_ _l’Histoire_ _de_ _l_ ’ _Esclavage_. Paris, Picard, 1931.
-----. _De_ _la_ _Marine_ _Antique_ _à_ _la_ _Marine_ _Moderne:_ _La_ _Revolution_ _du_ _Gouvernail_. Paris, 1935.
+----. _De_ _la_ _Marine_ _Antique_ _à_ _la_ _Marine_ _Moderne:_ _La_ _Revolution_ _du_ _Gouvernail_. Paris, 1935.
-LEWIS, Richard S. and SPINRAD, Bernard I., _The_ _Energy_ _Crisis_. Chicago, Educational Foundation for Nuclear Science, 1972.
+LEWIS, Richard S. and SPINRAD, Bernard I., _The_ _Energy_ _Crisis_. Chicago, Educational Foundation for Nuclear Science, 1972.
-LIEPMANN, Kate K., _The_ _Journey_ _to_ _Work_ , _Its_ _Significance_ _for_ _Industrial_ _and_ _Community_ _Life_. London, 1944.
+LIEPMANN, Kate K., _The_ _Journey_ _to_ _Work_ , _Its_ _Significance_ _for_ _Industrial_ _and_ _Community_ _Life_. London, 1944.
-LINDER, Staffan Burestam, _The_ _Harried_ _Leisure_ _Class_. New York, Columbia University Press, 1971.
+LINDER, Staffan Burestam, _The_ _Harried_ _Leisure_ _Class_. New York, Columbia University Press, 1971.
-LISCO, Thomas E., ‘The Future of Urban Transportation; Mass Transportation: Cinderella in Our Cities’. _The_ _Public_ _Interest_. 1970.
+LISCO, Thomas E., ‘The Future of Urban Transportation; Mass Transportation: Cinderella in Our Cities’. _The_ _Public_ _Interest_. 1970.
-LOPEZ, R. S. and RAYMOND, J. W., eds., _Medieval_ _Trade_ _in_ _the_ _Mediter_ _ranean_ _World_ : _Illustrative_ _Documents_. New York, Columbia University Press, 1955.
+LOPEZ, R. S. and RAYMOND, J. W., eds., _Medieval_ _Trade_ _in_ _the_ _Mediter_ _ranean_ _World_ : _Illustrative_ _Documents_. New York, Columbia University Press, 1955.
-MANHEIM, Marvin L., ‘Principles of Transport Systems Analysis’. _Proceedings_ _of_ _the_ _Seventh_ _Annual_ _Meeting_ _of_ _the_ _Transportation_ _Research_ _Forum_ , 1966, pp. 9-21\.
+MANHEIM, Marvin L., ‘Principles of Transport Systems Analysis’. _Proceedings_ _of_ _the_ _Seventh_ _Annual_ _Meeting_ _of_ _the_ _Transportation_ _Research_ _Forum_ , 1966, pp. 9-21\.
-MARSH, George Perkins, _The_ _Earth_ _As_ _Modified_ _by_ _Human_ _Action_. Third Edition. New York, 1888.
+MARSH, George Perkins, _The_ _Earth_ _As_ _Modified_ _by_ _Human_ _Action_. Third Edition. New York, 1888.
-MEYER, Balthasar H., ed., _History_ _of_ _Transportation_ _in_ _the_ _United_ _States_ _before_ _1860_. Washington, D.C., 1917.
+MEYER, Balthasar H., ed., _History_ _of_ _Transportation_ _in_ _the_ _United_ _States_ _before_ _1860_. Washington, D.C., 1917.
-MEYER, John R., Art. on ‘Transportation: Economic Aspects’ in the _Encyclopedia_ _of_ _Social_ _Sciences_ , vol. 16, pp. 134-140\.
+MEYER, John R., Art. on ‘Transportation: Economic Aspects’ in the _Encyclopedia_ _of_ _Social_ _Sciences_ , vol. 16, pp. 134-140\.
-MOTT, George Fox, ‘Transportation in Contemporary Civilization’ in _Transportation_ _Renaissance_ , vol. 345 of The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, pp. 1-5, Philadelphia, 1963.
+MOTT, George Fox, ‘Transportation in Contemporary Civilization’ in _Transportation_ _Renaissance_ , vol. 345 of The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, pp. 1-5, Philadelphia, 1963.
-MACKAYE, Benton, ‘Townless Highways for the Motorist’. _Harper’s_ _Magazine_ , Aug., 1931.
+MACKAYE, Benton, ‘Townless Highways for the Motorist’. _Harper’s_ _Magazine_ , Aug., 1931.
-MCMURRAY, David F. E., _Aspects_ _of_ _Time_ _and_ _the_ _Study_ _of_ _Activity_ _Routines_. Thesis for the M.S. in city planning. Cambridge, Mass., MIT, 1968.
+MCMURRAY, David F. E., _Aspects_ _of_ _Time_ _and_ _the_ _Study_ _of_ _Activity_ _Routines_. Thesis for the M.S. in city planning. Cambridge, Mass., MIT, 1968.
-NEEDHAM, Joseph, ‘Vehicles for Land Transport’ in _Science_ _and_ _Civilization_ _in_ _China_ , vol. 4 (Physics and Physical Technology), part II (Mechanical Engineering), pp. 243-281\. Cambridge University Press, 1965.
+NEEDHAM, Joseph, ‘Vehicles for Land Transport’ in _Science_ _and_ _Civilization_ _in_ _China_ , vol. 4 (Physics and Physical Technology), part II (Mechanical Engineering), pp. 243-281\. Cambridge University Press, 1965.
-----. ‘Power Sources and Their Employment, (1) Animal Traction’ in _ibid_., pp. 303-328\.
+----. ‘Power Sources and Their Employment, (1) Animal Traction’ in _ibid_., pp. 303-328\.
OLSSON, Gunnar, _Distance_ _and_ _Human_ _Interaction_ _:_ _A_ _Review_ _Bibliography_. Philadelphia (Regional Science Research Institute, bibl. sec. 2), 1965.
-OSTWALD, W., _Energetische_ _Grundlagen_ _der_ _Kulturwissenschaft_. (Philosophisch-Soziologische Bücherei Bd. 16) Leipzig, 1909.
+OSTWALD, W., _Energetische_ _Grundlagen_ _der_ _Kulturwissenschaft_. (Philosophisch-Soziologische Bücherei Bd. 16) Leipzig, 1909.
-OTTLEY, George, _A_ _Bibliography_ _of_ _British_ _Railway_ _History_. London, Allen and Unwin, 1965.
+OTTLEY, George, _A_ _Bibliography_ _of_ _British_ _Railway_ _History_. London, Allen and Unwin, 1965.
-OWEN, Wolford, _Strategy_ _for_ _Mobility_. Washington, D.G., Brookings Institution, 1964.
+OWEN, Wolford, _Strategy_ _for_ _Mobility_. Washington, D.G., Brookings Institution, 1964.
-PERRATON, Jean K., ‘Planning for the Cyclist in Urban Areas’. _The_ _Town_ _Planning_ _Review_ , vol. 39, no. 2, July, 1968, pp. 149-162\.
+PERRATON, Jean K., ‘Planning for the Cyclist in Urban Areas’. _The_ _Town_ _Planning_ _Review_ , vol. 39, no. 2, July, 1968, pp. 149-162\.
-PLATT, John, ‘Hierarchical Restructuring’. _Bulletin_ _of_ _Atomic_ _Scientists_ , Nov., 1970.
+PLATT, John, ‘Hierarchical Restructuring’. _Bulletin_ _of_ _Atomic_ _Scientists_ , Nov., 1970.
-POLANYI, Karl, ed., _Trade_ _and_ _Market_ _in_ _Early_ _Empires_. Glencoe, Ill., The Free Press, 1957.
+POLANYI, Karl, ed., _Trade_ _and_ _Market_ _in_ _Early_ _Empires_. Glencoe, Ill., The Free Press, 1957.
-ROBBINS, Michael, _The_ _Railway_ _Age_. London, Routledge and Kegan Paul. Penguin, 1964.
+ROBBINS, Michael, _The_ _Railway_ _Age_. London, Routledge and Kegan Paul. Penguin, 1964.
-RUSSEAU, Pierre, _Histoire_ _des_ _Transports_. Paris, Artheme Fayard, 1961.
+RUSSEAU, Pierre, _Histoire_ _des_ _Transports_. Paris, Artheme Fayard, 1961.
-SAUER, Carl O., _Agricultural_ _Origins_ _and_ _Dispersal_. Bowman Memorial Lectures, Series Two. New York, 1952.
+SAUER, Carl O., _Agricultural_ _Origins_ _and_ _Dispersal_. Bowman Memorial Lectures, Series Two. New York, 1952.
-SAUVY, Alfred, _Les_ _Quatre_ _Roues_ _de_ _la_ _Fortune_ _:_ _Essai_ _sur_ _l_ ’ _Automobile_ , Paris, 1968.
+SAUVY, Alfred, _Les_ _Quatre_ _Roues_ _de_ _la_ _Fortune_ _:_ _Essai_ _sur_ _l_ ’ _Automobile_ , Paris, 1968.
-SCHNORE, Leo F., Art. on ‘Transportation, Commutation’ in the _Encyclopedia_ _of_ _Social_ _Sciences_ , vol. 16, pp. 140-144\.
+SCHNORE, Leo F., Art. on ‘Transportation, Commutation’ in the _Encyclopedia_ _of_ _Social_ _Sciences_ , vol. 16, pp. 140-144\.
-SHERRINGTON, Charles E. R., _A_ _Hundred_ _Years_ _of_ _Inland_ _Transportation_ , _1830 -1933_. London, 1934. Kelly reprint, 1969.
+SHERRINGTON, Charles E. R., _A_ _Hundred_ _Years_ _of_ _Inland_ _Transportation_ , _1830 -1933_. London, 1934. Kelly reprint, 1969.
-SMERK, George M., _Readings_ _in_ _Urban_ _Transportation_. Bloomington, Indiana University Press, 1968.
+SMERK, George M., _Readings_ _in_ _Urban_ _Transportation_. Bloomington, Indiana University Press, 1968.
-SMITH, Joel. Art. on ‘Transportation: Social Aspects’ in the _Encyclo_ _pedia_ _of_ _Social_ _Sciences_ , vol. 16, pp. 129-134\.
+SMITH, Joel. Art. on ‘Transportation: Social Aspects’ in the _Encyclo_ _pedia_ _of_ _Social_ _Sciences_ , vol. 16, pp. 129-134\.
-SMITH, William, _The_ _History_ _of_ _the_ _Post_ _Office_ _in_ _British_ _North_ _America_ , _1639 -1870_. Cambridge University Press, 1920.
+SMITH, William, _The_ _History_ _of_ _the_ _Post_ _Office_ _in_ _British_ _North_ _America_ , _1639 -1870_. Cambridge University Press, 1920.
-SPENGLER, Joseph, ‘On the Progress of Quantification in Economics’ in Harry Woolf, ed., _A_ _History_ _of_ _the_ _Meaning_ _of_ _Measurement_ _in_ _the_ _Natural_ _and_ _Social_ _Sciences_ , pp. 128-146\. New York, Bobbs Merrill, 1961.
+SPENGLER, Joseph, ‘On the Progress of Quantification in Economics’ in Harry Woolf, ed., _A_ _History_ _of_ _the_ _Meaning_ _of_ _Measurement_ _in_ _the_ _Natural_ _and_ _Social_ _Sciences_ , pp. 128-146\. New York, Bobbs Merrill, 1961.
-STONE, Tabor R., _Beyond_ _the_ _Automobile:_ _Reshaping_ _the_ _Transportation_ _Environment_. Englewood Cliffs, N.J., Prentice Hall, 1971.
+STONE, Tabor R., _Beyond_ _the_ _Automobile:_ _Reshaping_ _the_ _Transportation_ _Environment_. Englewood Cliffs, N.J., Prentice Hall, 1971.
-STRUBE ERDMANN, Leon, _Vialidad_ _Imperial_ _de_ _los_ _Incas_. Universidad de Córdoba, Argentina, 1963.
+STRUBE ERDMANN, Leon, _Vialidad_ _Imperial_ _de_ _los_ _Incas_. Universidad de Córdoba, Argentina, 1963.
-SUNDQUIST, James L., ‘A Policy for Urban Growth: Where Shall They Live?’ _The_ _Public_ _Interest_. No. 18, Winter 1970.
+SUNDQUIST, James L., ‘A Policy for Urban Growth: Where Shall They Live?’ _The_ _Public_ _Interest_. No. 18, Winter 1970.
-STUTZ, Frederick P., _Research_ _on_ _Intra-Urban_ _Social_ _Travel:_ _Introduction_ _and_ _Bibliography_ _;_ _Exchange_ _Bibliography_ _No_. _173_. Monticello, Mich., Council of Planning Librarians, Feb., 1971.
+STUTZ, Frederick P., _Research_ _on_ _Intra-Urban_ _Social_ _Travel:_ _Introduction_ _and_ _Bibliography_ _;_ _Exchange_ _Bibliography_ _No_. _173_. Monticello, Mich., Council of Planning Librarians, Feb., 1971.
-TAYLOR, George, _The_ _Transportation_ _Revolution_. New York, Harper & Row, 1951.
+TAYLOR, George, _The_ _Transportation_ _Revolution_. New York, Harper & Row, 1951.
TERRAZAS DE LA PEÑA, Eduardo, ‘Necesidad de un Incremento en la Intensidad del Uso del Espacio’. Paper presented at a regional meeting on urban development policies, Mexico City, July, 1972. CIDOC Library.
-_Transportation_ _Renaissance_ , Vol. 345 of The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science. Philadelphia, 1963.
+_Transportation_ _Renaissance_ , Vol. 345 of The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science. Philadelphia, 1963.
-TURNER, John F. C., ‘Housing for People or Housing by People’? Mimeograph, 10 pp. Cambridge, Mass., MIT, 1970.
+TURNER, John F. C., ‘Housing for People or Housing by People’? Mimeograph, 10 pp. Cambridge, Mass., MIT, 1970.
-WESTERGAARD, John, ‘Journey to Work in London Region’. _TPR_ , April, 1957.
+WESTERGAARD, John, ‘Journey to Work in London Region’. _TPR_ , April, 1957.
-WHEELER, James O., _Research_ _on_ _the_ _Journey_ _to_ _Work:_ _Introduction_ _and_ _Bibliography;_ _Exchange_ _Bibliography_ _No_. _65_. Monticello, Mich., Council of Planning Librarians, January, 1969.
+WHEELER, James O., _Research_ _on_ _the_ _Journey_ _to_ _Work:_ _Introduction_ _and_ _Bibliography;_ _Exchange_ _Bibliography_ _No_. _65_. Monticello, Mich., Council of Planning Librarians, January, 1969.
-WHITE, Lynn, ‘Tibet, India and Malaya as Sources of Western Medieval Technology’. _American_ _Historical_ _Review_ , vol. 65, 1960, pp. 515-526\.
+WHITE, Lynn, ‘Tibet, India and Malaya as Sources of Western Medieval Technology’. _American_ _Historical_ _Review_ , vol. 65, 1960, pp. 515-526\.
-----. ‘The Agricultural Revolution of the Early Middle Ages’ in _Medieval_ _Technology_ _and_ _Social_ _Change_. Oxford University Press, 1969, pp. 39-78\.
+----. ‘The Agricultural Revolution of the Early Middle Ages’ in _Medieval_ _Technology_ _and_ _Social_ _Change_. Oxford University Press, 1969, pp. 39-78\.
-WHITE, Leslie, _The_ _Science_ _of_ _Culture_ _:_ _Energy_ _and_ _the_ _Evolution_ _of_ _Culture_. New York, Grove Press, 1949. cf. esp. pp. 363-393\.
+WHITE, Leslie, _The_ _Science_ _of_ _Culture_ _:_ _Energy_ _and_ _the_ _Evolution_ _of_ _Culture_. New York, Grove Press, 1949. cf. esp. pp. 363-393\.
-WILSON, S. S., ‘Bicycle Technology’. _Scientific_ _American_ , March, 1973, pp. 81-91\.
+WILSON, S. S., ‘Bicycle Technology’. _Scientific_ _American_ , March, 1973, pp. 81-91\.
-WILSON, George W., et. al., _The_ _Impact_ _of_ _Highway_ _Investment_ _on_ _Development_. Washington, D.C., The Brookings Institution Transport Research Program, 1966.
+WILSON, George W., et. al., _The_ _Impact_ _of_ _Highway_ _Investment_ _on_ _Development_. Washington, D.C., The Brookings Institution Transport Research Program, 1966.
-YURICK, Sol, ‘The Political Economy of Junk’. _Monthly_ _Review_ , vol. 22, no. 7, Dec, 1970, pp. 22-37\.
+YURICK, Sol, ‘The Political Economy of Junk’. _Monthly_ _Review_ , vol. 22, no. 7, Dec, 1970, pp. 22-37\.
diff --git a/contents/books/energy/es.notes b/contents/books/energy/es.notes
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..1f71d24
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/books/energy/es.notes
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+* Fue redactado por vez primera en francés y publicado en Le Monde, en mayo de 1973, en tres entregas. Desarrollado y reescrito, con ayuda de Luce Giard y de Vincent Bardet, fue objeto de una primera edición en francés en 1975, bajo las Éditions du Seuil. Sobre esta trama completa y enriquecida de trabajos conducidos en el CIDOC de Cuernavaca se estableció una versión inglesa más larga y más detallada. La primera edición en español, en la que se incluye el Desempleo creador, apareció en 1974 bajo el sello de Barral Ed itores, Barcelona, España. Una nueva edición la publicó Editorial Posada en 1978 y otra más la publicó Joaquín Mortiz/Planeta en 1985.
diff --git a/data/pages/en/book/energy/es.txt b/contents/books/energy/es.txt
index e448072..2717bd6 100644
--- a/data/pages/en/book/energy/es.txt
+++ b/contents/books/energy/es.txt
@@ -1,4 +1,4 @@
-# Energía y equidad
+# Energía y Equidad
## La importación de una crisis
diff --git a/contents/books/energy/index b/contents/books/energy/index
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..5b5966c
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/books/energy/index
@@ -0,0 +1,6 @@
+* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]]
+* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Énergie et équité_
+* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1974
+* **#@LANG_comments@#:**
+
+{{tag>available}}
diff --git a/contents/books/gender/en.txt b/contents/books/gender/en.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..1a325de
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/books/gender/en.txt
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+# Gender
diff --git a/data/pages/es/book/gender/es.txt b/contents/books/gender/es.txt
index e929471..e929471 100644
--- a/data/pages/es/book/gender/es.txt
+++ b/contents/books/gender/es.txt
diff --git a/contents/books/gender/index b/contents/books/gender/index
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..e7a0c7b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/books/gender/index
@@ -0,0 +1,6 @@
+* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]]
+* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Gender_
+* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1982
+* **#@LANG_comments@#:**
+
+{{tag>pending}}
diff --git a/data/pages/en/book/gender/index.md b/contents/books/gender/index.md
index d41e4a7..d41e4a7 100644
--- a/data/pages/en/book/gender/index.md
+++ b/contents/books/gender/index.md
diff --git a/contents/books/h20/en.txt b/contents/books/h20/en.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..cec8121
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/books/h20/en.txt
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+# H2O and the Waters of Forgetfulness
diff --git a/contents/books/h20/es.txt b/contents/books/h20/es.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..c12ff0c
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/books/h20/es.txt
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+# H20 y las Aguas del Pasado
diff --git a/contents/books/h20/index b/contents/books/h20/index
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..cbac171
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/books/h20/index
@@ -0,0 +1,6 @@
+* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]]
+* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _H2O and the Waters of Forgetfulness_
+* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1985
+* **#@LANG_comments@#:**
+
+{{tag>pending}}
diff --git a/contents/books/medicine/en.notes b/contents/books/medicine/en.notes
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..82a05d9
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/books/medicine/en.notes
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+* The first public version of this text was called "Medical Nemesis: The Expropriation of Health", and presented as part of the collection "Ideas in Progress" of Marion Boyards in 1975. That version differs from the final version of 1976. Illich wrote a new preface for the 1995 edition.
diff --git a/contents/books/medicine/en.txt b/contents/books/medicine/en.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..41fd381
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/books/medicine/en.txt
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+# Limits to Medicine - Medical Nemesis: The Expropriation of Health
diff --git a/contents/books/medicine/es.txt b/contents/books/medicine/es.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..c831f1b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/books/medicine/es.txt
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+# Némesis Médica
diff --git a/contents/books/medicine/index b/contents/books/medicine/index
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..8645e79
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/books/medicine/index
@@ -0,0 +1,7 @@
+* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]]
+* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Limits to Medicine - Medical Nemesis: The Expropriation of Health_
+* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1976
+* **#@LANG_comments@#:**
+
+
+{{tag>pending}}
diff --git a/contents/books/mirror/en.txt b/contents/books/mirror/en.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..706f1cd
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/books/mirror/en.txt
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+# In the Mirror of the Past - Lectures and Addresses, 1978-1990
diff --git a/contents/books/mirror/es.txt b/contents/books/mirror/es.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..683b8ca
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/books/mirror/es.txt
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+# En el Espejo del Pasado - Conferencias y Discursos, 1978-1990
diff --git a/contents/books/mirror/index b/contents/books/mirror/index
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..ad89d07
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/books/mirror/index
@@ -0,0 +1,6 @@
+* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]]
+* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _In the Mirror of the Past - Lectures and Addresses, 1978-1990_
+* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1992
+* **#@LANG_comments@#:**
+
+{{tag>pending compilation}}
diff --git a/contents/books/needs/en.notes b/contents/books/needs/en.notes
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..523e278
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/books/needs/en.notes
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+* Includes "Energy And Equity" and "The Right To Useful Unemployment And Its Professional Enemies"
diff --git a/contents/books/needs/en.txt b/contents/books/needs/en.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..5e86b29
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/books/needs/en.txt
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+# Toward a History of Needs
diff --git a/contents/books/needs/index b/contents/books/needs/index
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..f68deb4
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/books/needs/index
@@ -0,0 +1,6 @@
+* **#@LANG_textfull@#:**
+* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Toward a History of Needs_
+* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1977
+* **#@LANG_comments@#:**
+
+{{tag>pending compilations}}
diff --git a/contents/books/school/en.notes b/contents/books/school/en.notes
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..5608bd6
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/books/school/en.notes
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+* Originally in German, also available now in Spanish.
diff --git a/contents/books/school/en.txt b/contents/books/school/en.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..1a762ce
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/books/school/en.txt
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+# School to the Museum - Phaidros and the Consequences
diff --git a/contents/books/school/es.txt b/contents/books/school/es.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..c98d6c7
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/books/school/es.txt
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+# La Escuela al Museo
diff --git a/contents/books/school/index b/contents/books/school/index
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..07f27f0
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/books/school/index
@@ -0,0 +1,6 @@
+* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]]
+* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Schule ins Museum - Phaidros und die Folgen_
+* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1984
+* **#@LANG_comments@#:**
+
+{{tag>pending}}
diff --git a/contents/books/shadow/en.txt b/contents/books/shadow/en.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..e36b6bc
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/books/shadow/en.txt
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+# Shadow Work
diff --git a/contents/books/shadow/es.txt b/contents/books/shadow/es.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..900e26e
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/books/shadow/es.txt
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+# El Trabajo Fantasma
diff --git a/contents/books/shadow/index b/contents/books/shadow/index
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..1080465
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/books/shadow/index
@@ -0,0 +1,6 @@
+* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]]
+* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Shadow Work_
+* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1981
+* **#@LANG_comments@#:**
+
+{{tag>pending}}
diff --git a/contents/books/toynbee/en.notes b/contents/books/toynbee/en.notes
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..4b236e5
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/books/toynbee/en.notes
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+* Originally published in German, an Italian version exists.
diff --git a/contents/books/toynbee/en.txt b/contents/books/toynbee/en.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..7e3dac1
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/books/toynbee/en.txt
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+# The Philosophical Foundations of Historiography in Arnold Joseph Toynbee's Work
diff --git a/contents/books/toynbee/es.txt b/contents/books/toynbee/es.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..4d2cd43
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/books/toynbee/es.txt
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+# Los Fundamentos Filosóficos de la Historiografía en la Obra de Arnold Joseph Toynbee
diff --git a/contents/books/toynbee/index b/contents/books/toynbee/index
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..b1cb685
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/books/toynbee/index
@@ -0,0 +1,6 @@
+* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]]
+* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _Die philosophischen Grundlagen der Geschichtsschreibung bei Arnold Joseph Toynbee_
+* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1951
+* **#@LANG_comments@#:**
+
+{{tag>pending}}
diff --git a/data/pages/en/book/unemployment/en.epub b/contents/books/unemployment/en.epub
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--- a/data/pages/en/book/unemployment/en.epub
+++ b/contents/books/unemployment/en.epub
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diff --git a/data/pages/en/book/unemployment/en.pdf b/contents/books/unemployment/en.pdf
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diff --git a/data/pages/en/book/unemployment/en.txt b/contents/books/unemployment/en.txt
index 41ba134..4006cb3 100644
--- a/data/pages/en/book/unemployment/en.txt
+++ b/contents/books/unemployment/en.txt
@@ -1,4 +1,4 @@
-# The Right To Useful Unemployment And Its Professional Enemies
+# The Right to Useful Unemployment and its Professional Enemies
## Foreword
diff --git a/contents/books/unemployment/es.notes b/contents/books/unemployment/es.notes
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index 0000000..59c70cb
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/books/unemployment/es.notes
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+* Incluye dos capítulos adicionales, tomados de la edición francesa, que fueran incluídos en la versión de "Obras Reunidas - Tomo 1" (FCE, 2006)
diff --git a/data/pages/es/book/unemployment/es.txt b/contents/books/unemployment/es.txt
index c1585b3..c1585b3 100644
--- a/data/pages/es/book/unemployment/es.txt
+++ b/contents/books/unemployment/es.txt
diff --git a/contents/books/unemployment/index b/contents/books/unemployment/index
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..cf0c53a
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/books/unemployment/index
@@ -0,0 +1,6 @@
+* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]]
+* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _The Right to Useful Unemployment and its Professional Enemies_
+* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1978
+* **#@LANG_comments@#:**
+
+{{tag>available}}
diff --git a/contents/books/vineyard/en.txt b/contents/books/vineyard/en.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..a4de47b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/books/vineyard/en.txt
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+# In the Vineyard of the text - A Commentary to Hugh's Didascalicon
diff --git a/contents/books/vineyard/es.txt b/contents/books/vineyard/es.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..b228f15
--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/books/vineyard/es.txt
@@ -0,0 +1 @@
+# En el Viñedo del Texto - Etología de la lectura: un comentario al "Didascalicon" de Hugo de San Víctor
diff --git a/contents/books/vineyard/index b/contents/books/vineyard/index
new file mode 100644
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--- /dev/null
+++ b/contents/books/vineyard/index
@@ -0,0 +1,6 @@
+* **#@LANG_textfull@#:** [[.:text|Online]]
+* **#@LANG_titleorig@#:** _In the Vineyard of the text - A Commentary to Hugh's Didascalicon_
+* **#@LANG_publicationdate@#:** 1993
+* **#@LANG_comments@#:**
+
+{{tag>pending}}
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-10*8:2*15:11*8:5*1
-10*5:2*13:11*5
-10*8:2*6:11*8
-10*2:2*4:11*2
-2*3
-2*4:9*1:8*1
-10*1:2*5:11*1
-10*1:2*3:11*1
-10*1:2*1:11*1
-2*4
+2*15:47*2:42*8:41*9:35*1:34*9:33*3:21*5:10*8:11*8:5*1
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diff --git a/data/index/i10.idx b/data/index/i10.idx
index 738c561..0597278 100644
--- a/data/index/i10.idx
+++ b/data/index/i10.idx
@@ -1,117 +1,117 @@
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@@ -119,971 +119,2058 @@
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diff --git a/data/index/i11.idx b/data/index/i11.idx
index 475b042..0feede6 100644
--- a/data/index/i11.idx
+++ b/data/index/i11.idx
@@ -1,815 +1,1581 @@
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diff --git a/data/index/i12.idx b/data/index/i12.idx
index 4c54455..1fbd8d3 100644
--- a/data/index/i12.idx
+++ b/data/index/i12.idx
@@ -1,529 +1,960 @@
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diff --git a/data/index/i13.idx b/data/index/i13.idx
index ac8dd0f..3c4ca53 100644
--- a/data/index/i13.idx
+++ b/data/index/i13.idx
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diff --git a/data/index/i14.idx b/data/index/i14.idx
index 9f3c780..393bff7 100644
--- a/data/index/i14.idx
+++ b/data/index/i14.idx
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diff --git a/data/index/i15.idx b/data/index/i15.idx
index ac4b254..f797295 100644
--- a/data/index/i15.idx
+++ b/data/index/i15.idx
@@ -8,115 +8,175 @@
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diff --git a/data/index/i16.idx b/data/index/i16.idx
index e55f7ad..d0c780b 100644
--- a/data/index/i16.idx
+++ b/data/index/i16.idx
@@ -1,55 +1,73 @@
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diff --git a/data/index/i17.idx b/data/index/i17.idx
index 471600c..9044a64 100644
--- a/data/index/i17.idx
+++ b/data/index/i17.idx
@@ -1,26 +1,38 @@
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diff --git a/data/index/i18.idx b/data/index/i18.idx
index b757cac..43903b0 100644
--- a/data/index/i18.idx
+++ b/data/index/i18.idx
@@ -1,12 +1,20 @@
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diff --git a/data/index/i19.idx b/data/index/i19.idx
index 792b66a..a3bc04f 100644
--- a/data/index/i19.idx
+++ b/data/index/i19.idx
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diff --git a/data/index/i2.idx b/data/index/i2.idx
index 0f40669..fdc089b 100644
--- a/data/index/i2.idx
+++ b/data/index/i2.idx
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diff --git a/data/index/i20.idx b/data/index/i20.idx
index 02dd7cd..1539897 100644
--- a/data/index/i20.idx
+++ b/data/index/i20.idx
@@ -7,6 +7,7 @@
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diff --git a/data/index/i21.idx b/data/index/i21.idx
index 53ffd3c..852fcc7 100644
--- a/data/index/i21.idx
+++ b/data/index/i21.idx
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diff --git a/data/index/i22.idx b/data/index/i22.idx
index 9c8f51e..ed853b1 100644
--- a/data/index/i22.idx
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diff --git a/data/index/i24.idx b/data/index/i24.idx
index 4dcbefa..bb1f5ca 100644
--- a/data/index/i24.idx
+++ b/data/index/i24.idx
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diff --git a/data/index/i3.idx b/data/index/i3.idx
index a332a32..d03a4f8 100644
--- a/data/index/i3.idx
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diff --git a/data/index/i4.idx b/data/index/i4.idx
index d44286c..b066203 100644
--- a/data/index/i4.idx
+++ b/data/index/i4.idx
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